Feminist Nightmares: Women At Odds: Feminism and the Problems of Sisterhood 9780814784945
Though all women are women, no woman is only a woman, wrote Elizabeth Spelman in The Inessential Woman. Gone are the day
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FEMINIST NIGHTMARE S
FEMINIST NIGHTMARES WOMEN A T ODD S Feminism an d th e Problem o f Sisterhoo d EDITED B Y
SUSAN OSTRO V WEISSE R AND
JENNIFER FLEISCHNE R
NEW YORK UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n
NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 4 b y New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Feminist nightmare s : women a t odds : feminism an d th e problem o f sisterhood / edited b y Susan Ostro v Weisse r an d Jennifer Fleischner . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-2619-4.—ISBN 0-8147-2620- 8 (pbk. ) I. Feminism . 2 . Feminism—Mora l an d ethica l aspects . 3. Feminism—Unite d States . I . Weisser , Susa n Ostrov . II. Fleischner , Jennifer . HQ1190.F4616 199 4 305.42—dc2o 94-2660 6 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s of Americ a 10
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To my children, Cybele, Amanda, and Billy Weisser To my sister, Judith Mary Fleischner
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments i x Introduction Susan Ostrov Weisser and Jennifer Fleiscbner i I SISTER S UNDE R TH E SKIN ?
1. U.S . Academics an d Third-Worl d Women : I s Ethical Researc h Possible? Daphne Patai 2 1 2 Scoldin g Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu ? Th e Problematic s o f Sisterhood i n Feminist Criticis m Devoney Looser 4 4 3 Louis a Susann a McCord : Spokeswoma n o f th e Master Clas s in Antebellum Sout h Carolin a Manisha Sinha 6 2 4 Womanis m Revisited : Wome n an d th e (Ab)us e of Powe r i n The Color Purple Tuzyline Jita Allan 8 8 5 Mixe d Bloo d Women: Th e Dynami c o f Women's Relation s in the Novels o f Louis e Erdrich an d Lesli e Silko Jennifer Shaddock 106 II B O N D S O F M O T H E R H O O D
6 Mother s an d Sisters : The Family Romanc e o f Antislaver y Wome n Writers Jennifer Fleischner 12 5 7 Tru e Crime s o f Motherhood : Mother-Daughte r Incest , Multipl e Personality Disorder , an d th e True Crim e Nove l Rosaria Champagne 14 2 vii
viii Contents 8 Equality , Oppression , an d Abortion : Wome n Wh o Oppos e Abortion Right s in the Name o f Feminis m Linda C. McClain 15 9 9 Th e Politics of Surrogac y Narratives : Note s toward a Researc h Project E. Ann Kaplan 18 9 III W O M E N I N TH E H O U S E O F TH E FATHE R
10 Wome n a t Odds : Biblical Paradigm s Judith R . Baskin 20 9 11 Post-Feminis t an d Anti-Woman : Th e Revolutionary Republica n Women i n France, 1793-179 4 William Thompson 22 5 12 Th e Burden o f Mythi c Identity : Russia n Wome n a t Odd s wit h Themselves Nancy Ries 24 2 13 Th e Wonderful-Terrible Bitc h Figur e in Harlequin Novel s Susan Ostrov Weisser 26 9 IV FAMIL Y LIKENESSE S
14 Th e Problem o f Speakin g fo r Other s Linda Alcoff 28 5 15 Feminis m Meet s Post-Communism : Th e Cas e of the Unite d Germany Nanette Funk 31 0 16 Rehabilitatin g Mar y Crawford : Mansfield Park an d th e Relie f o f "Throwing Ridicule " Eileen Gillooly 32 8 17 Los t i n Space between "Center " an d "Margin" : Som e Thoughts o n Lesbian-Feminist Discourse , Bisexual Women, an d Speculativ e Fiction Robin Anne Reid 34 3 18 I n the Zone o f Ambivalence: A Journal o f Competitio n Muriel Dimen 35 8 Contributors 39 Index 39
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The ide a fo r thi s boo k gre w fro m a pane l chaire d b y Susa n Ostro v Weisser severa l year s ag o a t th e Northeas t Moder n Languag e Associa tion, entitle d "Feminis t Nightmares : Wome n agains t Women. " Jennife r Fleischner wa s on e o f th e participant s i n th e panel . Th e roo m i n whic h the 8:0 0 A.M . sessio n took plac e was packed, an d th e heat an d interes t of the respons e fro m th e audienc e wer e gratifyin g an d thought-provoking : clearly, w e felt , her e wa s a subjec t beggin g t o b e explore d further . During th e rid e home , i t occurre d t o on e o r bot h o f u s (w e n o longe r remember whic h one ) t o us e th e pane l a s a basi s fo r a collectio n tha t would pu t th e question s o f sisterhoo d befor e a wider audience . Since then w e have worked togethe r i n ways that sugges t the possibilities and difficultie s o f women's relation s with eac h other . We began wit h long talk s ove r coffee , durin g whic h th e personal , th e professional , an d the politica l merge d seamlessly . Later , whe n Jennife r bega n a residenc e at Harvar d Universit y a s a Mello n Facult y Fellow , idea s an d sentence s flew bac k an d fort h vi a fa x an d phone . Durin g th e year-lon g collabora tion, mutual sympath y an d respec t helped u s to work ou t those disagree ments an d conflictin g interest s inevitable to a joint project. In the end w e developed way s o f listenin g t o an d learnin g fro m eac h othe r tha t hav e both enriche d ou r individua l wor k an d deepene d ou r friendship . Al though ou r boo k use s experienc e t o contes t a n unquestione d idea l o f sisterhood, our experienc e leave s us wanting t o join force s again . We ar e gratefu l t o ou r contributors , whos e interest s an d idea s broad ix
x Acknowledgments ened ou r ow n perspectives . W e woul d als o lik e t o than k thos e friend s and colleague s who generousl y offere d advic e and suggestions , especially Deborah Dorfman , Eugen e H . Roth , Karste n Struhl , an d Eleano r Skoller. Karl a Ja y recommende d ou r proposa l t o Nik o Pfund , editor-in chief a t NY U Press , whos e enthusias m fo r ou r projec t neve r flagged . Laura Reitan o gav e extr a tim e wa y beyon d th e cal l o f duty . Finally , special thank s ar e du e t o Pau l Mattick , Jr. , fo r hi s carefu l an d skille d readings.
INTRODUCTION SUSAN OSTRO V WEISSE R AN D JENNIFE R FLEISCHNE R "Though al l women ar e women, no woman is only a woman" —Elizabeth Spelman , The Inessential Woman
During th e earl y stage s o f solicitin g essay s fo r thi s collection , on e o f th e editors encountere d th e followin g reaction : "Thi s i s a boo k tha t shouldn't b e written. Feminist s shoul d concentrat e o n ho w me n oppres s women, no t ho w ba d wome n ar e t o eac h other. " Th e ver y hostilit y an d vigor o f th e objectio n t o examinin g "women a t odds, " suggestin g tha t this i s a boo k whos e subjec t touche s a nerve , convince d u s tha t suc h a book ough t t o b e written—and writte n b y feminists . We d o no t wis h t o ope n th e subjec t o f whethe r wome n thin k o r ac t against othe r wome n a s a question t o be answered simply , as a matter o f relocating enemies , nor , abov e all , a s a diatrib e agains t feminism—ver y much t o th e contrary . Th e continuin g efficac y o f feminis m a s a n activis t movement depend s precisel y o n it s abilit y t o fac e th e way s i n whic h gender identificatio n ma y b e a t odd s wit h othe r mode s o f identification , say, thos e grounde d i n race , class , nationality , o r religion . N o collectiv e identity base d o n these , o r other , categorie s ca n b e sai d t o accoun t wholly fo r eac h individual' s sens e o f he r world . Whil e a commo n po tential fo r abus e o r oppressio n migh t unit e al l women , thei r divers e locations an d situation s i n th e worl d frequentl y lead , no t onl y mos t 1
2 Introduction obviously t o difference s i n th e quantit y an d qualit y o f tha t abuse , bu t also to condition s i n which th e oppressed ca n themselves b e oppressors . By providing th e conceptua l tool s t o ma p ou t wh o w e ar e an d wan t to be , the awareness o f differenc e ha s been a n important originatin g ide a in feminism. Bu t this boo k seek s to addres s a difference mor e ofte n tha n not obscure d i n th e rhetori c o f feminis t theory : th e differences amon g women themselves , and specificall y thos e differences bor n o f a n inequal ity i n powe r relations . Academi c feminis m ha s relie d t o suc h a n exten t on th e theor y o f th e socia l constructio n o f differenc e tha t contemplatin g a whol e substratu m o f powe r differential s within th e oppresse d grou p which ar e no t easil y eradicate d i s particularl y threatening . Thu s whil e differences betwee n me n an d wome n hav e bee n a primar y focu s fo r feminists an d nonfeminists , th e problematic s o f th e relation s betwee n women ha s onl y recently begu n t o b e addressed. 1 To engag e th e questio n o f differentia l powe r relation s amon g wome n is t o encounte r a dee p divisio n withi n feminis m itsel f ove r th e ver y meaning o f th e key term "woman, " i.e. , its efficacy a s a basis of politica l criticism an d change . On e importan t branc h o f feminis m wit h it s root s in a lon g tradition , tha t o f th e cultura l o r radica l feminists , i s that ther e is in fac t a n authenti c femal e identit y base d o n th e share d experienc e o f the biologicall y femal e body . "Whateve r inequalitie s ma y exis t amon g women," Luc e Irigara y ha s written , "the y al l undergo , eve n withou t clearly realisin g it , th e sam e oppression , th e sam e exploitatio n o f thei r body, th e sam e denia l o f thei r desire." 2 A s Irigaray continues , women' s consciousness of their own commo n experienc e a s women i s what allow s that experienc e t o b e politicized int o feminism . But eve n thos e feminist s wh o ar e socia l constructionist s groun d thei r arguments i n som e notio n o f sisterhood . Tha t is , the y conclud e tha t the "we " o f feminis m wa s no t born , bu t created ; precisel y becaus e "womanhood" doe s no t exis t a s a natura l category , i t ha d t o b e in vented. 3 Feminis m a s a politica l enterpris e take s a s it s subjec t th e cate gory (whethe r see n a s natural o r sociall y constructed ) "woman, " an d it s founding premis e i s th e redemptiv e possibilitie s o f th e unio n o f mind s and bodie s i n tha t category . I t is no wonder , then , tha t thes e bodie s an d minds hav e s o ofte n bee n declare d a s belongin g t o a unifie d entity , whose characteristic s eithe r constitut e th e "real " natur e o f women , o r provide th e rationale fo r a "real " feminis t program . Moreover, sisterl y relations have been a means for providin g comfort , access t o insight , and , mos t importantly , empowermen t i n th e practica l
Susan Ostrov Weisser and Jennifer Fleischner 3 realm o f socia l relations . In th e Unite d States , for instance , "sisterhood " has bee n use d effectivel y t o enlis t th e sympathie s o f wome n o n behal f o f a variet y o f reformin g cause s (fo r instance , i n th e nineteent h century , i n movements fo r abolitionism , temperance , an d educationa l reform ) an d to enjoi n wome n t o activism . I t i s the recognitio n o f sisterhoo d a s bot h subject positio n an d objec t o f stud y tha t justifie d th e foundin g o f women's studie s programs . Yet th e trop e o f familia l relation s itsel f suggest s th e contradictio n inherent i n this formulation: i n practice man y find tha t familia l relation s are no t alway s comfortin g o r empowering , an d quit e frequentl y jus t th e opposite. Familie s ar e ofte n onl y th e mos t privat e site s o f warfare , o f expressions o f dominanc e an d fields o f hierarchica l values , an d neve r more s o tha n whe n the y masquerad e a s benevolen t socia l extension s o f natural relations , o f benig n patriarcha l power , o r eve n o f libera l demo cratic principles . Feminis m ha s lon g recognize d th e transmissio n o f op pressive ideolog y i n th e institutio n o f motherhoo d fo r exactl y thes e reasons; bu t th e mutua l nurturanc e an d suppor t attribute d t o th e rela tion o f sisterhoo d (derived , it is theorized, fro m motherhood ) ha s prove d to b e mor e enduringl y mystified . Eve n th e bran d o f feminis m tha t op poses th e essentialis t vie w o f wome n a s nurturing , speciall y endowe d creatures, unite d b y thei r biology , ha s avoide d th e implication s o f look ing too closel y a t the problematics o f sisterhood . While feminis t scholar s hav e playe d a critica l rol e i n determinin g feminism's direction , feminis t scholarshi p ha s the doubl e tas k o f bein g a politically prescriptiv e progra m a s wel l a s a conceptua l structur e fo r a description o f th e world . I f anything , i t i s expedient , perhap s a t time s necessary, tha t th e first imperativ e (i.e. , o f prescription ) supersed e th e second (i.e. , description). Placin g gende r abov e othe r categorie s o f iden tity o r causa l explanation s ha s bee n necessar y t o distinguis h feminis m from othe r liberator y projects , whil e th e impetu s towar d socia l progres s is underwritte n b y a conceptua l apparatu s tha t stresse s a clea r dichot omy betwee n me n an d women . I t i s fine for socia l constructivist s t o sa y that ther e i s n o suc h thin g a s "woman, " but , a s severa l theorist s hav e pointed ou t (Tani a Modleski , fo r example) , th e politic s o f gende r ar e very rea l an d requir e a n immediat e an d unifie d respons e i n th e rea l world, an d thi s include s a n operatin g definitio n o f bot h "women " an d "men." 4 A s a result , th e existenc e o f differentia l privilege s o r self-de feating practice s among wome n ma y b e particularly disturbin g t o advo cates o f socia l an d politica l change .
4 Introduction Not surprisingly , wome n o f colo r wer e amon g th e first t o not e tha t all wome n d o no t necessaril y experienc e th e worl d i n th e sam e way , o r share the same political goals , in spite of having in common bodie s sexe d as female . Fo r man y suc h critic s o f feminism , th e woman' s movemen t was classboun d an d racebound ; tha t is , it was primaril y a movemen t o f and fo r white , European, middle-clas s women. A good dea l of admirabl e feminist writin g ha s bee n directe d towar d thi s problem already , an d i t is not ou r tas k her e t o revie w o r repea t th e way s i n whic h thes e difficul t insights have been addressed. 5 W e ar e not unconcerne d wit h thi s specifi c topic, bu t woul d wis h t o plac e i t withi n th e large r contex t o f wome n whose interest s ar e pitte d agains t on e another , wh o ar e a t odd s i n way s that ma y i n fact b e overdetermined an d extremel y subtle . There are , w e note , tw o defensiv e reaction s t o thi s disturbin g prob lem: On e i s a n insistenc e o n th e accommodatio n o f difference , a s i f al l that i s neede d i s a mor e generou s an d inclusiv e spirit , a talking-t o an d listening-to, o r a sharin g o f powe r i n th e movemen t itself . Th e othe r i s an angr y denunciatio n o f thos e wh o woul d "criticize " othe r women , as thoug h suc h denunciations , withou t a reasone d exchange , d o no t themselves reproduc e th e fragmentatio n t o whic h w e ar e callin g atten tion. Bot h o f these , we believe , are forms o f denia l o r misdirecte d hostil ity that d o no t serv e the interests o f wome n i n the long run. Rather , the y serve t o glamoriz e th e criti c o r t o idealiz e unity , whil e preservin g th e problems i n th e rea l worl d untouched—thereb y leavin g wome n mor e vulnerable tha n eve r t o th e ver y condition s agains t whic h th e mystifica tion wa s designe d t o protect . While w e woul d no t wis h t o den y tha t identifyin g wit h othe r wome n and recognizin g ou r importanc e i n eac h other' s live s hav e bee n im portant contribution s o f feminism , th e insistenc e o n sisterhoo d a s a characteristic (rathe r tha n ideal ) trai t o f wome n ha s le d t o wha t w e se e as a distressin g spli t betwee n theor y (an d ideal) , o n th e on e hand , an d the everyda y experienc e o f man y women , particularl y thos e les s privi leged i n an y way . A s daughters , mothers , wives , lovers , friends , an d workers, w e dail y encounte r an d observ e instance s i n whic h thos e ver y attributes tha t ar e suppose d t o unit e u s d o no t s o ofte n lif t u s abov e th e tensions o f livin g i n a worl d o f multifarious , interlockin g oppressions . The femal e bos s wh o i s harder o n he r femal e employees , th e love r wh o humiliates he r femal e rival , th e mothe r wh o abuse s he r daughter , al l belie any positive constructio n o f sisterhood . Sentimentalizing sisterhoo d has , also , opene d feminist s u p t o charge s
Susan Ostrov Weisser and Jennifer Fleischner 5 of parochialis m and , ironically , elitism . Thus , identit y politics , th e basi s for feminis t politic s an d on e of it s strengths, is also its greatest weakness . The realitie s o f everyda y life , shape d b y unshapely , comple x identities , are lef t t o th e unnuanced , unanalyze d portrayal s i n th e women' s maga zine expos e o f anothe r "Momm y Dearest, " o r th e sitco m abou t catt y friends, o r th e popula r nove l i n whic h th e bitc h figure appear s a s a regular feature . Feminist reluctanc e t o com e squarel y t o grip s wit h women' s oppres sion o f othe r wome n ha s virtuall y hande d ove r th e proble m t o critic s unsympathetic t o feminism . I t doesn' t tak e muc h insigh t t o not e tha t women ar e no t al l goo d t o othe r women , bu t man y i n th e media — women an d men , both—fairl y gloa t wheneve r an y particularl y flagrant example come s thei r way . Backlas h i s a disturbin g phenomenon , bu t should no t dete r feminist s fro m dissen t an d self-critique . Instead , femi nists ar e feminism' s mos t appropriat e an d effectiv e critics . Feminist theor y ha s introduce d th e ter m "feminisms, " highlightin g the differen t form s feminism s take ; so , fo r example , fo r postcolonia l women, th e structur e o f an y freedo m i s dictate d b y freedo m fro m imperialism. Th e implication s fo r feminis t scholarshi p ar e profound : thus, field researcher s lik e Daphn e Pata i (whos e essay , "U.S . Academic s and Third-Worl d Women : I s Ethica l Researc h Possible? " i s include d in this volume) hav e grow n uneas y wit h thei r previou s working assump tions. D o whit e "firs t world " an d wealth y "thir d world " wome n i n fac t have mor e i n commo n wit h on e anothe r tha n wit h working-clas s an d peasant wome n o f thei r ow n worlds ? Th e ethic s o f doin g researc h base d on th e suppose d commonalit y o f subjectiv e experienc e betwee n schola r and subjec t ma y chang e whe n on e engage s full y wit h suc h ques tions. Similar dilemma s emerg e i n th e wak e o f acknowledgin g political , cultural, intergenerational , an d clas s distinction s amon g women . A n evolving strand i n the feminism o f the eighties and nineties is the recognition, centra l t o ou r ow n collection , tha t gende r i s one axi s of oppressio n that doe s no t preclude , an d indee d cut s across , multipl e others . Thi s holds tru e whethe r o r no t on e presume s tha t woma n i s a n "essentia l nature," a unifor m collectio n o f socia l attribute s wit h n o necessar y relation t o biologica l imperatives , o r a multipl e an d contradictor y "sub ject position" withi n th e network o f socia l relations in a culture. Privileging oppressio n o f gende r ove r othe r form s o f oppressio n erase s th e complexities an d self-contradiction s tha t inher e in any positioning o f th e
6 Introduction socially constructe d subjec t o r essentia l woman . Ther e ar e stil l differ ences within th e difference , w e say . The essay s gathere d her e see k t o contribut e t o tha t growin g recogni tion, wit h specia l emphasi s o n recognizin g an d engagin g wit h th e prob lematics of female-femal e relations . Though feminis t critic s and theorist s may postulat e a "we " i n orde r t o empowe r women , th e author s i n thi s collection acknowledg e tha t thi s alignmen t i s create d a t leas t partl y through a cognizanc e o f th e condition s tha t mak e fo r differenc e a s inequality. Al l thes e essay s perceiv e th e likenesse s betwee n women , bu t do no t necessaril y se e thei r experience s o r mode s o f livin g a s qualita tively o r quantitativel y identical , i.e. , i n kin d o r degre e o f oppression . We may argu e tha t th e housewif e an d th e whor e bot h serv e a male dominated social , political , an d economi c order , makin g the m "sister s under th e skin," bu t the suburban matro n an d the midtown streetwalke r who service s her husband expres s the radical division s our society foster s between wome n a s muc h a s the y illustrat e th e uniqu e ti e forme d b y their biology . The issu e of women's dominatio n ove r othe r wome n i s neither transpar ent no r monolithic , an d i t extend s int o al l fields o f inquiry . Thi s find s reflection i n th e diversit y o f topic s a s wel l a s approache s i n ou r collec tion. The problems pose d b y women's relation s with othe r wome n reac h into man y areas : textua l an d nontextual , publi c an d private , historica l and contemporary , theoretica l an d ordinar y everyda y experience . A s editors, ou r ben t i s toward text s an d th e analysi s o f texts , an d thu s ou r collection reflect s th e ben t towar d narrativ e an d textuality , bu t thi s group o f essay s is also abou t socia l texts an d ordinar y experience . Surely the experienc e o f oppressio n i s no t onl y i n o r abou t language , an d t o confine ourselve s t o literar y expression s o f conflic t woul d b e t o negat e the importanc e o f experienc e itsel f a s a conditio n o f th e oppressed , a point tha t th e feminis t philosophe r Lind a Alcof f make s i n he r essa y o n the problem o f speakin g fo r others . Generally, feminis t critic s hav e tende d t o explai n (an d explai n away ) the difficult y pose d b y seemingl y antifeminis t wome n i n fou r ways : (i ) These wome n ar e anomalie s (albei t embarrassin g ones ) whos e act s ar e unnatural, i n th e sam e wa y tha t wome n wh o d o no t confor m t o mater nal stereotype s ar e see n a s "unnatura l mothers, " rathe r tha n instance s that cas t doub t o n th e validit y o f th e premises ; (z) Wome n ar e human , and human s all have the potential fo r oppressin g others , requiring socia l
Susan Ostrov Weisser and Jennifer Fleischner 7 prescriptions applyin g equall y t o bot h sexes ; (3 ) Wome n wh o behav e oppressively towar d othe r wome n operat e unde r a fals e consciousness , having internalize d patriarcha l values , includin g misogyny , a wis h fo r power, competitiveness , aggressiveness , etc. ; (4 ) Wome n i n thes e case s are bravely behavin g the way men do , i.e., exhibiting appropriat e behav ior (e.g. , "strivin g fo r excellence" ) i n area s wher e me n ar e allowe d t o speak an d ac t agains t eac h other' s interest s an d "ge t awa y wit h it. " Thi s argument i s usuall y applie d selectively , however , t o approve d behavio r such a s verba l aggressio n i n a boardroom , rathe r tha n t o obviousl y oppressive practices suc h a s racism . Ironically, th e anomalous , th e natural , an d th e socialize d a s descrip tions o f wome n underpi n antifeminis t account s o f femal e behavio r a s well: on e thinks , fo r instance , o f th e attack s agains t Mar y Wollstone craft fo r bein g "unnatural, " on e o f th e "unsex' d females, " parodie d b y such contemporarie s a s Thoma s Taylor , wh o wrot e a A Vindication of the Rights of Brutes; o r on e ca n g o bac k t o suc h archetypa l image s o f "natural" (i.e. , ferocious , terrorizing ) wome n a s Medusa , Medea , o r a devouring Jocasta; o r tur n (t o choos e a t random ) t o Conrad' s portraya l of th e exquisitel y "socialized " Betrothed , o r t o Twain' s embodimen t o f a stranglin g domesticit y i n the "sivilizing " Wido w Douglas . The poin t her e i s tha t feminis t discours e o n so-calle d antifeminis t women need s t o reformulate , no t simpl y recapitulat e b y mer e inversion , the term s an d structur e o f debate . W e woul d lik e t o se e th e discussion s of differenc e leavene d b y a thicke r descriptio n o f th e way s i n whic h beliefs abou t feminis m ar e or ar e not connecte d t o practices i n the socia l sphere, an d ar e enacte d withi n o r agains t thes e practices . Fo r example , some critic s hav e note d tha t w e expec t mor e i n th e wa y o f caretakin g and kindnes s fro m (other ) women ; therefore , th e disappointmen t an d anger generate d b y thei r failur e t o liv e u p t o thei r prescribe d gende r billing is all the more acut e because we are less armored agains t it , as we are against mal e hostility o r aggression. 6 But wome n als o lear n th e way s o f th e oppressor s i n dealin g wit h th e world, way s o f operatin g withi n tha t worl d whic h th e mor e privilege d do no t hav e t o engag e in . Confusingly , thes e ma y b e neithe r manifes t nor distinc t fro m othe r practices , neithe r "intentional " no r conscious . I t is no t surprisin g tha t women , whos e plac e i n societ y varie s s o greatl y over tim e an d acros s cultures , an d whos e acces s to power an d resource s depends s o muc h o n thei r relation s t o men , shoul d pres s o n eac h othe r in suc h a confoundin g variet y o f ways . Womanhoo d i s a categor y o f
8 Introduction identity, a s Simon e d e Beauvoi r pointe d out , tha t i s uniqu e i n tha t i t i s highly visible , yet s o ubiquitou s tha t i t melt s easil y int o othe r categorie s under th e pressur e t o kee p u p relation s wit h me n an d othe r figure s of authority . Our ow n wa y o f widenin g th e discussio n o f women' s conflicts wit h each othe r i s to presen t multipl e form s o f conflic t fo r study : theoretical , behavioral, an d representational . Whil e ther e ar e n o simpl e way s t o derive conclusion s abou t actua l behavio r fro m textua l representations , or t o distinguis h ho w th e behavior s o f "real " wome n ar e influence d b y their representation s i n narrative , th e continuitie s an d discontinuitie s o f thinking o n thi s difficul t issu e emerg e i n juxtaposin g th e historica l wit h the contemporary , th e "rea l life " narrativ e wit h th e fictional , theoretica l feminist though t wit h th e colorfu l example s o f th e proble m throw n ou t by popular cultur e fo r mas s consumption . Since many o f th e essay s i n thi s boo k ar e analyse s o f representations , it i s interestin g t o notic e th e permutation s an d distinction s among , fo r example, men' s representation s o f women' s relation s (a s i n th e Bible) ; women's representation s o f women' s relation s i n "high " contemporar y literature (b y Louise Erdric h an d Lesli e Silko) ; in contemporar y popula r literature (Harlequi n romanc e novels) ; an d i n real-lif e narrative s o f women wh o ar e involve d i n surrogate-birt h relationships , compare d t o filmed representation s revisin g thos e narrative s (on e mainstrea m an d one a feminist alternativ e video) . Indeed, we were struc k b y the numbe r o f essay s in ou r collectio n tha t analyze representation s o f othe r representations , bot h b y an d abou t women. Som e constitut e a serie s o f Chines e boxe s i n whic h wome n essayists writ e abou t "other " wome n (so-calle d thir d worl d subject s o f research, a n eighteenth-centur y author , pro-lif e activists , Eas t Germa n women) a t a distanc e fro m the m (culturally , politically , geographically) , who hav e though t o r talke d o r writte n abou t themselve s o r stil l other "other" wome n (Turkis h women , wome n considerin g abortions , Wes t German feminists) . Representation , thi s suggests , ma y b e a distancin g device tha t allow s u s t o loo k a t a proble m uncomfortabl y clos e t o ou r own experience , whil e i n othe r instance s i t construct s a disguis e ( a "veil," t o borro w Devone y Looser' s metaphor ) fo r ideolog y tha t ease s discomfort. A particularl y intricat e illustratio n o f th e way s i n whic h ideology i s a t onc e reproduced , concealed , examined , an d resiste d through representatio n i s Eileen Gillooly' s essay , a feminist dissectio n o f the relation s amon g a nineteenth-centur y femal e autho r (Jan e Austen) ,
Susan Ostrov Weisser and Jennifer Fleischner 9 the narrato r o f he r nove l (Mansfield Park), th e ostensibl e heroin e o f th e novel (Fann y Price) , an d th e suppose d anti-heroin e (Mar y Crawford) , who turn s out , Gillool y argues , t o b e o n occasio n actuall y endorse d b y the narrator , wit h subtl e an d multipl e effect s o n th e reader . Our intent in presenting a wide variety of essays is to explore and com plicate th e connections , acknowledge d o r unacknowledged , betwee n th e represented an d th e actual , a s wel l a s th e way s i n whic h the y shap e on e another. I f the Bible represents th e ways in which patriarcha l cultur e ha s thought abou t wome n i n relation t o eac h other , o f what significanc e i s it that th e femal e author s o f Harlequi n novels , on th e on e hand, o r th e ac tual women a t odds in surrogate mother situations, on the other, organiz e their ow n narrative s alon g much th e same lines? What ar e we to make of the amazing antiquity an d endurance of these plots and characters? Wha t conclusions ma y w e dra w abou t th e working s o f ideologie s o f gende r i n art, in life story, in social theory, in actual behavior ? To th e degre e tha t thes e essay s shar e a commo n ground , i t i s in thei r explicit o r implici t cal l fo r a revisio n o f feminis t thinkin g o n oppressio n in orde r t o se e it s multifacete d natur e (thoug h ou r author s i n n o wa y arrive a t eve n compatibl e positions , a s i s evident , fo r instance , i n th e contrast betwee n Daphn e Patai' s an d Lind a Alcoff' s response s t o th e feminist practic e o f speakin g o n behal f o f othe r women) . Thi s revision ary impuls e involve s reformulatin g familia r way s o f dealin g wit h con flicts within feminism , s o that oppressio n i s no longer see n as transferre d unproblematically fro m grou p t o grou p a s objec t t o subject . Eve n suc h specific kind s o f oppressio n a s thos e engendere d b y differences i n race , class, o r sexualit y ar e multidimensiona l an d dynami c i n nature . So , fo r example, Robi n Ann e Rei d argue s tha t sexua l identit y shoul d b e seen a s "process," thereby complicatin g no t onl y the idea o f identity, bu t that of situating onesel f i n th e margi n o r center . An d i n he r essay o n relation s between blac k an d whit e wome n unde r slaver y i n th e Unite d States , Jennifer Fleischne r look s a t th e problematics o f identificatio n an d differ ence i n th e work s o f whit e antislaver y wome n wh o wrot e o n behal f o f enslaved African-America n women . Thei r effort s t o establis h sisterhoo d within a profoundl y racis t cultur e create d overlapping , interlocking , and contradictor y identitie s fo r bot h blac k an d whit e wome n i n Nort h and South . Moreover, Elizabet h Spelman' s observatio n tha t "n o woma n i s onl y a woman" point s towar d othe r kind s o f problems i n dealing with negativ e
10 Introduction relations between women: what i s she when sh e oppresses other women ? what i s he r allianc e t o th e wome n sh e oppresses ? Eve n mor e troubl ing, wha t i s t o b e feminism' s allianc e t o wome n wh o oppress ? Thi s last, i n particular , i s take n u p i n severa l essays . Fo r example , Willia m Thompson attempt s t o brin g suc h issue s t o bea r upo n hi s discussio n o f the Societ e de s Citoyenne s Republicaine s Revolutionnaires , a radica l faction o f Frenc h revolutionar y wome n who , i n spit e o f thei r mobiliza tion o f feminis t value s (independence , initiative , politica l activism ) wer e not i n fac t feminist , i f w e understan d th e ter m t o mea n someon e wh o supports the emancipation an d equality of women i n society. Is feminis m then no t t o refe r t o actin g i n a liberate d wa y (autonomously , fo r in stance) bu t rathe r t o a set of prescribe d opinion s an d beliefs ? D o wome n who organize , see k power , an d hav e transgressiv e agenda s necessaril y serve the interests of othe r women ? These question s als o pervad e Lind a C . McClain' s analysi s o f th e tactical argument s o f Feminist s fo r Lif e o f America , a n influentia l grou p of activist , anti-abortio n wome n wh o us e traditional feminis t argument s to attac k abortio n rights . McClain' s wor k i s a star k exampl e o f th e troubling notio n tha t ther e is no agreemen t abou t th e "equalizin g principles" upo n whic h feminis m stands . Wha t d o w e d o wit h th e clai m o f a small grou p o f wome n wh o ac t i n th e nam e o f feminis m i n takin g a stand repugnan t t o many America n feminists ? Rathe r than dismis s them , McClain take s thei r argument s seriously , suggesting , a s doe s Patai , tha t merely accommodatin g differenc e ma y not alway s b e possible in the fac e of mutuall y exclusiv e agenda s suc h a s pro-choic e an d anti-abortio n positions. Indeed , Manish a Sinha , usin g th e cas e o f a slaveholdin g mis tress's life an d polemica l writings , shows how women's historica l agenc y has no t alway s bee n progressiv e an d tha t wome n a s a grou p hav e no t always bee n o n othe r women' s side . The nee d t o brea k fro m th e rigidit y o f searchin g fo r identit y o r difference i s implie d b y Devone y Loose r i n he r essa y o n th e politica l implications o f feminis t criticis m o n Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu' s Letters; th e desir e to creat e a bon d wit h wome n i n the past cause s som e feminist critic s t o glos s ove r differences tha t ar e potentiall y oppressive , such a s Montagu' s misreadin g o f an d sens e o f superiorit y t o Turkis h culture. Labelin g Montag u (o r Auste n o r Eliot ) a s "feminist " no t onl y elides othe r form s o f oppression , bu t merel y displace s th e questio n o f domination t o anothe r leve l of abstraction . The presumptio n o f solidarity , an d th e conflic t i t blind s u s to , i s a
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central concer n o f Tuzylin e Allan , wh o argue s tha t th e commonl y hel d critical vie w tha t Alic e Walke r locate s wome n outsid e o f th e spher e o f destructive power-pla y (i n he r developmen t o f womanism ) undermine s the radica l characte r o f th e womanis t projec t a s a n alternativ e t o femi nism. Wha t Alla n suggestivel y call s "th e lur e o f domination " affect s relationships among African-America n wome n (a s well as between blac k and whit e women) , whos e solidarit y a s a grou p a t odd s wit h whit e women ha s dominate d (w e us e tha t wor d deliberately ) blac k feminis t discourse. Other fruitfu l critica l inquirie s migh t investigat e th e politics o f domi nation tha t ar e played ou t betwee n wome n withi n patriarcha l culture s i n which femal e antagonis m i s presumed. Takin g this line, Judith R . Baski n traces th e paradigmati c relationship s betwee n femal e figures foun d i n the Hebre w Bible , a collectio n o f document s writte n an d edite d b y men , in which femal e conflic t i s expected. Her e we see how th e representatio n of women' s collusio n i n th e oppressio n o f thei r sex result s fro m thei r position i n th e "hous e o f th e father, " whethe r hom e o f th e patriarc h o r House o f God . A s Baski n note s , th e on e exceptio n t o thi s patter n o f rivalry (between , say , mistres s an d maidservant , co-wives , mothers-in law an d daughters-in-law) , th e positiv e relationshi p betwee n a mothe r and he r son' s wif e (Naom i an d Ruth) , i s significan t precisel y fo r it s surprising reversa l o f a n anticipate d pattern . Equally "surprising, " becaus e unexpecte d withi n it s apparently patri archal structure , i s the secre t an d subversiv e bon d o f humo r tha t Eilee n Gillooly locate s i n Jan e Austen' s Mansfield Park betwee n th e narrato r and Mar y Crawfor d (i n contras t t o th e mor e obviou s rivalr y betwee n Mary an d Fann y Price) , constitutin g a n unusua l for m o f sisterhoo d within a n apparent conflic t amon g th e interest s o f women , author , an d character. Unlik e th e biblica l narrative s tha t all , finally, wor k t o fulfil l the imperative s o f thei r form—findin g God' s (Th e Father's ) marvelou s purposes i n ever y huma n action—Austen' s nove l provide s fo r Mar y and it s narrato r a linguisti c outle t fo r th e frustration s tha t aris e fro m the hypocrisie s an d gende r biase s o f thei r male-dominate d culture . These essays suggest that patriarchy no t onl y structurally include s femal e rivalry, it requires it . Othe r essays , notably b y E. Ann Kapla n an d Susa n Ostrov Weisser , explor e thi s proble m further , a s the y examin e th e use s of femal e rivalr y i n popula r culture . Kaplan' s essa y o n narrative s o f surrogate an d adoptiv e mother s an d Weisser' s o n th e bitc h figure i n popular romanc e novel s discus s way s i n whic h wome n ar e playe d of f
12 Introduction against on e anothe r i n pair s a s victim-victimizer , i n orde r t o privileg e gender rivalr y ove r othe r categorie s suc h a s class . As i n Rosari a Cham pagne's analysi s o f femal e therapist s an d abusiv e mothers , Kaplan' s research note s th e way i n which suc h doublin g o f women serve s patriar chal interests . Popula r cultur e i s als o th e focu s o f Weisser' s essay , i n which wome n construc t problemati c relation s fo r themselve s i n orde r t o reconstruct a fantasized, untrouble d relationshi p t o men . Given tha t man y o f thes e essay s tak e a s a give n tha t hierarchica l relations do structure our culture , issues of collusion com e up frequently , and i n mos t o f th e essays . Rathe r tha n propos e tha t wome n ar e "bette r natur'd" o r bad-natured , w e woul d sugges t tha t scholar s loo k t o th e ways i n which wome n actuall y live , i.e., whether o r no t women' s social ization towar d mor e permeable boundarie s make s them mor e capabl e of subtle har m a s wel l a s greate r susceptibilit y towar d bein g harme d b y those wit h who m the y (purportedly ) connec t mos t easily . Whil e ther e are share d bond s base d o n commo n experience s o f oppression , i n othe r words, th e ver y ground s fo r socia l an d emotiona l connectio n amon g women als o foste r th e conditions fo r turnin g o n on e another . Thus Nanc y Ries , a n anthropologis t wh o ha s don e extensiv e fieldwork i n Russia , discusse s th e cul t o f femal e suffering , embrace d b y Russian wome n t o justify th e drasti c doubl e standard s unde r whic h the y labor. Hande d dow n betwee n generation s o f women , th e powe r o f oppression i s al l th e mor e forcefu l becaus e i t tend s t o b e invisible—i.e. , justified b y "mothe r love " an d th e desir e t o protec t th e daughter . Ries' s findings illustrat e th e way s i n whic h wome n ar e socialized , no t onl y t o take car e o f an d depen d o n others , but t o creat e dependencie s i n other s which construc t th e condition s fo r th e (ofte n unwitting ) oppressio n o f other women . In Rosaria Champagne' s essa y on tru e crim e novels of mother-daugh ter abuse , "mothe r love " als o serves to veil both crim e an d cure : playin g off goo d an d ba d wome n defuse s cultura l anxietie s abou t various abuse s within th e famil y system , fo r example . Champagne' s stud y ha s a n addi tional poin t t o make : wha t ma y see m feminis t (th e heroicizatio n o f th e good femal e therapist ) sometime s i s s o a t th e expens e o f a categor y o f "other" wome n (lower-class , noneducated, biologica l mother) . Jennifer Shaddoc k deal s with tw o novelists , Louise Erdrich an d Lesli e Silko, wh o hav e examine d th e way s i n whic h th e internalizatio n o f masculinist view s divid e women wh o shar e a n experienc e o f oppression . Such a n analysi s ma y serv e mor e broadl y a s a radica l critiqu e o f th e
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notion o f "women' s culture " a s a viabl e foundationa l principl e fo r feminism. W e ma y contras t Shaddock' s depictio n o f women' s relation s in novel s b y Lesli e Silk o an d Louis e Erdrich , i.e. , thei r unwillingnes s t o promote pai n an d sufferin g throug h passivity , wit h Ries' s descriptio n o f pain, suffering , an d passivit y amon g women i n Russia . Interactions betwee n wome n o f Eas t an d Wes t (a s Nanett e Fun k shows) reveal that differences (thi s time in economic and political system s and their effects) ar e not so easily accommodated, even among those with the "best" of intentions. Such problems return us to Alcoff, exploring tensions of similaritie s an d differences . A s Funk's essay demonstrates , femi nism itself ca n become a dividing line and a divisive force amon g women , to th e confusio n an d disma y o f thos e Western feminist s wh o woul d lik e feminism t o spea k t o (an d for , t o us e Alcoff' s term ) al l women . Thes e studies rais e a question o f grea t anxiet y fo r feminism : d o w e really want to accommodate o r resolve all differences amon g women ? Linda Alcof f an d Murie l Dime n ar e author s writin g i n differen t forms, academic/philosophi c an d personal/psychoanalytic , respectively , who illustrat e th e nee d t o deconstruc t th e discours e o f differenc e i n order t o struggl e wit h th e seemingl y insolubl e dilemma s presente d b y women's relation s wit h othe r women . Both , i n ver y divergen t ways , allow fo r th e commonalit y amon g wome n withou t insistin g o n univer sally share d female—o r human—traits . Insistin g that w e should neithe r justify th e problem s o f differenc e b y th e usua l rationalization s no r at tempt t o abando n differenc e altogether , Alcof f suggest s a greater sensiti zation t o th e instrumenta l effect s o f an y ac t o f speakin g fo r others , while Dime n open s possibilitie s fo r feminis m b y assertin g th e valu e of ambivalence . The structur e o f ou r collectio n rest s o n th e metapho r o f famil y rela tions tha t ha s energize d muc h o f feminis t theor y fro m th e nineteent h century on , wit h a specia l pla y o n th e ter m "sisterhood. " Thu s th e first section deal s directl y wit h th e tension s o f commonalit y an d difference : How hav e wome n worke d throug h a sens e o f connectio n t o othe r women whe n thi s samenes s i s a t odd s wit h a sens e o f superiorit y base d on racial , ethnic , o r nationa l differences ? Or , alternatively , ho w hav e commonalities bee n erode d b y internecin e conflict ? Th e secon d section , by contrast , focuse s specificall y o n th e institutionalizatio n o f "mother hood," a s th e nam e fo r th e mos t potentiall y intens e an d problemati c bond betwee n women , playin g ou t th e political , cultural , an d textua l manifestations o f differenc e withi n th e mother-daughter bond .
14 Introduction The thir d sectio n turn s t o th e way s i n whic h wome n defin e thei r relations t o eac h othe r throug h male s a s point s o f referenc e o r foc i o f competition. I n doing so, these essays address the limits of a concept lik e sisterhood a s i t i s worke d ou t agains t th e groun d o f patriarcha l hierar chies of authority . The fourt h sectio n consider s alternativ e view s o f th e proble m o f multiple oppressions : ho w t o cros s similarit y wit h difference , t o reac h a "family relation " tha t i s neithe r a s sentimentalize d a s sisterhoo d no r a s distant a s strangers : a lin k betwee n theor y an d experience , likenes s rather tha n sameness . It ha s bee n argue d tha t th e division s whic h exis t amon g women , i n feminism an d out , ar e themselve s th e resul t an d legen d o f patriarchy , and tha t a n emphasi s o n th e oppressiv e natur e o f women' s relation s (even som e women , som e o f th e time ) i s t o emphasiz e divisio n a t th e expense of th e loyalty we need to accomplish chang e in the social order. 7 To poin t t o problem s tha t wome n hav e wit h othe r wome n i s t o poin t away fro m th e caus e o f resistin g mal e oppression , thi s argumen t goes ; and further , t o d o s o represent s a collusio n wit h th e oppressor s them selves. Suc h a charg e b y othe r feminist s i s no t see n b y u s a s oppressiv e to ou r ow n thinking ; o n th e contrary , i t is a valid concern , an d we shar e it. Bu t we don' t agre e tha t th e peri l t o feminis m outweigh s th e opportu nity afforde d b y breakin g throug h mist s o f sentiment , idealization , an d mystification tha t stil l surroun d th e nam e Woman , eve n amon g wome n themselves. Politica l strateg y ma y requir e unity , bu t no t a t th e cos t o f women reproducin g a romantic vision of themselves. We think feminis m can tak e it , shoul d tak e i t in , an d moreove r ca n onl y benefi t fro m it . Ignoring unequa l difference s ca n onl y weake n feminism , a s i t leave s open th e occasio n fo r ou r exploitatio n o f eac h othe r i n everyda y life , and fuels th e argument of those who would reject feminism a s an explan atory theor y leadin g to more equitable practices . It i s thu s ou r project , i n gatherin g thes e essays , no t t o wor k agains t sisterhood o r agains t theor y itsel f bu t t o ope n u p a more fluid notio n o f what oppressio n means . The problem o f wome n agains t othe r wome n i s part o f a muc h large r pictur e o f oppressio n an d ho w i t works : so , fo r example, th e texts , practices , an d ideologie s tha t embod y thi s subjec t may b e see n i n ligh t o f th e way s i n whic h th e oppresse d ofte n collud e with a sensibilit y o f domination . Th e selfhoo d o f thos e i n an y devalue d group i s develope d bot h i n resistanc e t o a s wel l a s i n cooperatio n wit h the oppressor fo r man y reasons ; for example , as a means for mastery , o r
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out o f a sens e o f severel y limite d choices . Furthermore , theorie s o f identity politics , suc h a s feminism , nee d t o spea k t o th e multipl e identi ties withi n whic h gende r i s situate d s o tha t th e measur e o f interlockin g oppressions ma y b e more full y taken . We follo w th e thinking o f bel l hooks, who argue s eloquentl y (an d so , we quot e a t length ) fo r a feminis m tha t encompasse s examinin g women's capacit y fo r domination : Emphasizing paradigm s o f dominatio n tha t cal l attentio n t o woman's capacit y to dominat e i s one way to deconstruc t an d challeng e the simplistic notion tha t man is the enemy, woman the victim; the notion that men have always been the oppressors. Suc h thinkin g enable s u s t o examin e ou r rol e a s wome n i n th e perpetuation an d maintenanc e o f system s o f domination . . . . Eve n thoug h I speak fro m th e particular experienc e of livin g as a Black woma n i n the United States, a white-supremacist, capitalist , patriarchal society , where small numbers of white men (and honorary "whit e men") constitute ruling groups, I understand that in many places in the world oppressed and oppressor share the same color. I understan d tha t righ t her e i n thi s room , oppresse d an d oppresso r shar e th e same gender. Right now as I speak, a man who is himself victimized , wounded, hurt b y racis m an d clas s exploitatio n i s activel y dominatin g a woma n i n hi s life—that eve n a s I speak, women wh o ar e ourselves exploited, victimized , ar e dominating children . I t i s necessary fo r u s t o remember , a s we think criticall y about domination , tha t w e al l hav e th e capacit y t o ac t i n way s tha t oppress , dominate, wound (whethe r or not that power is institutionalized). It is necessary to remember that it is first the potential oppresso r within that we must resist— the potential victim within that we must rescue—otherwise we cannot hope for an end to domination, for liberation. 8 We believ e w e wil l hav e achieve d ou r goa l i n thi s projec t i f w e provoke reader s t o as k difficul t question s tha t hav e been understandabl y avoided i n th e interes t o f a mor e purel y politica l striving : wha t happen s when member s o f a n oppresse d grou p becom e th e "oppressors " o f others? Ho w d o wome n reproduc e powe r relation s throug h th e mediu m of texts ? Ho w migh t w e revis e a feminis t theor y o f women' s authorit y to tak e int o accoun t th e potential danger s o f power ? Doe s "oppression " itself nee d retheorizing ? Ho w importan t i s th e gendere d bod y fo r self definition, an d therefor e a s a definitive categor y fo r politica l chang e an d action? I s th e femal e bod y itsel f alway s th e sit e fo r th e battl e fo r privi lege, o r shoul d a theor y o f chang e rel y mor e o n rea l alliance s forge d b y those acutel y awar e o f ho w w e ar e commonl y define d b y others ? Thes e questions, w e hope , engag e som e o f th e difficul t problem s underlyin g feminist theor y today .
16 Introduction The proble m o f wome n a t odd s wit h othe r wome n i s no t a simpl e one, an d therefor e i t doe s no t admi t a singl e solution o r perspective . W e have avoided , therefore , essay s tha t presen t th e issu e a s a n unproblem atic transfer o f devaluatio n fro m th e bodie s or natur e o f me n t o thos e of women. Instead , w e have leane d towar d inquir y an d analysi s a s the bes t enemy o f tha t sentimentalit y whic h is , w e believe , a kin d o f human oppression. Becaus e i t cater s t o fantas y wishe s an d thu s leave s issue s unexamined, sentimen t an d mystification , eve n withi n a progressiv e so cial forc e suc h a s feminism , ca n b e th e othe r sid e o f (an d th e bes t cove r for) a kind o f subtl e brutalit y tha t pervade s huma n relations . All o f ou r author s reflec t convention s o f representin g socia l realit y that underlin e som e conflictin g interes t o r antagonis m betwee n wome n while obscurin g other , les s visible agendas . Al l impl y th e necessit y fo r a widening o f th e border s o f ou r understandin g o n th e subject , a s part o f the wor k o f progressiv e politic s a s wel l a s o f scholarship . If , i n doin g so, w e ris k bein g misunderstoo d a s encouragin g fragmentatio n amon g women, o r abettin g disloyalty , w e ar e willin g t o ris k it . I t i s ou r belie f that problem s mus t b e addressed , an d imbalance s withi n group s re dressed, i n order t o mak e the world wha t w e want i t to be . The more modes t hop e of th e editors is that i n identifying an d analyz ing th e comple x way s i n whic h wome n relat e (o r i n som e cases , ar e mythologized a s relating ) t o on e another , w e migh t com e t o a greate r understanding o f "difference " i n feminism . Al l difference, w e might say , is a differenc e withi n a context , afte r all . Rathe r tha n se e th e argumen t in theoretica l feminis m a s betwee n samenes s an d difference , o r wha t Ann Snito w call s cultura l an d radica l feminisms , w e see k a mor e com plex evaluation o f difference—an d w e call for a n unswerving gaze at th e range of problems tha t aris e when theor y encounter s th e lived disparitie s among real women .
NOTES
i. Asid e from works specifically addressin g issues of the intersection of race and class wit h gender , som e o f whic h ar e mentione d below , th e followin g books—Helena Michie, Sororopbobia: Differences among Women in Literature and Culture (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1992); Valerie Miner and Hele n Longino , eds. , Competition: A Feminist Taboo? (Ne w York : Feminist Press , 1987) ; an d Mariann e Hirsc h an d Evely n Fo x Keller , eds. , Conflicts in Feminism (Ne w York: Routledge, 1990)—ar e three of the most
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useful work s o n variou s aspect s o f th e subjec t o f wome n a t odd s an d th e implications fo r feminis m o f thei r relations . 2. Luc e Irigaray , This Sex Which Is Not One, trans . Catherin e Porte r an d Carolyn Burk e (Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1985) , 164 . 3. Fo r a stil l usefu l summar y o f thes e distinctions , se e Ann Snitow , " A Gende r Diary," i n Hirsc h an d Keller , Conflicts in Feminism. A more recen t contribu tion i s Denis e Riley , "Am I That Name?": Feminism and the Category of "Women" in History (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Press , 1988) , which question s an d consider s th e efficac y o f "woman " a s a categor y o f identity fo r feminism : "Tha t 'women ' i s indeterminat e an d impossible, " sh e writes, "i s no cause for lament . . . . What make s feminism . . . i s a willingness, at times, to shred thi s 'women ' t o bits—t o develo p a speed, foxiness, versatil ity" (113-14) 4. Tani a Modleski , Feminism without Women: Culture and Criticism in a "Postfeminist" Age (Ne w York : Routledge , 1991) . 5. Angel a Y . Davis , Women, Culture and Politics (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1990), focuse s o n th e empowermen t o f African-America n wome n whos e interests ar e not alway s aligne d wit h thos e of whit e women; bel l hooks, Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (Boston : Sout h En d Press , 1981 ) and Feminist Theory: From Margins to Center (Boston : Sout h En d Press , 1984); Elizabet h Spelman , Inessential Woman: Problems of Exclusion in Feminist Thought (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1988) ; an d Dian a Fuss , Essentially Speaking: Feminism, Nature and Difference (Ne w York : Routledge , 1989 ) are also pertinent an d helpfu l resource s o n thi s question . 6. Luis e Eichenbau m an d Susi e Orbac h emplo y thi s ide a i n Between Women (New York : Viking , 1988) . 7. Se e th e discussio n o f thi s poin t i n Mine r an d Longino , Competition, 242 ; competition, the y argue , "amount s t o performin g fo r th e oppressor s th e tas k of keepin g us divided an d weak. " 8. "Feminism : A Transformational Politic, " i n Theoretical Perspectives on Sexual Difference, ed . Debora h L . Rhod e (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1990).
1. U.S. ACADEMIC S A N D THIRD-WORL D W O M E N : I S ETHICA L RESEARCH POSSIBLE ? DAPHNE PATA I
The shor t answe r t o th e questio n pose d b y my subtitl e is , i n my view , "No." Bu t muc h mor e tha n tha t need s t o b e said . T o whic h "U.S . academics" a m I referring ? Wha t i s mean t b y "third-worl d women" ? What i s "ethical " research ? Befor e addressin g thes e questions , I mus t make explici t a ter m that , thoug h no t name d i n m y title , frame s th e comments tha t follow : my concer n i s abov e al l with feminis t academic s and wit h th e meanin g o f feminis m i n researc h situation s governe d b y inequalities an d hierarchies—situations , i n othe r words , tha t routinel y unfold i n th e rea l world . Thes e inequalities , whic h ma y als o occu r i n many othe r settings , ar e readil y apparen t whe n on e consider s th e aver age U.S . femal e academic—whit e an d middle-class—i n contras t t o he r average "thir d world " objec t o f research : nonwhit e and/o r poor . Al though exploitatio n an d unethica l behavio r ar e alway s a possibilit y when researc h i s conducted wit h livin g persons, thi s dange r i s increase d when th e researche r i s interviewin g "down, " tha t is , amon g group s les s powerful (economically , politically, socially) than the researcher herself. 1 In th e discussio n tha t follows , I use the imag e o f th e North America n academic researche r interviewin g wome n fro m th e so-calle d thir d worl d 21
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to epitomiz e a n interactio n typicall y characterize d b y systemi c inequal ity. In suc h situations , i t is the very existenc e o f privileg e that allow s th e research t o be undertaken . Academics wh o ar e no t feminist s als o experienc e mora l dilemma s a s they conduc t researc h wit h livin g persons , whic h i s wh y ethica l guide lines delineatin g prope r procedure s exis t i n man y disciplines . Thes e guidelines generally follo w th e medical injunction: d o no harm. Ye t even such a minima l directive , if take n seriously , woul d paralyz e researchers , for w e ar e usuall y unabl e t o gauge , le t alon e control , th e potentia l consequences o f ou r procedure s an d o f th e researc h product s i n whic h they result . But I would g o beyond thi s minimal directiv e an d se t instea d a maximalis t feminis t ethic , fo r whil e question s abou t ethic s occu r i n many contexts , the y tak e o n specia l urgenc y i n th e cas e o f women — feminists—doing researc h wit h women . In practice , a t thi s particula r historical moment , suc h question s see m t o deman d specia l attentio n from feminists . A s I se e it , th e goal s an d procedure s o f feminis m ough t to b e the generally huma n ones . But they ar e not; a t least not yet. Henc e feminists—because w e ar e amon g th e fe w wh o articulat e commitment s and political priorities—must invok e that bette r human mode l o f behav ior tha t i s as yet nowher e t o b e found . I n a n idea l world ther e would b e no feminis t ethics , because "feminism " arise s precisely du e to th e fac t o f patriarchy an d oppressio n i n th e rea l world . In thi s sens e ou r concern s are indee d uniquel y feminist—wit h th e provis o tha t "feminism " ough t to b e viewe d no t a s a n absolut e bu t a s a time-boun d concep t an d movement, appearin g i n many guise s and variations . Some scholars, however, ma y tak e amis s an y suggestio n tha t w e nee d to b e concerne d abou t th e ethica l implication s o f ou r research . Mer e discussion o f thi s issu e threaten s t o rais e th e specte r o f norm s impose d on al l researchers, whic h woul d necessaril y interfer e wit h th e autonom y of th e individua l researcher , a n autonom y tha t i s perhap s th e prim e value i n contemporar y wester n culture . Gai l Webbe r encountere d suc h views i n a smal l minorit y o f thos e replyin g t o a questionnair e i n whic h she aske d respondent s t o choos e fro m amon g fourtee n item s th e kind o f statement o n ethic s the y considere d mos t importan t fo r feminists . Th e majority selecte d a s thei r first choic e th e statement : "Feminist s see k social, political , an d economi c equalit y fo r al l women. " Bu t th e ver y word "ethics " ha d negativ e connotation s fo r some . Webbe r cite s a fe w such comments : " I thin k th e whole ide a [o f ethica l guidelines ] i s bizarr e and eve n dangerous. When d o we get the feminist min d police uniforms ?
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It's ba d enoug h a s i t is. " "On e person' s dogm a i s another' s repression . When wil l w e schedul e th e inquisition ? I objec t t o th e whol e ide a o f ethical behavio r guidelines. " "Sound s lik e the '1 4 commandments.'" 2 I t is instructiv e that , i n thes e reactions , "guidelines " hav e bee n construe d to sugges t "dogma " an d institutionall y impose d control . M y ow n start ing poin t i s somewha t different . I assum e tha t w e ar e doin g somethin g other tha n merel y pursuin g ou r ow n career s an d addin g knowledg e t o the world , an d tha t w e mus t rais e question s abou t th e ethic s o f ou r behavior i n relatio n t o thos e o n an d wit h who m w e d o ou r research . I also tak e i t a s a give n tha t mos t wome n doin g researc h o n wome n ar e moved b y commitment s t o women . Suc h researc h i s for women , a s th e popular formul a ha s it , no t merel y b y o r abou t them . Bu t becaus e "women," gende r notwithstanding , ar e no t a monolithi c block , ethica l questions abou t ou r action s an d th e implication s o f thos e action s ar e especially appropriate . Whether w e adop t a broa d o r a narro w definitio n o f feminism , i f th e term i s t o hav e an y meanin g i t mus t involv e a critiqu e o f traditiona l concepts an d structure s tha t hav e marginalize d wome n materiall y an d psychologically, i n th e worl d an d eve n i n thei r ow n souls . I t mus t als o ultimately ai m a t socia l transformation . Becaus e feminis m ha s chal lenged th e pos e o f neutralit y an d objectivit y tha t fo r s o lon g governe d positivist socia l science , i t ha s force d u s t o scrutinize , a s well , ou r ow n practice a s scholars . On e resul t i s tha t th e ethica l problem s o f usin g other wome n a s th e subject s o f ou r researc h becom e a n immediat e source o f tension . Fo r i t i s a fac t tha t w e ar e confronte d b y dua l alle giances. O n th e on e hand , w e ar e obligate d t o ou r academi c discipline s and institutions , withi n whic h w e mus t succee d i f w e ar e t o hav e an y impact o n th e academ y (an d thi s i n itsel f involve s u s j n numerou s contradictions, a s par t o f ou r projec t entail s transformin g thos e ver y disciplines an d institutions) . O n th e othe r hand , i f w e tak e feminis m seriously, i t commit s u s t o a transformativ e politics . I n othe r words , most o f u s do no t wan t t o bit e th e hand tha t feed s us ; but neithe r d o w e want t o cares s it too lovingly . As I se e it , th e proble m fo r u s academics , wh o ar e alread y leadin g privileged existences , reside s i n th e obviou s fac t tha t ou r enjoymen t o f research an d it s reward s constantl y compromise s th e ardo r wit h whic h we promot e socia l transformation . A t th e ver y least , i t dilute s ou r en ergy; a t th e most , i t negate s ou r abilit y t o wor k fo r change . I d o no t think th e curren t emphasi s o n "empowering " o r "dialogic " researc h
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designs, a s promisin g a s thes e are , ha s don e muc h t o mitigat e thi s fundamental contradiction. 3 E . B . Whit e expresse d th e conflic t I a m alluding to in a pointed phrase: " I arise in the morning," h e wrote, "tor n between a desire to improve (o r save) the world an d a desire to enjoy (o r savor) th e world . Thi s make s i t har d t o pla n th e day." 4 White' s subver sive humo r shoul d b e take n t o hear t b y feminis t scholar s wh o ofte n claim th e moral, even a s they occupy th e material, high ground . The dilemm a o f feminis t researcher s workin g o n group s les s privi leged than themselve s ca n b e succinctly stated a s follows: i s it possible— not i n theory , bu t i n th e actua l condition s o f th e rea l worl d today—t o write abou t th e oppresse d withou t becomin g on e o f th e oppressors ? I n an absolut e sense , I think not , an d tha t i s the meanin g o f th e " N o " wit h which I bega n thi s essay . In additio n t o th e characteristi c privilege s o f race an d class , th e existentia l o r psychologica l dilemma s o f th e spli t between subjec t an d objec t o n whic h al l researc h depend s (eve n tha t of th e mos t intens e "participan t observer" ) impl y tha t objectification , utilization o f other s fo r one' s ow n purpose s (whic h ma y o r ma y no t coincide wit h thei r ow n ends) , an d th e possibilit y o f exploitatio n ar e built int o almos t al l researc h project s wit h livin g huma n beings . Som e distance ma y wel l b e inevitable , perhap s eve n biologicall y ordaine d b y our enclosur e withi n ou r individua l nervou s systems , but i t is not a t thi s level tha t feminis t researc h practice s ca n see m self-serving . Thi s occurs , instead, whe n feminist s imagin e tha t merel y engagin g in the discourse of feminism protect s the m fro m th e possibilit y o f exploitin g othe r women , while thei r routin e researc h practice s ar e an d continu e t o b e embedde d in a situation o f materia l inequality . Responding t o a n apparen t sens e o f th e inadequac y o f conventiona l research practices , feminis t scholar s whos e wor k depend s o n persona l interviews—who invit e persona l disclosures—hav e attempte d t o focu s on th e researc h proces s a s a n occasio n fo r interventio n an d advocacy . To b e sure , ther e ar e man y occasion s fo r suc h activism , rangin g fro m consideration o f ho w a researc h projec t i s initially formulate d an d wh o sponsors it , t o question s regardin g th e use s th e researc h wil l o r migh t eventually serve , the form s i n which it s results wil l b e disseminated, an d the materia l benefit s (such a s career-building , status , an d royalties ) tha t derive fro m it . T o thes e problem s a s well , whic h emerg e i n man y re search situations , feminis m ha s brough t it s specia l sensibility—without , however, makin g a s muc h progres s i n actualit y a s i n th e real m o f dis course.
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Before goin g int o detai l concernin g th e natur e o f thes e dilemmas , le t me describ e ho w I becam e concerne d wit h th e ethic s o f research . M y own experienc e o f inequalitie s betwee n researche r an d researche d di d not occu r a s a resul t o f theorizin g abou t suc h encounters . In th e earl y 1980s, a s par t o f a projec t tha t eventuall y becam e a book , I conducte d sixty length y persona l interview s i n Brazil. 5 I interviewed ordinar y "in visible" women : domesti c servants , factor y workers , nuns , housewives , secretaries, prostitutes , entrepreneurs , schoolgirls , landowners , an d women fro m man y othe r walk s o f life . The wome n wer e o f divers e age s and races , an d man y mor e o f them—a s i s tru e o f al l Brazilians—wer e poor tha n rich . Perhap s becaus e I was no t traine d i n th e socia l sciences , I ha d no t internalize d a conventiona l researc h persona . Thus , whe n I began conductin g interview s i n Brazil , I was keenl y awar e o f bein g cas t into a specia l role . I discovere d th e legitimizin g functio n o f "havin g a project," o f appearin g wit h a tap e recorde r an d th e magi c wor d "re search," whic h turne d wha t migh t hav e seeme d t o b e mer e persona l curiosity int o somethin g else—somethin g official , perhap s imposing . The nearly automati c respec t I was grante d mad e m e feel envelope d b y a kind o f protectiv e aura ; thi s wa s a n experienc e unlik e anythin g I ha d encountered i n my past work a s a literary critic . In thi s genera l fram e o f mind , I wa s slowl y mad e awar e o f th e questionable natur e o f th e interaction s o n whic h my research depended . It wa s th e summe r o f 1981—tha t is , it wa s summe r i n Nort h America n terms, bu t winte r i n Brazilia n terms . In th e cit y o f Recife , i n th e north east of Brazil, I met Teresa, a black woman wh o di d laundry an d ironin g for som e whit e acquaintance s o f mine . Sh e agree d t o tal k wit h m e an d suggested tha t w e g o t o he r hous e afte r he r morning' s work . Fro m th e bus sto p a t th e botto m o f a hill , w e trudge d u p a mudd y roa d throug h the slu m wher e sh e lived . Teres a wa s no t ye t forty-fiv e year s old , bu t appeared t o b e muc h older . Onl y fou r fee t te n inche s tal l an d weighin g perhaps eight y pounds, sh e looked ver y thin an d frai l an d ha d almos t n o teeth. A s we approache d he r dwelling , I sa w tha t a piec e o f meta l wir e held shu t a lo w an d ricket y woode n gat e i n th e makeshif t fenc e tha t surrounded th e shack . Teres a untwiste d th e wir e an d invite d m e in . Paintings an d statue s o f Chris t decorate d th e fron t room , alon g wit h pictures o f nake d wome n an d socce r stars , put up , she explained, b y he r adult son , wh o als o live d there . A s i n man y poo r neighborhood s i n Brazil, ther e wa s n o indoo r toilet , n o sewe r facilities , bu t ther e wa s running wate r (whic h Teres a share d wit h a fe w neighbor s wh o ha d
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none, an d the n als o share d th e bill ) an d electricity . Despit e my repeate d attempts t o refus e he r offe r o f food , whic h perhap s offende d her , Teres a insisted o n givin g m e somethin g t o ea t an d drink . Sh e wen t t o th e refrigerator fo r a bottle o f sod a an d the n brough t ove r a piece of cake — the on e remainin g piec e tha t wa s sittin g o n a plat e o n to p o f a n other wise bar e counter . I accepted th e food , an d Teres a sa t nex t t o m e a t th e table that occupie d mos t o f the fron t roo m an d watche d m e eat . I d o no t reall y kno w ho w muc h foo d ther e wa s i n Teresa' s hous e o n that particula r day , bu t th e refrigerato r wa s bar e whe n sh e opene d it , and sh e hersel f looke d wor n ou t an d undernourished . O n my retur n t o Brazil two summer s later , I learned tha t sh e had die d suddenl y o f a hear t attack a few month s afte r ou r meeting . Thus, lon g befor e I began t o thin k abou t th e large r issue s o f ho w w e use othe r peopl e i n ou r research , an d ho w inadequat e ar e ou r usua l questions abou t ou r purpose s o r procedures , I was mad e aware , b y tha t scene i n Teresa' s house , o f th e uneas e o f bein g a well-fed woma n briefl y crossing paths with a n ill-fed an d generou s poor woma n whos e life I was doing nothing t o improve. Teresa, I should explain , was not b y Brazilian standards especiall y exploited: th e people she worked for , whom I knew, were decen t employers . O n th e day s tha t sh e worked a t thei r house , sh e at leas t at e adequately . An d sh e wa s pai d th e goin g rate , abou t $ 5 a week fo r he r tw o day s o f washin g an d ironing . In additio n t o tha t income, she had a widow's pensio n o f $4 0 a month. O n a total o f abou t $60 a month, then , sh e supported hersel f an d contribute d t o the suppor t of he r twenty-three-year-ol d so n an d occasionall y o f anothe r relativ e a s well. I t wa s al l a ver y ordinar y Brazilia n story , th e kin d tha t well-fe d people usuall y respon d t o i n term s o f individua l charity , befor e turnin g their attentio n t o othe r things . When, som e year s later , I sa t dow n t o writ e abou t Teresa , othe r questions intruded . Di d she , o n tha t day , imagin e tha t I would describ e her appearanc e an d th e povert y o f th e house ? Di d sh e hav e a n inklin g that th e foo d sh e serve d m e migh t becom e par t o f he r story , tha t every thing abou t th e episod e migh t i n tur n b e serve d u p t o reader s fa r away ? How woul d sh e hav e fel t abou t i t ha d sh e know n thes e things ? Woul d she have recognized hersel f i n my sketch o f her? Migh t sh e have though t that I hav e portraye d he r weaknesse s mor e tha n he r strengths ? Woul d she hav e fel t betrayed ? Used ? An d d o thes e thing s matter ? Sh e neve r asked m e any questions abou t what I was planning to do with he r word s
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(although I explaine d m y projec t i n a genera l way) , le t alon e wit h th e other impression s I was takin g awa y fro m ou r meeting . If I ha d t o gues s wha t sh e fel t abou t m y interes t i n he r life , I woul d say that sh e was somewha t frightene d bu t als o pleased a t the attention . I suppose tha t th e prospec t o f bein g par t o f a foreigner' s book— a boo k that she , bein g illiterate , coul d neve r hav e rea d eve n i f i t ha d bee n published i n Portuguese—mean t somethin g t o her . Whe n w e lef t he r house, a s sh e accompanie d m e bac k t o th e bu s sto p a t the botto m o f th e hill, we passed on e of he r neighbor s leanin g ou t o f he r fron t window . A s soon a s w e wer e slightl y ou t o f hearin g range , Teres a commente d tha t she ha d aske d thi s neighbo r i f she , too , woul d lik e t o tal k wit h me , bu t the woma n ha d sai d no . Teres a the n smile d a t m e complicitousl y an d said "genr e se m cultura"—peopl e wit h n o breeding . Tha t commen t i s one o f m y fe w clue s to wha t ou r conversatio n mean t t o Teresa an d it , of course, i s problematic. Di d I provide Teres a wit h a fleeting opportunit y to escap e he r situatio n b y allyin g hersel f wit h a whit e foreigner ? Wha t does suc h a n encounte r hav e t o d o wit h th e claim s o f feminism ? Doe s one eve n hav e the righ t t o interfer e i n people's live s in this smal l way? I s the forma l permission—th e agreemen t peopl e len d t o th e intervie w situation an d th e use of thei r words—a n exoneration ? It was difficul t t o sta y within th e usual rule s o f th e interviewing gam e in th e fac e o f th e ver y rea l materia l inequalitie s tha t divide d m e fro m many o f th e wome n I interviewed. Al l researchers wh o wor k wit h livin g persons fac e problem s o f thi s sort , bu t th e researche r wh o utilize s ora l history, especiall y whe n foregoin g questionnaire s an d th e narro w defini tions tha t ar e commo n i n topica l an d themati c ora l history , face s partic ularly intens e version s o f thes e mor e genera l ethica l problems . Th e rea sons fo r thi s ca n b e readil y understood : whe n length y persona l narratives, i n particular, ar e gathered, a n intimac y (o r the appearanc e o f intimacy) i s generated tha t blur s any neat distinction betwee n "research " and "persona l relations." 6 W e as k o f th e peopl e w e intervie w th e kin d of revelatio n o f thei r inne r lif e that normall y occur s in situations o f grea t familiarity an d withi n th e privat e realm . Ye t w e invit e thes e revelation s to b e mad e i n th e contex t o f th e publi c sphere , whic h i s wher e i n a n obvious sens e w e situat e ourselve s whe n w e appea r wit h tap e recorder s and not e pad s eage r t o promot e ou r "projects, " project s fo r whic h other peopl e ar e t o provid e th e livin g matter . Th e asymmetrie s o f th e interaction ar e marked , furthermore , b y th e differen t leve l o f disclosur e
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that ou r interviewee s mak e (o r tha t w e hop e the y wil l make ) an d tha t we are willing or expected to make. While often shyl y curious, interviewees never , i n m y experience , mak e a reciproca l exchang e a conditio n o f the interview . An d researcher s ar e almos t alway s muc h les s fran k tha n they hop e thei r subject s wil l be . A s Arlen e Kapla n Daniel s ha s written , "Deception i s an eve r present part o f fieldwork. " 7 The intervie w situation , furthermore , i s ofte n a n extremel y charge d one emotionally . Par t o f wha t thos e interviewe d "get " fro m th e proces s is precisely th e undivide d attentio n directe d a t the m b y anothe r individ ual. I was surprised , i n Brazil , tha t virtuall y everyon e I approached wa s willing, eve n eager , t o tal k t o me , an d b y th e tim e I ha d complete d several doze n lon g interview s I became convince d tha t no t enoug h peo ple ar e listening , an d tha t th e opportunit y t o tal k abou t one' s life , t o reflect o n it s shape s an d patterns , t o mak e sens e o f i t t o onesel f an d t o another huma n being , wa s a n intrinsicall y valuabl e experience . Bu t un like thos e researcher s wh o believ e tha t thi s make s th e intervie w a "fai r exchange," wher e eac h partne r receive s an d give s i n equa l measure , I continued t o b e struc k b y the inequalitie s inheren t i n th e situation , bot h materially an d psychologically . To tak e th e latte r issu e first: withou t wantin g t o exaggerat e m y rol e in th e live s o f peopl e I interviewed, I can sa y tha t I was trouble d b y th e sense o f intens e emotiona l involvemen t that , i n my experience , alway s occurs a t th e tim e o f th e interview . Doe s thi s no t mak e al l th e mor e problematic th e researcher' s inevitabl e retrea t t o a separat e lif e i n a far off place ? I s ostensibly feminis t researc h stil l s o deepl y embedde d i n th e imperialist/anthropological mode l tha t thi s dimensio n o f th e intervie w situation i s t o b e burie d whil e researcher s presen t fascinatin g portrait s of exoti c "Others? " Doe s "contributin g t o knowledge " justif y th e utili zation o f anothe r perso n fo r one' s own (academic , feminist) purposes ? I s the relationship terminate d alon g with th e research ? Other feminis t scholars , too , hav e bee n concerne d wit h thes e an d similar issues . I n a frequentl y cite d essay , "Interviewin g Women : A Contradiction i n Terms, " An n Oakley , th e Britis h sociologist , outline d her experienc e conductin g interview s fo r a projec t o n childbirth. 8 Sh e found tha t th e socia l scienc e method s sh e ha d bee n taugh t (whic h sh e describes i n som e detai l i n he r essay ) simpl y di d no t work . Th e wome n Oakley interviewe d regularl y aske d he r fo r advic e an d information , an d traditional socia l scienc e intervie w guideline s turne d ou t t o b e impracti cable an d ofte n ridiculou s i n thes e circumstances . Th e prevailin g meth -
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odological model s typicall y urge d th e researche r t o deflec t questions , t o keep th e focu s o n th e informant , an d t o avoi d gettin g draw n int o per sonal exchanges . But, says Oakley , when les s educated pregnan t wome n asked he r question s abou t th e mechanic s o f childbirth , ho w coul d sh e possibly answe r wit h th e recommende d evasions ? Whe n peopl e sough t much-needed hel p b y askin g Oakle y abou t he r ow n experiences , shoul d she cleverl y deflec t thes e questions ? Suc h dilemma s le d Oakle y t o rejec t the ol d models , whic h wer e dependen t upo n a clea r an d hierarchica l division tha t definitivel y separate d researche r an d researched . Accepting instea d th e insigh t tha t th e persona l i s political , feminis t researchers suc h a s Oakle y hav e turne d thei r attentio n abov e al l to thei r interactions with th e subjects o f their research. The model of a distanced , controlled, an d ostensibl y neutra l interviewe r has , a s a result , bee n replaced wit h tha t o f sisterhood—a n engage d an d sympatheti c interac tion betwee n tw o individual s unite d b y th e fac t o f gende r oppression . Like othe r researcher s makin g thi s argument , Oakle y believe s tha t th e outcome i s not merel y a bette r researc h proces s bu t als o bette r researc h results. But i t i s quit e possibl e tha t i n breakin g fre e o f th e androcentri c research model , feminis t scholar s hav e riske d cuttin g th e groun d fro m under thei r ow n work . Fo r i n th e 1980 s a dee p questionin g unfolde d regarding ho w feminis t researc h i s t o b e conducted . Judit h Stacey , fo r example, i n he r essa y "Ca n Ther e B e a Feminis t Ethnography?, " ha s questioned wha t has perhaps becom e the new orthodoxy amon g feminis t scholars engage d i n ethnographi c research. 9 Stacey' s wor k point s t o th e dangers tha t aris e when feminis t researcher s ar e unconsciously seductiv e toward thei r researc h subjects , raisin g thei r expectation s an d inducin g dependency. Thes e problems , however , ar e les s likel y t o occu r whe n a n interviewer follow s th e traditional distance d model . When academic s d o research wit h wome n o f races , classes , an d culture s differen t fro m thei r own, a commo n experienc e i s that the y ar e perceive d a s mor e powerfu l than th e peopl e the y ar e researching . Thi s n o doub t proceed s fro m th e quite accurat e appraisa l o n th e par t o f peopl e interviewe d tha t th e researcher ha s greate r acces s t o al l sort s o f resources—fro m materia l goods t o loca l officials . Th e expectatio n o f positiv e interventio n i s thu s set up—al l th e mor e s o whe n th e feminis t researche r consciousl y at tempts to erase distance—and to o often thi s expectation i s disappointed , leading, a s Stace y point s out , t o feeling s o f betraya l an d injury . Thi s danger ha s alway s existe d i n researc h situation s involvin g hierarch y a s
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well as personal interaction , but feminists ma y be more likely to generat e this particula r problem , for , quit e understandably , ou r researc h style s have bee n developed , ofte n i n a n a d ho c way , i n reactio n t o th e dis carded positivis t mode l tha t i s seen a s impersonal, "masculinist. " The "feminist " researc h model , i n othe r words , ma y i n it s ow n way s be just a s ill-advised. Fo r i n a world divide d b y race, ethnicity, an d class , the purporte d solidarit y o f femal e identit y i s in man y way s a fraud—i n this cas e perhaps a frau d perpetrate d b y feminist s wit h goo d intentions . Having rejecte d th e objectificatio n o f researc h subject s construe d a s "Others," th e new , ostensibl y feminis t scenari o substitute s th e clai m o f identity, ou r identit y a s women , whil e ofte n strainin g t o disregar d eth nic, racial, class, and othe r distinction s that , i n societies built on inequal ity, unavoidably divid e people fro m on e another . Such a desir e t o affir m onenes s i s exemplifie d i n Carol e J . Spitzack' s essay, "Bod y Talk : Th e Politic s o f Weigh t Los s an d Femal e Identity. " Influenced b y Oakley's wor k o n th e importance o f nonhierarchical inter action a s th e prope r mode l fo r wome n interviewin g women , Spitzac k spent considerabl e tim e talking with eac h woman i n her researc h sampl e prior t o th e actua l interview : " I wanted eac h woma n t o understan d tha t she wa s no t simpl y a n exploitabl e informatio n source , bu t someon e I wished t o tal k with abou t bod y experience , a perso n wit h who m I would choos e t o spen d tim e outsid e th e contex t o f academi c research " (Spitzack's italics). 10 The proble m wit h thi s honorable inten t i s its disin genuousness. The appea l t o "sisterhood, " th e failur e t o recogniz e differ ence—even whe n th e researc h i s conducte d clos e t o home—lead s to o easily t o mystification . I t als o raise s a furthe r problem : can , an d should , we d o researc h onl y whe n w e woul d choos e t o mak e friend s wit h th e people w e ar e interviewing ? I s it even hones t t o sugges t tha t al l researc h subjects ar e or nee d t o b e potential intimates ? I s this an improvement o n the ol d model ? O r i s i t a particularl y egregiou s for m o f manipulation ? Spitzack's comment , i n its odd parodyin g of women's traditiona l nurtur ing role , reveal s th e misus e o f sentimen t a s a researc h tool— a ver y real dange r a s feminist s attemp t t o devis e alternativ e practice s a s i f i n a vacuum . In th e b y no w commonplac e emphasi s o n th e intervie w proces s an d the human qualitie s brough t b y the feminis t researche r t o the encounter , we seem to be merely creatin g a bracketed moment , a moment take n ou t of th e broade r contex t o f unequa l relation s i n whic h ou r researc h i s typically done . Simpl y enjoyin g thi s moment , an d usin g i t t o reviv e ou r
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flagging spirits , i s no t enough . B y abstractin g th e intervie w fro m th e larger socia l contex t o f th e rea l world , w e ar e i n effec t returnin g t o th e discarded positivis t mode l (wit h a sligh t twist ) tha t situate s ou r researc h practices outsid e o f reality . Bu t no w w e have , fo r a shor t time , trans ported ou r narrator s wit h us . Facile assumption s abou t ou r commonalit y a s women , an d celebra tions o f th e intimac y generate d b y "feminist " researc h methods , ar e inadequate responses . Instead , I believ e w e mus t questio n th e entir e system tha t seem s t o allo w fo r n o othe r approac h tha n manipulativ e distance, o n th e on e hand , an d spuriou s identification , o n th e other . A t the ver y least , thi s wil l kee p u s fro m mistakenl y assumin g tha t th e discourse o f feminis m itsel f constitute s a solutio n t o th e fac t o f women' s oppression. I d o not , however , thin k tha t generi c solution s ca n b e foun d t o th e dilemmas feminist s fac e i n conductin g research , no r d o I for a n instan t hold ou t th e hop e o f devisin g exac t "rules " tha t wil l resolv e these issue s for us . In m y view , thi s i s impossibl e becaus e ethica l problem s d o no t arise a s absolute s requirin g "blin d justice. " Whe n Anatol e Franc e ob served tha t th e la w i n it s majesti c impartialit y forbid s bot h th e ric h an d the poo r t o slee p unde r bridges , to be g in the streets , an d t o stea l bread , he reminde d us , wit h bitte r humor , tha t ethica l problem s emerg e i n concrete huma n contexts , context s tha t ar e alway s specifi c an d alway s material. 11 An d I believe thes e problems surfac e wit h specia l intensit y i n research wit h livin g person s becaus e man y o f u s sens e tha t ethic s i s a matter no t o f abstractl y correc t behavior , bu t o f relation s betwee n peo ple. Th e persona l intervie w is , therefore, a particularly precis e locu s fo r ethical issue s to surface—unless , tha t is , we are busy (a s indeed we ofte n are) suppressin g ou r awarenes s o f thes e issues. It i s i n thi s contex t tha t I wan t t o argu e fo r th e importanc e o f recognizing th e materia l inequalitie s tha t creat e th e condition s fo r muc h feminist research . Suc h a focu s point s t o th e fissures betwee n ou r theor y and ou r practice . The difficult y man y o f u s fac e i n drawin g attentio n t o the issu e o f materia l inequalitie s a s a ke y facto r i n research—eve n i n feminist research—suggests , t o my mind , tha t th e desir e t o transfor m the worl d i s ofte n weake r tha n th e wis h t o enjo y i t a s i t is . Les s causti cally, on e migh t sa y tha t perhap s w e ten d t o avoi d thes e problem s because the y coul d lea d t o despair , whic h make s actio n impossible . Lik e the experienc e o f guilt , thes e ar e persona l emotions , whic h ma y deflec t attention fro m th e nonpersonal , institutional , an d politica l contour s o f
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the problem o f materia l inequality . Howeve r powerfull y w e may experi ence thes e problem s o n a n individua l basi s i n concret e researc h situa tions, w e mus t no t los e sigh t o f th e fac t tha t thes e ar e not , i n fact , personal problems o f overl y sensitive individuals. They are, rather, genu ine ethica l dilemma s tha t th e broade r society , buil t o n inequalities , stra tegically induce s us to disregard . When th e inequalities between researche r an d researche d ar e extreme , all th e ethica l dilemma s inheren t i n researc h wit h livin g person s ar e intensified. Le t m e outlin e a mode l I have develope d fo r thinkin g abou t what conventionall y goe s on whe n U.S . academics intervie w third-worl d people. Collectin g personal narratives , when don e with professiona l an d publishing goal s i n mind , i s invariably i n par t a n economi c matter . Th e difficulty w e have i n establishin g appropriat e practice s fo r suc h researc h situations ma y li e precisel y i n th e od d transformatio n o f familia r eco nomic role s tha t th e process bring s about . A n individua l tellin g her ow n story ca n b e construe d t o b e i n possessio n o f ra w material , materia l without whic h th e entrepreneuria l researche r coul d no t perfor m th e labor o f producing a text. In this situation , i t is the researcher wh o own s or ha s acces s t o th e mean s o f productio n tha t wil l transform th e spoke n words int o commodities . Thi s ma y no t b e th e mai n functio n o f ora l histories, lif e histor y studies , o r othe r researc h project s usin g "nativ e informants," bu t i t i s certainly on e o f th e function s o f suc h texts . Func tion is , after all , determined i n part b y one's particular vantag e point. T o a commercia l publisher , th e existenc e o f a book a s a commodit y ma y b e its mai n function . T o a professor , i t coul d b e a ste p towar d promotio n and salar y increases . This mode l o f provide r an d extracto r is , however , muddie d b y th e fact tha t th e researche r typicall y play s th e rol e no t onl y o f capitalis t bu t also o f laborer , whic h ma y b e on e reaso n fo r th e complacenc y o f man y of those who us e personal narrative s i n their work. The constant shiftin g of role s prevents u s from developin g a suitable model fo r understanding , analyzing, an d assignin g right s an d dutie s i n th e persona l intervie w situation. Fro m th e point o f vie w o f th e researcher' s labor , th e lif e stor y appears a s a mer e potentialit y waitin g t o b e actualized . Wha t occur s i n the preparatio n o f a tex t utilizin g a persona l narrativ e doe s involv e the transformatio n o f "ra w material, " a transformatio n accomplishe d through th e researcher' s labo r o f turnin g spoke n word s int o writte n ones, editing , translatin g i f necessary , o r studyin g an d analyzin g th e stories o r data. 12 On e sor t o f discours e become s another , an d i t i s th e
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transformer wh o derive s th e greates t benefi t fro m th e enterprise . Whether construe d a s capitalis t entrepreneu r o r a s laborer , then , th e researcher i s the person whose time and investmen t i s acknowledged an d rewarded. And , a s in an y asymmetrica l exchange , exploitation i s alway s a possibility . In anothe r essa y I hav e discusse d th e differen t moment s o f ora l his tory wor k i n which ethica l problem s emerge , moments rangin g fro m th e interview itself , throug h th e use s mad e o f persona l narrative s an d th e rewards accruin g t o th e interviewer , t o post-intervie w obligations. 13 Bu t it i s not enoug h t o addres s thes e specifics , fo r howeve r subtl e th e guide lines we might develop fo r appropriat e ethica l behavior a t these differen t stages, w e mus t no t disregar d th e ver y facts—an d thes e ar e materia l ones—that determin e who get s to do research o n whom; who has acces s to researc h grants , trave l funds , th e press ; whos e words , a t th e mos t basic level, are granted authorit y i n representing others . The feminis t precep t o f "returnin g th e research"—presumabl y t o those communitie s wh o mad e i t possible—i s on e attemp t t o dea l wit h the inequalit y o f th e typica l exchang e betwee n researche r an d re searched. Bu t eve n thi s raise s man y problems . Ho w i s th e researc h returned? T o whom , i n wha t form , an d t o wha t avail ? Again , o f th e frequent clai m tha t th e intervie w process , a s conducte d b y feminists , i s empowering i n tha t i t "give s a voice " t o thos e wh o migh t otherwis e remain silent , on e ma y wel l ask : i s i t empowermen t o r i s i t appropria tion? 14 When i s the purported empowermen t o r affirmation jus t anothe r psychological surrogate , a "fee l good " measure , a mean s b y whic h re searchers consol e themselve s fo r th e rea l imbalance s i n powe r tha t the y know—despite al l th e tal k o f sisterhood—exists ? Wha t doe s i t mean , furthermore, fo r researcher s to claim the right to validate the experience s of others ? An d eve n wher e empowermen t doe s occur , a s indee d i t may , is i t a justificatio n fo r th e appropriatio n tha t occur s alon g wit h it ? Th e only project s tha t avoi d thes e problem s ar e thos e tha t ar e a t al l stage s genuinely i n th e contro l o f a community , wit h th e communit y assumin g the rol e o f bot h researche d an d researcher. 15 Bu t suc h project s ar e onl y a smal l fractio n o f th e feminis t researc h bein g conducte d i n man y fields—all o f i t urgently neede d t o redres s th e distortion s o f generation s of androcentri c work tha t constitute s "knowledge. " The researcher' s desir e t o ac t ou t feminis t commitments , relinquis h control, an d involv e th e researche d i n al l stage s o f th e projec t run s th e risk, however , o f subtl y translatin g int o th e researcher' s ow n deman d
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for affirmatio n an d validation . Li z Kennedy , i n describin g he r experi ences wit h a n ora l histor y projec t i n th e lesbia n communit y i n Buffalo , New York , cam e t o questio n he r expectatio n o f othe r people' s intens e involvement wit h th e project. Sh e found tha t ofte n he r subject s wer e no t interested i n he r follow-u p communication s an d faile d t o respon d t o them. 16 Thi s remind s u s that eve n i n th e bes t o f circumstances , w e mus t guard agains t foistin g ont o other s a demand o r a wish fo r reinforcemen t in ou r wor k an d ou r concerns. 17 Otherwise , researcher s ma y fin d them selves abdicating their intellectual responsibilitie s an d training, in perpet ual pursui t o f thei r subjects ' approval . I t i s i n fac t exceedingl y difficul t to strik e a balanc e tha t neithe r exploit s th e researche d no r impose s o n them ou r ow n psychologica l demands . Whic h bring s u s onc e agai n to th e simpl e recognitio n tha t som e measur e o f "objectification, " o r separation an d distance , i s no t onl y inevitabl e but , indeed , desirabl e i n most researc h situations . When I undertook a smal l surve y t o determin e ho w othe r researcher s who wor k wit h livin g persons deal t wit h th e ethica l problem s generate d by thei r work , I discovere d tha t man y o f the m wer e comfortabl e wit h the usua l rationales : informant s wer e becomin g "par t o f history" ; thei r stories wer e bein g transmitted ; the y wer e affirme d an d validate d i n the process ; th e researche r perhap s (thi s occurre d mor e rarely ) share d royalties, o r donate d the m t o a caus e reflectin g th e interest s o f th e researched. I t di d no t tak e feminis t scholars , with ou r languag e o f "em powerment," t o com e u p wit h suc h rationales ; thes e hav e bee n aroun d for a lon g time , an d ar e ofte n quit e correc t a s fa r a s the y go . Interest ingly, m y brie f ethica l surve y als o faile d t o tur n u p significan t gende r differences, wit h th e exceptio n tha t fa r fewe r wome n replie d t o my lette r than me n (1 4 percen t a s compare d t o 4 3 percent) . Th e replie s did , however, sugges t tha t no t gender , o r feminis t commitments , bu t wha t I would cal l mor e genera l politica l commitment s o r concern s seeme d t o divide those who wer e troubled b y the ethical problems o f thei r researc h from thos e who wer e not. 18 The complexity o f raisin g ethical question s abou t researc h wit h livin g persons ca n b e furthe r illustrate d b y lookin g a t tw o type s o f problems . One o f the m i s intricat e an d subtle , th e othe r apparentl y simpl e an d clear. Th e first ha s t o d o wit h th e currentl y popula r notion , mentione d earlier, tha t tellin g one' s stor y constitute s "empowerment. " I n man y respects thi s i s o f cours e true . Agne s Hankiss , i n a n intriguin g articl e called "Ontologie s o f th e Self : O n th e Mythologica l Rearrangin g o f
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One's Life-History, " discusse s how , a s speaker s narrat e thei r lif e story , they endow certai n episode s with a symbolic meaning that in effect turn s these episodes int o myths . This is a never-ending process, she points out , for a n adul t mus t constantl y selec t ne w model s o r strategie s fo r life. 19 A similar ide a i s expressed mor e simpl y i n a n essa y b y Mari a Lugone s an d Elizabeth Spelman : "Havin g th e opportunit y t o tal k abou t one' s life , t o give an accoun t o f it , to interpre t it , i s integral t o leadin g that lif e rathe r than bein g led through it. " 20 Some researchers, however, ar e not conten t to le t this process wor k b y itself; or , rather , becaus e the y ar e very muc h aware o f th e subtl e way s i n whic h th e researche r invariabl y shape s eve n the conten t o f a n interview , the y argu e tha t researcher s ough t deliber ately to attemp t t o rais e the narrator's consciousness . Marjorie Mbilinyi , for example , describe s he r ora l histor y wor k i n Tanzani a i n term s tha t reveal tha t "consciousnes s raising"—o r politica l propaganda , a s i t might see m t o others—wa s a n explici t goa l o f th e project. Sh e consider s this legitimat e an d desirable , a n articulatio n o f a n agend a tha t i s alway s present bu t no t usuall y though t throug h b y researchers. 21 Marie-Franc.oise Chanfrault-Duchet , o n th e othe r hand , reject s th e notion tha t feminis t methodolog y shoul d involv e a n attemp t t o trans form th e speaker' s ideas . She refers t o thi s practice a s a form o f "savag e social therapy." 22 I agree. It seems to me, as well, that to treat interview s with othe r wome n a s opportunitie s fo r imposin g ou r ow n politicall y correct analyse s requires an arroganc e incompatible with genuin e respec t for others . An d respec t i s a minimu m conditio n i f w e ar e no t t o trea t others a s mer e mean s t o ou r ow n ends—i f w e ar e not , i n othe r words , to reproduc e th e very practices o f dominatio n tha t w e seek to challenge . In addition , t o utiliz e th e intervie w a s a n occasio n fo r forcin g o n other s our idea s o f a prope r politica l awareness , howeve r w e understan d that , is t o betra y a n implici t trust . I s i t likely , afte r all , tha t anyon e woul d agree t o a n intervie w i f w e announce d beforehan d tha t whil e w e wer e getting thei r lif e stor y w e woul d b e steerin g th e conversatio n s o a s t o demonstrate t o the m what , i n ou r view , their politica l situatio n wa s an d how thei r live s shoul d b e understoo d accordingly ? Bu t i f thi s i s indee d our agenda , no t t o se t i t fort h a t th e outse t i s certainl y t o disguis e ou r true intention s an d t o manipulat e th e perso n interviewe d i n a wa y tha t should b e considere d incompatibl e wit h feminism . Thi s woul d b e "sav age social therapy, " indeed . Consider no w another , apparentl y ver y minor, typ e o f ethica l breach , frequently presen t i n eve n th e simples t researc h situation s utilizin g
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personal interviews . Whethe r th e interactio n i s brie f an d one-tim e o r involves long-ter m participan t observation , a commo n experienc e o f researchers i s tha t the y mak e promise s t o th e peopl e the y hav e inter viewed—to sen d the m thi s o r tha t item , to sta y in touch, an d s o on. Bu t with ho w man y dozen s o f peopl e ca n a researcher , howeve r feminist , however sincere , consistentl y communicate ? Fo r ho w long ? I foun d myself overwhelme d b y th e prospec t o f maintainin g contac t wit h th e sixty wome n I interviewe d i n Brazil . O n th e othe r hand , o n wha t basi s should I have chose n amon g them ? Thus , even with simpl e matters suc h as keepin g one' s word , no t t o mentio n th e large r issue s arisin g fro m structural inequalitie s tha t th e feminis t researche r ca n i n n o wa y lessen , problems o f power an d betraya l expos e the fragility o f eas y assumption s of sisterhoo d an d reciprocity . In the end , even "feminist " researc h to o easil y tends t o reproduc e th e very inequalitie s an d hierarchie s i t seeks to revea l an d t o transform . Th e researcher depart s wit h th e data , an d th e researche d sta y behind , n o better of f tha n before. 23 Th e commo n observation s tha t "they " go t something ou t o f i t too—th e opportunit y t o tel l thei r stories , th e entr y into history, the recuperation o f their ow n memories , perhaps the chanc e to exercis e som e editoria l contro l ove r th e projec t o r eve n it s products , etc.—even whe n perfectl y accurate , d o no t challeng e th e inequalitie s o n which th e entir e proces s rests . Neither doe s a sisterl y postur e o f mutua l learning and genuin e dialogue. For we continue to function i n an overde termined univers e i n which ou r respectiv e role s ensur e tha t other peopl e are always the subjec t o f our research , almos t neve r the reverse . Is there n o alternative , then , t o insuperabl e distanc e o n th e on e hand , and mystifyin g chummines s o n th e other ? Ar e ther e n o choice s othe r than exploitatio n o r patronage ? Differenc e o r identification ? Face d wit h this ver y rea l dilemma , feminis t researcher s i n today' s cultur e o f self reflexivity ofte n engag e i n merel y rhetorica l maneuver s tha t ar e rapidl y acquiring th e statu s o f incantations . A currently popula r strateg y i s tha t of "situating " onesel f b y prio r announcement : "A s a whit e working class heterosexual . . . ," o r "A s a blac k feminis t activist . . . . " Some times thes e tropes soun d lik e apologies; mor e ofte n the y ar e deploye d a s badges. Eithe r way , the y giv e of f thei r ow n arom a o f fraud , fo r th e underlying assumptio n seem s t o b e tha t b y suc h identificatio n on e ha s paid one' s respect s t o "difference"—owne d u p t o bias , acknowledge d privilege, o r take n possessio n o f oppression—an d i s no w hom e free. 24 But thi s postur e ha s n o impac t o n th e fac t tha t "difference " i n today' s
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world come s package d i n sociall y constructe d disparities . Mor e tha n a verbal acknowledgmen t o f persona l o r grou p identit y i s required . In deed, suc h rhetori c onc e agai n deflect s attentio n fro m th e systemi c na ture o f inequality . Identit y politics , wit h it s characteristi c focu s o n op pression rather tha n exploitation , engage s in a subtle maneuver whereby , as Jenny Bourn e note s i n a n incisiv e essay , th e questio n o f "Wha t i s t o be done has bee n replace d b y who a m I." 2 5 The self-righteou s ton e tha t a t time s characterize s feminis t wor k ma y be merel y a capitulatio n t o feminis t discourse , which , lik e an y othe r discourse, draw s boundarie s tha t defin e wha t w e se e an d fai l t o see , what w e accep t an d contest . Feminism , however , shoul d no t b e turne d into a cudge l use d agains t ourselve s o r others . No r shoul d i t b e a bromide allowin g researcher s t o proceed behin d th e scree n o f a n uncriti cal notio n o f sisterhood . Bu t havin g raise d thes e issues— a fa r easie r thing t o d o tha n resolvin g them— I d o no t wan t t o impl y tha t th e appropriate respons e i s t o abando n th e comple x researc h situation s i n which ora l narrative s ar e typicall y gathere d an d utilized . I t i s a mistak e to le t ourselve s b e overwhelme d b y thes e problems . Th e fac t tha t doin g research acros s race , class , an d cultur e i s a mess y busines s i s n o reaso n to contemplat e onl y difficultie s an d ourselve s strugglin g wit h them . A s Jenny Bourn e says , "What we do is who we are." 26 Th e worl d wil l no t get bette r becaus e w e hav e sensitivel y apologize d fo r privilege , no r if , from th e comfortabl e height s o f th e academy , w e advertis e ou r identifi cation wit h th e oppresse d o r compet e fo r distinctio n a s members o f thi s or that oppresse d group . Neither purit y no r safet y reside s i n callin g one' s researc h "feminist. " But no controvers y attend s th e fac t tha t to o muc h ignoranc e exist s in th e world t o allo w u s t o awai t perfec t researc h method s befor e proceeding . Ultimately w e have to make up ou r mind s whether ou r research i s worth doing or not , an d the n determin e ho w t o g o about i t in such ways that i t best serve s our purporte d goals . There i s muc h t o b e gaine d fro m th e ongoin g discussio n o f appro priate researc h methods . Bu t i n a n unethica l world , w e canno t d o trul y ethical research . Th e problem s I hav e bee n discussing , i n othe r words , are political , an d requir e fo r thei r solutio n no t onl y transformation s i n consciousness, bu t also , an d abov e all , politica l action . Ou r individua l research effort s thu s retur n u s to th e world, whic h ca n b e counted o n t o puncture an y illusion s tha t a "correct " feminis m wil l resolv e thes e mat ters fo r us. 27
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NOTES
i. Micael a D i Leonardo , The Varieties of Ethnic Experience: Kinship, Class, and Gender among California Italian-Americans (Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1984) , 4 1 , has note d tha t i t i s mor e difficul t t o intervie w "up " tha n "across" o r "down, " fo r wealth y an d powerfu l peopl e ar e likel y t o b e les s receptive t o scholarl y interes t i n thei r persona l lives . Marcia Greenlee , i n a roundtable discussio n o n "Appropriatio n o r Empowerment : Ora l History , Feminist Process, and Ethics," Oral History Association Meeting, Baltimore, Maryland, Octobe r 16 , 1988 , spok e o f th e consequence s o f suc h clas s distinctions fo r th e interviewer . "Yo u d o no t hav e t o brie f someon e o f hig h social statu s i n wha t thei r right s are . [The y kno w that ] the y don' t nee d t o talk abou t certai n subjects. " Wit h les s powerfu l people , no t t o mentio n disempowered ones , however, th e researcher' s desir e to ge t certain informa tion i s often i n conflict wit h ethica l behavior tha t would protect th e subject' s interests. Greenlee believe s that i t is crucial t o explai n t o thos e we intervie w that the y ca n a t an y poin t sa y " I don' t car e t o commen t o n tha t fo r th e record." Sh e als o protests agains t th e institutiona l constraint s tha t ofte n se t the researcher's interest s i n opposition t o thos e o f th e researched . 2. Gai l Webber , "Sisterl y Conduct : D o Feminist s Nee d Guideline s fo r Ethica l Behavior wit h On e Another?, " Women's Studies International Forum 8 , 1 (1985): 57 . 3. See , fo r example , Patt i Lather , "Feminis t Perspective s o n Empowerin g Re search Methodologies, " Women's Studies International Forum 11 , 6 (1988): 569—81 . Lather' s empowerin g methodologie s ar e greatl y under mined b y her selection o f a homogeneous researc h environment : a universit y classroom i n the United States . 4. Cite d i n Israe l Shenker , "E . B . White : Note s an d Commen t b y Author, " New York Times, Jul y n , 1969 , 43. 5. Daphn e Patai , Brazilian Women Speak: Contemporary Life Stories (Ne w Brunswick: Rutger s Universit y Press , 1988) . 6. A different , perhap s traditional , vie w o f thi s issu e i s expresse d b y Jac k D . Douglas, i n hi s essa y "Livin g Moralit y versu s Bureaucrati c Fiat, " i n Deviance and Decency: The Ethics of Research with Human Subjects, ed . C . B. Klockars an d F . W. O'Conno r (Beverl y Hills: Sage Publications, 1979) , 13— 33. Dougla s write s tha t th e relationship s w e develo p i n friendshi p an d i n research situation s diffe r onl y i n degree , an d tha t w e hav e fewe r socia l obligations t o ou r researc h subject s sinc e w e ten d t o b e les s intimat e wit h them. Carryin g o n abou t mora l problem s i n socia l research , i n hi s view , "may b e very satisfying t o ou r feeling s o f pride," bu t "i t is a great distortio n of socia l realities . Th e fac t i s tha t al l huma n being s ar e socia l researchers " (27—29). Cite d b y Karo l R . Ortiz , "Menta l Healt h Consequence s o f Lif e History Method, " Ethos 13, 2 (Summe r 1985) : 99-120. Suc h a perspective, of course , doe s awa y wit h an y discussio n o f "ethical " dilemmas , whil e quietly affirmin g th e inevitability o f a particular socia l "reality. "
Is Ethical Research Possible? 3 9 7. Arlen e Kapla n Daniels , "Self-Deceptio n an d Self-Discover y i n Fieldwork, " Qualitative Sociology 6 , 3 (Fall 1983) : 196 . 8. An n Oakley , "Interviewin g Women : A Contradictio n i n Terms, " i n Doing Feminist Research, ed . Hele n Robert s (Ne w York : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul, 1981) , 30-61 . 9. Judit h Stacey , "Ca n Ther e B e a Feminis t Ethnography?, " Women's Studies International Forum n , 1 (1988): 21-27 , and , i n a slightly revise d version , in Women's Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History, ed . Shern a Berger Gluc k an d Daphn e Pata i (Ne w York : Routledge , 1991) , 111-19 . 10. Carol e J . Spitzack , "Bod y Talk : Th e Politic s o f Weigh t Los s an d Femal e Identity," i n Women Communicating: Studies of Women's Talk, ed . Bar bara Bat e an d Anit a Taylo r (Norwood , N.J. : Able x Publishin g Corp. , 1988), 54-55 . At time s th e disclosure s mad e i n th e cours e o f a lengthy life history intervie w excee d th e bound s o f intimat e conversatio n an d resembl e instead a confession . Fo r a discussio n o f th e mora l aspect s o f confessio n that i s suggestive fo r thos e who elici t life histories , see Sissela Bok , "Confes sion an d Mora l Choice, " i n Foundations of Ethics, ed . Lero y S . Roune r (Notre Dame : Universit y o f Notr e Dam e Press , 1983) , 133-48 , especiall y 140-45, wher e Bo k discusse s authorit y an d vulnerabilit y i n the relationshi p between listene r an d confessant . 11. Anatol e France , he Lys rouge (1894 ; reprint , Paris : Imprimeri e Nationale , 1958). 12. A simple illustration o f th e conflicts tha t ma y emerge between th e researche r and th e researche d i s provide d b y Nel l Irvi n Painte r i n he r prefac e t o the ora l histor y sh e di d wit h Hose a Hudson . Painte r (viii ) describe s thei r disagreement ove r th e book' s titl e an d author . Hudso n wante d t o appea r i n both, whil e Painte r wante d t o b e recognize d a s th e author . The y finally settled o n a compromis e an d th e boo k wa s publishe d a s The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: His Life as a Negro Communist in the South (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1979) , wit h Painte r liste d a s author . A n extrem e case of a researcher's appropriatio n o f th e speaker's lif e is discussed b y Pau l John Eaki n i n hi s forewor d t o Philipp e Lejeune' s On Autobiography, ed . Paul John Eakin , trans. Katherine Lear y (Minneapolis : University o f Minne sota Press , 1989) , xvii-xix . Th e cas e involve s Lejeune' s changin g reaction s to Adelaid e Blasquez' s boo k Gaston Lucas, serrurier, chronique de I'antiheeros (Paris : Plon , 1976) . Initially, Lejeun e judge d thi s t o b e a masterpiec e of ethnographi c truth-telling , a belief somewha t shake n whe n h e discovere d that Blasque z ha d erase d eac h intervie w wit h Luca s afte r transcribin g it . There is , furthermore , th e proble m o f Blasquez' s representation , i n he r book, of her collaboratio n wit h Luca s as idyllically egalitarian, a representa tion tha t wa s explode d whe n Blasquez' s publishe r invite d Lejeun e t o inter view Blasque z fo r a video . Lejeun e suggeste d tha t Gasto n Lucas , wh o wa s still alive, should als o be the subject o f a video, but Blasquez replied tha t th e living Gaston Luca s ha d nothin g of valu e to say , for h e truly existe d onl y a s the characte r tha t she , throug h he r art , ha d create d i n he r book . Se e als o Lejeune's ver y interestin g comment s o n th e relationshi p betwee n wha t h e
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calls "th e model " an d th e "ethnobiographer, " i n hi s essay , "Th e Autobiog raphy o f Thos e Wh o D o No t Write, " i n Lejeune , On Autobiography, 185-215. 13. Daphn e Patai , "Ethica l Problem s o f Persona l Narratives , Or , Wh o Shoul d Eat th e Las t Piec e o f Cake?, " International Journal of Oral History 8 , 1 (February 1987) : 5-27 . 14. Thi s i s the formulatio n use d i n a roundtable discussio n entitled , "Appropri ation o r Empowerment : Ora l History , Feminis t Process , an d Ethics, " orga nized b y Shern a Gluc k a t th e Ora l Histor y Associatio n meetin g i n Balti more, Maryland, Octobe r 16 , 1988 . 15. Se e Par t I V o f Gluc k an d Patai , Women's Words fo r example s o f ho w "return" an d communit y involvemen t can , i n certai n type s o f actio n an d advocacy research , b e built int o th e project a s ongoing features . 16. Elizabet h Kennedy , a t th e roundtabl e discussio n o n "Appropriatio n o r Em powerment: Ora l History , Feminis t Process , an d Ethics, " Ora l Histor y As sociation meeting , Baltimore, Maryland, Octobe r 16 , 1988 . 17. Thes e problem s ar e discusse d wit h exceptiona l forthrightnes s i n Sondr a Hale, "Feminis t Method , Process , and Self-Criticism : Interviewin g Sudanes e Woman," i n Gluck an d Patai , Women's Words, 121-36 . 18. Patai , "Ethica l Problem s o f Persona l Narratives. " 19. Agne s Hankiss , "Ontologie s o f th e Self : O n th e Mythologica l Rearrangin g of One' s Life-History, " i n Biography and Society: The Life History Approach in the Social Sciences, ed . Danie l Bertau x (Beverl y Hills : Sag e Publications, 1981) , 203—9. 20. Mari a C . Lugone s an d Elizabet h V . Spelman , "Hav e W e Go t a Theor y fo r You! Feminis t Theory , Cultura l Imperialism , an d th e Deman d fo r 'Th e Woman's Voice,' " Women's Studies International Forum 6 , 6 (1983) : 593 . 21. Marjori e Mbilinyi , comment s mad e a t th e conference , "Autobiographies , Biographies an d Lif e Historie s o f Women : Interdisciplinar y Perspectives, " sponsored b y th e Cente r fo r Advance d Feminis t Studie s a t th e Universit y of Minnesota , Minneapolis , Ma y 23-24 , 1986 . A versio n o f Mbilinyi' s conference pape r appear s a s "'I' d Hav e Bee n a Man': Politic s an d th e Labo r Process i n Producin g Persona l Narratives, " i n Interpreting Women's Lives, ed. Persona l Narrative s Grou p (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1989), 204-27 . 22. Marie-Fran^ois e Chanfrault-Duchet , "Narrativ e Structures , Social Models , and Symboli c Representatio n i n th e Lif e Story, " i n Gluc k an d Patai , Women's Words, 7 7 - 9 2 . 23. A s Calvi n Pryluc k put s it , "Ultimatel y w e ar e al l outsider s i n th e live s o f others. We ca n tak e ou r gea r an d g o home; they have to continu e their live s where the y are. " I n Calvi n Pryluck , "Ultimatel y W e Ar e Al l Outsiders : The Ethic s o f Documentar y Filmmaking, " Journal of the University Film Association, 28 , 1 (Winte r 1976) : 22 . I a m gratefu l t o Professo r Mar k Jonathan Harris , o f th e Schoo l o f Cinema-Televisio n a t th e Universit y o f Southern California , fo r sendin g me this article .
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24. Ther e are , of course , serious problems o f possible bias, of whic h researcher s have increasingl y becom e aware . Marsh a Darling , i n "Th e Disinherite d a s Source: Rura l Blac k Women' s Memories, " Michigan Quarterly Review 26 , 1 (Winte r 1987) : 49 , write s o f th e way s i n whic h ou r ver y idea s o f wha t constitutes a legitimate "source " ar e shaped b y methodological, conceptual , and politica l notions . Clair e Robertso n ha s als o addresse d thes e issues . See her "I n Pursui t o f Lif e Histories : Th e Proble m o f Bias, " Frontiers 7 , 2 (1983): 63—69 . Despit e he r sensitiv e an d sensibl e approach , Robertso n herself engage s i n ethicall y questionabl e behavio r when , accordin g t o he r own account , whil e i n Ghan a workin g wit h a n interpreter , sh e deceive d some o f he r informant s abou t he r increasin g competenc e i n th e G a lan guage. A s sh e explains : "O n occasion , I foun d i t helpfu l t o preten d tota l ignorance o f G a becaus e th e informant wa s telling Mankah [th e interpreter ] things tha t sh e assume d I woul d no t understand " (64) . Fo r ou r purposes , what i s significan t abou t thi s statemen t i s Robertson' s apparen t lac k o f awareness tha t thi s behavior raise d ethica l problems . 25. Jenn y Bourne , "Homeland s o f th e Mind : Jewis h Feminis m an d Identit y Politics," Race and Class 29, 1 (Summer 1987) : 3 . 26. Ibid. , 2 2 (emphasi s i n original) . 27. Passage s an d line s o f argumen t utilize d i n thi s essa y first appeare d i n m y "Ethical Problem s o f Persona l Narratives " (cite d above) , "Who' s Callin g Whom Subaltern?, " Women and Language n , 2 (Winte r 1988) : 2 3 - 2 6 ; and i n "U.S . Academic s an d Third-Worl d Women : I s Ethica l Researc h Possible?," Women s Studies in Indiana 15 , 1 (November/December 1989) : 1-4.
REFERENCES
Bok, Sissela . "Confessio n an d Mora l Choice. " I n Lero y S . Rouner, ed. , Foundations of Ethics, 133-48 . Notre Dame : University of Notre Dame Press , 1983. Bourne, Jenny . "Homeland s o f th e Mind : Jewis h Feminis m an d Identit y Poli tics." Race and Class 29, 1 (Summer 1987) : 1-24 . Chanfrault-Duchet, Marie-Frangoise . "Narrativ e Structures , Social Models , an d Symbolic Representatio n i n th e Lif e Story. " I n Gluc k an d Patai , Women's Words, 7 7 - 9 2 . Daniels, Arlen e Kaplan . "Self-Deceptio n an d Self-Discover y i n Fieldwork. " Qualitative Sociology 6 , 3 (Fall 1983) : 195-214 . Darling, Marsha Jean. "Th e Disinherited a s Source: Rural Blac k Women's Mem ories." Michigan Quarterly Review 26 , 1 (Winter 1987) : 4 8 - 6 3 . Di Leonardo , Micaela . The Varieties of Ethnic Experience: Kinship, Class, and Gender among California Italian-Americans. Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1984 . Dougjas, Jac k D . "Livin g Moralit y versu s Bureaucrati c Fiat. " I n C . B . Klockar s
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and F . W . O'Connor , eds. , Deviance and Decency: The Ethics of Research with Human Subjects, 13-33 . Beverl y Hills: Sage Publications, 1979 . France, Anatole . he Lys rouge. 1894 . Reprint . Paris : Imprimeri e Nationale , 1958. Gluck, Shern a Berger , an d Daphn e Patai , eds . Women's Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History. Ne w York : Routledge , 1991 . Greenlee, Marcia . "Appropriatio n o r Empowerment : Ora l History , Feminis t Process, an d Ethics. " Roundtabl e discussio n a t Ora l Histor y Associatio n Meeting, Baltimore, Maryland, Octobe r 16 , 1988 . Hale, Sondra. "Feminis t Method, Process , and Self-Criticism : Interviewin g Suda nese Women." I n Gluck an d Patai , Women's Words, 121-36 . Hankiss, Agnes . "Ontologie s o f th e Self : O n th e Mythologica l Rearrangin g o f One's Life-History. " I n Danie l Bertaux , ed. , Biography and Society: The Life History Approach in the Social Sciences, 203-9 . Beverl y Hills : Sag e Publications, 1981 . Kennedy, Elizabeth . "Appropriatio n o r Empowerment : Ora l History , Feminis t Process, an d Ethics. " Roundtabl e discussio n a t Ora l Histor y Associatio n Meeting, Baltimore, Maryland, Octobe r 16 , 1988 . Lather, Patti . "Feminis t Perspective s o n Empowerin g Researc h Methodologies. " Women's Studies International Forum n , 6 (1988): 569-81 . Lejeune, Philippe . On Autobiography. Edite d b y Paul John Eakin . Translated b y Katherine Leary . Minneapolis: Universit y o f Minnesot a Press , 1989 . Lugones, Mari a C. , an d Elizabet h V . Spelman . "Hav e W e Go t a Theor y fo r You! Feminis t Theory , Cultura l Imperialis m an d th e Deman d fo r T h e Woman's Voice.' " Women's Studies International Forum 6 , 6 (1983) : 573-81. Mbilinyi, Marjorie . Comment s mad e a t th e conferenc e o n "Autobiographies , Biographies an d Lif e Historie s o f Women : Interdisciplinar y Perspectives, " sponsored b y th e Cente r fo r Advance d Feminis t Studie s a t th e Universit y o f Minnesota, Minneapolis , Minnesota, Ma y 23—24 , 1986. Oakley, Ann . "Interviewin g Women : A Contradictio n i n Terms. " I n Hele n Roberts, ed. , Doing Feminist Research, 30—61 . Ne w York : Routledg e an d Kegan Paul , 1981. Ortiz, Karo l R . "Menta l Healt h Consequence s o f Lif e Histor y Method. " Ethos 13, 2 (Summer 1985) : 99—120. Painter, Nel l Irvin . The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: His Life as a Negro Communist in the South. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1979 . Patai, Daphne. Brazilian Women Speak: Contemporary Life Stories. Ne w Bruns wick: Rutger s Universit y Press , 1988 . . "Ethica l Problem s o f Persona l Narratives , Or , Wh o Shoul d Ea t th e Las t Piece o f Cake? " International Journal of Oral History 8 , 1 (February 1987) : 5-2.7-
Pry luck, Calvin . "Ultimatel y W e Ar e All Outsiders : Th e Ethic s o f Documentar y Filmmaking." Journal of the University Film Association 28 , 1 (Winte r 1976): 21—29 .
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Robertson, Claire . "I n Pursui t o f Lif e Histories : The Proble m o f Bias. " Frontiers 7, 2. (1983): 6 3 - 6 9 . Shenker, Israel . "E . B . White : Note s an d Commen t b y Author. " New York Times, Jul y n , 1969,43 . Spitzack, Carol e J . "Bod y Talk : Th e Politic s o f Weigh t Los s an d Femal e Iden tity." I n Barbara Bat e and Anit a Taylor , eds. , Women Communicating: Studies of Women's Talk. Norwood , N.J. : Ablex Publishin g Corp. , 1988 . Stacey, Judith . "Ca n Ther e B e a Feminis t Ethnography? " I n Gluc k an d Patai , 111-19.
Webber, Gail . "Sisterl y Conduct : D o Feminist s Nee d Guideline s fo r Ethica l Behavior wit h On e Another? " Women's Studies International Forum 8 , 1 (1985): 51-58 .
2. SCOLDING LAD Y MAR Y WORTLE Y MONTAGU? TH E PROBLEMATIC S O F SISTERHOOD I N FEMINIS T CRITICIS M DEVONEY LOOSE R
As with man y wome n writer s "found " b y second-wave feminisms , Lad y Mary Wortle y Montag u ha s bee n hel d u p a s a n exemplar y mode l o f womanhood. Montag u i s frequentl y taugh t alongsid e he r eighteenth century Britis h "sisters, " Aphr a Behn , Mar y Astell , an d Mar y Woll stonecraft, al l o f who m carve d significan t space s outsid e o f traditiona l feminine role s i n thei r live s an d writings . Montag u ha s no t lacke d a contemporary audience , he r letter s garnerin g spac e i n The Norton Anthology of Literature by Women a s wel l a s The Norton Anthology of English Literature. Th e way s w e rea d Montagu , however , hav e becom e increasingly complicate d a s o f late . In recen t year s Montag u ha s serve d as a sit e o f facil e co-optation , critica l angst , an d feminis t struggle . Th e locus o f thes e struggles , I believe, is the applicabilit y o f th e label s "femi nist" an d "progressive. " I s Montag u a feminist ? I s sh e progressive ? Both? Neither ? Thes e question s an d thei r resultin g conflict s challeng e us—not merel y to take sides—but t o take stock of our critica l practices. An overvie w o f Montagu' s changin g reputation s a s a "feminist " pro vides a cas e stud y o f ho w wome n writer s hav e bee n recuperate d an d institutionalized an d compel s u s t o rethin k ou r feminis t authoria l models. 44
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It i s n o revelatio n tha t muc h o f second-wav e feminis t criticism — including criticis m o n Montagu—wa s celebrator y t o a troubling degree . In the majorit y o f feminis t scholarshi p produce d i n the last two decades , Montagu i s congratulate d fo r he r gende r politics . I n 1978 , Pa t Roger s described Montag u a s " a brav e spiri t wh o challenge d th e mal e domina tion o f th e literar y worl d b y writin g movin g letter s an d ladylik e epis tles." 1 Montagu wa s dubbe d " a staunc h advocat e o f feminism " i n Dal e Spender's Women of Ideas (1982). 2 I n 1978 , Alice Anderson Hufstade r wrote abou t Montag u i n a chapte r title d "Th e Rebel. " Fo r Hufstader , Montagu "ha d fa r mor e i n commo n wit h th e feminist s o f toda y an d yesterday tha n ha d he r gentle r successors . It was t o remai n he r cast-iro n conviction tha t lif e i s a ba d bargain , an d tha t wome n hav e th e wors t o f it." 3 In thi s bod y o f criticism , prais e an d appreciatio n covertl y becom e the mos t allowabl e critica l functions—th e onl y functions , i n fact , tha t are in line with feminis t sisterhood . We migh t no w justifiabl y as k wha t i t i s that w e hav e celebrate d an d how w e hav e constitute d ou r sisterhood . I n th e las t five years , thi s project ha s begu n i n earnes t a s som e feminis t criticis m o n Montag u ha s eschewed uncomplicate d praise . Recen t Montag u scholars , includin g Cynthia Lowenthal , Lis a Lowe , an d Josep h Lew , hav e rea d Montagu' s letters wit h a n ey e t o Orientalism , a s outline d b y Edwar d Said. 4 Sai d himself doesn' t mentio n Montag u i n Orientalism (1978) , and considera tions o f Montagu' s Orientalis m hav e onl y no w begu n t o circulat e widely. O f course , no t al l recen t scholarshi p o n Montag u ha s move d away fro m eas y praise . Joh n McVeagh' s English Literature and the Wider World (1990 ) deem s Montag u "ful l o f appreciatio n o f th e exoti c cultures sh e encountered." 5 Eve n the scholarship publishe d o n Montag u and Orientalis m leave s us with unanswere d question s abou t th e correla tion o f "progressive " gende r politic s t o thos e o f race , class , an d nation . Especially i n regar d t o Montagu's Turkis h Embass y letters , the verdict is not yet in . What w e kno w a s th e Turkis h Embass y letter s (writte n fro m 171 6 t o 1718 whil e Montagu' s husban d wa s ambassado r t o Turkey ) wer e origi nally publishe d i n 1763 , a year afte r Montagu' s death . This manuscript , Letters of the Right Honorable Lady M . . .y W. . .y M . . .e: written during her travels in Europe, Asia and Africa, wa s rea d b y Montagu' s contemporaries amon g who m i t circulate d durin g he r lifetime . In 172 4 Montagu's frien d Mar y Astel l wrot e a prefac e t o th e letters , callin g fo r
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their publicatio n an d detailin g ho w the y shoul d b e rea d an d received . Astell argue d alon g with Montag u tha t thes e letters containe d mor e tru e representations o f Turkey tha n ha d bee n previously availabl e to readers . A celebrator y traditio n o f readin g Montagu , then , bega n durin g he r lifetime. Astell' s prefac e i s a well-known document , ofte n cite d b y femi nist literary critic s for it s sisterly sentiments. Astell desired that the worl d would "se e t o ho w muc h bette r purpos e th e Lady s Trave l tha n thei r Lords, an d tha t Whils t [th e world] i s surfeited wit h Mal e Travels , al l i n the sam e Ton e an d stuf t wit h th e sam e Trifles , a Lad y ha s th e skil l t o strike out a New Pat h an d to embellish a worn-out Subjec t with a variety of fres h an d elegan t Entertainment " (CL , H467). 6 Specifically callin g o n Montagu's wome n readers , Astel l hope d tha t they , a t least , woul d rea d Montagu wit h sympathy : "I n short , le t he r ow n Se x a t leas t d o he r Justice; La y asid e diabolica l Env y an d it s Brothe r Malic e wit h al l thei r accursed Company , Sl y Whispering , crue l backbiting , spitefu l detrac tion, an d th e rest of that hideou s crew , which I hope ar e very falsely sai d to atten d th e Tea Table, bein g more ap t t o think the y haunt thos e Publi c Places wher e Virtuou s Wome n neve r come " (CL , 1:467) . Astel l wante d women t o ris e above "male " backbiting : Let the Men malign one another, if they think fit , and strive to pul down Merit when the y canno t equa l it . Le t u s b e bette r natur' d tha n t o giv e wa y t o an y unkind o r disrespectfu l though t o f s o brigh t a n Ornamen t o f ou r Sex , merely because she has better sense. . . . Rather let us freely ow n the Superiority of this Sublime Geniu s a s I d o i n th e sincerit y o f m y Soul , pleas' d tha t a Woman Triumphs, and proud t o follow i n her Train. Let us offer he r the Palm which is justly her due, and if we pretend to any Laurels, lay them willingly at her Feet. (CL, 1:467) Astell ask s wome n t o ban d togethe r an d joi n i n celebratin g th e achieve ments of thei r "sister, " lettin g only the men criticiz e each other . Women , the prefac e suggests , mus t hav e onl y prais e fo r a successfu l woman . W e must therefor e joi n i n Montagu' s triumph . O r mus t we ? Wha t happen s when w e d o no t simpl y celebrat e th e "triumphs " o f Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu, a s Astell requests ? Wha t i s the resul t whe n w e se e Montagu' s texts a s implicate d i n th e less-than-triumphant ? Finally , wha t happen s to th e categor y "women " i n suc h a n enterprise ? T o begi n t o addres s these questions , i t i s necessar y t o recoun t th e critica l frame s int o whic h Montagu's text s have been received . Montagu's Turkis h Embass y letter s have long been read a s among th e more sympatheti c account s o f eighteenth-centur y Turkis h customs —
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and o f Turkis h women . In eighteenth-centur y England , Turkis h wome n were frequentl y pitie d fo r thei r statu s a s concubine s o r heathens . In he r Poems on Several Occasions fro m 1696 , Elizabet h Singe r Row e argue s that Englis h wome n hav e reaso n an d sens e an d ar e undervalue d b y English men . Sh e use s Turkis h wome n a s he r foil . Row e write s o f " a plain an d a n ope n desig n t o rende r u s mee r Slaves, perfec t Turkis h Wives, withou t Properties, o r Sense, o r Souls"; sh e ask s he r reader s "whether thes e ar e no t notorious Violation s o n th e Liberties of Freeborn English Women?" 7 Row e bristle s a t Turkis h women' s live s bu t does so primarily t o sho w ho w unjus t i t is to exploi t Englis h women . On th e othe r hand , Montag u remark s o n parallel s betwee n Englis h and Turkis h practice s i n orde r t o clai m tha t bot h deserv e celebration . She liken s custom s fro m th e tw o countrie s b y callin g the m bot h th e "manners o f mankind"—a generou s clai m in an eighteenth-century Brit ish context . Montagu' s "goin g native " whil e i n Turke y i s well-docu mented. Montag u ofte n wen t ou t veiled , an d sh e delivere d he r daughte r in accordanc e wit h loca l childbearin g practices . Whe n sh e returne d t o England, Montag u kep t he r Turkis h costumes , an d Alexande r Pop e commissioned Godfre y Knelle r t o pain t he r i n he r Turkis h dres s i n 1720. 8 Continuall y correctin g th e excesse s o f previou s trave l writers , Montagu insist s that Turks ar e not s o vulgar a s the English have been led to think . Most pointedly , Montagu' s representation s o f Turkis h women provide a n alternativ e view . Differin g wit h contemporarie s suc h a s Rowe, Montag u doe s no t find Turkis h wome n t o b e "sinners " withou t souls. Th e degre e t o whic h thi s vie w ma y b e see n a s "sympathetic " o r "progressive," an d th e implication s o f thes e labels , deserve s furthe r in vestigation. Montagu's letter s hav e prove n interestin g t o contemporar y reader s for thei r description s o f th e differences an d th e similaritie s betwee n Turkish an d Englis h women' s manners . Beaut y an d disguise—an d free dom an d confinement—provid e th e mos t difficul t aspect s o f thes e let ters. Th e mos t famou s i s perhap s Montagu' s visi t t o th e women' s ba gnios o r th e Turkis h baths , especiall y becaus e Montag u claim s sh e wa s the first foreig n woma n t o hav e gotte n insid e a Turkis h hare m an d t o have spen t a goo d dea l o f tim e wit h Turkis h women . O n first bein g observed b y thes e Turkis h women , Montag u describe s ho w the y inter pret he r dres s an d behavior : " I wa s i n m y travellin g Habit , whic h i s a rideing dress , an d certainl y appear' d ver y extraordinar y t o them , ye t there wa s no t on e o f 'e m tha t shew' d th e leas t surpriz e o r impertinen t
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Curiosity, bu t receiv' d m e with al l th e obligin g civillit y possible . I kno w no Europea n Cour t wher e th e Lady s would hav e behav' d the m selve s i n so polite a manner t o a stranger" (CL , 1:313) . Later w e discover tha t a n "extraordinary" surpris e t o th e Turkis h wome n wer e Montagu' s stays , which the y believe d wer e a contraptio n fitte d b y he r husban d t o ensur e her fidelity. Afte r thi s cross-cultura l misreadin g o n th e par t o f th e Turk ish women, Montagu' s ow n (mis)interpretation s continue . Montagu report s tha t i n th e bat h sh e observe d abou t 20 0 women , arranged accordin g t o status , ladies on couche s with slave s behind them . She argues , though , tha t difference s wer e efface d becaus e th e wome n were "withou t an y distinctio n o f ran k b y thei r dress , al l bein g i n th e state of nature , that is , in plain English , stark naked , without an y Beaut y or deffec t conceal'd , ye t there was no t th e leas t wanton smil e or immod est Gestur e amongs t 'em . They walke d an d move d wit h th e sam e majes tic Grace which Milto n describe s o f ou r Genera l Mother . . . . T o tell you the truth , I ha d wickednes s enoug h t o wis h secretl y tha t Mr . Gervas e could hav e bee n ther e invisible " (CL , 1:313-14) . Montagu' s wis h fo r a portrait painte r i s needless . Sh e hersel f ha s rendere d thes e "invisible " women visible . Sh e alon e claim s th e right , pointin g ou t tha t previou s European travelers ' account s mus t no t b e firsthand one s becaus e i t wa s death fo r a man t o b e found i n one of thes e places (CL , 1:315) . In conjunctio n wit h makin g the m "visible, " Montag u claim s tha t Turkish wome n ar e les s confine d tha n previousl y thought . Montag u takes issu e wit h th e widesprea d "myth " tha t Turkis h wome n wer e "slaves," seeing freedom wher e others sa w confinement. In one letter sh e describes Turkish women' s dres s to her sister , concluding , I cannot forbea r admirin g either the exemplary discretio n o r extrem e Stupidit y of all the writers that have given accounts of [Turkis h women]. Tis very easy to see that they have more Liberty than we have, no Woman of what rank so ever being permitted t o go in the streets without 2 muslins, one that covers her fac e all but her Eye s and anothe r tha t hide s the whole dres s of he r head an d hang s halfe wa y dow n he r back. . . . Yo u ma y gues s ho w effectuall y thi s disguise s them, tha t ther e i s n o distinguishin g th e grea t Lad y fro m he r Slave , an d 'ti s impossible for th e most jealous Husband t o know his Wife when he meets her, and no Man dare either touch or follow a Woman in the Street. (CL, 1:328) Montagu claim s tha t "Thi s perpetua l Masquerad e give s the m entir e Liberty o f followin g thei r Inclination s withou t dange r o f Discovery " (CL, 1:328) . Many Turkis h women , Montag u claims , have affair s with out lettin g thei r "gallants " kno w wh o the y are . Montag u end s thi s
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section wit h he r no w famou s statement : "Upo n th e Whole , I look upo n the Turkis h wome n a s th e onl y fre e peopl e i n th e Empire " (CL , 1:329) . Because o f suc h remarks , Montag u ha s lon g bee n regarde d a s "progres sive" an d a s escapin g (t o som e degree ) th e ethnocentricit y o f man y o f her contemporaries . Where other s befor e he r sa w mer e strangenes s t o b e note d an d dis missed, Montag u sa w valu e an d exoticism . Thi s "nativ e sympathy " i s one o f th e reason s tha t Montag u ha s bee n writte n abou t a s a n advocat e for al l women . Som e contemporar y reader s hav e accepte d Montagu' s protestations o f fairnes s a t fac e value . Rober t Halsban d le d th e wa y fo r this readin g o f th e letter s i n i96 0 whe n h e argued , "B y virtu e o f thei r clear-sighted observation , thei r expansiv e tolerance , an d thei r candi d sympathy fo r a n alie n culture , the y ar e Lad y Mary' s vali d credentia l fo r a plac e i n th e Europea n 'Enlightenment' " (CL , i:xiv) . A s recentl y a s 1983, other s concurred ; Michel e Plaisan t conclude d o f Montagu' s writ ten sentiment s towar d th e Turks : "Peut-o n imagine r plu s bell e le$o n de tolerance?" 9 Feminist critics have long read these letters as uncomplicated account s of Montagu' s sincerit y o r philanthropy . Abou t Montagu' s tri p t o Tur key, Hufstader writes : Here, as in her campaig n fo r women' s intellectua l integrity , Lady Mary wa s in advance of her time. . .. I n her letters from th e East, Lady Mary suspende d th e sarcasm with which she so expertly satirized Western society. As she approached the Ottoma n frontier , sh e addresse d hersel f withou t mocker y t o a n unknow n culture. . .. I t is this tone of sincer e inquiry tha t set s apart her Embassy Letters from he r familiarity-breeds-contemp t vignette s o f London , an d make s the m more, or less, favored dependin g upon their readers' tastes.10 In thi s versio n o f literar y histor y (again , fro m 1978) , Montagu , lik e al l great women , i s abl e t o ste p ou t o f he r historica l contex t a s sh e i s "before he r time. " Lik e mos t goo d feminists , Montag u ha s a sens e o f humor—but onl y u p t o a certai n politica l point . Montag u ca n "ge t serious" when th e situatio n call s fo r it . Even a t th e tim e Hufstade r an d other s wer e makin g thes e claim s o f cross-cultural magnanimit y fo r Montagu , ther e wa s disagreemen t ove r the exten t o f th e libert y tha t Montag u wante d t o assig n t o Turkis h women. Katharin e Roger s wrot e tha t Montagu' s statement s o n Turkis h women wer e mere veilings of her true belief s an d di d not se e this portio n of Montagu' s writing s a s mor e "sincere. " Roger s foun d i t inconceivabl e that Montag u "meant " wha t sh e sai d i n he r anecdote s abou t th e veil s
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of Turkis h wome n providin g the m wit h mor e liberty . In Feminism in Eighteenth-Century England (1982) , Roger s concluded , "O f cours e [Montagu] mus t hav e realize d tha t thi s wa s a frivolou s proo f o f libert y and tha t Turkis h wome n wer e eve n mor e restricte d an d les s valued tha n English ones . Bu t thi s wa s ho w sh e mad e th e poin t tha t Englis h wome n were onl y suppose d t o b e free." n A s early a s 1979 , Rogers asserte d tha t Montagu's "insistenc e o n th e happ y libert y o f Mohammeda n Turkis h women function s a s a wicked commen t o n th e Englishman's complacen t assumption tha t Englan d wa s 'th e paradis e o f wives' ; bu t i t i s upsettin g to not e tha t sh e define d woman' s libert y i n term s o f spendin g mone y and carryin g o n adulterou s affair s wit h impunity . Sh e ha d radica l idea s about women , bu t evidentl y fel t th e nee d t o camouflag e them." 1 2 Fo r Rogers, Montagu's "feminis m i s typically veiled in apology o r flippancy " and thoug h "Montag u pride d hersel f o n bein g a properl y conducte d aristocrat an d a tough-minde d rationalis t . . . sh e ruthlessl y suppresse d feminist feeling s tha t seeme d t o conflic t wit h thes e ideals." 13 Th e Turk ish Embass y letters , then , ar e no t true r bu t mor e deceptiv e account s o f Montagu's view s on women , accordin g t o this dissentin g view . Whether see n a s "actually " representativ e o f Montagu' s feminis m o r as subversive attempts to hide her "true " beliefs, all of these second-wav e feminist version s of the Turkish Embass y letters have, in varying degrees, followed th e pleas of Mary Astell. Montagu i s only praised for her belief s and writings , an d wher e sh e is not praised , sh e is assigned "understand able" intention s t o explai n wh y he r writing s migh t b e classifie d t o th e contrary. Eve n Rogers , wh o ha s problem s acceptin g Montagu' s state ments a t fac e value , use d he r critica l effort s t o "save " Montag u an d t o put her squarely within the "requirements " o f contemporary feminism . Must Montag u mus t b e hel d u p a s a politicall y progressiv e figure at al l costs ? A s I mentione d earlier , th e criticis m linkin g Montag u t o Orientalism ha s change d th e focu s o f feminis t reading s i n th e 1990 s from quest s fo r heroi c feminis m t o suggestion s o f implici t racism . Lo wenthal's 199 0 article , "Th e Vei l o f Romance : Lad y Mary' s Embass y Letters," argue d tha t Montag u use d Europea n aestheti c model s o f ro mance an d courtl y lov e that onl y allowe d he r t o se e Turkey throug h he r own cultura l mirror—a n Orientalis t gesture . Althoug h Montagu' s let ters may see m at first glance to offer a "sisterly " attitud e toward Turkis h women, thi s sisterhoo d i s onl y wit h upper-clas s wome n an d onl y a t th e expense o f alternatel y aestheticizin g o r Westernizin g thei r attributes , Lowenthal argued .
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This groundbreakin g articl e wa s followe d b y Lis a Lowe' s Critical Terrains: French and British Orientalisms (1991 ) an d Josep h Lew' s "Lady Mary's Portabl e Seraglio" (1991) . Both scholars view Orientalis m in Montagu' s text s a s on e o f severa l competin g discourse s withi n he r letters an d he r socia l milieu . These argument s ar e distinctiv e i n that the y simultaneously exonerat e Montag u fro m an d implicat e her in Orientalis t practices. Low e finds a dua l tendenc y i n Montagu' s letters , whic h sh e calls a rhetori c o f identificatio n an d a rhetori c o f differentiatio n wit h Turkish women . Th e rhetori c o f identificatio n i s "a n emergen t feminis t discourse" tha t speak s o f commo n experience s amon g wome n o f differ ent societies ; th e rhetori c o f differentiatio n follow s i n th e traditio n o f Orientalism tha t Sai d ha s outlined—on e o f "othering." 14 Josep h Lew , like Lowe , see s a portio n o f Montagu' s writing s a s "progressive"—a s escaping Orientalis m becaus e Montagu sometime s speak s in a "women' s discourse." Thi s women's discours e i s a language that know s n o cultura l boundaries—is said , in fact, t o b e its own cultur e an d language . The strengt h o f Lowe's , Lew's , an d others ' wor k i n thi s vei n i s it s assertion tha t Montagu' s "Orientalis t logi c and statement s ofte n exis t i n a climat e o f challeng e an d contestation." 15 Ther e is , i n othe r words , no monolithi c discours e o f "Orientalism " bu t rathe r man y degree s o f adherence an d deviation . What w e have "gained " throug h thes e reading s of racia l an d clas s politics i s an appreciatio n o f th e complexit y o f domi nant an d margina l Orientalis t practices . Wha t w e hav e sometime s lost , however, i s the complexit y o f gender i n relation t o thes e practices . Strangely, i n th e recen t review s o f thi s scholarshi p o n Montag u an d Orientalism, th e difficultie s involve d i n dealin g simultaneously wit h gen der, ethnicity , class , an d colonialis m ar e frequentl y not th e issue s take n up. In fact , i n som e response s t o th e criticis m abou t Montagu' s "Orien talism," wha t i s offered i s a defens e o f Montag u herself—usuall y i n th e name o f historica l veracity . Isobe l Grundy' s revie w o f Lowe' s Critical Terrains (1993 ) fault s tha t boo k primaril y fo r it s historical inaccuracies , but Grundy's critique s ar e ultimately mor e far-reaching. Grund y believe s that Low e ha s "undeclare d baggage : a n expectatio n o r a hop e tha t Montagu wil l confor m t o twentieth-centur y feminist , democratic , multi cultural positions." 16 Grund y complain s tha t Montag u i s "implicitl y blamed" whe n sh e allow s "identit y b y clas s t o overrid e identit y b y gender." 17 Thi s seem s t o sugges t tha t w e shoul d giv e Montagu a critica l break an d rea d he r o n eighteenth-centur y terms . Bu t lon g befor e Lowe , feminists rea d Montag u throug h contemporar y interpretiv e models . I t is
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equally problematic t o clai m that dubbin g Montagu anythin g other tha n a "feminis t heroine " i s t o hav e "undeclare d baggage. " Wh y i s keepin g her withi n th e confine s o f "grea t woma n author " equa l t o "travelin g light"? Grundy's view s ar e no t anomalous . I n 199 2 Susa n Groa g Bel l use d tropes simila r t o Grundy' s t o rescu e Montagu . Bel l take s issu e wit h th e charge o f "Orientalism " becaus e "Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu , i n common wit h bot h me n an d wome n o f he r time , too k he r situatio n a s an aristocra t fo r granted." 18 Bel l believe s tha t "t o scol d Lad y Mar y fo r not objectin g t o th e Turkis h lad y lyin g nake d o n he r cushione d marbl e bench amon g th e tw o hundre d i n th e women' s bath—an d havin g he r own nake d servan t standin g behin d he r i n 1717—i s t o misunderstan d the mentality o f th e eighteent h century . I t is as anachronistic a s it woul d be to expec t ever y medieval peasant t o have a private bedroo m an d bat h ensuite." 19 Responses lik e Bell' s an d Grundy' s mis s th e critica l poin t o f Orientalisms, an d ultimately , o f man y historicall y attune d feminisms . Bell suggest s tha t critica l tactic s involvin g "scolding " impl y tha t Mon tagu hersel f neede d t o correc t he r behavior . T o mak e thes e demand s o f Montagu would , I agree , b e anachronisti c a s wel l a s pointless . Wh o could expec t Montag u t o "ris e above " he r class , he r gender , he r race , and he r historica l momen t t o som e "transcenden t truth " abou t lif e fo r all times an d places ? The critica l "scolding " I woul d rathe r d o i s directe d towar d thos e who woul d onl y prais e "feminist " author s fo r bein g rol e model s an d heroines. An y emphasi s o n readin g Montagu' s text s throug h he r ow n eyes an d intentions , throug h Mar y Astell's , o r throug h som e hopelessl y universalizing eighteenth-centur y mentality , i s therefore problematic . T o hold u p Montag u a s a feminis t mode l o f strengt h an d independence — without concomitantl y holdin g he r u p a s a mode l o f ho w wome n ar e implicated i n Orientalis t an d elitis t practice s against other women —is to repea t th e eighteenth-centur y contex t a s appropriat e fo r ou r own . Bell, fo r one , doe s jus t that . Sh e ironicall y suggest s tha t i f w e ha d onl y adhered t o Lad y Mary' s "feminist " ways , w e migh t no t eve n nee d a women's movemen t today . Bel l claims , "Perhap s w e shoul d rathe r hav e wished tha t th e middl e clas s accepte d Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu' s aristocratic famil y value s o f women' s independenc e withi n marriage . Had thi s happene d instea d o f th e domesti c middle-clas s value s tha t raged throug h th e Victoria n period—th e nee d fo r wha t Julie t Mitchel l called The Longest Revolution, i.e. , th e women' s revolution , migh t als o
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have bee n obviated." 20 Thi s kin d o f critica l practice—claimin g halcyo n lost origins—make s i t difficul t t o rea d Montag u wit h anythin g bu t feminist nostalgia . How els e might w e read ? Thos e wh o implicat e Montag u i n Oriental isms ofte n exonerat e he r b y suggestin g tha t sh e was doin g he r bes t wit h the cultural an d linguisti c tools she was given; she was stating somethin g so ne w tha t i t preclude d he r abilit y t o reac h anythin g bu t hostil e audi ences. But even if we grant her this, to what exten t should we use a wor d like "sympathetic " o r "progressive " t o describ e Montagu' s texts ? T o whom i s she "progressive " or , rather , who m doe s her "progressiveness " serve o r no t serve ? Assume d "politica l progressiveness " i n Montagu' s letters, a s wel l a s i n th e twentieth-centur y literary-critica l wor k tha t attends t o her letters, creates problems tha t mus t b e reconsidered . Feminist model s fo r women' s authorshi p hav e sometime s assume d a progressive woma n masqueradin g i n on e o f thre e guises : (i ) repressio n (Rogers's version—a veilin g of tru e belief s i n the woman's writings) , (2 ) suppression (wome n a s historicall y silence d an d unauthorize d t o write , though w e hav e no w unearthe d som e o f thes e secrete d documents) , o r (3) oppressio n (women' s histor y an d authorshi p a s rar e t o nonexistent) . Early British wome n writer s ma y the n b e seen a s overcoming th e "patri archal powers" to be able to liberate themselves—to partiall y und o thei r shackles. I t i s ofte n tacitl y overlooked—an d sometime s downplayed — that thes e women's text s no t onl y challeng e domination s bu t themselve s repress, suppress , o r oppres s othe r marginalize d groups . Attemptin g t o sort ou t th e contradiction s o f race , class , an d gende r a t wor k i n Mon tagu's letters , however , point s u p th e danger s i n unqualifiedl y dubbin g any on e o f th e categories—o r an y on e author—"politicall y progres sive." T o d o s o wil l involv e glossin g ove r "othering " i n differen t cate gories. Strangely, this "glossin g over" i s true of the scholarship that explicitl y deals wit h Montagu' s ow n "othering " a s well . A s thi s criticis m ha s shown, Montagu' s view s o n veilin g practice s provid e example s o f th e limited kin d o f "sympathy " an d "sisterhood " he r text s offer . Nonwest ern understanding s o f th e vei l illustrat e th e necessit y o f investigatin g Montagu's "perpetua l masquerade " views , as Lew argues : In th e novelisti c tradition , wome n (th e Clarissas , Emil y St . Auberts, Catherin e Morlands, an d Evelinas ) ente r th e sexua l aren a a s pre y whe n the y leav e th e shelter of the Father's House. But in the Muslim East. . . the superficial similar ity o f th e immuremen t o f female s perform s a precisel y opposit e function : i t
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protects men . Thi s opposit e functio n indicate s a n alternativ e vie w o f femal e sexuality. . . . The doubl e veil s (murlins ) . . . ar e designe d t o protec t me n fro m the women's contagious sexuality. 21 This distinctio n i s importan t fo r it s recognitio n tha t masquerad e nee d not translat e int o freedo m i n al l historica l an d cultura l contexts . Le w was not , o f course , th e first t o mak e thes e argument s abou t Turkis h veiling. He points t o the work o f Lil a Abu-Lughod an d Fatim a Mernissi , to whic h als o migh t b e adde d th e wor k o f Leil a Ahmed , Nikk i Keddi e and Bet h Baron , an d Jud y Mabro , amon g others . Strangely , however , Lew use s thi s informatio n abou t th e complexit y o f veilin g practice s t o reassert thei r subversiveness . Fo r Lew , Montag u doe s i n fac t recogniz e the intricacie s o f thes e cultura l interpretation s o f veiling . H e reassert s with he r the veil's subversive potential . To "credit " Montag u wit h steppin g ou t o f he r ow n cultura l len s an d seeing bot h th e oppressiv e an d th e subversiv e potential s o f veilin g fo r Turkish wome n ma y gran t Montag u to o much . Lowe , too , implicitl y gives Montag u undu e credi t whe n sh e call s Orientalis m a "mal e tradi tion." 2 2 W e mus t questio n whethe r wome n someho w subver t "th e Ori entalist tradition " b y virtu e o f thei r sex . Isn' t i t possibl e tha t wome n writers ar e a s implicate d i n Orientalism s a s thei r mal e counterparts ? "Sympathy" fo r "other " wome n doe s no t necessarily stee r Montag u clear—even partially—o f biases . She grafts he r ow n cultura l wishes an d expectations ont o th e live s o f Turkis h women . I f w e mov e awa y fro m the "feminist/no t a feminist " o r "progressive/no t progressive " dichot omy i n regar d t o Montagu , ar e w e lef t wit h a critica l vacuum ? Rathe r than workin g t o castigat e o r exonerat e Montag u mor e thoroughly , a turn t o generic , historical , an d disciplinar y questions—t o difficul t mat ters o f historicizing—ma y prov e a wa y t o dea l wit h thes e either/o r feminist options . An investigatio n o f Montagu' s positioning s o f texts , authors , an d masquerade i s one wa y t o proceed . Montagu' s statu s i s a s a n all-know ing onlooke r o r ethnographer , an d i n he r gaze , Turkish wome n becom e objets d'art —or a s Lowentha l put s it , "bodyscapes " situate d i n a time less present. 23 Perhap s rathe r tha n seein g Turkis h wome n a s situate d i n a timeles s present , though , on e migh t posi t tha t Montag u present s the m as part o f a timeless past. I n the cours e of he r letters , Montagu hersel f i s inserted int o history : sh e i s th e "first " t o se e a Turkis h harem . Th e Turkish wome n ar e draw n a s i f i n a landscape—lik e character s o n a Keatsian urn . I n claimin g hersel f a s th e first t o "mak e visible " th e
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Turkish wome n i n al l o f thei r nake d an d nobl e splendor , Montag u put s herself i n "history " an d dehistoricize s he r subjects . Returning t o the difficult issue s of Montag u an d veiling, similar prob lems o f "history " ca n b e explored. Terr y Castle' s Masquerade and Civilization: The Carnivalesque in Eighteenth-Century English Culture and Fiction ma y provid e a helpfu l historicizin g corrective . Althoug h recen t critical writings o n Montag u cit e Castle, none see m t o take seriousl y he r points abou t Englis h masquerade , politics , an d histor y i n regar d t o Montagu's Letters. Castl e hersel f strangel y misconstrue s Montagu' s dis cussion o f masquerade , claiming : "Mar y Wortle y Montagu , alway s a devotee o f disguis e an d masquerade , wrot e o f th e congenialit y o f th e Mediterranean carniva l season , an d th e freedo m i t offered , particularl y for women." 2 4 Castle' s mysteriou s creatio n o f a "Mediterranea n carni val season" i s itself a n unfortunatel y Orientalis t appropriatio n o f veilin g practices. Despite thes e questionabl e conclusions , Castle' s wor k remain s important i n other respects . Issues o f ahistoricit y an d gendere d Orientalism s ar e brough t t o th e fore i n Castle' s discussio n o f masquerade . Castl e conclude s tha t mas querade wa s see n a s a hybri d for m o f Englis h an d non-Englishnes s tha t intermixed al l classes. 25 Unescorte d Englis h wome n wer e allowe d a t masquerades a s i n n o othe r spaces , an d th e mas k wa s see n a s allowin g these women t o spea k mor e freely. 26 All of these claims make Montagu' s interpretation o f veilin g tha t muc h mor e clear . Masquerad e wa s see n in England a s a classless , freeing , and , finally, a foreig n practice : "Mas querades wer e persistentl y associate d wit h diabolica l foreig n influence , imported corruption , th e dangerou s breac h o f nationa l boundaries , con tamination fro m without." 2 7 Montag u identifie s i n Turke y a simila r classlessness (belie d b y her othe r statement s abou t rank ) an d a high leve l of freedo m fo r women . In valorizin g masquerade , Montag u essentiall y takes thos e thing s fo r whic h masquerad e ha d bee n denounce d i n En gland, naturalize s the m i n a foreig n context , an d argue s fo r thei r bein g right an d good . The point s tha t ma y b e lef t ou t i n suc h a discussion , however , ar e the politica l an d historica l dimension s Castl e outlines . Sh e notes : "Th e frequent refrai n i n Horac e Walpole' s correspondence—tha t 'ball s an d masquerades suppl y th e plac e o f politics ' an d 'historie s o f masquerades ' take u p 'people' s thought s ful l a s much ' a s nationa l events—sugges t something o f th e masquerade' s intrusiv e force." 28 I t may b e tempting t o read bac k o n thi s scen e a kin d o f postmoder n malaise— a versio n o f
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vapid celebrit y "news " ignoring the "rea l issues. " Castle's other remark s make thi s a difficul t conclusio n t o reach . In discussin g newspape r ac counts o f masquerades , Castl e write s tha t th e surrealisti c prominence o f these account s jar s th e moder n reader ; masquerade s ar e "juxtapose d quite unself-consciousl y t o report s o f troo p movements , Parliamentar y sessions, an d othe r mor e sombe r publi c doings." 29 Fo r Castle , this rein forces tha t o n som e level the masquerade was news as much a s any othe r public occasion . Sh e notes , "Indeed , a n od d blurrin g sometime s take s place i n th e eighteent h centur y betwee n th e masquerad e an d politics : they absor b simila r kind s of public attention." 30 Th e masquerade, there fore, is "history" an d is "politics. " In he r appropriation s o f Turkis h veilin g practices , Montag u i s no t fashioning a "bilingua l women' s discourse, " no r i s sh e merel y makin g aesthetic object s o f Turkis h wome n withi n a literar y model . He r us e o f the masquerad e trop e i n he r Letters insert s he r full y int o mainstrea m histories and politics . She cannot be said to simply "rebel " o r "progress " in thi s sense . Furthermore , Castl e argue s tha t th e masquerad e evoke s a world o f temps perdu: "I t tend s t o elud e al l bu t th e mos t nostalgi c an d distorting form s o f recuperation." 31 T o tak e thi s on e ste p further , i f th e "masquerade" itsel f wa s a kind o f "history " o r a kind o f "politics, " i t is both mor e "political " an d mor e "historical " tha n w e recogniz e i t t o b e today—as wel l a s mor e "timeless " i n it s own eighteenth-centur y Britis h context. B y positing masquerad e a s strictl y a women's real m i n Turkey , Montagu ma y effectivel y politiciz e an d historiciz e som e wome n i n En gland throug h a n attemp t t o brin g the m fron t an d cente r i n th e publi c sphere. Sh e canno t carr y ou t th e sam e projec t fo r Turkis h women , however. Montagu , politica l an d historica l figure , self-fashione d Englis h woman/native/other, become s the only "appropriate " ape x o f thes e con tradictions. Sh e rescue s hersel f an d place s hersel f prominentl y withi n masquerade, news , politics , history , letter s ("literature") , an d (remem bering Astell ) women . Jus t a s surely , sh e erase s th e historicit y an d cul tural specificit y o f he r intende d femal e Turkis h subjects . What i s mos t ironi c i s tha t th e negatio n an d erasur e I am describin g is wha t today' s feminis t appropriation s o f Montagu , seekin g t o catego rize he r a s a feminis t heroine , repeat . A t th e momen t whe n masquerad e was totterin g betwee n "history, " "politics, " an d "temps perdu," Mon tagu's fir m alignmen t o f masquerad e wit h wome n eventuall y backfire s by servin g onl y t o distanc e the m furthe r fro m historica l events . No t incidentally, this distancing culminates in the Victorian notio n o f wome n
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as outside o f history. 32 I t als o culminate s i n th e scholarship o f thos e lik e Lew wh o se e wome n a s connecte d eternally , linguistically , an d cross culturally throug h a "women' s discourse. " Neithe r versio n offer s a clearly emancipator y "end, " despit e thei r contrar y intentions . W e mus t consider th e possibilit y o f ou r ow n "emancipatory, " celebrator y femi nisms backfiring . T o b e sure , whe n Montag u i s first an d foremost—o r even mostly— a heroin e i n ou r feminis t scholarship , w e ar e prevente d from scoldin g he r fo r wha t sh e coul d no t "control. " However , throug h this practice , w e ar e als o implicate d i n a prioritizin g o f "harms " tha t puts women—i n thi s case , white aristocrati c Europea n women—abov e the fra y o f othe r conflict s an d discourses . If discourse s o f gender , lik e thos e o f Orientalism , exis t i n a climat e of challeng e an d contestation , ho w ar e w e t o ma p ou t th e "commo n oppressions" an d "solidarity " amon g wome n o n whic h Astel l an d som e contemporary feminist s insist ? Wouldn' t w e als o b e "glossin g ove r th e pain o f som e women," a s Lowenthal put s it in regard t o Montagu? Ho w might w e hav e gendere d "solidarity " withou t graftin g ou r respectiv e cultural wishe s an d expectation s ont o th e live s o f "other " women ? Reading Montagu , I think , give s th e li e t o Orientalis m a s a "mal e tradition." I t als o give s th e li e t o a "women' s discourse " tha t crosse s centuries o r nationa l boundaries . Th e forc e o f thes e "lies " mus t b e i n theorizing an d puttin g int o critica l practic e way s tha t wil l n o longe r "answer" fo r feminis t scholarship . In AstelP s preface , "solidarity " implie s unconditiona l praise . Thi s i s not a forgotte n strategy . Th e sens e remain s i n som e feminis t circle s tha t you ar e eithe r wit h u s or agains t us . "Wit h us " mean s primaril y laudin g the female/feminis t writer s o f history , a s wel l a s recen t feminis t critics ; "against us " mean s critiquin g historica l femal e subject s o r criticizin g other feminists ' work . Som e feminist s believ e tha t a deconstructio n o f the categor y "women " threaten s feminis t politics—tha t thi s theoretica l project can' t trul y b e calle d "feminist. " T o questio n th e categor y "women," however , i s no t t o d o awa y wit h feminis t politic s o r prac tices—or t o b e more precise, with talkin g abou t gende r an d it s demarca tions, limitations , o r harms . Doe s seein g th e categor y "women " a s a construction—as somethin g tha t doe s no t alway s requir e solidarit y i n advance—have t o b e a threat ? O r doe s seein g "wome n a t odds " als o provide a possibility ? A s Judith Butle r ha s argued , "T o deconstruc t th e subject o f feminis m i s not , then , t o censur e it s usage , but , o n th e con trary, t o releas e th e ter m int o a futur e o f multipl e significations , t o
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emancipate i t fro m th e materna l o r racialis t ontologie s t o whic h i t ha s been restricted , an d t o giv e i t pla y a s a sit e wher e unanticipate d mean ings migh t com e t o bear." 3 3 Preconceivin g a unity o f "women, " then , i s not automaticall y a n ac t of resistanc e agains t dominan t discourses . Through th e las t severa l decade s o f constructin g a "women' s literar y tradition" o r a "women' s history"—particularl y throug h celebratin g women o n th e basi s o f thei r gende r politics—w e hav e create d muc h work o n whic h t o dra w a s w e continu e t o asses s ou r earlie r critica l models. Th e majorit y o f wha t ha s bee n calle d "gynocriticism " o r "her story" deal t wel l wit h issue s o f gender , jus t a s i t elide d question s o f ethnicity, class , o r nation . Althoug h feminis t scholarshi p ha s com e a good distanc e fro m thi s earlie r work , muc h o f ou r scholarshi p continue s implicitly o r explicitl y i n thi s tradition . Thi s i s the cas e when w e invok e labels suc h a s "subversive " an d "progressive, " o r whe n w e "uncompli cate" gende r t o mak e point s abou t race , class , an d nation . Romanticiz ing "sisterhood " ha s ha d critica l benefits , t o b e sure , but i t has als o ha d critical costs . Thi s matte r deserves , no t jus t ou r scolding , bu t a mor e difficult task : ou r scrutiny . Th e feminis t protectio n of—veilin g of—th e category o f "women " i s no t inherentl y liberatory . A s wit h Montagu' s texts, suc h a veilin g prevents makin g visibl e harm s tha t ar e i n collusio n with o r contradictin g thos e o f gender . Montagu' s "sisterhood " i s no t inherently global . Rathe r tha n scoldin g o r exoneratin g he r (o r an y o f our predecessors) , w e migh t instea d mov e towar d mor e comple x task s of shifting , loca l theorizing , an d examinin g complicit y a s thoroughl y a s we d o resistance. 34
NOTES
i. Pa t Rogers, ed., The Eighteenth Century: The Context of English Literature (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1978), 29. 2. Dal e Spender , Women of Ideas: And What Men Have Done to Them (London: Pandora, 1982), 68-69. 3. Alic e Anderso n Hufstader , Sisters of the Quill (Ne w York : Dodd , Mead , 1978), 7. 4. Edwar d Said , Orientalism (New York : Rando m House , 1978) . Se e als o Said's "Orientalis m Reconsidered, " i n Literature, Politics and Theory: Papers From the Essex Conference 1976-84, ed . Francis Barke r e t al . (London: Methuen, 1986), 210-29. 5. Joh n McVeagh, ed., English Literature and the Wider World. Volume 1: All Before Them: 1660—1780 (London : Ashfield, 1990) , 8.
The Problematics of
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6. Rober t Halsband , ed. , The Complete Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu ( 3 vols. ) (Oxford : Clarendon , 1965) . Quotation s ar e cite d i n th e tex t as CL . 7. Quote d i n Vivie n Jones, ed. , Women in the Eighteenth Century: Constructions of Femininity (Ne w York : Routledge , 1990) , 144-45 . 8. Rober t Halsband , The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , i960) , 88 , 9 8 - 9 9. 9. Michel e Plaisant , "Le s Lettre s Turque s d e Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu, " Bulletin de la Societes d'Etudes Anglo-Americaines des XVII et XVIII Siecles 1 6 (1983) : 72 . 10. Hufstader , Sisters, 33 , 40. 11. Katharin e M . Rogers , Feminism in Eighteenth-Century England (Urbana : University o f Illinoi s Press, 1982) , 94. 12. Katharin e M . Rogers , Before Their Time: Six Women Writers of the Eighteenth Century (Ne w York: Frederic k Ungar , 1979) , x. 13. Rogers , Feminism, 9 3. 14. Lis a Lowe , Critical Terrains: French and British Orientalisms (Ithaca : Cor nell University Press , 1991) , 32 . 15. Ibid. , 51. 16. Grundy , Isobel , Revie w o f Critical Terrains: French and British Orientalisms, b y Lisa Lowe , Eighteenth-Century Studies 26 , 3 (1993): 486 . 17. Ibid. , 486 . 18. Susa n Groa g Bell , "Comment : Letter s a s Literatur e i n Eighteenth-Centur y France an d England, " Wester n Associatio n o f Wome n Historian s Confer ence, San Marino, Calif. , Huntington Library , 3 0 May 1992 . 19. Ibid . 20. Ibid . 21. Josep h W . Lew, "Lad y Mary' s Portabl e Seraglio," Eighteenth-Century Studies 24 (1991) : 449-5° 22. Lowe , Critical, 47 . 23. Cynthi a Lowenthal , "Th e Veil of Romance : Lad y Mary's Embass y Letters, " Eighteenth-Century Life 1 4 (1990) : 73-74 . 24. Terr y Castle , Masquerade and Civilization (Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press, 1986) , 14 . 25. Ibid. , 24 , 28 , 33. 26. Ibid. , 32 , 34 . 27. Ibid. , 7 . 28. Ibid. , 3 . 29. Ibid . 30. Ibid . 31. Ibid. , 7 . 32. O n th e Victoria n separatio n o f "women " an d "history, " se e Christin a Crosby, The Ends of History: Victorians and u The Woman Question" (New York : Routledge , 1991) . 33. Judit h Butler , "Contingen t Foundations : Feminis m an d th e Questio n o f 'Postmodernism,"' Praxis International 1 1 (1991) : 160 .
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34. Fo r a n interestin g articl e on romanticizin g resistanc e an d complicatin g femi nist diagnostic s o f power , se e Lil a Abu-Lughod , "Th e Romanc e o f Resis tance: Tracing Transformations o f Power through Bedoui n Women," American Ethnologist 1 7 (1990) : 4 1 - 5 5 .
REFERENCES
Abu-Lughod, Lila . " A Communit y o f Secrets : Th e Separat e Worl d o f Bedoui n Women." Signs 1 0 (1985): 637-57 . . "Th e Romanc e o f Resistance : Tracin g Transformation s o f Powe r through Bedoui n Women," American Ethnologist 1 7 (1990) : 4 1 - 5 5 . Ahmed, Leila . Women and Gender in Islam. Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press , 1992. Bell, Susa n Groag . "Letter s a s Literatur e i n Eighteenth-Centur y Franc e an d England." Commen t presented a t the annual meetin g of the Western Associ ation o f Wome n Historian s Conferenc e a t th e Huntingto n Library , Sa n Marino, California , 3 0 May 1992 . Butler, Judith . "Contingen t Foundations : Feminis m an d th e Questio n o f 'Post modernism. "' Praxis International n (1991) : 150-65 . Castle, Terry . Masquerade and Civilization: The Carnivalesque in EighteenthCentury English Culture and Fiction. Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press , 1986. Crosby, Christina . The Ends of History: Victorians and "The Woman Question." Ne w York : Routledge , 1991 . Grundy, Isobel . Review of Critical Terrains: French and British Orientalisms, b y Lisa Lowe. Eighteenth-Century Studies 26 , 3 (1993): 484-87 . Halsband, Robert , ed . The Complete Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon , 1965 . . The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. Ne w York : Oxfor d Univer sity Press, i960 . Hufstader, Alic e Anderson. Sisters of the Quill. Ne w York : Dodd , Mead , 1978 . Jones, Vivien, ed . Women in the Eighteenth Century: Constructions of Femininity. Ne w York : Routledge , 1990 . Keddie, Nikki R. , an d Bet h Baron, eds . Women in Middle Eastern History. Ne w Haven: Yal e University Press , 1991. Lew, Josep h W . "Lad y Mary' s Portabl e Seraglio. " Eighteenth Century Studies 24(1991): 432-50 . Lowe, Lisa . Critical Terrains: French and British Orientalisms. Ithaca : Cornel l University Press , 1991. Lowenthal, Cynthia . "Th e Vei l o f Romance : Lad y Mary' s Embass y Letters. " Eighteenth Century Life 1 4 (1990) : 66—82. Mabro, Judy, ed . Veiled Half-Truths: Western Travellers' Perceptions of Middle Eastern Women. London : I . B. Tauris, 1991. McVeagh, John , ed . English Literature and the Wider World. Volume 1: All Before Them: 1660—iy8o. London : Ashfield , 1990 .
The Problematics of Sisterhood in Feminist Criticism 6 1 Mernissi, Fatima. Beyond the Veil. London : A l Saqi Books, 1985 . Plaisant, Michele . "Le s Lettre s Turque s d e Lad y Mar y Wortle y Montagu. " Bulletin de la Societes d'Etudes Anglo-Americaines des XVII et XVIII Siecles 16 (1983) : 53-75 Rogers, Katharin e M . Before Their Time: Six Women Writers of the Eighteenth Century. Ne w York : Frederic k Ungar , 1979 . . Feminism in Eighteenth-Century England. Urban : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1982 . Rogers, Pat , ed . The Eighteenth Century: The Context of English Literature. New York : Holme s an d Meier , 1978 . Said, Edward. Orientalism. Ne w York : Rando m House , 1978 . . "Orientalis m Reconsidered. " I n Literature, Politics and Theory: Papers From the Essex Conference 1976-84, edite d b y Francis Barke r e t al., 2 1 0 29. London: Methuen , 1986 . Spender, Dale. Women of Ideas: And What Men Have Done to Them. London : Pandora, 1982 .
3. LOUISA SUSANN A M c C O R D : S P O K E S W O M A N O F TH E MASTE R CLAS S IN ANTEBELLU M SOUT H CAROLIN A MANISHA SINH A
In recent years, the importance o f gender a s an indispensable categor y of historical analysi s ha s bee n acknowledge d b y many scholars. 1 However , practitioners i n th e relativel y ne w fiel d o f women' s histor y ar e stil l faced wit h th e dua l tas k o f illuminatin g th e femal e pas t an d developin g theoretical framework s conduciv e fo r it s study . Tw o o f th e majo r para digms use d b y historian s o f America n women , th e framewor k o f "op pression" an d th e ide a o f a separat e femal e communit y an d culture , posit a n artificia l homogeneit y i n women' s historica l experienc e base d on thei r biologica l an d socia l identit y a s women . A s Nanc y Hewit t ha s pointed out , "Th e notio n o f a singl e women' s communit y roote d i n common oppressio n denie s th e socia l an d materia l realitie s o f clas s an d [racial] cast e i n America. " And , a s Joa n Kell y argues , th e theor y o f a separate femal e cultur e an d value s overlook s th e fac t tha t "woman' s place i s no t a separat e spher e o r domai n o f existenc e bu t a positio n within socia l existenc e generally." 2 Such challenge s t o conventiona l approache s t o America n women' s history hav e emanate d fro m scholar s sensitiv e t o issue s o f class , race , and inequality , mainl y historian s o f workin g clas s wome n an d blac k 62
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women. 3 Whil e rejectin g th e Victoria n notio n o f separat e sphere s an d the cul t o f domesticity , whic h undergirde d muc h o f th e earl y wor k o n nineteenth-century northern , middle-clas s women, 4 thes e historians hav e also generall y an d correctl y implie d tha t thei r subject s wer e victim s of greate r oppressio n tha n bourgeois , whit e women . Thi s scholarship , combined wit h som e pathbreakin g monograph s o n th e woman' s right s movement an d women' s politica l activism , ha s presente d a dominan t picture o f wome n i n American histor y a s "victims " an d "heroines." 5 The searc h fo r a "usabl e feminis t past " an d th e reignin g trend s i n American women' s histor y hav e le d som e historian s t o exten d th e focu s on wome n a s victim s an d rebel s t o a n unlikel y grou p o f women — southern whit e slaveholdin g women. Suc h interpretive frameworks , Eliz abeth Fox-Genoves e argue s an d demonstrate s convincingl y i n her work , are untenabl e fo r a majorit y o f slave-ownin g wome n i n th e Ol d South . Indeed, a s this stud y o f on e suc h woma n wil l illustrate , southern , white , slaveholding wome n wer e fa r mor e likel y to b e found i n the ranks o f th e "oppressors" tha n th e "oppressed." 6 Louisa Susann a McCor d (ne e Cheves) , th e mos t prolifi c an d intens e female polemicis t t o emerg e fro m th e Sout h Carolin a slaveholdin g aris tocracy, wa s a n exceptiona l woma n b y an y standard . Bor n i n 1810 , he r adult lif e spanne d th e turbulen t year s o f th e sectiona l conflic t an d Civi l War. Daughte r o f Langdo n Cheves , a wealthy ric e planter an d a leadin g state politician , sh e probabl y imbibe d th e proslaver y view s an d preco cious politica l separatis m o f th e Carolin a gentr y fairl y earl y i n life . Cheves's politica l an d emotiona l influenc e o n hi s adorin g daughte r can not b e overstated . Louis a McCor d wa s educate d no t onl y i n th e ar t o f letters an d languag e bu t als o i n th e prerogative s an d worldvie w o f her class . A woma n whos e essay s an d literar y production s testif y t o "nativ e abilities o f hig h order, " sh e neve r playe d th e stereotypica l rol e o f a flirtatious souther n belle . Unlik e man y othe r wome n o f he r class , sh e married a t a fairl y lat e age . I n 1840 , Louis a Cheve s we d Davi d Jame s McCord, wh o ha d bee n a n advocat e o f nullification , o r stat e vet o o f federal tarif f laws . I t wa s Davi d McCord' s secon d marriage ; h e die d i n 1855, leavin g Louis a t o rais e thei r thre e children . Ironically , Louisa' s father ha d side d wit h th e antinullificatio n party . Bu t Langdo n Cheve s had criticize d th e ide a o f nullificatio n no t s o much a s a unionist bu t a s a southern nationalist . Marriag e t o a forme r nullifier , n o doubt , bolstere d
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Louisa's commitmen t t o th e sacre d cow s o f Carolin a politics : free trade , proslavery, an d souther n separatism . A s Sally Baxter Hampton , a north ern visito r wh o woul d marr y int o on e o f Carolina' s riches t plante r families, wrote , "Th e Chive s [sic ] an d McCor d famil y i s a s muc h a stronghold o f th e slaver y party a s the Adam s factio n i s of th e Abolition ists. Mrs. McCord i s hotly engaged i n the strife an d almos t al l her feelin g and intellec t see m t o b e expende d o n tha t on e topic , an d sh e an d he r husband warml y espous e th e caus e i n ever y pape r an d periodica l t o which the y ca n ge t admission." 7 Clearly, Louisa McCord' s intellectua l mindse t an d passion fo r politic s set he r apar t fro m mos t wome n o f he r class , who rarel y steppe d ou t o f the confine s o f hom e an d hearth . Eve n thos e plante r wome n wh o dis played a n interes t i n politic s acte d mainl y a s private advisor s an d confi dantes t o thei r husbands. 8 McCor d wa s exceptiona l no t becaus e o f he r virulently proslaver y an d souther n nationalis t views , whic h sh e share d with man y othe r Carolinia n slave-ownin g women. Indeed , a s Fox-Genovese contends, souther n slaveholdin g women wer e far fro m bein g protoabolitionists an d proto-feminists , a s som e historian s woul d hav e u s be lieve. A fe w ma y hav e complaine d abou t particula r injustices , whic h they faced a s individuals, bu t thei r class-base d allegianc e t o slav e societ y was unquestionable . Instead, i t wa s McCord' s assumptio n o f a publi c persona , a s a de fender o f souther n slavery , whic h distinguishe s he r fro m mos t member s of he r se x i n antebellu m Sout h Carolina . Whil e McCord' s proslaver y views ma y hav e bee n representativ e o f he r class , her literar y caree r a s a polemicist fo r th e slav e Sout h se t he r apar t fro m mos t me n an d wome n in he r society . In thi s sense , sh e acte d fa r mor e lik e generation s o f Carolinian slaveholdin g me n an d planter-politicians , wh o ha d estab lished a reputatio n fo r themselve s i n th e countr y fo r thei r ideologica l defense o f huma n bondag e an d politica l extremism. 9 Furthermore, McCord' s vindicatio n o f so-calle d natura l inequalit y and socia l hierarchy , whic h marke d he r proslaver y profferings , le d he r to openl y denounc e th e fledgling woman' s right s movement . Lik e mos t proslavery ideologues , sh e correctl y discerne d th e philosophica l an d po litical connection s betwee n woman' s right s an d th e antislaver y move ment i n antebellu m America . Sh e thus penne d som e o f th e mos t power ful critique s o f th e women' s movemen t i n prin t an d embrace d th e rol e of a n anti-woman' s rights—o r t o us e a n anachronisti c term , a n anti feminist—crusader. B y doing so , McCord wa s philosophically an d logi -
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cally consisten t t o th e conservative , hierarchica l value s o f proslaver y ideology bu t practicall y inconsistent . He r lif e an d literar y caree r revea l the obviou s contradictio n embodie d b y mos t conservativ e women , wh o assume a public role in defending women' s allegedl y natural an d divinel y ordained positio n i n society a s wives and mothers . Until recently, McCord's relativel y impressiv e arra y o f proslavery an d anti-feminist production s hav e bee n neglecte d b y mos t historian s o f women. Fa r greate r attentio n ha s bee n lavishe d o n Mar y Boyki n Ches nut, th e famou s Carolinia n diaris t whos e occasiona l aside s a t slaver y and women' s lo t ha s mad e he r a mor e attractiv e objec t o f historica l scrutiny. However , eve n a s scholars ar e re-evaluating hast y appraisal s of Chesnut a s a n incipien t abolitionis t cu m feminist , a thoroug h examina tion o f McCord' s theoretica l defens e o f racia l slaver y an d femal e in equality i s muc h needed . No t onl y woul d suc h a n analysi s demonstrat e slaveholding women' s politica l commitmen t t o slav e society , bu t i t would als o cal l int o questio n "essentialist " an d "trans-historical " view s of women. 10 For , paradoxically , b y evokin g a femal e experienc e tran scending clas s an d racia l boundarie s a s a n interpretiv e framewor k t o understand al l women' s history , som e scholar s res t thei r argument s on th e sam e kin d o f biologica l determinis m tha t thei r opponent s sub scribe to. Besides a pla y an d a boo k o f poems , Louis a McCor d publishe d mor e than hal f a doze n essay s i n th e Southern Quarterly Review, Southern Literary Messenger, an d De Bow's Review, th e preeminen t vehicle s o f proslavery an d souther n nationalis t though t i n th e 1840 s an d 1850s . Her first foray s int o th e worl d o f print , however , wer e no t s o muc h o n behalf o f slaver y a s o f fre e trade . In 1848 , Louis a McCord , a s "Mrs . D. J. McCord, " publishe d a translatio n o f Frederi c Bastiat' s indictmen t of protectionis m wit h suitabl e introductor y exhortation s b y her nullifie r husband an d Dr . Franci s Lieber , th e Germa n politica l scientis t a t Sout h Carolina College . Thi s i s quit e understandabl e whe n on e consider s tha t Carolina's slaveholdin g elit e nearl y provoke d disunio n i n 183 2 b y thei r opposition t o the tariff o r protective duties . The political an d ideologica l legacy of nullificatio n i n South Carolin a wa s a strange stew of fre e trade , states' rights , proslavery, an d souther n nationalis t thought . Moreover , a free an d unburdene d trad e wit h thei r bigges t market s i n Englan d an d Europe was alway s i n southern planters ' immediate economi c interest. 11 However, McCord' s admiratio n fo r th e principle s o f fre e trad e an d
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political economist s lik e Bastia t als o aros e fro m anothe r source . Ac cording t o her , th e principle s o f bourgeoi s econom y alon e coul d chec k "the wil d drea m o f 'fraternity ' an d socialism " invadin g th e Atlanti c world. In a late r review , i n whic h sh e effectivel y dissecte d th e rathe r confused wor k o f Henr y Carey , a n America n protectionist , sh e eve n went s o fa r a s to bran d protectionis m a s "socialism. " Antislaver y i n th e United States , she and som e southern proslaver y ideologue s pointe d out , was merel y anothe r specie s o f socialism . Sh e wrote, "I n ou r ow n coun try, w e se e to o plainl y a t ever y tur n th e insidiou s effect s o f thi s fearfu l fallacy. Fre e soilers , barn-burners , anti-renters , abolitionist s star e u s i n the fac e a t ever y turn , an d frightfu l t o th e thinkin g min d i s the anarch y which mus t follo w coul d the y hav e thei r way. " Socialism , McCor d claimed, woul d reduc e al l t o "on e leve l o f starvatio n an d beggary " because i t wa s base d o n th e fals e premis e tha t capita l wa s "inimica l t o labor." Th e people, she concluded, mus t b e taught th e truths o f politica l economy befor e the y succum b t o th e "hydr a o f communism " an d th e tyranny o f democracy . Th e "masses " mus t b e taugh t "t o thin k rightly . Popularize (allo w u s the word) populariz e political economy. " McCord enliste d th e principle s o f libera l politica l economy , "laissez faire, laissez passer," i n he r fight agains t abolitionism , democracy , "vague" idea s o f equality , anarchism , socialis m an d universa l individua l rights, not the least bothered b y ideological contradictions . In fact, man y Carolinian slaveholder s defende d fre e trad e an d th e "righ t t o property " with a n ardenc y tha t woul d hav e pu t thei r bourgeoi s adherent s t o shame. Langdo n Cheve s woul d ech o hi s daughter' s condemnatio n o f Proudhon's "terribl e declaration " tha t al l propert y wa s robber y i n hi s famous addres s t o th e souther n conventio n a t Nashvill e i n 1850 . Car olinian planter-politician s lik e James Henr y Hammon d woul d cal l upo n northern capitalist s t o keep in check the radical democrati c an d antislav ery element s i n thei r societ y tha t threatene d no t onl y slaver y bu t th e security o f al l property . Oddl y enough , o r perhap s no t s o oddly , McCord use d the principles of liberal political econom y t o defend south ern slav e societ y an d it s conservative , antidemocratic , an d hierarchica l values. 12 At th e sam e time , McCor d remaine d devote d enoug h t o a slavery based econom y t o spur n Carey' s cal l t o develo p manufacturin g i n th e South. Lik e many othe r souther n slaveholder s an d planters, she seems t o have assume d tha t slaver y an d industr y wer e incompatible . Sh e note d pungently tha t askin g th e slav e Sout h t o develo p cotto n manufacturin g
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would b e similar t o askin g New Englander s t o grow cotton . And like the "Cotton i s King" proponents, sh e was dismissiv e of Carey' s observatio n that th e souther n states ' position a s supplier o f ra w cotto n fo r th e worl d market pu t the m i n a dependent, colonia l relationshi p wit h thei r buyers , particularly wit h England . I t woul d b e Englis h society , sh e argued , tha t would peris h i n " a blaz e o f revolution " i f th e slav e Sout h cease d t o supply i t wit h cotton . In fact , usin g th e principle s o f fre e trad e an d th e theory o f comparativ e advantages , sh e argue d tha t i t was natura l an d i n the slav e South' s bes t interest s t o gro w rathe r tha n manufactur e cotton. 13 McCord's direc t justificatio n o f huma n bondag e reveale d eve n mor e strongly he r championshi p o f th e souther n socia l order . In he r firs t systematic defens e o f th e South' s "peculia r institution, " sh e departe d from th e proslaver y mainstrea m b y restin g he r cas e o n scientifi c racis m or o n th e theor y o f th e divers e origin s o f differen t "races. " Influentia l Carolinian divine s lik e John Bachma n an d James Henle y Thornwel l ha d rejected pol y genesis a s goin g agains t th e Adami c unit y o f ma n state d i n the Bible . Thi s hardl y mean t tha t proslaver y clergyme n an d theologian s were immun e t o th e lure s o f racism . Fo r example , Reveren d Joh n B . Adger, th e Carolinia n Presbyteria n minister , argue d tha t whil e blac k people wer e o f "Adam' s race, " the y wer e o f a n "inferio r variety. " McCord, however , als o argue d agains t a "literal " an d "dogmatic " read ing o f th e Bible , th e mainsta y o f proslaver y Christia n theology , an d supported polygeneti c theory . Castin g latter-da y scientifi c racist s i n th e image o f Galileo , she invoked th e classica l fight betwee n religiou s super stition an d scientifi c progress . And lik e Galileo, she argued that th e Bible could b e interpreted i n th e ligh t o f moder n "scientific " discovery , whic h was nothin g mor e tha n a revelatio n o f th e tru e natur e o f God' s works . Scientific racis m o r a belie f i n th e multipl e origin s o f ma n woul d thu s not lea d to atheis m bu t enlightene d piety . Even mor e importantl y fo r McCord , knowledg e o f th e diversit y o f races would promot e th e cause of the slave South i n the rest of the worl d and vanquish it s critics. Naturalists an d scientist s would b e able to prov e the rightfulnes s o f racia l slaver y b y groundin g i t i n scientifi c inquiry . A s she wrote, Could th e civilized world b e convinced tha t al l the races do not hav e the same abilities, enjoy th e same powers, or show the same natural dispositions, and are not, therefore, entitle d t o the same position i n human society; could the subject be fairly brough t befor e th e white man, and investigated a s a great philosophic
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question deserves to be investigated, we verily believe, so well is the negro fitted for his position, that the philanthropist of every nation would arm in defence of our institutions , an d presumptuou s ignoranc e whic h seek s t o forc e ou t God's law, i n orde r t o displac e i t b y som e "Icarie " o f it s ow n invention , woul d b e hooted from th e position which it now so impudently assumes. The worl d woul d the n kno w th e slaveholders ' "truth, " tha t th e "whit e man" wa s mad e fo r "liberty " an d th e "negro " fo r slavery . Sh e claime d that th e lo t o f blac k slave s was bette r tha n tha t o f th e "whit e slaves " o r the whit e workin g clas s i n fre e society , a s th e forme r wer e "naturally " suited t o thei r positio n i n society . "Th e negro, " sh e wrote , "b y his nature, ha s crouche d contented , i n th e lowes t barbarism. " "Whit e slav ery," sh e conclude d typically , wa s therefor e a greate r "evil " tha n "ne gro slavery. " McCord's verba l violenc e kne w n o bound s whe n i t came to denigrat ing th e ide a o f blac k equality . Sh e claime d tha t i f th e "negro " wa s a n "inferior man, " the n th e antislaver y movemen t wa s a "hideou s defor mity o f vice , an d gibberin g ou t o f it s horribl e obscenitie s o f 'socialism ' and 'communism, ' drag s upo n it s trac k a shoutin g mob , who , i n thei r ravings fo r 'negr o abolition ' an d 'universa l equality, ' trampl e unde r foo t at onc e God' s la w an d man' s law. " Sh e wrot e tha t "Sata n . . . come s now i n th e likenes s o f a n 'al l me n ar e bor n fre e an d equal ' advocate. " Expounding a t tediou s lengt h o n blac k people' s allege d "anatomica l inferiority," sh e compared thei r divinel y an d naturall y ordaine d positio n as slave s wit h th e positio n Go d ha d assigne d t o "asses. " Thus , "ne groism," lik e "donkeyism, " woul d mea n th e en d o f th e "whit e man " and civilization . "Messrs . Sambo , Cuffe e an d Co., " sh e maintained , were incapable of civilization , hastily addin g that th e Egyptians were no t "negroes." Sh e repeate d fantastica l an d crud e myth s an d exaggeration s about Africa n societie s t o buttres s he r point . Afte r abolition , blac k people woul d apparentl y regres s t o "hopeles s barbarism " an d thei r "brutish extincts " woul d wrea k havo c o n thei r erstwhil e whit e masters . The world woul d the n witnes s the fruit s o f "Cong o civilization ! Hotten tot civilization ! Haytien [sic ] civilization!! " Ironically, th e "brutality " mos t apparen t her e i s personifie d i n McCord's ow n word s an d thoughts . Mos t historian s an d biographer s using contemporar y testimon y o f visitor s t o Lan g Syne , th e McCor d plantation, an d o f McCord' s daughter , hav e argue d tha t sh e wa s a benevolent an d thoughtfu l slaveholder . However , th e extrem e racialis m that suffuse s he r work s make s on e wonde r ho w benevolen t thi s planta -
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tion mistres s wa s t o eve n thos e blac k me n an d wome n wh o labore d fo r her i n thei r "proper " position . A t leas t on e norther n visito r wa s con vinced tha t despit e th e McCords ' apparentl y exemplar y performanc e o f the "duties " o f slaveownership , on e o f thei r slave s silentl y praye d fo r freedom. O n emancipation , lik e man y ex-slaveholders , Louis a McCor d would hav e nothing bu t bitte r words fo r he r forme r slaves . But McCord' s virulen t racis m di d no t lea d he r t o espous e a raciall y based whit e egalitarianism . A loyal advocat e o f th e slaveholdin g plante r class an d wel l schoole d i n Sout h Carolina' s profoundl y antidemocrati c political structur e an d culture , sh e wa s n o believe r i n "herrenvol k de mocracy" o r i n "Mr . Jefferson' s humbu g flourish" o f universa l equalit y and liberty . In a manne r strikingl y simila r t o tha t o f Carolinia n mal e proslavery ideologues , sh e dismisse d th e "mischievou s fallac y containe d in si x unluck y words " o f th e Declaratio n o f Independence . "N o ma n i s born free , an d n o tw o huma n beings , perhaps , wer e eve r bor n equal, " she noted . Th e Declaration , sh e wrote , wa s clearl y mean t fo r onl y "white men, " bu t "th e assume d positio n o f equalit y eve n i n th e limite d sense whic h w e adop t i s plainl y a fals e one . Ther e i s n o suc h thin g a s equality possibl e o r desirabl e amon g th e masse s o f society. " I n anothe r place, sh e severel y castigate d th e autho r o f th e famou s 185 0 "Brutus " pamphlet, whic h calle d upo n th e nonslaveholder s o f th e stat e t o rebe l against th e rul e o f slaveholder s an d planter s a s a "bol d an d impuden t effort t o rous e th e poore r classe s agains t th e rich. " "Perfec t freedom, " she insisted , "coul d b e foun d onl y i n a conditio n o f perfec t isolation. " She clarified: "I n th e variou s grade s o f societ y . . . there ar e grea t differ ences of rights, and consequentl y grea t difference s i n degrees of freedom . . . . Al l hav e thei r rights , accordin g t o th e clas s whic h the y belong. " McCord's espousa l o f a rigi d racia l hierarch y wa s thu s a n integra l par t of he r overal l commitmen t t o th e genera l principle s o f inequalit y an d social subordination . If McCord' s championshi p o f scientifi c racis m wa s relativel y unusua l in the slave South, her advocac y o f blac k inferiorit y wa s riddle d with th e same contradiction s tha t plague d man y proslaver y southerners . O n th e one hand , sh e claime d tha t "negr o emancipation " woul d lea d t o th e extermination o f tha t rac e b y the superio r maste r rac e of whites . Hence , slavery supposedl y protecte d blac k peopl e fro m th e dir e fat e o f nativ e Americans. In a strange argument , which challenge d he r ow n contentio n that blac k slave s di d no t posses s th e abilit y t o conceiv e o f liberty , sh e claimed tha t th e fre e blac k populatio n i n the northern state s would hav e
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died ou t i f it had no t bee n replenishe d b y fugitive slave s fro m th e south . On th e othe r hand , sh e argued , pointin g t o th e exampl e o f Haiti , tha t abolition woul d lea d t o "negr o rule " that would destro y "whit e civiliza tion." In thi s instance , sh e claime d tha t "negr o emancipatio n i s th e emancipation o f brut e force. " I f no t enslaved , th e so-calle d "inferio r race" coul d en d whit e progres s an d eve n existence . A t on e point , sh e concluded withou t bein g awar e o f an y contradiction : "Abolitio n i s th e extinction o f th e one or the other." 14 Louisa McCord' s vigorou s defens e o f huma n bondag e soo n involve d her i n th e sectiona l wa r o f word s an d idea s i n pre-Civi l Wa r America . In 1852 , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e publishe d Uncle Tom's Cabin, whic h not onl y becam e on e o f th e all-tim e best-seller s i n America n publishin g history bu t als o single-handedl y inspire d a sle w o f proslaver y works . William Gilmor e Simms , Carolinia n novelis t an d edito r o f th e Southern Quarterly Review, though t i t would b e "poeti c justice" t o have a south ern woma n revie w Stowe' s book . Unlik e man y souther n wome n wh o produced vapi d literar y rebuttal s t o Uncle Tom's Cabin, McCor d wrot e what on e migh t cal l i n moder n parlanc e a "hatche t job " o n th e novel . While mos t souther n critic s o f Stow e wer e quic k t o poin t ou t particula r fallacies i n her work , i t was clea r fro m th e tone o f thei r review s that he r depiction o f th e inheren t inhumanit y o f th e souther n slav e syste m ha d hit home . On e Carolinia n reviewer , Edwar d Pringle , complaine d tha t Stowe had judge d slaver y simpl y fro m it s abuses. McCord admitte d tha t the "abominabl e woman' s abominabl e book " wa s "a s maliciou s an d gross an abolitionis t production (thoug h I confess a cunning one) a s ever disgraced th e press. " I n fact , sh e confesse d "mos t painfu l i t i s t o u s to commen t upo n a wor k o f thi s kind. " Appalle d b y th e abolitionis t "vulgarity" an d "libels " o f th e book , sh e wrot e a shril l revie w tha t belied som e o f he r ow n mos t telling criticisms. McCord effectivel y refute d certai n depiction s i n th e book , thu s dam aging Stowe' s credibilit y an d questionin g he r knowledg e o f souther n slavery. Sh e dwel t a t lengt h a t th e fac t tha t souther n character s i n th e book spok e "Yankee " Englis h o r tha t a slav e trade r i s abl e t o dictat e his term s t o a planter . Moreover , sh e vigorousl y challenge d Stowe' s implication tha t mos t benevolen t slaveholdin g me n an d wome n secretl y abhorred slavery . McCor d wa s a t he r bes t whe n sh e cannil y note d tha t despite Stowe' s sympath y fo r blac k people , mos t o f th e "persecute d individuals" i n he r nove l wer e portraye d "a s whites , o f slightl y negr o descent, no t negroes. " Stow e herself , sh e argued , betraye d th e stron g
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"instinct" o f race , a s th e rea l tragi c figure i n he r boo k wa s th e mulatto . Most o f Stowe' s stories , sh e alleged , wer e garnere d fro m th e borde r slave stat e o f Kentucky , wher e abolitionis t interferenc e ha d introduce d peculiarities i n th e peculia r institution . Happil y invertin g Stowe' s argu ment, sh e contende d tha t abolitionist s rathe r tha n slaveholder s wer e responsible fo r al l the abuse s within slavery . But th e sam e excessivenes s tha t marke d McCord' s earlie r proslaver y essays soo n le d he r dow n a slipper y slope . Thus , sh e wrot e tha t th e only implausibl e stor y missin g fro m Uncle Tom's Cabin wa s tha t o f slaveholders "fattenin g negr o babie s fo r th e us e o f th e soup-pot. " An d failing t o pursu e th e romanti c racialis m i n Stowe' s book , sh e launche d into a racist diatrib e of he r own. Stowe , she charged, was a n advocat e of racial "amalgamation, " an d sh e resente d he r portraya l o f "woolly headed an d yellow-skinned, " elegantl y attire d "mulatto " women , wh o were show n t o posses s mor e ladylik e qualitie s tha n souther n whit e women. Mos t o f all , she lashed ou t a t Stowe' s statemen t tha t "th e negr o is intellectuall y th e whit e man' s equal. " An d i n a somewha t ridiculou s aside mean t t o suppor t he r clai m tha t blac k peopl e ha d neve r buil t a "civilization," sh e claime d tha t Uncl e To m coul d no t loo k lik e th e Bishop o f Carthage , a s no t al l "me n o f color " ar e "negroes. " Blac k people, she reiterated monotonously , lacke d intellec t an d ha d neve r buil t a "civilization." 15 Stowe's emergence a s the literary heroine of the Atlantic world especiall y rankled McCord . No t onl y had Stow e acquired th e kind o f celebrit y tha t had elude d her , bu t he r novel , b y dramaticall y appealin g t o sentimen t and emotion , ha d swep t asid e McCord's ow n "learned " an d "scientific " discourses o n racia l slavery . "I t i s sa d t o se e th e worl d gulle d b y th e fictions o f a Mrs. Stowe, " sh e bemoaned . All , especially th e "negrophil ists," seeme d t o follow , sh e exclaime d exasperatedly , th e tun e o f "Mrs . Stowe an d Uncl e Tom ! Mrs . Stow e an d Uncl e Tom ! Mrs . Stow e an d Uncle Tom ! ding , ding , dong. " Sh e hopefull y predicte d tha t "Uncl e Tomism" woul d ru n it s cours e an d Stow e woul d b e dislodge d fro m he r "position o f a heroine an d prophetess. " Instea d o f weepin g ove r th e fat e of Uncle Toms, McCord advise d abolitionist s t o look t o the condition of the laborin g poo r i n fre e societies . Disputin g thei r accusation s o f th e brutality o f slavery , sh e contende d tha t th e slaveholde r wa s th e rea l "protector" o f th e slave s a s he was guide d b y law , custom , interest , an d humanity. Bu t sh e once agai n manage d t o undermine he r ow n argumen t
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by a rathe r fancifu l compariso n o f th e punishmen t mete d ou t t o slave s and whites : "Th e negr o get s hi s whipping , goe s hom e t o war m himsel f by hi s fire , an d perhap s laug h i n hi s sleev e a t 'Massa, 9 wh o thinks , 'da t kind o'lashi n ebbe r hu t nigga, ' whil e th e whit e ma n bear s th e doubl e infliction o f imprisonmen t an d stripes." 16 The appearanc e o f Stowe' s boo k als o seeme d t o confir m McCord' s suspicions o n th e connectio n betwee n antislaver y an d th e women' s movement. Sh e wrote, "Th e woman' s right s theor y i s putting ladies int o their husband' s pantaloons ; an d Mrs . Stowe' s theor y woul d lea d them , Heaven know s where ! Al l spiri t o f jokin g leave s u s a s w e loo k shud deringly forwar d t o her results . Amalgamatio n i s evidentl y n o bugbea r to thi s lady. " Th e abolitio n movemen t wa s compose d onl y o f "ol d ladies" an d "negr o men. " Indeed , sh e surmise d tha t i t was no t th e leas t surprising tha t advocate s o f "equa l right s withou t distinctio n o f sex o r colour" wer e on e an d th e sam e people . Th e "amiabl e Sojourner, " sh e pointed out , "ca n com e unde r eithe r win g o f th e improvemen t squad. " But in the South, " a stron g corps de reserve of sober , quiet women, who , satisfied t o find ou r dutie s a t home , (no t fo r wan t o f thought , bu t because though t teache s u s tha t therei n lie s woman' s highes t task , an d the fulfillmen t o f he r nobles t mission, ) ca n nevertheles s star t u p wit h true feelin g o f womanhoo d i n defenc e o f righ t an d property , heart h an d home." Souther n "Christian " wome n were hence not only not enamore d by th e cr y fo r femal e right s bu t wer e read y t o d o battl e wit h thei r hoydenish norther n sister s to protect slavery . McCord had , i n fact , lon g oppose d th e nascen t women' s movemen t as another sympto m o f th e dangerous contagio n o f "universa l equality. " In he r revie w o f th e proceeding s o f th e woman' s right s movemen t a t Worcester, sh e sneeringl y called , "Follo w close , ladies . Th e doo r o f privilege i s ope n prett y wid e fo r th e admissio n o f Cuffee . Shoul d he ge t in, surely you migh t follow . . . . Mounted o n Cuffee' s shoulders , in ride s the lady!" Accordin g t o McCord , jus t a s God an d natur e ha d assigne d a place fo r blac k people , the y ha d don e s o fo r women . Se x an d color , she proclaimed , wer e "immutabl e creations, " distinction s give n b y th e Almighty himself . Thus, sh e wrote, "God , wh o ha s mad e ever y creatur e to its place, has, perhaps, not give n to woman th e most enviable positio n in hi s creation , bu t a mos t clearl y define d positio n h e has give n her . Le t her object , then , b e t o rais e hersel f in tha t position . Out o f it , ther e i s only failur e an d degradation. " T o as k fo r th e righ t t o vot e wa s t o ste p outside tha t divinel y ordained place .
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Southern defender s o f slaver y neede d t o loo k n o furthe r tha n t o Aristotle t o expoun d o n th e "natural " positio n o f wome n an d slave s i n the household. Thoma s R . Dew , the proslavery Virginia n professor , wa s willing t o g o further . Whil e expoundin g a t lengt h o n th e difference s between th e sexes , h e wa s read y t o admi t tha t suc h difference s ma y b e the produc t o f educatio n an d th e environment . Bu t McCor d evoke d woman's natur e an d "tru e woman' s love " t o suppor t he r argumen t i n a manner tha t woul d hav e outdon e th e mos t sickl y Victoria n sentimen talist. Wome n shoul d fulfil l thei r "destiny " an d "cherish" thei r "mission." "Woman' s spher e i s higher, purer , nobler, " sh e intoned . Woma n was designe d t o b e man' s helpmat e an d no t hi s rival , a "perfecte d woman, no t th e counterfei t man. " Fo r whe n i t come s t o a physica l showdown, sh e warned , wome n woul d surel y becom e "th e inevitabl e victim o f bruta l strength. " Whil e admittin g tha t th e "weaker " se x suf fered man y injustices , sh e argued tha t thei r true redemption la y in fulfill ing thei r womanl y dutie s i n accordanc e wit h thei r divinel y appointe d nature. Like mos t proslaver y ideologues , McCor d decrie d th e "petticoate d despisers o f thei r sex " an d "unsexed " creature s wh o i n he r vie w wer e not onl y apin g me n bu t degradin g thei r exalte d role s a s "mother , wif e and sister. " Women' s righter s were thus overthrowin g "th e true cause of womanhood" an d wer e mer e seeker s o f "notoriety. " He r denunciatio n of wome n activists , whethe r i n th e caus e o f slaver y o r women' s rights , fitted righ t i n wit h th e wa y i n whic h the y ha d bee n lampoone d i n proslavery discourse . Mos t mal e defender s o f slaver y clearl y though t that thes e "Amazonian " wome n di d no t deserv e an y bran d o f souther n chivalry. I n fact , Simm s ha d reache d a ne w lo w i n hi s 183 7 revie w o f Harriet Martineau' s wor k i n whic h h e referre d t o he r a s a n "unsexe d spinster" an d ridicule d he r deafness . A poem entitle d "Th e Response, " written mos t probabl y b y McCord , referrin g perhap s t o Martineau , attributed he r critiqu e o f slaver y t o th e fac t tha t sh e ha d faile d t o lur e any souther n ma n int o marriage . While fierceremorse assails with poisoned fangs , The heart thy pen has doomed to endless pangs. Unhappy fair one! did disappoint then, Attend thy visit to our Southern men? .... Oh cruel country!—Oh ungratefu l men ! To come a maid, and maid return again.
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.... Betrayed, forsaken, unwedde d and forlorn , What wonder if the vials of her wrath, Bedew with henbane her retreating path Despite he r ow n lon g spinsterhood , McCor d chos e t o dra w upo n a stereotypical pictur e o f a bitte r spinste r wh o vente d he r frustration s b y uttering calumnie s agains t souther n slav e society . McCord seeme d t o b e virtuall y unawar e o f th e fac t tha t he r ow n public person a a s a defende r o f souther n slav e societ y contradicte d he r theories o n women' s prope r place . She , however, di d mak e i t a point t o state tha t whil e wome n wer e physicall y inferio r t o men , i n intellec t the y were thei r equals . Femal e intellec t wa s differen t rathe r tha n belo w tha t of a man , sh e wrote. 17 McCord' s vigorou s championshi p o f slaver y gained he r a place an d reputatio n i n the southern literar y an d publishin g world, whic h wa s denie d t o mos t souther n women . Indeed , he r proslav ery an d antifeminis t credential s an d he r socia l statio n overcam e an y objections tha t som e ma y hav e entertaine d abou t he r steppin g ou t o f woman's sphere . In he r writing s an d he r persona l life , Louis a McCor d solve d th e contra dictions o f he r positio n t o he r ow n satisfaction . Thank s t o a n indulgen t father, sh e ha d receive d a n exemplar y educatio n an d wa s eve n allowe d to follo w he r brothers ' mathematic s lesson s afte r displayin g a n interes t in th e subject . Clearly , i n intelligenc e an d educatio n sh e towere d abov e not onl y mos t wome n bu t als o man y men . Afte r havin g attaine d he r "womanly" positio n a s wif e an d mother , sh e ha d embarke d o n a fairl y well receive d writin g caree r i n th e South . McCor d wa s luck y t o posses s not onl y th e privileges of he r birt h an d class , but als o to have men in her life wh o encourage d he r literar y aspirations . Whil e he r fathe r rea d he r callow effort s a t poetry, her husband , autho r o f legal reports an d severa l essays an d coedito r o f a multivolum e antholog y o f th e state' s laws , ha d her poems secretl y published, launchin g her literar y career . WTiatever ma y hav e bee n Louis a McCord' s accomplishment s a s wife , mother, an d plantatio n mistress , sh e wa s mos t notabl e a s a spokes woman fo r th e slaveholdin g class . Davi d an d Louis a McCor d share d a study with thei r tables on opposite ends, where they wrote and publishe d together. Thei r marriag e was perhaps al l that sh e could have wished for . Although Louisa' s daughte r remembere d he r wit h grea t admiration , he r most affectionate memorie s were of her "maums, " the slave women wh o
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had performe d man y o f thei r mistress' s materna l "duties. " McCord' s writing and health languishe d afte r th e deaths of her husband an d father . During th e Civi l War , sh e devote d al l he r effort s an d possession s t o th e ill-fated Confederacy , losin g he r adore d so n o n th e alta r o f th e slav e nation. Sh e woul d di e i n 1879 , commemoratin g th e vanishe d worl d o f slaveholders an d thei r abortiv e effor t t o gai n independence. 18 An assessmen t o f McCord' s writin g make s i t clea r tha t sh e excelle d as a polemical an d sectiona l warrio r fo r th e slav e South rathe r tha n a s a poet an d author . He r boo k o f poems , My Dreams, dedicate d t o he r father, i s marke d b y it s unrelieve d palli d an d mundan e sentimentality . McCord hersel f wa s rathe r embarrasse d b y it s publication . He r secon d literary effort , a pla y entitle d Caius Gracchus: A Tragedy in Five Acts, dedicated t o he r son , wa s bette r received . Bu t mos t commentator s hav e examined th e play a s evidence o f McCord' s classica l an d "Doric " mind set an d hav e identifie d he r wit h th e wis e Cornelia , on e o f it s characters , instead o f praisin g it s brilliance . Indeed , i n for m an d styl e i t seem s t o follow Shakespeare' s Julius Caesar an d lack s originality . Ironically , th e drama's chie f protagonis t i s a champio n o f democracy , bu t i t end s wit h enough evocativ e scene s o f slav e fidelity t o appea l t o an y proslaver y ideologue. 19 The fac t tha t McCor d excelle d a t writin g politica l piece s rathe r tha n the supposedl y mor e feminin e persuasio n o f literatur e ha s le d som e scholars, beginnin g wit h Simms , t o attribut e a "masculine " sid e t o her . Most recently , Carme l Chaplin e ha s argue d tha t sh e was th e "epitome " and "antithesis " o f a souther n lady , seein g "hersel f a s mal e an d female , depending o n whic h spher e sh e occupie d a t an y time. " However , suc h interpretations merel y reproduc e uncriticall y th e notio n o f separat e spheres. W e hav e n o reaso n t o believ e tha t McCor d sa w hersel f a s anything bu t a woman , albei t a n exceptiona l woma n o f a certai n clas s and position . Whil e sh e ha d littl e patienc e wit h certai n gende r conven tions, especiall y a s fa r a s sh e hersel f wa s concerned , he r championshi p of femal e subordinatio n wa s a t leas t a s vigorou s a s he r espousa l o f slavery. A s Fox-Genoves e argues , "He r theor y o f gende r relation s proved inseparabl e fro m he r theories o f clas s and rac e relations. " Not onl y di d McCor d uphol d th e hierarchica l natur e o f al l socia l relations in slave society with a fearful ardency , bu t she made a n individ ual exceptio n fo r hersel f i n assumin g a public rol e a s a champio n o f th e slave south . Eve n he r daughter s wer e deeme d unworth y o f to o muc h "school training " an d educate d informall y a s befitte d women . Afte r
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decrying femal e activist s wh o too k t o th e stump , sh e mad e a publi c speech befor e a crow d serenadin g he r o n Sout h Carolina' s secession . Indeed, th e state' s mos t prominen t planter-politician s wer e serenade d i n this fashio n o n disunion . B y i860 , Louis a McCor d ha d manage d t o carve fo r hersel f th e rol e o f a leadin g defende r i n he r stat e o f th e slav e South, fo r whic h sh e wa s publicl y hailed . Slavery , a s man y historian s have argued , stifle d th e women's movemen t i n the South , but i t certainl y led to the path o f recognitio n fo r McCord . McCord's caree r illustrate s tha t a s lon g a s wome n wer e willin g t o support thei r allegedl y divinel y ordaine d positio n i n society , the y coul d transcend i t a s individuals . Ironically , McCord' s "accomplishments " a s a woman wer e fundamentally anti-women . Her defens e of the oppressiv e hierarchies o f slav e societ y wer e als o theoreticall y contradictory : sh e invoked moder n idea s of libera l political economy , scientifi c racism , an d womanhood t o defen d th e essentiall y conservativ e an d hierarchica l world o f slaveholders . Furthermore, McCord' s lif e an d wor k revea l tha t women's historica l agenc y ha s no t alway s bee n "progressive " an d tha t women a s a grou p ar e no t alway s foun d o n th e righ t side. 20 A s fa r a s Louisa McCor d wa s concerned , th e advantage s o f he r clas s an d "race " far outweighe d th e disabilities o f her sex . And sh e knew it .
NOTES
1. See , for example , Joan Wallac h Scott , Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988); Berenice A. Carroll, Liberating Women's History: Theoretical and Critical Essays (Urbana, 1976), espec. Parts I and IV; and Nancy F. Cott and Elizabeth Pleck , eds., A Heritage of Her Own: Toward a New Social History of American Women (Ne w York, 1979) . For some synthetic overviews, see Carl N. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York, 1980) ; Mabel E . Deutrich and Virginia C . Purdy, eds., Clio Was a Woman: Studies in the History of American Women (Washington , 1980) ; William H . Chafe , The American Woman: Her Changing Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920—1970 (New York, 1972). 2. Nanc y Hewitt , "Beyon d th e Searc h fo r Sisterhood : America n Women' s History in the 1980s, " Social History 10 (October 1985) : 300; Joan Kelly, "The Double d Visio n o f Feminis t Theory : A Postscript t o th e 'Women' s Power' Conference, " Feminist Studies (Spring 1979) : 221 . Also se e Susan Levine, "Labors in the Field: Reviewing Women's Cultural History," Radical History Review 35 (April 1986) : $6, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "Gender ,
Louisa Susanna McCord: Spokeswoman of the Master Class 7 7 Class, an d Power : Som e Theoretica l Considerations, " The History Teacher 15 (Februar y 1982) : 255—7 6 an d "Placin g Women' s Histor y i n History, " New Left Review 13 3 (May/Jun e 1982) : 5-29 ; Elle n C . DuBoi s e t al. , "Politics an d Cultur e in Women's History : A Symposium," Feminist Studies 6 (Sprin g 1980) : 26—84. 3. See , fo r example , Alic e Kessler-Harris , Out to Work: A History of WageEarning Women in the United States (Ne w York , 1982) ; Thoma s Dublin , Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826-1880 (Ne w York , 1979) ; Christin e Stansell , City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Ne w York , 1986) ; Dolores E. Janiewski, Sisterhood Denied: Race, Gender and Class in a New South Community (Philadelphia , 1985) ; Debora h Gra y White , Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South (Ne w York , 1985) ; Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (Ne w York , 1985) . Als o se e Angel a Y . Davis, Women, Race and Class (Ne w York , 1981) ; bel l hooks , Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (Boston , 1981) . 4. Nanc y F . Cott , The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 (Ne w Haven , 1977) ; Barbar a Welter , "Th e Cul t o f True Womanhood : 1800-1860, " American Quarterly 1 8 (Summe r 1966) : 151-74; Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "Th e Femal e World o f Lov e and Ritual : Relations betwee n Wome n i n Nineteenth-Centur y America, " Signs 1 (Au tumn 1975) : 1-29 ; Kathery n Kis h Sklar , Catherine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (Ne w Haven, 1973) ; Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (Ne w York , 1977) ; Mar y P . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790—1865 (Cam bridge, Eng., 1981) . Also se e Caroll Smith-Rosenberg , Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (Ne w York , 1985) ; Sheil a M . Rothman, Woman's Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practices, 18 jo to the Present (Ne w York , 1978) . 5. Se e Ellen C . DuBois, Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women's Movement in America, 1848-1860 (Ne w York, 1979) ; Eleanor Flexner , Century of Struggle: The Women's Rights Movement in the United States (Cambridge , Mass. , 1975) ; Keit h Melder , The Beginnings of Sisterhood: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United States, 18001840 (Ne w York , 1977) ; Doroth y Sterling , Ahead of Her Time: Abby Kelley and the Politics of Antislavery (Ne w York , 1991) ; Charle s Capper , Margaret Fuller: An American Romantic Life (Ne w York , 1992) ; Dublin , Women at Work; Meredit h Tax , The Rising of the Women: Feminist Solidarity and Class Conflict, 1880—1917 (Ne w York , 1980) ; Ailee n S . Kradi tor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920 (Ne w York , 1965); Linda Gordon , Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (Ne w York , 1976) ; Elle n Chesler , Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (Ne w York, 1992) . Als o se e Lind a Gordon , "What' s Ne w i n Women' s History, "
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in Teres a d e Lauretis , ed. , Feminist Studies, Critical Studies (Bloomington , Ind., 1986) , 21-30 , an d Elizabet h Fox-Genovese , "Th e Persona l I s no t Political Enough, " Marxist Perspectives 2 (Winter 1979/80) : 9 4 - 1 1 3 . 6. Ann e Firor Scott, The Southern Lady From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Chicago, 1970) ; Catherin e Clinton , The Plantation Mistress: Woman's World in the Old South (Ne w York , 1982) ; Suzann e Lebsock , The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784—1860 (New York , 1984) . Als o se e Sudi e Side s Duncan , "Souther n Wome n an d Slavery, Par t One, " History Today 2 0 (Januar y 1970) : 54-60 ; Margare t Ripley Wolfe , "Th e Souther n Lady : Lon g Sufferin g Counterpar t o f th e Good Ole ' Boy, " journal of Popular Culture I I (Summe r 1977) : 18-27 ; Jean Friedman , "Women' s Histor y an d th e Revisio n o f Souther n History" ; and Ann e Firo r Scott , "Historian s Construc t th e Souther n Woman, " i n Joanne V . Hawk s an d Sheil a L . Skemp , eds. , Sex, Race, and the Role of Women in the South (Jackson , Miss., 1983) , 3-12, 95-110 ; Elizabet h Fox Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chape l Hill , 1988 ) an d Feminism without Illusions: A Critique of Individualism (Chape l Hill , 1991) , chap . 6 ; Eugen e D . Geno vese, "Towar d a Kinde r an d Gentle r America : Th e Souther n Lad y i n th e Greening o f th e Politic s o f th e Ol d South, " i n Caro l Bleser , ed. , In Joy and Sorrow: Women, Family, Marriage in the Victorian South, 1830—1900 (New York, 1991) , 125-35 . For a recent work o n southern women's histor y that emphasize s regiona l distinctivenes s an d th e "community " identit y o f southern women , se e Jean E . Friedman, The Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the Evangelical South, 1830-1900 (Chape l Hill , 1985) ; fo r a pioneerin g wor k o n souther n women , se e Julia Cherr y Spruill , Women's Life and Work in the Southern Colonies (Chape l Hill , 1938) ; o n th e possi bilities an d limitation s o f a souther n biracia l "sisterhood, " se e Minros e C . Gwin, Black and White Women of the Old South: The Peculiar Sisterhood in American Literature (Knoxville , 1985) ; Catherin e Clinton , "'Souther n Dishonor': Flesh , Blood, Race , and Bondage, " i n Bleser, In Joy and Sorrow, 52-68, an d "Caugh t i n the Web o f th e Big House: Women an d Slavery, " i n Walter J. Fraser , Jr., e t al. , eds. , The Web of Southern Relations: Women, Family, and Education (Athens , Ga., 1985) , 19-34 . 7. Mar y Forrest, Women of the South: Distinguished in Literature (Ne w York , 1866), 480-82 ; Jame s Woo d Davidson , The Living Writers of the South (New York , 1869) , 351-60 ; Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household, chap . 5 ; Margare t Farran d Thorpe , Female Persuasion: Six StrongMinded Women (Ne w Haven , 1949) , 179-214 . Fo r detail s o n Louis a McCord's life , se e Jessie Melville Fraser, "Louis a C . McCord," M.A . thesis , University o f Sout h Carolina , 1919 ; Carme l E . Chapline , "' A Traged y i n Five Acts' : Th e Lif e o f Louis a S . McCord , 1810-1879, " M.A . thesis , Th e Citadel an d Th e Universit y o f Charleston , 1992 . O n Langdo n Cheve s an d the Cheve s family , se e Archi e Verno n Huff , Jr. , Langdon Cheves of South Carolina (Columbia , S.C. , 1977) ; Susa n Bennett , "Th e Cheve s Famil y o f South Carolina, " South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine
Louisa Susanna McCord: Spokeswoman of the Master Class 7 9 (SCHGM) 3 5 (July/Octobe r 1934) : 79-95, 130-52 ; [Langdo n Cheves] , Occasional Reviews No. I and II (Charleston , 1832) ; Speech of the Honorable Langdon Cheves, Delivered before the Delegates of the Nashville Convention . . . (Columbia , 1850) ; Langdo n Cheve s t o Davi d McCord , Augus t 15, 1831 , Langdon Cheve s Papers, South Carolinian a Library , University o f South Carolina . O n Davi d McCord , se e Susa n Smyth e Bennett , "Th e McCords o f McCord' s Ferry , Sout h Carolina, " SCHGM 3 4 (Octobe r 1933): 177-93 ; Speech of Mr. McCord at a Meeting of the Inhabitants in the Town Hall of Columbia . . . (Columbia , 1827) ; An n Frip p Hampton , ed., A Divided Heart: Letters of Sally Baxter Hampton, 1853-1862 (Spar tanburg, S.C., 1980) , 2 1 - 2 3 . 8. Man y Carolinia n slaveholdin g wome n share d thei r husband' s politica l con cerns an d t o a certai n extent , thei r relationship s embodie d th e idea l o f companionate marriages . See , fo r example , Willia m Ellio t t o hi s wife , No vember 24 , 29 , December 6 , 10 , 14 , 1828 , December 1 , 9, 1831 , September 1, 1851 , Elliot-Gonzales Papers , Souther n Historica l Collection , Universit y of Nort h Carolina ; Rober t F . W. Allsto n t o hi s wife , Adele , Decembe r 16 , 1849, Ma y 24 , Septembe r 22 , 1850 , Rober t F . W . Allsto n Papers , Sout h Carolina Historica l Society ; Elizabet h Perr y t o Benjami n Perry , Novembe r 22, Decembe r 13 , 1840 , Decembe r 1 , 8 , 1844 , Novembe r 30 , 1845 , No vember 30 , December 3 , 5 , 14 , 17 , 1850 , November 27 , December 5 , 1851, December 14,1852 , Benjamin Perr y t o Elizabeth Perry, December 16 , 1859 , April 17 , 29 , i860 , Benjami n F . Perr y Papers , Sout h Carolinian a Library , University o f Sout h Carolina ; Rebecc a Rutledg e t o Lt . Edwar d Rutledge , September 6 , Octobe r 5 , 10 , November 19 , December 18 , 1832 , January 7 , 30, Marc h 9 , 1833 , Rutledg e Famil y Papers , Sout h Carolinian a Library , University o f Sout h Carolina ; Laurenc e Keit t t o Su e Spark s Keitt , July n , 1851, [1855] , June 6 , 1855 , May 10 , June 8 , 1856 , Sue Sparks Keit t t o he r father, Sunda y 2 6 [i860] , Sue Sparks Keit t to A . D. Banks, March 1 , i860 , Lawrence Massillo n Keit t Papers , Perkin s Library , Duk e University ; Elme r Don Herd , Jr. , "Su e Spark s Keit t t o a Norther n Friend , Marc h 4 , 1861, " South Carolina Historical Magazine 6 2 (1961) : 82-87 . Als o se e Caro l Bleser, "Th e Perry s o f Greenville : A Nineteenth-Centur y Marriage, " i n Fraser et al., The Web of Southern Relations, 72-89 . 9. Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household. O n Carolinia n slavehold ers' pioneerin g rol e i n th e formulatio n o f proslaver y ideolog y an d thei r cutting edg e positio n i n th e secessio n movement , se e m y "Th e Counter Revolution o f Slavery : Class , Politic s an d Ideolog y i n Antebellu m Sout h Carolina," Ph.D . diss., Columbia University , 1994 . 10. A n obviou s exceptio n i s o f cours e Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household, chap . 5 ; als o se e chaps . 1 an d 7 . O n Mar y Chesnut , se e C . Vann Woodward , ed. , Mary Chesnufs Civil War (Ne w Haven , 1981) ; Elisabeth Muhlenfield , Mary Boykin Chesnut: A Biography (Bato n Rouge , 1981); Dre w Gilpi n Faust , "I n Searc h o f th e Rea l Mar y Chesnut, " Reviews in American History 1 0 (Marc h 1982) : 54-59 . 11. Frederi c Bastiat , Sophisms of the Protective Policy, trans , (fro m th e 2 d
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French edition) . Mrs. D. J. McCor d o f Sout h Carolin a wit h a n Introductor y Letter b y Dr . Franci s Liebe r (Ne w York , 1848) . O n th e nullificatio n crisis , see William W . Freehling , Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836 (Ne w York , 1965) ; and m y "Counter Revolution o f Slavery, " chaps . 1 and 2 . 12. L . S . M . [Louis a Susann a McCord] , "Justic e an d Fraternity, " Southern Quarterly Review (SQR) 1 5 (Jul y 1849) : 356-74 ; idem , "Th e Righ t t o Labor," SQR 1 6 (Octobe r 1849) : 138-60 ; idem , "Negr o an d Whit e Slav ery—Wherein D o The y Differ? " SQR 2 0 (Jul y 1851) : 119-20 ; idem , "Carey o n th e Slav e Trade, " SQR 2 5 (Januar y 1854) : 115-53 . Fo r a slightly differen t view , see Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household, 281-82; Speech of the Honorable Langdon Cheves, Delivered before the Delegates of the Nashville Convention-, Speech of Mr. J. A. Woodward, of South Carolina (Washington , 1848) ; Congressional Globe, 35t h Congress , 1 st Session , 6 8 - 7 1 . Fo r a classi c stud y o f libera l politica l economy , se e C. B . MacPherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke (Oxford , Eng. , 1962) ; o n th e sout h a s a distinc t slav e society , see Eugen e D . Genovese , The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South (Ne w York , 1965) ; Eugen e D . Genovese an d Elizabet h Fox-Genovese , The Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (New York , 1983) , chap. 2 . 13. L . S . M. , "Care y o n th e Slav e Trade, " 122-34 , 141-52 ; idem , "Britis h Philanthropy an d America n Slavery, " De Bow's Review (DBR) 1 4 (Marc h 1853): 277 . Fo r th e "Cotto n i s King" argument , se e Hammond's speec h i n the Congressional Globe cite d abov e an d E . N . Elliot , ed. , Cotton Is King and Pro-Slavery Arguments (Augusta , Ga. , i860) : 271-336 ; fo r th e rela tionship betwee n slaver y and industry , see Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery, par t 3 ; Fred Bateman an d Thomas Weiss, A Deplorable Scarcity: The Failure of Industrialization in the Slave Economy (Chape l Hill , 1981) ; Robert S . Starobin, Industrial Slavery in the South (Ne w York, 1970) . 14. L . S . M. , "Diversit y o f th e Races ; It s Bearin g upo n Negr o Slavery, " SQR (April 1851) : 392-419 ; idem , "Negr o an d Whit e Slavery—Wherei n D o They Differ?, " 118-32 ; idem , "Negr o Mania, " DBR 1 2 (Ma y 1852) : 5 0 7 24; idem , "Justic e an d Fraternity, " 373—74 ; idem , "Care y o n th e Slav e Trade," 162-67 ; idem , "Charit y Whic h Doe s No t Begi n a t Home, " Southern Literary Messenger (SLM) 1 9 (Apri l 1853) : 195 ; John Bachman , The Doctrine of Unity of the Human Race Examined on the Principles of Science (Charleston , 1850) ; John B . Adger, Christian Mission and African Colonization (Columbia , 1857) , 18 ; Stillma n Drake , ed. , Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo (Garde n City , N.Y., 1957) , 175-216 . Also see William Stanton, The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes toward Race in America, 1815-1859 (Chicago , i960) ; Eugen e D . Genovese , "Slavery Ordained of God": The Southern Slaveholders' View of Biblical History and Modern Politics (Gettysburg , Penn. , 1985) ; H . Shelto n Smith , In His Image, But . . . : Racism in Southern Religion, 1780-1910 (Durham , 1972) , chaps. 1 -
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3; Thomas Virgi l Peterson , Ham and Japheth: The Mythic World of Whites in the Antebellum South (Metuchen , N.J. , 1978) . O n McCor d a s a planta tion mistress, see Fraser, "Louis a C . McCord," 9 - 1 1 ; Chapline, " A Traged y in Fiv e Acts, " 29-32 , 53-67 , 160-61 , and , o n he r religiou s beliefs , 7 4 yy; Thorpe , Female Persuasion, 198 ; Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household, 274-76 ; Dr . E . D. Worthington t o Davi d Ros s McCord , 1894 , "Sketch o f Mrs . Davi d J . McCord , b y th e Hon . Willia m Porche r Miles , Mayor o f Charleston , Membe r o f th e Confederat e Congress , an d Presiden t of th e Sout h Carolin a College , 1880, " McCor d Famil y Papers . Se e th e idyllic pictur e o f slaver y i n "Recollection s o f Louis a Rebecc a Hayn e McCord," Sout h Carolinian a Library , University o f Sout h Carolina . 15. [Edwar d J . Pringle] , Slavery in the Southern States by a Carolinian (Cam bridge, Mass., 1852) , 10-13 , 31-32 , 4 7 - 5 1 ; "Stowe' s Ke y to Uncle Tom' s Cabin," SQR 2 4 (Jul y 1853) : 214-54 ; Jeanett e Rei d Tandy , "Pro-Slaver y Propaganda i n American Fictio n o f the Fifties," Southern Atlantic Quarterly 21 (1922) : 4 1 - 5 0 ; Thorpe , Female Persuasion, 205 ; McCor d i s quote d i n Chapline, " A Traged y i n Fiv e Acts, " 94 ; L . S . M. , "Uncl e Tom' s Cabin, " SQR 2 3 (Januar y 1853) : 81-120 . 16. L . S . M. , "Charit y Whic h Doe s No t Begi n a t Home, " 208 ; idem , "Britis h Philanthropy an d America n Slavery, " 258-80 ; idem , "Care y an d th e Slav e Trade," 1 5 3 - 8 1 . 17. L . S . M. , "Uncl e Tom' s Cabin, " 90 ; idem , "Care y o n th e Slav e Trade, " 153-69; idem , "Britis h Philanthrop y an d America n Slavery, " 279 ; idem , "Charity Whic h Doe s No t Begi n a t Home, " 198 ; idem , "Enfranchisemen t of Woman, " SQR (Apri l 1852) : 3 2 2 - 4 1 ; idem , "Woma n an d He r Needs, " DBR 1 3 (1852) : 2 6 7 - 9 1 ; Ernes t Barker , ed., The Politics of Aristotle (Ne w York, 1958) , 8-38 ; Thoma s R . Dew , "Dissertatio n o n th e Characteristi c Differences betwee n th e Sexes, " Nos . 2 an d 3 , SLM 1 (July-Augus t 1835) : 621—32, 672—91; William Gilmor e Simms, "The Morals of Slavery," in The Pro-Slavery Argument: As Maintained by the Most Distinguished Writers of the Southern States (Charleston , 1852) , 175-285 ; The Response (Charleston, 1848) , Davi d Jame s an d Louis a Susann a McCor d Collection , South Carolinian a Library , Universit y o f Sout h Carolina . Th e poe m refer s to a norther n woma n an d Martinea u wa s a n Englishwoman . Bu t it s con tents seem t o indicat e tha t sh e was McCord's intende d target . 18. Fraser , "Louis a C . McCord"; Chapline , " A Traged y i n Fiv e Acts"; "Recol lections o f Louis a Rebecc a Hayn e McCord, " an d "Sketc h o f Mrs . McCor d by Mis s I . D. Martin, " McCor d Famil y Papers , Sout h Carolinian a Library , University o f Sout h Carolina . O n th e revolutionar y republica n idea l o f educated motherhoo d an d souther n women' s education , se e Mar y Bet h Norton, Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Woman, 1750—1800 (Boston , 1980) ; Lind a K . Kerber , Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chape l Hill , 1980); Catherine Clinton, "Equall y Their Due: The Education o f the Plante r Daughter i n th e Earl y Republic, " Journal of the Early Republic 2 (Apri l 1982): 39-60 ; Steve n M . Stowe , "Th e Not-So-Cloistere d Academy : Elit e
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Women's Educatio n an d Famil y Feelin g i n th e Ol d South, " i n Frase r e t al. , The Web of Southern Relations, 90-106 . O n souther n wome n an d th e Civi l War, se e George C . Rable , Civil Wars; H . E . Sterkx, Partners in Rebellion: Alabama Women in the Civil War (Rutherford , N.J. , 1970) ; Dre w Gilpi n Faust, Southern Stories: Slaveholders in Peace and War (Columbia , Mo. , 1992), 1 1 3 - 4 0 , 1 7 4 - 9 2 . 19. "Sketc h o f Mrs . Davi d J . McCord , b y th e Hon . Willia m Porche r Miles, " McCord Famil y Papers , Sout h Carolinian a Library , Universit y o f Sout h Carolina; Louis a S . McCord, My Dreams (Philadelphia , 1848) ; idem, Caius Gracchus: A Tragedy in Five Acts (Ne w York, 1851) ; Davidson, The Living Writers of the South, 351-60 ; Thorpe, Female Persuasion, 186 , 194-200 . 20. Chapline , " A Traged y i n Fiv e Acts," ii-iv , 93 , 9 6 - 9 7, 164-66 ; "Recollec tions o f Louis a Rebecc a Hayn e McCord, " 23-24 ; Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household, 281 ; Hewitt , "Beyon d th e Searc h fo r Sister hood," 315-16 . REFERENCES
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. "Placin g Women' s Histor y i n History. " New Left Review 13 3 (May / June 1982) : 5-29 . . Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South. Chape l Hill , 1988 . Fraser, Jessi e Melville . "Louis a C . McCord. " M.A . Thesis , Universit y o f Sout h Carolina, 1919 . Fraser, Walter J., Jr., et al., eds. The Web of Southern Relations: Women, Family and Education. Athens , Ga., 1985 . Freehling, Willia m W . Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816—1836. Ne w York , 1965 . Friedman, Jean. The Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the Evangelical South, 1830—1900. Chape l Hill , 1985 . Genovese, Eugen e D. The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South. Ne w York , 1965 . . "Slavery Ordained of God": The Southern Slaveholders 3 View of Biblical History and Modern Politics. Gettysburg , Penn., 1985 . Genovese, Eugen e D. , an d Elizabet h Fox-Genovese . The Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism. Ne w York , 1983. Gordon, Linda . Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America. Ne w York , 1976 . Gwin, Minros e C . Black and White Women of the Old South: The Peculiar Sisterhood in American Literature. Knoxville , 1985 . Hampton, An n Fripp , ed . A Divided Heart: Letters of Sally Baxter Hampton, 1853-1862. Spartanburg , S.C., 1980 . Hawks, Joanne V. , and Sheil a L . Skemp, eds. Sex, Race, and the Role of Women in the South. Jackson , Miss. , 1983 . Herd, Elme r Don , Jr. "Su e Spark s Keit t t o a Northern Friend , Marc h 4 , 1861. " South Carolina Historical Magazine 6 2 (1961) : 82-87 . Hewitt, Nancy . "Beyon d th e Searc h fo r Sisterhood : America n Women' s Histor y in th e 1980s. " Social History 1 0 (Octobe r 1985) : 300—321 . hooks, bell. Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism. Boston, 1981 . Huff, Archi e Vernon , Jr . Langdon Cheves of South Carolina. Columbia , S.C. , 1977Janiewski, Dolore s E . Sisterhood Denied: Race, Gender and Class in a New South Community. Philadelphia , 1985 . Jenkins, Willia m Sumner . Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South. Reprint . Gloucester, Mass. , i960 . Jones, Jacqueline. Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present. Ne w York , 1985 . Kelly, Joan . "Th e Double d Visio n o f Feminis t Theory : A Postscrip t t o th e 'Women's Power ' Conference. " Feminist Studies (Sprin g 1979) : 216-27 . Kerber, Linda K . Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America. Chape l Hill , 1980 . Kessler-Harris, Alice . Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States. Ne w York , 1982 .
Louisa Susanna McCord: Spokeswoman of the Master Class 8 5 Kraditor, Ailee n S . The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920. New York , 1965 . Lauretis, Teres a de , ed . Feminist Studies, Critical Studies. Bloomington , Ind. , 1986. Lebsock, Suzanne . The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860. Ne w York , 1984 . Levine, Susan . "Labor s i n th e Field : Reviewin g Women' s Cultura l History. " Radical History Review 3 5 (Apri l 1986) : 4 9 - 5 6 . MacPherson, C . B. The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke. Oxford , Eng. , 1962 . [McCord, Davi d J. ] Speech of Mr. McCord at a Meeting of the Inhabitants in the Town Hall of Columbia. Columbia , S.C. , 1827 . [McCord, Louis a S. ] L . S . M. "Britis h Philanthrop y an d America n Slavery. " De Bow's Review 1 4 (Marc h 1853) : 258-80 . . Caius Gracchus: A Tragedy in Five Acts. Ne w York , 1851 . . "Care y o n th e Slav e Trade. " Southern Quarterly Review 2 5 (Januar y 1854): 115-53 . . "Charit y Whic h Doe s No t Begi n a t Home. " Southern Literary Messenger 1 9 (Apri l 1853) : 193-208 . . "Diversit y o f th e Races ; It s Bearin g upo n Negr o Slavery. " Southern Quarterly Review (Apri l 1851) : 392-419 . . "Enfranchisemen t o f Woman. " Southern Quarterly Review 2 1 (Apri l 1852): 322-41 . . "Justic e an d Fraternity. " Southern Quarterly Review 1 5 (Jul y 1849) : 356-74. My Dreams. Philadelphia , 1848 . . "Negr o Mania. " De Bow's Review 1 2 (Ma y 1852) : 507-24 . . "Negr o an d White Slavery—Wherein D o They Differ?" Southern Quarterly Review 2 0 (Jul y 1851) : 118-32 . . The Response. Charleston , 1848 . . "Th e Righ t t o Labor. " Southern Quarterly Review 1 6 (Octobe r 1849) : 138-60. . "Uncl e Tom' s Cabin. " Southern Quarterly Review 2 3 (Januar y 1853) : 81-120. . "Woma n an d He r Needs. " De Bow's Review 1 3 (Septembe r 1852) : 267-91. Melder, Keith . The Beginnings of Sisterhood: The Women's Rights Movement in the United States, 1800-1840. Ne w York , 1977 . Muhlenfield, Elisabeth . Mary Boykin Chesnut: A Biography. Bato n Rouge , 1981. Norton, Mar y Beth . Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Woman, iyjo-1800. Boston , 1980 . Peterson, Thomas Virgil. Ham and Japheth: The Mythic World of Whites in the Antebellum South. Metuchen , N.J. , 1978 . [Pringle, Edward] . Slavery in the Southern States by a Carolinian. Cambridge , Mass.,1852.
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The Pro-Slavery Argument; As Maintained by the Most Distinguished Writers of the Southern States. Charleston , 1852 . Rable, Georg e C . Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism. Urbana, 1989 . "Recollections o f Louis a Rebecc a Hayn e McCord. " Sout h Carolinian a Library , University o f Sout h Carolina . Rothman, Sheil a M . Woman*s Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practices, 1870 to the Present. Ne w York , 1978 . Ryan, Mary P. Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790—1865. Cambridge , Eng., 1981. Scott, Ann e Firor . The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830—1930. Chicago, 1970 . Scott, Joan Wallach . Gender and the Politics of History. Ne w York , 1988 . Sinha, Manisha . "Th e Counter-Revolutio n o f Slavery : Class , Politics an d Ideol ogy in Antebellum Sout h Carolina. " Ph.D . diss., Columbia University , 1994 . Sklar, Kathryn Kish. Catherine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity. Ne w Haven, 1973 . Smith, H. Shelton . In His Image, But. . .: Racism in Southern Religion, 17801910. Durham , N.C. , 1972 . Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll . "Th e Femal e Worl d o f Lov e an d Ritual : Relation s between Wome n i n Nineteent h Centur y America. " Signs 1 (Autum n 1975) : 1-29.
. Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America. Ne w York, 1985 . Spruill, Julia Cherry . Women's Life and Work in the Southern Colonies. Chape l Hill, 1938 . Stansell, Christine . City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789—1860. New York , 1986 . Stanton, William . The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes toward Race in America, 1815—1859. Chicago , i960 . Starobin, Rober t S . Industrial Slavery in the South. Ne w York , 1970 . Sterkx, H. E . Partners in Rebellion: Alabama Women in the Civil War. Ruther ford, N.J., 1970 . Sterling, Dorothy. Ahead of Her Times: Abby Kelley and the Politics ofAntislavery. New York , 1991 . "Stowe's Ke y t o Uncl e Tom' s Cabin. " Southern Quarterly Review 2 4 (Jul y 1853): 215-54 . Tandy, Jeanett e Reid . "Pro-Slaver y Propagand a i n America n Fictio n o f th e Fifties." South Atlantic Quarterly 2 1 (1922) : 41-50 . Tax, Meredith . The Rising of the Women: Feminist Solidarity and Class Conflict, 1880-1917. Ne w York , 1980 . Thorpe, Margare t Farrand . Female Persuasion: Six Strong-Minded Women. New Haven , 1949 . Welter, Barbara . "Th e Cul t o f Tru e Womanhood , 1800-1860. " American Quarterly 1 8 (Summe r 1966): 151-74 .
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White, Deborah Gray . Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slave in the Plantation South. New York , 1985 . Wiley, Bell Irvin. Confederate Women. Westport , Conn. , 1975 . Wolfe, Margare t Ripley . "Th e Souther n Lady : Lon g Sufferin g Counterpar t o f the Good Ole ' Boy." Journal of Popular Culture I I (Summer 1977) : 18-27 . Woodward, C . Vann, ed . Mary Chesnut's Civil War. Ne w Haven , 1981 . Woodward, C . Vann , an d Elisabet h Muhlenfeld . The Private Mary Chesnut: The Unpublished Civil War Diaries. Ne w York , 1984 . [Woodward, J. A.] Speech of Mr. J. A. Woodward, of South Carolina. Washing ton, 1848 . M A N U S C R I P T COLLECTION S
Allston, Rober t F . W. Papers . South Carolin a Historica l Society , Charleston . Cheves, Langdon . Papers . Sout h Carolinian a Library , Universit y o f Sout h Caro lina, Columbia . Elliot-Gonzales Papers . Southern Historica l Collection , University o f North Car olina, Chape l Hill . Keitt, Lawrenc e Massillon . Papers . Perkin s Library , Duk e University , Durham , N.C. McCord Family . Papers . Sout h Carolinian a Library , Universit y o f Sout h Caro lina, Columbia . Perry, Benjamin F . Papers. Sout h Carolinian a Library , University o f Sout h Caro lina, Columbia . Rutledge Family . Papers . Sout h Carolinian a Library , Universit y o f Sout h Caro lina, Columbia .
4. W O M A N I S M REVISITED : W O M E N A N D THE (AB)US E O F POWE R I N THE COLOR PURPLE TUZYLINE JIT A ALLA N The sisterhoo d tha t i s necessar y fo r th e makin g o f feminis t revolutio n ca n b e achieved only when all women disengage themselves from th e hostility, jealousy, and competition with one another that has kept us vulnerable, weak, and unable to envision new realities. —bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman In this country, lesbianism is a poverty—as is being brown, as is being a woman, as i s bein g jus t plai n poor . Th e dange r lie s i n rankin g th e oppressions . The danger lies in failing to acknowledge the specificity of the oppression. . . . Without a n emotiona l heartfel t grapplin g wit h th e sourc e o f ou r ow n oppression , without namin g th e enem y withi n ourselve s an d outsid e o f us , n o authentic , non-hierarchical connection among oppressed groups can take place. —Cherrie Moraga, "La Giiera"
The woman-centere d univers e o f The Color Purple i s ofte n cite d a s the definitive womanis t featur e o f Alic e Walker's Pulitzer-Prize-winnin g novel. Critic s hav e pointe d t o th e text' s inscriptio n o f a n unoppressive , nonhierarchical mode l o f powe r relations , a s indicativ e o f th e author' s unimpeachable pro-woma n stance. 1 Blac k wome n i n th e novel , fo r ex ample, ar e see n a s bearer s o f wha t Michae l Awkwar d call s "(comm)u 88
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nity," a collectiv e sens e o f "expressiv e power " informe d b y a "support ive" sisterhoo d (Awkwar d 1989) . Awkwar d doe s no t us e th e ter m "womanist" t o describ e thi s communa l ideal , bu t h e provide s a n accu rate char t o f it s developmen t throug h a power-sharing women' s cooper ative tha t subvert s mal e dominance . Th e creativ e flowering o f Celie , Mary Agnes , an d Shu g Avery , h e argues , comprise s th e riches t portio n of a harves t produce d b y th e politic s o f nondominatio n initiate d b y th e women i n the novel . While Walker' s recreatio n o f th e dynamic s o f powe r i n The Color Purple clearl y focuse s o n women's solidaris t attitudes , the radical natur e of he r womanis t imaginar y i s overlooke d b y attempt s t o locat e wome n in th e nove l outsid e th e spher e o f destructiv e powe r play . "Womanist " behavior, i n additio n t o bein g woman-identified , i s first an d foremos t "audacious," "willful, " an d probing. 2 I n The Color Purple i t take s th e form o f a n investigativ e interes t i n th e exercis e o f power , no t onl y b y men agains t wome n bu t als o fundamentall y b y wome n agains t eac h other. Th e novel' s exploratio n o f intra-femal e oppressio n base d o n rac e and class , like its accoun t o f blac k mal e misogyny, is part o f a womanis t strategy t o challeng e bot h traditiona l an d nontraditiona l powe r struc tures that bloc k huma n liberation . Walker's introductio n i n 198 2 o f thi s comple x mode l o f powe r rela tions coincide d wit h a fledgling, albei t rapidl y growing , feminis t dis course engage d i n sculptin g a n identit y fro m gende r opposition . Conse quently, feminis t critiqu e o f The Color Purple ha s focuse d o n mal e hegemonic dominanc e an d ha s generall y ignore d oppressiv e powe r rela tions amon g women . I n th e wak e o f curren t feminis t rethinkin g o f th e dynamics o f power , a n examinatio n o f th e novel' s offensiv e agains t abusive assertion s o f powe r b y wome n i s likel y t o yiel d usefu l insight s into th e subversiv e performance o f womanism . Jana Sawicki' s (1991 : 8 ) advocacy o f " a radicall y pluralis t feminism " imbue d wit h Foucauldia n insights on power formatio n suggest s a readiness by some feminist critic s to resketc h th e contour s o f dominatio n an d mov e the m beyon d thei r current deterministi c gende r boundarie s int o th e orbi t o f intrasexua l re lations. 3 Walker's runnin g critiqu e o f th e internecin e natur e o f women' s rela tionships i s documente d i n he r collectio n o f womanis t essays , In Search of Our Mothers 3 Gardens. Sh e i s a n earl y an d hars h commentato r o n the colonizin g econom y o f whit e feminis t discourse , particularl y th e exclusion o f blac k wome n fro m critica l an d theoretica l reconfiguration s
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of womanhood . Lik e Audr e Lorde , sh e als o rip s a t a bloate d blac k female anti-sel f tha t feed s o n colorism , homophobia , an d careerism. 4 I n other words , throug h womanis t agenc y Walke r ha s lon g recognize d th e need fo r feminis m t o reconstruct , i f no t destabilize , th e oppressiv e sub ject in order t o accoun t fo r nonmasculinis t circuit s of power use , such a s localized form s o f femal e self-sabotage . A n astut e observe r o f th e dam aging authorit y concentrate d withi n partriarcha l center s o f power, sh e is equally attentiv e t o th e self-woundin g way s th e femal e fring e show s strains o f mal e domination . The Color Purple pivot s aroun d thi s dua l concern, althoug h th e climat e o f opinio n ha s undul y favore d th e novel' s proscription agains t th e tyranny o f femal e violatio n b y men. My essa y is therefore prompte d b y th e desir e t o reexamin e th e unequa l distributio n of powe r i n th e nove l wit h a vie w t o broachin g th e vexin g issu e o f woman-abusive women . First, however , I nee d t o elaborat e Walker' s vie w o f patriarcha l power, les t he r critiqu e o f same-se x oppressio n b e misrea d a s a n ac t o f blaming th e victim . In The Color Purple patriarch y i s conceived bot h a s a micro - an d macro-force . Th e forme r i s blac k an d localized , a discre tionary powe r tha t run s amo k unti l it s assaul t o n blac k wome n i s repelled b y th e aggressiv e assertio n o f femal e subjecthood . Thi s micro power an d it s eventua l defea t hav e born e sufficien t scrutin y t o foreg o further discussio n here . Th e latter—white , systemic , an d implacable — communicates th e terribl e realit y o f institutionalize d power . It s capacit y to destro y th e racial, sexual, and cultura l othe r i s infinite. Walker's acut e awareness o f thi s fac t underscore s th e differenc e betwee n he r thinkin g about powe r an d Foucault's . The Foucauldian injunctio n t o "esche w th e model o f th e Leviatha n i n th e stud y o f power " (Foucaul t 1980 : 102 ) embodies, a s Sawicki aptl y notes , a "self-refusa l [that ] ma y b e an appro priate practic e fo r a privileged whit e mal e intellectua l a s Foucault, [but ] . . . i s les s obviousl y strategi c fo r feminist s an d othe r disempowere d groups" (1991 : 106) . Walker ha s n o illusion s abou t th e omnipotenc e an d ubiquit y o f th e dominant class . In The Color Purple, fo r example , sh e recognize s i n th e brutal forc e tha t subdue s Sofi a o n behal f o f a small-tow n mayo r i n America a historica l contiguit y wit h th e imperialisti c plunde r o f a n African villag e thousand s o f mile s away . An d i n Meridian sh e leave s n o doubt tha t ther e i s a mismatc h betwee n rule r an d ruled , n o matte r ho w resistant th e latte r ma y be . Louvinie' s ac t o f self-recovery , fo r instance , stirs th e wrat h o f th e powerfu l an d he r de-tonguein g complete s he r
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objectification a s slave . Similarly, Meridian' s stubbor n wil l al l bu t guar antees he r destruction . He r emaciate d bod y i s proo f o f th e hig h cos t of rebellion . For Walker , then , ther e i s a pinnacle positio n o f power , delineate d i n her wor k a s white patriarchy , agains t whic h resistanc e i s both necessar y and tenuous—necessar y becaus e o f wha t Ro y Boyn e describe s a s th e dominant group' s "desir e fo r th e deat h o f th e other " (1990 : 143 ) an d tenuous becaus e o f wha t sh e see s a s th e collaborativ e promis e hel d b y local regime s o f power . In The Color Purple, whit e patriarcha l powe r i s pushed dow n t o th e leve l o f a n undercurren t (albei t a stron g one ) t o allow micro-pattern s o f dominatio n t o emerg e an d displa y thei r ow n vicious intensity . Thi s viciousnes s b y itsel f ca n b e destructive , bu t Walker detect s a greate r proble m i n th e wa y i t help s t o maintai n th e dominant powe r structure . T o enlis t a n example , th e tw o rap e act s i n the novel ar e yoked togethe r a s much b y violence a s b y the imag e o f th e black woma n a s sexua l object , an d sinc e th e imag e originate s i n whit e patriarchy, Pa' s rap e o f Celi e lend s taci t bu t stron g suppor t t o th e (white) sheriff' s violatio n o f Mar y Agnes . The novel' s disclosur e o f femal e self-abus e an d complicit y i n patriar chy ma y b e les s provocativ e tha n it s portrai t o f blac k sexism , bu t th e purpose i s the same : t o petitio n fo r a n understandin g o f an d en d t o th e irrepressible desir e t o dominate . Th e overwhelmin g evidenc e o f femal e solidarity i n th e nove l i s a n outcom e achieve d a t th e cos t o f som e embarrassing revelation s concernin g th e realit y o f women' s relation ships, th e mos t disturbin g o f whic h point s t o a sisterhoo d i n peril , buffeted b y racia l an d clas s divisions , a s wel l a s sexua l competition . Sofia's humiliatio n an d deathl y beating , for example , offer a n instructiv e paradigm o f th e powe r ga p betwee n blac k an d whit e wome n an d o f th e latter's willingnes s t o use this fact t o thei r advantage . The paternalistic gaz e the Mayor' s wif e fixe s o n Sofi a a t firs t register s a stereotype : th e blac k woma n a s breeder , he r strong-toothe d childre n as "[c]ut e a s buttons " (86) . Her "goin g o n ove r colored " (86 ) ma y ver y well hav e culminate d i n coin-givin g t o th e othe r woman' s children , lik e Flannery O'Connor' s race-craze d heroin e i n "Everythin g Tha t Rise s Must Converge," 5 ha d he r gaz e no t shifte d ont o th e prize-fighter' s ca r and Sofia' s wristwatch . Thes e statu s symbol s furnis h he r with a differen t view o f Sofia , on e tha t suddenl y threaten s he r clas s privileg e an d pro vokes jealous y and , consequently , a cutting-down-to-siz e reaction : "Would yo u lik e t o wor k fo r me , b e m y maid? " (86) . Th e lesso n i n
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humiliation als o serve s to confir m Sofia' s racia l inferiority . I t is a painfu l reminder tha t neithe r share d gende r no r economi c success ca n mak e Sofia a n equal of the white woman sh e is forced t o call, in the vocabular y of subordination , "Mi z Millie. " Reduced t o virtua l slavery , Sofia , however , continue s t o outshin e he r mistress, a s one o f Nettie' s letter s t o Celi e makes clear : " I don' t kno w i f you hav e eve r see n th e mayor' s wife . Sh e looks lik e a wet cat . And ther e was he r mai d lookin g lik e the very last person i n the world you' d expec t to see waiting on anybody , an d i n particular no t o n anybod y tha t looke d like that " (123) . Nettie' s depoliticize d narrativ e o f differenc e reverse s the orde r o f otherness , relocatin g i t no t withi n th e confine s o f rac e bu t in that intangibl e entity known a s personality. Miz Millie's self-defeatin g demeanor, however , bespeak s les s of a natura l stat e o f docilit y tha n he r own colonizatio n withi n th e gende r system . However , cripple d b y he r gender, Mi z Milli e i s simultaneousl y enable d b y he r rac e an d class , a fac t tha t conspire s agains t sisterl y connectio n betwee n hersel f an d her maid . During her costl y initiation int o same-sex politics, Sofia discover s tha t Miz Millie' s privilege d socia l statu s i s full y protecte d fro m th e racia l "other" unde r whit e patriarchy . Th e crushin g blo w sh e i s deal t a s pun ishment fo r he r intransigenc e i s aimed bot h a t her bod y an d spirit . I t is a culturally endorse d act , on e tha t i s intende d t o brin g defian t black s t o heel, an d Mi z Millie' s complicit y extend s beyon d he r rol e a s provoke r and silen t spectator . Intimidate d fro m th e ver y beginnin g b y Sofia' s fecund appearance , sh e trie s t o de-se x her . "The y won' t le t m e se e m y children. The y won' t le t m e se e n o mens " (101) , Sofi a laments . Finally , in a rar e momen t o f recognitio n o f thei r share d vulnerabilit y i n patriar chy—when he r husban d buy s her a car becaus e "colore d . . . have cars " (100) bu t wil l no t stoo p t o teac h he r ho w t o drive—Mi z Milli e turn s t o Sofia fo r mutua l comfort : drivin g lesson s i n exchang e fo r a day' s famil y visit. Sofi a end s u p th e lose r i n thi s deal , he r ful l da y o f famil y reunio n shrunk t o fifteen minutes . "Whit e folk s i s a miracle o f affliction " i s ho w she sum s u p th e experienc e (103) , replicatin g he r mistress' s habi t o f defining th e other i n strictl y racial terms . Eleanor Jane' s avowe d affectio n fo r Sofi a undercut s he r mother' s cooperation i n th e oppressio n o f th e servan t woman . T o he r Sofi a i s more a surrogat e mothe r tha n a maid , a poignan t reversa l o f Mis s Millie's de-sexin g tactics . Walker' s displacemen t o f Mis s Milli e a s mother doe s no t onl y hav e a basi s i n historica l fact—th e blac k slav e
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woman a s primary nurture r o f whit e children—i t als o textuall y ha s th e effect o f evenin g th e parenta l scor e betwee n mistres s an d maid . Whe n Sofia finally return s t o he r children , Eleano r Jane , i n a gestur e tanta mount t o a renunciatio n o f he r racis t parents , opt s fo r Sofia' s expansiv e and inclusiv e family . This i s no displa y o f fals e emotio n b y Eleano r Jane , bu t rathe r a rea l act o f self-salvatio n mad e possibl e b y Sofia' s hard-hittin g honesty . Sofi a disabuses Eleanor Jane of th e naive and racis t assumption tha t oppresse d blacks hav e a constitutiona l fondnes s fo r thei r whit e oppressors , a n assumption tha t underwrite s he r attemp t t o dra w fro m Sofi a a confes sion o f lov e for he r son , Reynold s Stanle y Earl. A quiet authoritarianis m belies Eleano r Jane's polit e ta g questions , turnin g wha t coul d hav e bee n a friendl y rappor t int o a coercive interrogation : Ain't Little Reynolds sweet? say Miss Eleanor Jane, to Sofia. Daddy just love him, sh e say . Lov e havin g a grandchil d nam e fo r hi m an d loo k s o muc h lik e him, too. . . . And so smart, say Eleanor Jane. Daddy say he never saw a smarter baby. . . . Don't you think he sweet? she ast again. He sure fat, say Sofia. . . . But he sweet, too, say Eleanor Jane. And he smart. . . . Ain't he the smartest baby you ever saw? she ast Sofia. He got a nice size head on him, say Sofia. You know some peoples place a lot of weight on head size. . . . Just a sweet , smart , cute , innocent little bab y boy , sa y Mis s Eleano r Jane . Don't you just love him? she ast Sofia point blank. (2.32.) Sofia correctl y read s thi s mind-bendin g inquir y a s a n arrogan t at tempt t o dismis s he r ow n feeling s o f hur t an d humiliatio n buil t u p during twelv e year s o f servitud e i n th e Mayor' s household . He r re sponse, therefore , i s als o "poin t blank" : "N o ma'a m . . . I d o no t lov e Reynolds Stanle y Earl . . . . That's wha t yo u bee n tryin g t o find ou t eve r since h e wa s born . An d no w yo u know " (233) . Stunne d b y thi s bald faced honesty , Eleano r Jan e retreat s int o th e racia l underbrus h o f he r thinking, accusin g Sofi a o f bein g a n "unnatural " exceptio n t o th e col ored-women-love-white-children rule . Sofia , i n turn , seize s th e opportu nity t o shatte r th e myt h o f th e blac k mammy , whos e overlov e fo r th e white chil d indelibl y inscribe s he r self-hatred . " I lov e children, " sh e replies. "Bu t al l th e colore d wome n tha t sa y the y lov e your s i s lying . They don' t lov e Reynolds Stanle y an y mor e tha n I do. . . . Some colore d people s o scare d o f whitefolk s the y clai m t o lov e th e cotto n gin " (233) . By conflating Reynold s Stanley, oppressor-to-be, an d th e cotton gin , tha t
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notorious symbo l o f blac k oppressio n an d exploitation , Sofi a hope s t o uncover th e benig n imperialis m undergirdin g Eleano r Jane' s lov e game . Refusing t o play o n a n uneve n field of racia l love, Sofia force s he r youn g mistress t o adop t a n alternativ e practic e o f affectiv e reciprocity . Later , as an active caretaker o f Henrietta, Sofia' s sic k daughter, and a dedicated employee o f her forme r maid , Eleanor Jane demonstrate s he r willingnes s to ope n u p th e field to allo w fo r equa l participation . Womanist exploratio n o f th e dynamic s o f femal e self-oppressio n i n The Color Purple extend s beyon d racia l an d clas s boundarie s int o th e less travele d regio n o f blac k women' s interpersona l relationship s wher e Walker see s a lur e o f dominatio n tha t i s equall y strong . Th e ide a o f black women a s agents of their own oppressio n i s yet to take hold withi n black feminis t discours e i n ligh t o f th e mor e urgen t nee d t o addres s th e corrosive impact o f rac e and gende r oppressio n o n black femal e identity . In fact , th e effor t t o recuperat e thi s identit y ha s create d a tendenc y t o valorize blac k women' s relationships . Accordin g t o Glori a Naylor , fo r example, "Blac k wome n hav e alway s ha d eac h othe r whe n w e ha d ver y little else" (Naylo r an d Morriso n 1985 : 578) . The sentiment i s echoed i n Mary Hele n Washington' s analysi s o f blac k women' s literar y tradition : "Women tal k t o other wome n i n this tradition an d thei r friendship s wit h other women—mothers , sisters , grandmothers , friends , lovers—ar e vi tal t o thei r growt h an d well-being " (1987 : xxi) . And , althoug h th e following statemen t b y Glori a I . Josep h refer s specificall y t o blac k mother/daughter relationships , i t represent s th e thinkin g amon g blac k women abou t thei r sens e o f communality : "Th e interpersona l prob lems an d conflicts ar e transcende d t o accommodat e th e cooperativ e effort neede d t o solv e th e commo n problem s the y fac e a s blac k wo men i n today' s America " (1981 : 94) . Thi s wis h fo r transcendenc e often produce s wha t Walker , admittin g he r ow n complicit y i n th e mat ter, refer s t o a s " a dee p reluctanc e t o criticiz e othe r blac k women " (1983: 322) . Some blac k women , however , shar e Audr e Lorde' s counterimpuls e "to confron t an d wad e throug h th e racis t construct s underlyin g ou r deprivation o f eac h other " (1984 : 64) . Lord e see s blac k women' s rela tionships a s troublingl y paradoxical : "unmentionabl y clea r an d immea surably dangerous " (1984 : 157) , th e forme r instinc t stemmin g fro m shared sufferin g an d th e latte r produce d b y racis t an d sexis t condition ing. In he r aptl y title d essay , "Ey e t o Eye, " sh e cut s throug h th e surfac e romanticism o f thes e relationship s an d uncover s a dee p reservoi r o f
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"harshness tha t exist s s o ofte n withi n th e leas t encounte r betwee n blac k women, th e judgmen t an d th e sizin g up , tha t crue l refusa l t o connect " (1984: 159) . Her avowe d reluctanc e notwithstanding , Walke r to o ha s note d wit h anguish th e self-cancellin g mode s o f relatio n betwee n blac k women , ranging fro m ski n colo r intoleranc e t o a n exactin g pro-black-mal e loy alty.6 Sh e recall s a painfu l experienc e durin g a 197 3 symposiu m o n black women whe n he r effor t t o rally her educated, well-heeled audienc e around th e increasin g suicid e rat e amon g blac k wome n wa s me t wit h a strong antifeminist reaction . Walker writes : " I will never forget my sense of horro r an d betraya l whe n on e o f th e panelist s sai d t o m e (an d t o th e rest o f tha t augus t bod y o f wome n gathere d there) : T h e responsibilit y of th e blac k woma n i s t o suppor t th e blac k man ; whatever h e does' " (1983: 317) . Fo r Walker , thi s publi c testimon y agains t blac k woman hood, roote d i n blac k Nationalis t gende r ideolog y o f th e 1960s , i s a reliable gaug e o f blac k woman' s disloyalt y t o eac h other , clearl y " a dangerous stat e o f affair s tha t ha s it s logica l en d i n self-destructiv e behavior" (1983 : 318) . In The Color Purple, th e autho r trace s th e pattern s o f suc h behavio r within th e intimat e spher e o f blac k women' s relationships . I f rac e an d class ar e th e lever s o f powe r fo r Mis s Milli e an d Eleano r Jane , sexua l competition underpin s th e oppressive act s of the black femal e characters . Shug Avery' s admonitio n tha t "yo u hav e t o gi t me n of f you r eyeball , before yo u ca n se e anything a'tall " (179 ) serve s a s an ironi c reminder o f the myria d way s thi s fundamenta l feminis t tene t i s breache d b y blac k women i n th e text . A good plac e t o star t i s with Shug' s ow n infraction s of the principle sh e so cogently articulates . Critic s have generally praise d Shug fo r he r liberate d sexua l ethic , practice d wit h th e ecla t o f a femme fatale, an d i n th e proces s hav e overlooke d th e wa y i n whic h he r action s serve th e interes t o f patriarchy . Littl e ha s bee n sai d abou t Shug' s near pathological heterosexis t comple x an d eve n less about ho w i t crystallize s around th e oppressio n o f othe r women . Sh e admits , fo r example , t o feeding he r sexua l appetit e fo r Alber t a t th e emotiona l expens e o f tw o already exploite d women—Anni e Juli a an d Celie . He r confesse d treat ment o f th e forme r show s he r t o b e mor e tha n a home-wrecker . Lik e a man, Shu g enjoy s th e thril l o f femal e conquest : " I wen t t o schoo l wit h Annie Julia . . . . Sh e wa s pretty , mean , Blac k a s anything , an d ski n jus t as smooth , Bi g blac k eye s loo k lik e moons . An d sweet , too . Hel l . . . I liked he r myself . Wh y I hur t he r so ? I use d t o kee p Alber t awa y fro m
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home fo r a week a t th e time . She'd com e an d be g him fo r mone y t o bu y groceries for th e children" ( i 16-17). This confessio n i s bein g mad e t o Celie , wh o ha s als o bee n stun g b y the acrimon y Shu g reserve s fo r he r replacement s i n Albert' s home . Firs t dismissed a s ugly , Celi e to o wil l com e t o b e see n a s "sweet, " the n coveted (an d possessed ) an d late r "hurt " b y bein g cas t asid e fo r Shug' s new mal e interests—Grad y an d Germaine . Th e fe w teardrop s tha t ac company he r confessio n ar e throw n int o ironi c perspectiv e b y th e un apologetically egocentri c conclusion : " I never reall y wanted Alber t fo r a husband. Bu t jus t t o choos e m e . . . caus e natur e ha d alread y don e it " (117). O n displa y her e i s a self-possessio n tha t ha s score d point s wit h feminist critic s who hav e not bee n abl e to detec t its androcentric quality . Celie to o i s enamore d o f Shug , bu t sh e rightl y interpret s th e tex t o f Shug's self-imaginin g a s male-inspired . He r verdict , rendere d a t anothe r occasion whe n Shu g compliment s Sofi a o n "lookfing ] lik e a goo d time " is that "Shu g talk an d ac t sometim e lik e a man" (82) . Shug's willfu l cultivatio n o f mal e behavio r accord s with , o n th e on e hand, her nonvictim statu s (th e only woman i n the novel thus privileged ) and the oppressive aspect of her self-identity, o n the other. In her critiqu e of wha t sh e consider s t o b e th e novel' s endorsemen t o f heterosexuality , bell hook s make s th e interestin g poin t tha t Shug' s "nam e suggest s tha t she ha s th e powe r t o generat e excitemen t withou t th e abilit y t o provid e substantive nourishment " (Gate s 1990 : 457) . Pu t anothe r way , Shu g is trappe d withi n a tantalizin g mal e sexua l econom y tha t thrive s o n victimization rathe r tha n emotiona l fulfillment . He r proto-victi m i s Celie, who m sh e soothe s ou t o f Albert' s punishin g grip , resexualize s through lesbianism , an d abandon s fo r young , viril e men . A s th e nove l concludes, Alber t ask s Celi e i f sh e dislike s hi m becaus e h e i s male . Feeling sufficientl y rehabilitated , sh e throws a ja b a t he r forme r oppres sor: "Tak e the y pant s of f . . . and me n loo k lik e frog s t o me . No matte r how yo u kis s 'e m . . . frogs i s what the y stay " (224) . This revised endin g to a famous fair y tal e unwittingly implicate s Shug , who als o is incapabl e of complet e surrende r t o th e transformativ e powe r o f Celie' s love . Ho mophobia, unlik e rac e an d class , doe s no t serv e a s a n activ e agen t o f oppression i n th e novel . Ye t Walke r suggest s throug h Shug' s sexua l titillation o f an d retrea t fro m Celi e the exploitativ e potentia l inheren t i n lesbian relationships . In a conversatio n wit h Ton i Morrison , Glori a Naylo r include s i n he r comments o n th e deat h o f Sul a an d Nel' s friendship , i n Morrison' s
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celebrated nove l Sula, a statemen t abou t sexua l competitio n betwee n black women : "W e d o shar e ou r men . W e ma y no t lik e i t ver y much , but ther e i s a silen t consensu s abou t tha t an d i t reall y hasn' t tor n u s apart a s women" (1985 : 578) . If th e truth o f thi s remar k i s debatable i n real life , i n The Color Purple i t i s argued eve n mor e vigorously . Walke r agrees wit h Celi e tha t "whereve r there' s a man , there' s trouble " (186) , but sh e als o think s tha t th e truis m mask s women' s collaboratio n i n this trouble-making . Sh e aims , therefore , t o forc e recognitio n o f th e debilitating conflicts betwee n wome n tha t complicat e th e visio n o f fe male bonding . A cas e i n poin t i s th e emotiona l fallou t tha t contaminate s th e bur geoning friendshi p betwee n Corrin e an d Nettie . A t first glance , thi s relationship contrast s sharpl y wit h th e on e tha t exist s betwee n Mi z Millie an d Sofia . Fo r one , Nettie i s not force d int o Corrine' s emplo y an d she certainl y doe s no t suffe r th e bruta l ac t o f disempowermen t visite d on Sofia . Moreover, Nettie's employmen t status—sh e i s a governess, no t a maid—put s he r o n a near-equa l socia l footin g wit h Corrine . Netti e may lac k he r employers ' distinguished , middle-clas s backgroun d an d it s attendant racia l uplif t ideology , bu t sh e i s sufficientl y educated , adven turous, an d race-consciou s t o fee l comfortabl e i n thei r philanthropi c circles. A narro w socia l ga p thu s separate s Corrin e an d Netti e t o allo w for mutua l respect , th e ke y ingredien t missin g i n th e mistress/servan t arrangement betwee n Mi z Millie an d Sofia . Respect, however , fail s t o translat e int o rea l friendship . Beneat h th e surface o f Christia n fellowship , sexua l jealous y o f th e unvenia l sor t smolders an d eventuall y erupt s i n bitte r confrontation . Whil e thi s flash point occur s outsid e th e militarize d racia l zon e o f Mi z Millie' s battl e with Sofia , i t burn s wit h equa l emotiona l intensity . Corrin e invoke s th e power o f he r identificatio n a s marrie d woma n t o perfor m a drasti c reduction o f he r singl e "sister's " self-imag e which , thoug h les s ebullien t than Sofia's , i s jus t a s strongl y defined . Recastin g Netti e a s a usurpe r armed wit h fecun d youth , Corrin e unleashe s a stunnin g accusatio n tha t chokes of f th e flow o f amiabl e feelin g betwee n hersel f an d Netti e an d reveals her ow n entrapmen t withi n patriarcha l ideology . Corrine succumb s t o wha t Adrienn e Ric h describe s a s "th e pressure s on women t o validate themselves in maternity" (1986 : ix). Her irrepress ible desir e t o mothe r (reflecte d i n he r caree r choice) , her body' s inabilit y to reproduce , an d he r ster n fait h i n th e marriag e contrac t al l togethe r yield a poisonous mi x of paranoia an d self-loathin g intende d fo r Nettie' s
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consumption an d ultimatel y consumin g Corrin e herself . Thi s emotiona l contagion i s administere d t o Netti e i n tw o shockin g doses . Th e first takes th e for m o f a gor y ritua l o f divestiture . Corrin e seek s to dispe l th e Olinka women' s an d he r ow n suspicion s abou t Nettie' s likel y materna l link t o Ada m an d Olivi a b y dispossessin g he r "rival. " Netti e i s strippe d of no t onl y Corrine' s clothe s but , mor e importantly , th e clos e bond tha t has existed betwee n her adopte d famil y an d herself. She is told to replac e the intimac y o f first-name-based greetin g wit h th e religiou s formalit y o f "brother an d sister " i n he r transaction s wit h th e missionar y coupl e an d to disavo w th e children' s ter m o f endearmen t ("Mam a Nettie") . Thi s expulsion fro m th e shareabl e confine s o f famil y combine s wit h Nettie' s already outside r statu s withi n Olink a societ y t o effec t he r doubl e erasure. Having pare d dow n he r sexua l "rival " t o a debilitatin g otherness , Corrine stil l feel s unvindicated . He r nex t despoti c ac t subject s Nettie' s body t o a perverse readin g fo r sign s o f culpability : th e indelibl e inscrip tion o f maternit y o n th e female know n a s "stretc h marks. " The evidenc e would mor e tha n justif y Nettie' s humiliation . I t woul d be , fro m Cor rine's marrie d an d missionar y perspectives , ground s fo r th e mora l con demnation o f a n unmarrie d mother . I t is not coincidenta l tha t Corrine' s righteous indignatio n ove r he r "betrayal " i s unevenl y distribute d alon g gender lines , wit h th e scale s weighe d agains t Netti e i n a cas e i n whic h both sh e an d Samue l stan d accused . Excep t fo r a mil d (though , fo r th e Christian Corrine , significant) Bible-swor n oath , Samuel tellingly escape s the vitrio l unlease d b y Corrine' s seizure s o f jealousy . Within patriarcha l ideology, h e i s exonerate d fro m th e "sin " o f th e unmarrie d mother , a fact Corrin e choose s to affir m rathe r tha n challenge . Indeed, a s revealed i n the death-be d confession , Corrin e perpetrates a terrible injustic e agains t Nettie . Th e eruptio n o f he r unconsciou s bring s up a n importan t piec e o f represse d history : sh e ha d onc e intuitivel y ye t accurately identifie d Celi e a s he r children' s biologica l parent . Wit h thi s act o f retrieval , Corrin e come s t o term s wit h he r oppressio n o f th e wrong woma n an d he r ow n debilitatin g sens e o f sexua l inferiority . Th e self-exorcism fail s t o sav e he r life , bu t i t clear s th e wa y fo r a peacefu l death an d fo r he r victi m t o mov e beyon d sexua l stereotyp e an d full y fashion he r ow n identity . The novel' s configuratio n o f intra-femal e oppressio n thu s include s a troubled stretc h o f act s performe d b y wome n lik e Corrin e wh o woul d no doub t b e misdiagnose d a s power-pron e bu t wh o a t th e sam e tim e
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heed th e castratio n appea l underpinnin g femal e relationships . Celi e an d her betraya l o f Sofi a offe r anothe r glimps e a t thi s typ e o f performance . The quintessentia l victim-turned-subject , Celi e appropriatel y signal s th e status o f powe r relation s i n th e novel . Her eventua l entr y int o confiden t selfhood i s aide d i n larg e measur e b y he r abilit y t o intui t th e subtex t o n the cross-gende r line s o f powe r tha t encompas s a t onc e virulen t act s b y "Pa" an d Alber t an d milde r bu t n o les s hurtfu l intra-femal e antago nisms. Two performance s a t th e beginning o f Celie' s confessiona l epistl e frame th e subtext : he r rap e b y th e ma n sh e think s i s her fathe r an d th e legacy o f "cuss[es] " (meanin g bot h insult s an d curses ) bequeathe d he r by he r dyin g an d suspectin g "mama " (12) . Whil e th e forme r ha s bee n accurately identifie d withi n feminis t discours e a s an ac t o f femal e disem powerment, th e latter , patentl y oppressiv e bot h i n inten t an d gesture , has ye t t o b e recognize d a s such . Celie' s curse d materna l inheritance , like Conine' s despoliatio n o f Nettie , belong s t o th e troublin g realit y o f women's complicit y i n patriarchy . Celie's earl y awakenin g t o th e fac t o f femal e self-abus e serve s a s a n allegory fo r th e text' s strateg y o f re-imagin g gender-base d powe r rela tions. Havin g counsele d Harp o o n ho w t o tam e Sofi a ("Bea t her") , sh e watches i n amazemen t a s the latte r i s transformed int o a n instrumen t o f brutal powe r i n the ensuing battle : Harpo an d Sofia. They fighting like two mens. Every piece of furniture the y got is turned over. Every plate look like it broke. . . . They fight. He try to slap her. What he do that for? She reach down and grab a piece of stove wood and whack him cross the eyes. He punch her in the stomach, she double over groaning but come up with both hands lock right under his privates. He roll on the floor. He grab her dress tail and pull. She stand there in her slip. She never blink a eye. He jump up to put a hammer lock under her chin, she throw him over her back. He bam up gainst the stove. (44) One coul d correctl y argu e tha t th e imag e o f femal e superpotenc y drawn her e i s consisten t wit h th e womanis t ide a o f audaciou s woman hood. Sofi a pointedl y enact s a self-enablin g etho s deeme d necessar y t o deform patriarchy . He r appropriatio n o f masculin e violenc e set s of f th e novel's offensiv e agains t mal e oppression . Lik e th e verba l whippin g Albert late r receive s fro m Celie , Harpo' s shamefu l beatin g relieve s hi m of th e ideologica l burde n o f masculinity , leadin g t o th e eventua l releas e of hi s repressed humanity . The episode , however , articulates , thoug h obliquely , anothe r gende r position wit h respec t t o power . Throug h forc e o f metaphor , Sofia' s
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manhandling o f Harpo—the y fight "lik e tw o mens"—break s fo r a moment th e illusio n o f justifie d self-defens e t o sugges t a n undifferenti ated sexua l econom y o f power. In other words , in this cockfight, Sofi a i s no les s mean-spirite d o r ferociou s tha n Harpo , no r i s sh e an y les s avi d for conquest . Rather , sh e unleashe s a predatory natur e unspoile d b y th e learned behavio r traditionall y separatin g wome n fro m power . T o Celie , the pictur e i s mor e terrifyin g tha n liberating . Recallin g th e self-servin g act tha t triggere d th e fight—getting Harp o t o bea t u p Sofi a perhap s t o satisfy he r ow n strongl y fel t bu t unfulfillabl e desir e t o d o so—sh e real izes that Sofi a i s not a n anomaly , that women, too, are enforcers o f dom ination. This insigh t i s epiphanic. I t marks th e turning point i n Celie' s engage ment wit h th e dynamic s o f power : fro m insipi d victi m (and , i n th e lon e instance cite d above , victimizer ) t o mora l agent . Henceforth , sh e i s able t o critiqu e wit h admirabl e discernmen t th e displa y o f persona l antagonisms i n th e novel . Epiphanies , however , ar e no t psychologicall y cost-free an d Celie' s exacts a toll on he r psyche : For ove r a mont h I hav e troubl e sleeping . I sta y u p lat e a s I ca n befor e Mr star t complaining bout the price of kerosene, then I soak myself in a warm bath with milk and epsom salts, then sprinkle little witch hazel on my pillow an d curtai n ou t al l th e moonlight . Sometime s I gi t a fe w hour s sleep . Then just when it look like it ought to be gitting good, I wakes up. . . . What it is? I ast myself. A littl e voic e say , Somethin g yo u don e wrong . Somebod y spiri t yo u si n against. Maybe. Way late one night it come to me. Sofia. I sin against Sofia spirit. (45) We have no problem acceptin g Celie' s use of Christia n lov e to explai n the wages o f "sin, " give n he r impeccabl e biblica l credentials . Her narra tive o f insomnia , however , woul d see m mor e plausibl e i f i t were locate d in the interstice between guil t and fear . Th e former emotion , a n outcom e of he r natura l virtue , i s self-punishmen t fo r he r fal l fro m mora l magna nimity t o juvenil e jealousy , fro m th e perso n wh o "neve r struc k a livin g thing" (47 ) t o a backstabber . I t i s anxiet y ove r a n unspecifie d threa t t o her robus t sens e of good . By contras t t o thi s privat e tria l b y guilt , Celie' s fea r embodie s th e author's attemp t t o ancho r he r liberationist ethi c in the heroine's uncon scious. Endowe d wit h th e greates t possibilit y fo r imaginativ e growth , Celie is the ideal site to input the text's radica l conten t o f femal e friction . The fight betwee n Sofi a an d Harp o ("tw o mens, " accordin g t o Celie )
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initiates th e proces s b y "outing " destructiv e femal e power . Sofia' s dis play o f letha l migh t capture s fo r Celi e th e deadl y potentia l o f represse d female desir e for dominance . In addition, it serves as a frightful reminde r of th e anti-Sofi a feeling s sh e ha d projecte d ont o Harpo , turnin g him , i n effect, int o a surrogat e oppressor . Seein g he r ow n capacit y fo r domina tion reflecte d i n Sofia' s sho w o f brut e force , Celi e i s traumatize d int o recognizing he r deep-seate d aversio n t o hubristic power . Cathartic self-reproac h (guilt ) an d fea r thu s combin e to induce Celie' s epiphany an d consequentl y a transformativ e textua l activit y demandin g constant vigilance . Celi e reposition s hersel f conspicuousl y an d confi dently t o inde x th e text' s genealogie s o f power , bot h affiliativ e an d antagonistic. A s th e novel' s guidin g consciousness , sh e stimulate s th e difference betwee n thes e mode s o f powe r b y deftl y evokin g th e latter' s menace an d th e former' s restorativ e promise . Tw o episodes , considere d in tandem , illustrat e Celie' s achieve d maturit y i n readin g th e subtextua l dynamics o f femal e powe r relations . I n th e first sh e locate s Squeak' s prickly encounte r wit h Sofia' s implacabl e fighting han d withi n femal e socialization, suggestin g tha t th e senseles s sexua l jealous y tha t blind s Squeak t o th e physica l disparit y betwee n hersel f an d Sofi a originate s i n and abet s patriarchal ideology : Who dis woman, say Squeak, in this little teenouncy voice. You know who she is, say Harpo. Squeak turn to Sofia. Say, You better leave him alone. Sofia say, Fine with me. She turn round to leave. Harpo gra b her b y the arm. Say, You don' t hav e to go no where. Hell, this your house. Squeak say , Wha t yo u mean , Di s he r house ? Sh e wal k ou t o n you . Wal k away from th e house. It over now, she say to Sofia. Sofia say, Fine with me. Try to pull away from Harp o grip. He hold her tight. Listen Squeak, say Harpo, Can't a man dance with his own wife? Squeak say, Not if he my man he can't. You hear that, bitch, she say to Sofia. Sofia gittin g a little tired of Squeak , I can tell by her ears. They sort of push back. But she say again, sorta end of argument like, Hey, fine with me. Squeak slap her up cross the head. What sh e d o tha t for . Sofi a don' t eve n dea l i n littl e ladyis h thing s suc h a s slaps. She ball up her fist, draw back , and knock tw o of Squeak' s side teef out . Squeak hit the floor. One toof hangin g on her lip, the other one upside my cold drink glass. (83) This scen e poignantl y demonstrate s th e socialize d attitude s tha t in form intra-femal e hatreds . Squeak' s behavio r i s flagrantly male-identi -
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fied an d needs , i n Celie' s view , th e kin d o f purgin g Sofi a i s eminentl y qualified t o administer . Indee d Squeak , lik e Harpo , awaken s fro m he r beating int o a stat e o f consciousnes s inhabite d b y ne w strain s o f menta l attitude—from he r confiden t reclamatio n o f voic e an d nam e (Mar y Agnes) t o optima l suppor t o f a counter-power culture . Celie draw s attentio n t o th e novel' s emergin g dispensatio n i n th e second episode , whic h projects , i n additio n t o he r ow n growin g perspi cacity an d Squeak' s ne w demeanor, sign s of movement within th e powe r paradigm, awa y fro m combativenes s towar d cooperation . Squea k bot h spearheads an d absorb s th e shock s o f thi s reconstructiv e enterprise . Fo r example, cooperating i n a group effor t t o manumit the vanquished Sofia , she submits to a ritual o f racia l cross-dressin g fraugh t wit h danger : Us dress Squeak like she a white woman, only her clothes patch. She got on a starch an d iron dress , high heel shoes with scuffs , an d a old hat somebody give Shug. Us give her a old pocketbook loo k like a quilt and a little black bible . Us wash her hair and git all the grease out, then I put it up in two plaits that cross over her head. Us bathe her so clean she smell like a good clean floor. What I'm gon say? she ast. Say you living with Sofia husband and her husband say Sofia not being punish enough. Say she laugh a t the fool sh e make of the guards. Say she gitting along just fine wher e sh e at . Happ y even , lon g a s sh e don' t hav e t o b e n o whit e woman maid. Gracious God , sa y Squeak , ho w I' m gonn a tun e u p m y mout h t o sa y al l that? (92) Squeak's objectificatio n end s i n rape . He r "passing " count s fo r littl e in a sexual regime that suppresse s both blac k an d white women vi a rape. Squeak ma y have , however, auditione d fo r he r life , a s well a s the lif e o f the group , give n th e panach e wit h whic h sh e set s ou t t o liberat e hersel f and t o hel p consolidate grou p solidarity . Conspicuousl y absen t fro m he r relationship wit h Grady , Shug' s husband , i s th e animu s sh e hurle d a t Sofia i n a jealou s reactio n t o Harpo' s continue d interes t i n hi s ex-wife . Guided b y th e ne w ide a o f reciprocity , sh e succeed s i n integratin g sel f and other , eve n whe n th e latte r i s a formidabl e sexua l rival , lik e Shug . As Squea k metamorphose s int o Mar y Agnes , sh e drop s th e restrictiv e habit o f sexua l competitio n fo r th e capaciou s tie s o f community . I t i s a narrative opportunit y accorde d mos t o f th e femal e character s i n th e novel. Thei r painfu l acceptanc e stand s testimon y t o th e author' s ques t for unoppressiv e system s of human exchange . My readin g o f wome n a s instrument s o f powe r i n a tex t tha t i s sai d
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to fetishiz e femal e victimizatio n underline s th e credibilit y o f th e wom anist prob e o f interlockin g oppressiv e systems . Par t o f The Color Purple's agend a an d strateg y i s t o demar k th e boundarie s o f hostilitie s within th e colonize d spac e of race , gender, an d clas s and t o delineat e th e "specificity" o f overlappin g economie s o f power , a s suggeste d i n thi s essay's secon d epigraph . Lik e Morag a an d hooks , Walke r i s cynica l o f the feminist practic e o f forcin g th e discourse o f oppressio n int o a mascu line pigeonhole, callin g instead fo r a multivarious perspectiv e t o accoun t for th e ubiquit y o f domination . Henc e i n a nove l awas h i n hegemoni c masculine dominance, Walker evoke s the specter o f a predatory feminin ity a s a stingin g reminde r o f th e inexorabl e logi c o f power . Th e femal e characters—black an d white—collude i n patriarchy i n wrenching ways , but ther e i s als o a n uneas y sens e (mos t eviden t i n th e battle s roya l starring Sofia ) o f a n inherentl y destructiv e femal e power . This thornie r issu e i s neithe r develope d no r resolve d i n th e novel , its open-endednes s intende d perhap s t o invit e debate . Bu t th e ver y fac t that w e ge t t o glimps e it , couple d wit h th e pictur e o f specifi c femal e complicities i n patriarchy , attest s t o th e radica l potentia l o f th e wom anist ethic .
NOTES
i. See , e.g., Bernard Bell , The African American Novel and Its Tradition (Amherst: Universit y o f Massachusett s Press , 1987) , 242-65 ; Christin e Froula , "The Daughter's Seduction: Sexual Violence and Literary History," in Feminist Theory in Practice and Process, ed. M . R . Malson , J . F . O'Barr , S . Westphal-Wihl an d M . Wyer (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press, 1989), 155-62.
2. Th e full definition o f "womanist" appears in Alice Walker's In Search of Our Mothers3 Gardens (Ne w York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983), xi-xii. 3. See , e.g. , Judit h Butler , Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990); Irene Diamond and Lee Quinby, eds., Feminism and Foucault: Reflections on Resistance (Boston: Northeaster n University Press, 1988); Laura E. Donaldson, Decolonizing Feminisms: Race, Gender, and Empire-Building (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press, 1992) ; Mariann e Hirsc h an d Evely n Fo x Keller , eds. , Conflicts in Feminism (Ne w York: Routledge, 1990). 4. Se e Walker's "On e Chil d of One' s Own," "Lookin g to the Side, and Back, " "Breaking the Chains and Encouraging Life," and "I f the Present Looks Like the Past , What Doe s the Future Loo k Like?, " in In Search of our Mothers'
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Gardens-, also Audr e Lorde , Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches (Freedom , Calif.: Crossing Press, 1984), 145-75 . 5. Se e Flanner y O'Connor , The Complete Stories (Ne w York : Farrar , Strau s and Giroux , 1986) , 405-20 . 6. Se e Walker' s essay , "I f th e Presen t Look s Lik e th e Past , Wha t Doe s th e Future Loo k Like?, " in In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens.
REFERENCES
Awkward, Michael . Inspiriting Influences: Tradition, Revision, and Afro-American Women's Novels. Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1989 . Bell, Bernard. The African American Novel and Its Tradition. Amherst : Univer sity of Massachusett s Press , 1987 . Boyne, Roy . Foucault and Derrida: The Other Side of Reason. London : Unwi n Hyman, 1990 . Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Ne w York: Routledge , 1990 . Diamond, Irene , an d Le e Quinby , eds . Feminism and Foucault: Reflections on Resistance. Boston : Northeaster n Universit y Press , 1988 . Donaldson, Laur a E . Decolonizing Feminisms: Race, Gender, and Empire-building. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1992 . Foucault, Michel . Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977. Edite d b y C . Gordon . Translate d b y C . Gordon , L . Marshall, J . Mepham, an d K . Soper. New York : Pantheo n Books , 1980 . Froula, Christine . "Th e Daughter' s Seduction : Sexua l Violenc e an d Literar y History." I n Feminist Theory in Practice and Process, ed . M. R . Malson, J. F. O'Barr, S . Westphal-Wih l an d M . Wyer , 139-62 . Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1989 . Gates, Henry Louis , Jr., ed. Reading Black, Reading Feminist: A Critical Anthology. Ne w York : Meridian/Penguin , 1990 . Hirsch, Marianne , an d Evely n Fo x Keller , eds . Conflicts in Feminism. Ne w York: Routledge , 1990 . hooks, bell. Ain't I a Woman. Boston : Sout h En d Press , 1986 . Joseph, Glori a I. , an d Jil l Lewis . Common Differences: Conflicts in Black and White Feminist Perspectives. Boston : Sout h En d Press , 1986 . Lorde, Audre . Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches. Freedom , Calif. : Crossin g Press, 1984 . Moraga, Cherrie , an d Glori a Anzaldua , eds . This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. Ne w York : Kitche n Table, 1983 . Naylor, Gloria , an d Ton i Morrison . " A Conversation. " Southern Review 2 1 (Summer 1985) : 567-93 . O'Connor, Flannery . The Complete Stories. Ne w York : Farrar , Strau s an d Giroux, 1986 . Rich, Adrienne . Of Woman Born: Motherhood as Experience and Institution. New York : W . W. Norton, 1986 .
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Sawicki, Jana . Disciplining Foucault: Feminism, Power, and the Body. Ne w York: Routledge , 1991 . Walker, Alice . The Color Purple. Ne w York : Washingto n Squar e Pres s / Simo n and Schuster , 1983 . . In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens. Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jova novich, 1983 . . Meridian. Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1976 . Washington, Mar y Helen . Invented Lives: Narratives of Black Women, 18601960. Ne w York : Ancho r Press/Doubleday , 1987 .
5. MIXED BLOO D W O M E N : TH E DYNAMI C OF W O M E N ' S RELATION S IN TH E NOVEL S O F LOUIS E ERDRIC H A N D LESLI E SILK O JENNIFER SHADDOC K I will tell you something about stories, [he said] They aren't just entertainment Don't be fooled. They are all we have, you see, all we have to fight off illness and death. —Leslie Silko, Ceremony
Women, perhap s mor e tha n an y othe r oppresse d group , hav e internal ized th e cultura l narrative s tha t legitimiz e ou r oppression . Flattere d b y and covetou s o f mal e attention , willin g t o alig n ourselve s wit h mal e power eve n at the cost of our ow n freedo m an d integrity , too often silen t and passiv e i n th e fac e o f ou r ow n victimization , and , worse , frequentl y complicitous i n th e mor e sociall y pervasiv e form s o f misogyny , wome n enact o n a day-to-da y basi s th e plo t o f a deepl y embedde d sexis t narra tive. Historicall y unable , i n Simon e d e Beauvoir' s words , t o "authenti 106
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cally assum e a subjective attitude, " t o interpolate ourselve s as a continu ously sustained , i f als o divers e "we, " women continu e t o b e define d b y the ver y patriarcha l narrative s o f woma n a s object/other tha t divid e u s from on e another an d from ourselves. 1 Two contemporar y wome n novelist s writin g o n Nativ e America n survival withi n a n Anglo-dominate d Unite d State s explor e th e persona l and cultura l devastatio n cause d b y the internalizatio n o f a n oppressiv e ideological narrative . Bot h Louis e Erdrich' s Tracks (1988)2 an d Lesli e Marmon Silko' s Ceremony (1977)3 ar e interested, no t in Angl o oppres sion itself , bu t rathe r i n th e activ e engagemen t b y Indian s i n narrative s that implicitl y construc t th e Angl o a s subjec t an d th e India n a s object , and th e self-destructiv e factionalis m tha t thi s inevitabl y cause s withi n the Nativ e America n community . Thei r wor k i s significan t fo r feminis t theories o f oppressio n i n tha t i t posit s strategie s o f resistanc e throug h language, specificall y throug h story , and , i n th e process , retheorize s oppression itself . For man y nativ e cultures , languag e i s muc h mor e tha n a vehicl e through whic h realit y i s translated; fo r thes e cultures , languag e create s reality. Acom a Puebl o poe t Simo n Ortiz , wh o consider s languag e t o b e "a wa y o f life, " expound s upo n thi s concept : "[Throug h language ] w e create knowledge . Ou r languag e i s th e wa y w e creat e th e world . . . . Consciousness come s abou t throug h language . Life—language . Lan guage i s life , then." 4 Silk o write s i n a simila r vein : "Yo u don' t hav e anything / if you don't hav e th e stories" (2) . She asserts tha t i t is "mor e effective t o write a stor y . . . than t o ran t an d rave" agains t oppression , explaining tha t "fo r m e th e mos t effectiv e politica l statemen t I coul d make i s throug h m y ar t work . I believ e i n subversio n rathe r tha n straight-out confrontation . I believ e i n th e sand s o f time , s o t o speak . Especially i n America, whe n yo u confront th e so-called mainstream , it' s very inefficient , an d i n ever y wa y possibl e destroy s yo u an d disarm s you." 5 Becaus e o f th e powe r tha t Silk o invest s i n language , he r nove l Ceremony i s no t merel y a creatio n story , bu t rathe r th e ver y agen t o f creation. Sh e begins her novel: Thought-Woman, the spider, named things and as she named them they appeared. She is sitting in her room thinking of a story now
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Pm telling you the story she is thinking. (i)
This brief , ye t powerful , poe m assert s creation' s inherenc e i n story , an d thus implie s not onl y Thought-Woman's bu t als o Silko's role as creator . The ide a tha t languag e ha s th e powe r t o creat e rathe r tha n simpl y reflect realit y ha s bee n a preoccupying them e no t onl y o f Nativ e Ameri can though t bu t als o o f twentieth-centur y Wester n Europea n semioti c and narrativ e studies . In th e las t twent y years , Wester n feminists , i n particular, hav e recognize d languag e bot h a s a foundationa l structur e for th e oppressio n o f wome n and , consequently , a s on e o f th e mos t powerful site s fo r transformation . I n fact , Nanc y Armstron g argue s i n Desire and Domestic Fiction that , throug h languag e an d specificall y th e novel, nineteenth-centur y wome n wer e activ e agent s i n constructin g a model o f domesticit y tha t relegate d vas t arena s o f cultura l lif e t o th e control o f middle-clas s women . And yet women to o frequentl y den y the narrative power w e do wield . As Armstron g claims , self-empowere d academi c feminist s hav e faile d "to acknowledg e th e fac t tha t ou r voic e ha s exercise d n o littl e politica l force." 6 What Tracks an d Ceremony demonstrat e i s what ca n b e gaine d politically whe n w e explicitl y acknowledg e th e powe r o f ou r ow n ora l and writte n narrative s t o bot h expres s th e realitie s o f ou r oppressio n and, at the same time, t o remythologiz e woman' s cultura l identit y i n terms o f a n empowere d an d recalcitran t subjectivity . Within a dualistic linguistic system, which simultaneousl y enable s an d limits reality , subjectivit y itsel f become s on e amon g man y conteste d linguistic sites: Who, for example , is interpolated a s subject (o r enabled), and wh o i s relegate d t o th e positio n o f objec t (o r limited) ? Th e urgen t political question s implie d her e ar e who control s language , an d ho w ca n narrative functio n t o creat e a recalcitran t subjectivit y fo r oppresse d people i n th e fac e o f hostil e narrative s tha t den y suc h subjectivity . Fo r Erdrich an d Silko , wh o bot h wor k fro m th e premis e tha t languag e i s transformative rathe r tha n merel y mimetic , oppressio n i s palpabl e an d threatening—it ha s meaning—t o th e exten t tha t th e conteste d cultur e abdicates it s ow n narrativ e subjectivit y b y self-destructivel y engagin g i n the narratives o f it s oppressors . In Tracks, tw o narrators , th e youn g mixed-bloo d Paulin e an d th e grandfatherly Nanapush , vi e fo r creativ e authority , foregroundin g lan guage a s th e sit e o f cultura l survival . Bot h invok e thei r rhetorica l skill s
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to contro l th e representatio n o f Fleu r Pillager , who m Nanapus h honor s as "th e funne l o f ou r history " (178 ) an d Paulin e fear s a s th e wif e o f Misshepeshu, wate r monste r an d devil . As James Stripe s observe s abou t these duelin g narratives , "Dependin g o n wh o yo u liste n to , Fleu r i s a culture her o o r a paw n o f th e Devil , th e las t membe r o f a n importan t family o r a stubborn hold-out , livin g in the past." 7 Through he r ow n narrativ e construction , however , Paulin e progres sively reveal s hersel f a s eve r mor e masochisti c i n he r identificatio n wit h Anglo culture—an d s o ultimatel y sabotage s he r narrativ e credibility. 8 Her persecutio n o f Fleu r Pillager , th e repositor y o f Nativ e America n culture an d Pauline' s ow n surrogat e mother , personifie s th e historica l destruction o f Nativ e America n cultur e an d Pauline' s ow n surrogat e mother, personifie s th e historical destructio n o f Native American cultur e by a rapaciou s Angl o ideology , o r wha t Silk o identifie s i n Ceremony a s "the witchery. " Th e witchery , a n annihilatin g forc e workin g throug h Anglo dominance , i s so greedy an d voraciou s tha t i t is destined no t onl y to eradicat e Nativ e America n cultur e bu t also , finally, t o consum e it s own mean s of sustenance , Anglo culture . The sixty-two-year-ol d Nanapush , wh o ha s see n th e annihilatio n o f virtually hi s entir e people , challenge s Paulin e an d th e witcher y throug h the story . Earl y i n th e novel , Nanapus h relate s how , afte r goin g "hal f windigo" fro m grie f a t th e los s o f hi s entir e famil y t o illness , h e revive s himself throug h narration , talkin g incessantl y t o hi s first visito r i n months: " I kep t Fathe r Damie n listenin g al l night, hi s gree n eye s round , his thi n fac e strainin g t o understand , hi s od d brow n hai r i n curl s an d clipped knots . Occasionally , h e too k i n air , a s i f t o ad d observation s o f his own , bu t I pushe d hi m unde r wit h m y words " (7) . Nanapush' s narrative i n Tracks i s a n endeavo r t o pus h Pauline' s narrativ e perspec tive unde r wit h hi s words . In a sustaine d dramati c monologue , punctu ated onl y b y Pauline's version o f events , Nanapush inform s Lulu , Fleur' s daughter, o f he r estrange d mother' s history , attemptin g t o reconcil e th e girl to her mothe r i n spit e of Pauline' s destructiv e efforts . In so doing, he hopes t o ensur e th e continuit y o f th e Pillager s and , mor e generally , o f the tribal community. 9 Pauline's persecutio n o f Fleur , th e metaphori c sit e o f traditiona l Na tive America n cultur e withi n th e novel , begin s befor e th e tw o wome n even meet . I n essenc e i t begin s wit h Pauline' s choic e t o rejec t he r nativ e heritage an d identif y full y wit h he r mother , "wh o showe d he r half white" (14) . Sh e convince s he r fathe r t o sen d he r sout h t o th e whit e
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town, ignorin g hi s warning s tha t "you'l l fad e ou t there. " Sh e consent s to spea k Englis h only , an d sh e refuses t o bea d lik e other India n women , desiring instea d t o lear n lace-makin g fro m th e nuns . " I wa s mad e fo r better," sh e tells he r father . Sh e perceives identificatio n wit h th e Indian s as death: " I saw tha t t o han g bac k wa s t o perish. I saw through th e eyes of th e world outsid e o f us " (14) . The self-denia l o f Pauline' s choic e t o liv e withi n th e narrativ e o f Anglo cultur e i s apparen t i n he r increasin g commitmen t t o th e Catholi c Church, fo r Pauline' s effort s towar d self-preservatio n throug h th e Church ironicall y resul t i n her ow n self-destruction . Sinc e the orde r wil l not admi t India n girls , Pauline explicitl y denie s he r India n blood , creat ing a fictitious stor y abou t he r backgroun d i n order t o b e accepted. In s o doing, sh e commit s he r final psychologica l separatio n fro m he r nativ e community: " T h e Indians, ' I sai d now , 'them. ' Neve r neenawind o r u s ' " (138) . Sh e ha s a visio n o f Go d i n whic h "H e sai d tha t I wa s no t whom I ha d supposed . I wa s a n orpha n an d m y parent s ha d die d i n grace, an d also , despit e m y deceptiv e features , I wa s no t on e spec k o f Indian bu t wholl y white" (137) . Not onl y doe s Paulin e den y he r ow n heritag e whe n sh e become s a novice but , b y embracin g th e narrativ e perspectiv e o f Christianity , sh e also threaten s throug h th e Angl o witcher y sh e embrace s t o devalu e an d destroy th e integrity o f th e entire tribal culture . Even before sh e joins th e Church, sh e had alread y figuratively aligne d hersel f wit h th e destructio n of th e nativ e communit y b y movin g i n wit h Bernadett e Morrisse y an d her brothe r Napoleon , wh o wer e "well-of f people , mixed-blood s wh o profited fro m acquirin g allotment s tha t man y ol d Chippew a di d no t know ho w t o keep" (63) . In fact, th e Morrisseys late r contribute directl y to th e los s o f Fleur' s land . Mor e literally , Paulin e inherit s fro m Berna dette th e triba l rol e o f easin g India n soul s int o death . Sh e become s Bernadette's helpe r i n washin g an d layin g ou t th e dead . Sh e is maligne d as "death' s bon y whore " (86) , and indee d sh e "passe d deat h on " amon g the Indians (69) , viewing it as a Christian sacrament : " I alone, watching, filled with breath , kne w deat h a s a form o f grace " (68) . Throughout th e novel , bot h narrator s associat e Paulin e wit h deat h and Fleu r wit h life . Althoug h Fleu r almos t drown s thre e time s i n Lak e Matchimanito a t th e hand s o f th e wate r monster , Misshepeshu , eac h time sh e miraculousl y lives , becomin g a n increasingl y awesom e symbo l of survival : "a s alway s Fleu r lived " (13) . Pauline , o n th e othe r hand , i s
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"good a t easing souls into deat h bu t ba d a t breathing them t o life, afrai d of lif e i n fact , afrai d o f birth , an d afrai d o f Fleu r Pillager" (57) . Pauline's self-destructiv e identificatio n wit h Catholicism' s salvatio n narrative—a narrativ e that , i n th e novel' s terms , offer s salvatio n i n exchange for India n acceptanc e of Anglo racism an d dominion—eventu ally take s th e for m o f full-fledge d martyrdom . In he r ques t t o destro y the India n devil , Paulin e enact s Silko' s concep t o f th e self-consumptiv e witchery, fo r no t onl y doe s she plan t o "save " the Indians by eradicatin g their "pagan " culture , but sh e herself, a s part Indian , must logically fad e out i n the process. She says o f he r allianc e with Christ , "H e gav e me th e mission t o nam e an d baptize , t o gathe r souls . Onl y I mus t giv e mysel f away i n return , I mus t dissolve " (141) . Fo r Pauline , wh o describe s herself a s a "shadow, " wh o perceive s hersel f a s "no t wanted " an d "invisible," an d wh o relate s tha t eve n a do g "neve r smelle d m e o r noticed m e abov e Fleur' s smok y skin " (22) , he r self-dissolutio n i s a n all-too-natural consequenc e o f a self-imag e corrode d b y internalize d racism. In essence , Paulin e disdain s he r mixed-bloo d heritage : " I wa s clef t down th e middle b y my sin" (195) . Feeling she must choos e betwee n he r two backgrounds , sh e struggle s t o den y he r India n identity , seein g i t a s the "ne w devil, " a n enem y wit h "coppe r scales"—th e lak e monster , Misshepeshu (195) . Th e "true, " "blue-eyed " Go d mus t destro y thi s Indian devil . " I mus t hat e one , th e othe r adore, " sh e claim s o f he r tw o "masters" (193) . "Armore d an d armed, " Paulin e prepare s t o fight fo r her "lamblik e an d meek " Go d i n a n attemp t t o achiev e a complet e identity. "I f I di d no t forsak e Jesu s i n Hi s extremity , the n H e woul d have n o othe r choic e bu t t o mak e m e whole " (195) . Paulin e see s onl y the Angl o wa y t o salvation ; sh e effect s th e witcher y b y annihilatin g he r native identity . Lik e a moltin g snak e renewin g itself , Paulin e "she d a skin. . . . Ever y fe w day s I she d another , ye t another . . . . Fractio n b y fraction I increased i n th e Lord' s eyes . New fles h gre w upo n m y hands , smooth an d pin k a s a baby' s onl y tighter , wit h n o giv e t o it , a stif f and shrunke n fabric " (195-96) . B y repudiatin g he r triba l life , Paulin e prepares th e wa y fo r he r final sacrific e fo r Christ : " I wa s pledge d t o a task, an d whe n i t wa s accomplishe d I woul d hav e n o furthe r use , o r quarter, fo r thi s los t trib e o f Israel " (196) . In he r missio n t o annihilat e the India n devil i n th e nam e o f salvation , Paulin e begin s t o embod y a mummylike mocker y o f th e renewal o f life .
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Pauline's concerte d effor t t o challeng e an d destro y Fleu r throug h he r narrative i s her mos t audaciou s threa t t o nativ e culture . Fleur represent s traditional Chippew a lif e and the power o f the feminine i n its connectio n to nature , birth , an d th e surviva l o f th e people . Bot h narrators , Paulin e and Nanapush , inves t Fleu r wit h fearfu l powers . For Paulin e these pow ers ar e awesome , bu t unnatura l an d perverse . Afte r Fleu r recuperate s from a n illnes s tha t kill s he r entir e family , Paulin e describe s wha t sh e perceives a s Fleur's transformatio n int o a witch: Alone out there, she went haywire, out of control. She messed with evil, laughed at th e ol d women' s advic e an d dresse d lik e a man . Sh e got hersel f int o som e half-forgotten medicine , studie d way s w e shouldn' t tal k about . Som e sa y sh e kept th e finger of a chil d i n he r pocke t an d a powde r o f unbor n rabbit s i n a leather tongue so she could see at night, and went out, hunting, not even in her own body. We know for sure because the next morning, in the snow or dust, we followed th e track s o f he r bar e fee t an d sa w wher e the y changed , wher e th e claws spran g out , th e pa d broadene d an d presse d int o th e dirt . B y nigh t w e heard he r chuffing cough , the bear cough . By day her silence and the wide grin she threw to bring down our guard made us frightened. (12 ) Despite her need t o diminis h Fleur , Pauline's narrativ e invest s Fleur wit h extraordinary shapeshiftin g powers . I n additio n t o describin g Fleu r a s a bear, sh e frequentl y attribute s wolf-lik e characteristic s t o Fleur , de picting he r smil e a s "stead y an d hungry , teet h glinting " (88) , "th e whit e wolf gri n a Pillage r turn s o n it s victims " (19) . In a crucia l establishin g scene, Pauline watche s a s Fleur i s raped, describin g Fleu r i n her struggl e as a powerfu l so w snortin g a t an d tramplin g he r adversaries . Sh e sug gests tha t Fleu r embodie s th e horrifyin g stor m tha t snout s out , sowlike , her rapist s an d demand s a terrible retribution . Even Nanapush , a mor e reliabl e narrato r tha n Pauline , speak s o f Fleur's ampl e powers , althoug h fo r hi m the y represen t Fleur' s connec tion t o awesome , bu t natural , force s o f lif e an d harmony . H e relate s how sh e i s feared , know n t o kil l me n wh o ge t to o clos e t o he r o r he r land (9) , to distur b th e spirit s of th e dead , an d t o contro l th e deadly lak e monster. Throug h Nanapus h w e hea r ho w Fleu r transforme d hersel f into a do e t o seduc e th e hunte r El i toward he r woodlan d camp . Fleu r i s depicted, moreover , b y bot h Nanapus h an d Paulin e a s a medicin e woman wh o possesse s a powerful knowledg e o f herba l remedie s an d a n inexplicable abilit y t o contro l nature , tendin g a garde n tha t "flourishe d madly, almos t i n defiance " (218) . Fleur i s rooted t o th e earth , appearin g to Paulin e a s "grea t an d dar k a s a fixed tree " (158 ) an d t o Nanapus h
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as " a rain-dar k youn g tree " (200) . Identifie d a s closel y wit h plant s and animal s a s wit h humans , Fleu r seem s a n extensio n o f th e natura l world. Pauline's self-destructiv e rejectio n o f Fleur' s feminin e powe r fuel s a n obsessive guil t ove r he r betrayal . He r narrativ e become s a s muc h a confession a s a polemic on Fleur . Paulin e relates that durin g Fleur's rap e she watched, almos t gloating , a s Fleur wa s attacke d b y three white men . Ironically, Fleu r ha s bee n th e onl y perso n t o trea t Paulin e wit h kindnes s in th e whit e town : " I wa s lifted , soothed , cradle d i n a woman' s arm s and rocke d s o quiet that I kept my eyes shut" (20) . Yet when Fleu r need s help durin g th e attack , Paulin e deter s th e youn g Russel l fro m defendin g her an d admit s late r tha t sh e "shoul d hav e gon e t o Fleur , save d her " (26). Instead , afterwards , Paulin e lock s th e thre e me n i n a mea t locke r where the y freez e t o death . Both fearin g an d lovin g th e powerfu l Fleur , Paulin e punishe s thos e who threate n her , hersel f included . Th e rap e i s th e first i n a serie s o f passive/aggressive act s o f destructio n an d atonemen t tha t lea d Paulin e deeper an d deepe r int o a pervers e martyrdo m an d mortification . He r disruption o f Nanapush' s cur e fo r th e spirituall y ailin g Fleu r i s a later , more self-abusiv e exampl e o f thi s violen t an d self-punishin g cycle . Dur ing th e cure , Pauline , "s o lik e a scavenger , a bir d tha t land s onl y fo r it s purpose" (189) , lay s he r eye s wit h thei r "stil l look " upo n Fleur . Sh e watches a s Nanapus h plunge s hi s arms , protecte d b y a n herba l paste , into a boilin g ste w kettle . In a n effor t t o compet e wit h Nanapus h an d "prove Christ' s ways " mor e powerful tha n his , Pauline prayed loudl y i n Catholi c Latin , the n plunge d he r hands , unprepare d b y th e crushed root s an d marrows o f plants, into the boiling water. She lowered them farther, an d kep t the m there . He r eye s rolled bac k int o he r skul l an d th e ski n around he r cheek s stretche d s o tight an d thi n i t nearly split . I f sh e opened he r mouth, I thought, pur e stea m migh t blas t int o th e air . Moment s passed . Then she shrieked, jumped. She clawed straight through th e flimsy tent walls, scattering the willow poles, collapsing the blankets an d skin s around u s all. Then she ran, b y th e ligh t o f he r scalde d arms , an d followe d th e dar k pat h bac k t o town. (190 )
Pauline's mortifyin g act , obstructin g Fleur' s spiritua l healin g an d a t th e same time guiltil y atonin g fo r thi s betrayal , horribly exemplifie s th e self consuming masochis m a t the heart o f he r calling . Pauline's wor k t o weake n Fleur , ostensibl y t o sav e th e Chippew a from themselves , i s necessaril y tangle d i n he r ow n narrativ e self-abuse .
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Christ's love , sh e says , i s " a hoo k sun k dee p int o ou r flesh, a questio n mark tha t pull s wit h ever y breath " (205) . She makes a set of underwea r from potat o sack s tha t chafe , remindin g he r o f Christ' s sacrifice ; sh e breaks th e crust s o f ic e of f bucket s o f wate r wit h he r bar e hand s unti l they bleed ; sh e refuses t o urinat e excep t a t daw n an d dusk , relishin g he r discomfort; an d sh e tells a stor y tha t annihilate s th e life-affirmin g Fleur . Pauline's rejectio n o f Fleu r i s th e essenc e o f a lif e spen t i n self-destruc tion, a search fo r statu s "beyon d hindranc e o r reach" (198) . How ca n Fleu r surviv e suc h virulen t attacks ? Ho w ca n on e woma n withstand suc h a n obsessiv e hatred , a hatre d inspire d b y th e pervasiv e narrative construction s o f a n increasingl y dominan t Angl o culture ? W e can loo k t o bot h Tracks an d Ceremony fo r a n answe r tha t pertain s directly t o contemporar y academi c feminist s wh o struggl e t o articulat e cultural path s o f resistanc e to the internalization b y women o f dominan t patriarchal narratives . Bot h novel s revea l tha t th e realit y o f oppressio n is determine d no t b y it s intentio n bu t b y it s ultimat e effectivenes s i n objectifying an d thu s subordinatin g nativ e identities . Th e Angl o witch ery has , i n th e past , prove d it s annihilatin g forc e throug h th e disease , starvation, alcoholism , an d economi c and spiritua l malais e brought ont o the Nativ e America n culture s b y Angl o intervention . Ye t bot h Tracks and Ceremony explor e ho w twentieth-centur y Indian s ofte n willingl y succumb to the lure of material wealth an d power—transmitted throug h narrative—that th e Anglo lifestyle seem s to offer, sabotagin g themselve s in th e proces s an d denyin g thei r ow n cultura l power . A s w e wil l see , both author s asser t tha t t o resis t th e seductiv e ye t letha l lur e o f thi s witchery, th e participant s mus t enac t thei r ow n story , mus t no t b e provoked int o engaging with an d thu s tacitly accepting the terms of thei r oppressors' narrativ e reality—eve n i n self-defense . Ceremony's mixed-bloo d (Mexica n an d Indian ) protagonis t Tay o ex plicitly use s stor y t o hea l himsel f an d hi s peopl e fro m th e divisiv e wounds produce d b y their ancestor' s neglec t o f th e mothe r cor n alta r i n favor o f th e magi c o f th e witchery , embodie d i n th e nove l a s Angl o cultural mythologie s (46-49) . In th e cours e o f th e novel , b y enterin g into th e traditiona l Lagun a origi n myt h an d concludin g it s story , Tay o reshapes an d energize s th e myth , thu s alignin g himsel f wit h th e creativ e force o f woma n (represente d b y th e storytelle r an d origina l creator , Spider-woman). Tay o revitalize s wha t appear s t o b e a n obsolet e an d therefore powerles s tribal myth , creating from i t a revised yet contiguou s
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story tha t depend s upo n bot h th e feminizatio n o f masculin e cultur e an d the interconnectedness o f racial cultures a s the primary mean s to Lagun a balance an d harmony. 10 Six years before , Tay o had bee n seduce d b y an Anglo army recruiter' s narrative o f opportunit y fo r al l American s i n th e U.S . militar y durin g World Wa r II . He abandon s hi s Uncl e Josiah an d th e ranch , enlistin g i n what h e late r realize s i s a whit e man' s war . Afte r th e war , Tay o return s home t o th e reservatio n psychicall y an d spirituall y wounde d an d alien ated fro m himsel f an d hi s heritage . H e attribute s th e lon g drough t o n the reservatio n t o hi s willful participatio n i n thi s massivel y destructiv e war and , i n particular , t o th e momen t h e ha d curse d th e incessan t rai n that ha d thwarte d hi s attempt s t o sav e hi s wounde d cousi n Rocky' s life (14) . Tayo ultimatel y resist s th e witchery' s fatalisti c pul l b y enactin g th e empowering, self-definin g ceremonia l story . Thi s stor y remythologize s the sacre d origi n myt h tha t run s paralle l t o Tayo' s stor y throughou t th e novel. As part o f Ol d Betonie' s healin g ceremon y t o mak e Tayo spiritu ally whole , Tay o mus t revis e th e cla n stor y b y participatin g i n i t an d thus reinvestin g i t wit h significance . Ol d Betoni e explain s t o Tay o tha t "things whic h don' t shif t an d gro w ar e dea d things . They ar e thing s th e witchery peopl e want . Witcher y work s t o scar e people , t o mak e the m fear growth . Bu t i t has alway s bee n necessary , an d mor e tha n eve r now , it is . Otherwis e w e won' t mak e it . W e won' t survive . That' s wha t th e witchery i s countin g on : tha t w e wil l clin g t o th e ceremonie s th e wa y they were , an d the n thei r powe r wil l triumph , an d th e people wil l b e n o more" (126) . In order t o chang e the clan story, Tayo mus t mov e into the story—h e must si t withi n th e sand-paintin g ceremonia l cycl e o f self-articulation . Tayo mus t invigorat e th e ol d myt h wit h meanin g b y literall y choosin g life ove r deat h i n twentieth-centur y terms : H e mus t searc h ou t an d reclaim hi s family' s los t mixed-bree d cattle , thu s makin g goo d o n hi s past obligatio n t o hi s uncl e an d symbolicall y assertin g prid e i n hi s ow n mixed-blood heritage ; h e mus t embrac e th e feminin e principl e o f life , nurturance, an d continuity , represente d b y th e lov e expresse d betwee n himself an d th e powerfu l mountai n spiri t Ts'eh ; an d h e mus t com e t o understand tim e an d spac e no t i n Wester n Europea n linea r term s bu t rather "a s i t alway s was : n o boundaries , onl y transition s throug h al l distances an d time " (246) .
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Through Tayo' s healin g process , th e enactmen t o f a ritualize d stor y of self-definition , th e witchery o f th e white people become s "hollo w an d lifeless," powerles s t o hurt hi m (204) . They unraveled the dead skin Coyote threw on him. They cut it up bundle by bundle. Every evil which entangled him was cut to pieces.
(258)
By the en d o f th e novel , the Lagun a myt h refer s no t t o a n anachronistic , objectified people , a peopl e divide d amon g themselve s b y Angl o colo nialism, bu t t o a vital cultur e breathin g ne w life in its unification agains t the witchery . Tay o ha s recuperate d a mythi c sens e o f achronologica l time, allowin g th e past , present , an d futur e t o exis t withou t boundary : "Josiah wa s drivin g th e wagon , ol d Grandm a wa s holdin g him , an d Rocky whispere d 'm y brother. ' The y wer e takin g hi m home " (254) . Through enterin g th e stor y an d revisin g it , Tay o ha s brough t o n th e healing rain—"as fa r a s he could see , the land wa s green again " (234) . What Tay o an d Fleu r hol d i n commo n i s thei r focu s o n enactin g ritual an d thu s constructing , i n th e fac e o f opposition , a recalcitran t subjectivity. Bot h Fleu r an d Tayo , i f the y ar e t o survive , mus t no t b e distracted, lulled , o r antagonize d int o engagin g wit h Angl o witchery — represented i n Tracks b y Pauline' s manipulation s an d i n Ceremony b y Indian wa r vetera n Emo' s violen t challeng e t o Tayo . Eac h mus t ac t instead onl y to complet e their own story . Tayo barel y survive s the witchery's letha l pull. Nearing th e end o f th e ceremonial story , Tayo watches fro m afa r a s Emo flays his buddy Harle y alive. Conflating Emo' s aggressio n with the persecution o f Native Americans an d wit h vas t huma n suffering , "Tay o coul d no t endur e i t an y longer. H e wa s certai n hi s ow n sanit y woul d b e destroye d i f h e di d no t stop the m an d al l th e sufferin g an d dyin g the y caused—th e peopl e incinerated an d exploded , an d littl e childre n aslee p o n street s outsid e Gallup bars . He was not stron g enough t o stan d b y and watch an y more .
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He woul d rathe r di e himself " (252) . Tay o realizes , however , tha t i n thinking thi s way h e is dangerously clos e to fulfillin g th e story accordin g to th e witchery' s plan . H e ha s onl y "t o complet e thi s night , t o kee p th e story ou t o f th e reac h o f th e destroyer s fo r a fe w mor e hours , an d thei r witchery woul d turn , upo n itself , upo n them " (247) . I f h e kill s Emo , Tayo will be "anothe r victim , a drunk India n war vetera n settlin g an ol d feud" (253) , a bitter reminde r t o his people of on e they coul d no t save . Instead, waiting out Emo, "th e destroyer," Tay o complete s the transition; hi s story , a stor y tha t merge s Japanese an d Lagun a voices , Josiah's voice an d Rocky' s voice , i s told : "Th e ea r fo r th e stor y an d th e ey e fo r the patter n wer e theirs ; th e feelin g wa s theirs : w e cam e ou t o f th e lan d and w e ar e hers" (255) . The whirling darkness o f th e witchery ha s com e back upo n itself . I n a dril y humorou s conclusion , Emo s i s exile d fro m the reservation , an d leave s fo r California , th e locu s o f Angl o self-con sumption. Fleur, too, withstands th e witchery, although Pauline' s narrative seek s to convinc e u s tha t sh e ha s defeate d Fleur . I n Pauline' s story , Paulin e conquers th e lak e monster , sourc e o f Fleur' s strength , b y stranglin g hi m with he r rosary . I believe that the monster was tamed tha t night, sent to the bottom o f th e lake and chained there by my deed. For it is said that a surveyor's crew arrived at the turnoff t o Matchimanito [Fleur' s land] in a rattling truck, and set to measuring. Surely tha t wa s th e wor k o f Christ' s hand . I see farther, anticipat e mor e tha n I've heard. The land will be sold and divided. Fleur's cabin will tumble into the ground an d b e covered b y leaves. The place will be haunted I suppose, but n o one will have ears sharp enoug h t o hear th e Pillagers' low voices, or the vision clear enoug h t o se e thei r stil l shadows . Th e tremblin g ol d fool s wit h thei r conjuring trick s wil l di e off an d th e young , lik e Lul u an d Nector , retur n fro m the government schools blinded and deafened. (205 ) In Pauline' s narrativ e version , th e lak e monster' s destructio n ha s weak ened Fleur , allowin g fo r Angl o interventio n a t th e hear t o f th e Nativ e American communit y ( a "measuring" o f the land), and ultimately Fleur' s demise. The site of Fleur' s dominio n wil l be deforested an d parcele d out , and eve n he r memor y wil l b e obliterate d amon g he r peopl e a s th e ol d traditionalist Chippew a di e an d th e youn g ar e assimilate d int o Angl o culture throug h governmen t schools . In Nanapush' s narrativ e version , howeve r (an d h e ha s th e las t wor d in th e novel) , Fleu r survives . Sh e live s o n despit e Pauline' s violen t at tempt t o gai n a "whole " identity , t o hea l th e schis m insid e her , b y
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destroying on e racia l identit y i n favo r o f another . Lik e Tayo , Fleu r i s intensely focuse d o n enacting her own story, on living her own narrativ e reality, barel y heedin g others ' constraint s upo n her . Early i n th e novel , when El i stumbles upo n Fleur' s woodlan d camp , fo r example , an d tap s her o n the shoulder a s she concentrates upo n skinnin g a deer, Fleu r never noticed him. . . . She never even twitched. He walked around her, watched the knife cut, trespassed into her line of vision. At last she saw him, he said, but then scorned him as though he were nothing. "Little fly." She straightened her back, the knife loose and casual in her hand. "Quit buzzing." (43) Fleur i s similarly obliviou s whe n Paulin e disrupt s he r healing ceremony . "Fleur's eye s closed , sh e leane d int o th e folde d robe s behin d her . He r breath wa s shallo w an d he r attentio n wa s directe d within , s o sh e di d not witnes s Pauline' s dreadfu l proof " (190) . Fleur' s inne r directednes s demands tha t other s accep t her defining terms . Fleur's determine d refusa l t o accep t Pauline' s adversaria l narrativ e perspective force s Pauline' s "witchery " t o tur n bac k o n itself . Lik e th e self-consumptive Angl o society , Paulin e become s increasingl y masochis tic, an d finally, i n Erdrich's Love Medicine, sh e is confined i n a conven t specifically fo r trouble d nuns . Fleur, o n the other hand , leave s a vital, if erratic, trail , whic h Nanapus h th e storytelle r "tracks, " re-creates , t o persuade Fleur' s daughter , Lulu , of the value of her mother's love . Fleur, although exile d from he r land an d alienated fro m he r daughter, survives , living dee p i n "th e tough bush " (210) . She has become mor e wil d tha n in he r waywar d youth , mor e powerfull y ephemera l tha n he r shama n cousin, Moses . Uproote d fro m th e responsibilitie s an d privilege s o f th e material world , no w a landles s nomad , Fleu r i s a spar e an d mobil e symbol of Native American enduranc e and power in the face of long persecution. When Fleu r an d Tay o refus e t o engag e wit h thei r oppressors , "th e destroyers" ar e powerles s t o affec t the m an d exis t virtuall y withou t meaning fo r these redemptive characters . Neither Tracks no r Ceremony, however, promote s a Buddhist-lik e visio n o f th e transcendenc e o f pai n and sufferin g throug h passivit y an d self-reflection , no r d o the y endors e passive resistanc e i n the face o f oppression . Rather , Fleu r survive s Pau line's betrayal s an d Tay o resist s th e witcher y throug h a self-consciou s engagement i n and reconstruction o f the old ways, the myths an d stories of thei r past . Bot h novel s foregroun d storytellin g a s th e foundatio n o f
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these myth s o f cultura l empowerment . Storie s ar e poten t ritual s tha t reveal an d re-creat e histor y and , concomitantly , provid e imaginativ e signposts fo r th e future . The y ar e th e "tracks " enablin g a coheren t identity withi n a conteste d culture , th e litera l groun d fo r forgiveness , inspiration, an d cultura l reawakening , th e "ceremony " o f constan t be coming. What d o thes e novel s sugges t fo r academi c feminist s i n ou r struggl e against women' s internalizatio n o f th e ver y patriarcha l value s tha t op press them ? Tracks an d Ceremony spea k t o th e powe r o f languag e t o determine women' s realities . Consequently , the y rais e a questio n abou t the ultimat e benefi t t o wome n o f selectivel y focusin g critica l energ y o n the oppressio n o f women , o n women' s persecutor s an d thei r system s o f persecution—or eve n o n women' s oppressio n o f othe r women—with out a simultaneous acknowledgmen t o f the sources for women's empow erment. I a m concerned , lik e Nanc y Armstron g and , mos t recentl y an d pro vocatively, Kati e Roiphe , ho w "th e rhetori c o f victimization " ha s worked b y an d abou t women . No t only , a s Armstrong notes , do power ful academi c wome n "insis t o n th e powerlessnes s o f women, " n but , a s Roiphe points out , rape-crisi s feminists , i n their effort s t o end th e sexua l victimization o f women , "produc e endles s image s o f wome n a s vic tims." 1 2 Roiph e suggest s tha t thes e image s generat e thei r ow n myth s o f the innocen t child-woman , intellectuall y an d emotionall y vulnerabl e t o persuasive mal e coercions . Thes e images , Roiph e argues , den y wome n "the basi c competence, fre e wil l an d strengt h o f character " tha t me n ar e assumed t o possess. While Roiphe' s positio n seem s a t time s extrem e an d strained , I to o have grow n increasingl y alarme d b y th e pervasiv e an d largel y unchal lenged claim s b y youn g student s i n m y women' s studie s course s tha t women hav e absolutel y n o choices , no power , an d n o mean s o f empow erment i n issue s rangin g fro m hospital-coerce d cesarea n birt h t o sexis t advertising an d domesti c abuse . Wh y d o thes e youn g universit y wome n perceive power a s a naturally monolithi c forc e tha t only men can manip ulate? Wit h th e exponentia l growt h i n th e seventie s an d eightie s o f academic departments , conferences , an d publication s organize d aroun d the subjection o f women, have feminis t theorist s unknowingly reinstitut ionalized th e very narratives tha t hav e constraine d women ? Ar e women , in embattled attempt s t o expose th e vast workings o f patriarchal oppres sion, actually reifyin g th e "woma n a s victim" trope ?
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Tracks an d Ceremony sugges t tha t academi c feminist s canno t affor d to ignore the agenc y of languag e in creating cultural history as we speak. We nee d t o develo p i n ou r ow n narrative s a sustaine d dialogi c voice , a voice tha t assert s women' s powe r eve n a s we expos e th e system s o f ou r disempowerment. In al l o f ou r variou s "stories " o f woma n an d he r oppressions, feminist s mus t self-consciousl y creat e throug h ora l an d written image s recalcitran t wome n subject s that , lik e Fleu r an d th e feminized Tayo , ca n surviv e beyon d th e realizatio n o f thei r oppression . Feminist voice s mus t provid e a younger generatio n o f wome n hop e tha t despite immens e sufferin g an d ver y rea l constraint s o n choice , wome n nonetheless ca n collectivel y an d individuall y tel l ou r ow n storie s an d create a n endurin g subjectivit y i n th e process . Tracks an d Ceremony demonstrate, moreover , tha t w e nee d mor e o f th e remythologizin g o f a Toni Morrison , a n Adrienne Rich , a n Audr e Lorde , more o f th e Utopia n visions of a n Ursula LeGui n and a Helene Cixous, more of the revisionis t autobiography o f Maxin e Hon g Kingston—more , muc h more , o f th e connective track s betwee n an d acros s variou s culture s o f women . Thes e narrative tracks will enable women t o minimize the rhetoric of victimiza tion i n favo r o f a mor e effectiv e an d long-lastin g sourc e o f regenera tion—women's ora l histories , women' s storytelling , women' s myths , women's language .
NOTES
i. Simon e d e Bea u voir, The Second Sex (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1952) , xxii. 2. Louis e Erdrich, Tracks (New York: Harper and Row, 1988). All subsequent page references are to this edition. 3. Lesli e Marmo n Silko , Ceremony (New York : Pengui n Books , 1977) . All subsequent page references are to this edition. 4. Laur a Coltelli , Winged Words: American Indian Writers Speak (Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 107-8. 5. Ibid. , 147—48. 6. Nanc y Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (Oxford : Oxfor d University Press, 1987), 255. 7. Jame s D . Stripes, "Th e Problem(s ) o f (Anishinaabe ) Histor y i n the Fiction of Louise Erdrich: Voices and Contexts." Wicazo Sa Review 7 (1991): 29. 8. I n contrast to Pauline's character, contemporary Native American literature frequently invoke s the half-breed a s the symbol of reconciliation and resolution for Indians living within an Anglo-dominated country . 9. Nanapush' s nam e is, not coincidentally , closel y related t o th e Midwester n
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Algonkian Ojibw a nam e fo r th e trickste r Grea t Hare , Nanabush , wh o act s both a s a lighthearted anarchi c forc e and , a t th e same time, as a deliverer o f his people fro m danger , a provider, an d ultimatel y a creator . 10. Fo r a readin g o f Ceremony a s "al l abou t th e feminizatio n o f a male, " se e Paula Gun n Allen' s brie f comment s abou t th e nove l i n he r intervie w wit h Laura Coltell i i n Winged Words an d he r chapte r o n Ceremony, "Th e Femi nine Landscape o f Lesli e Marmon Silko' s Ceremony," i n The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions (Boston : Beaco n Press, 1986) . 11. Armstrong , Desire, 255 . 12. Kati e Roiphe , "Dat e Rape' s Othe r Victim, " New York Times Magazine, 1 3 June 1993 , 2 ^.
REFERENCES
Armstrong, Nancy . Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel. Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1987 . de Beauvoir, Simone . The Second Sex. Ne w York : Vintag e Books, 1952 . Coltelli, Laura . Winged Words: American Indian Writers Speak. Lincoln : Uni versity o f Nebrask a Press , 1990 . Erdrich, Louise . Tracks. Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1988 . Roiphe, Katie . "Dat e Rape' s Othe r Victim. " New York Times Magazine, 1 3 June 1993 , 26. Silko, Leslie Marmon. Ceremony. Ne w York : Pengui n Books , 1977 . Stripes, Jame s D . "Th e Problem(s ) o f (Anishinaabe ) Histor y i n th e Fictio n o f Louise Erdrich: Voice s and Contexts. " Wicazo Sa Review 7 ( i 9 9 i ) : 2 6 - 3 3 .
6. MOTHERS A N D SISTERS : TH E FAMIL Y ROMANCE O F ANTISLAVER Y W O M E N WRITER S JENNIFER FLEISCHNE R Give my love to all the family, bot h black an d white. —Elizabeth Keckley, 1838
Part o f th e wor k facin g antebellu m antislaver y wome n writer s i n th e U.S.—both blac k an d white—wa s t o enlis t th e sympathie s o f whit e women o n behal f o f enslave d African-America n women . Thi s wa s com plicated, an d critical , in a culture structure d i n part b y the absolute dual ism betwee n "black " slaver y an d "white " freedo m an d b y racialis t no tions o f biologica l difference. 1 No r wa s a belie f i n inheren t racia l differences limite d t o racis t proslaver y ideologues , wh o naturalize d th e enslavement o f African s b y enshrining notion s o f th e moral an d physica l superiority o f white s ove r blacks . Identity a s being in part a condition o f biological inheritance was the premise of proslavery an d antislaver y writ ers, most notably during the 1840 s and 1850s . Harriet Beecher Stowe, fo r instance, whos e spectacularl y popula r Uncle Tom's Cabin, or, Life among the Lowly (1852 ) launche d a powerfu l assaul t o n th e institutio n of slavery , als o promote d racialis t an d colonialis t views . Thoug h fo r Stowe, racia l differences coul d b e ameliorate d b y Christianizin g Africa , 125
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the superiority of the Anglo-Saxon ove r the African evidence d her roman tic racialism: "Th e Saxon , bor n o f age s of cultivation , command , educa tion, physical an d mora l eminence ; the Afric, bor n o f age s of oppression , submission, ignorance, toil, and vice!" (z6y). 2 Th e combination o f aboli tionist fervor an d racialist splitting was by no means uncommon, an d colonization (sendin g free d slave s bac k t o Africa ) wa s on e mechanis m fo r dealing with the tensions between the two. But biology als o provided ground s fo r a n argumen t fo r sameness . Fo r despite law s agains t miscegenation , frequen t interracia l sexua l relation s (most ofte n betwee n whit e master s an d slav e women) produce d childre n whose biologica l inheritanc e (contraste d wit h thei r legal inheritance o f a slave statu s fro m th e slav e mother ) wa s mixed , makin g i t possibl e t o assert racial crossings. 3 In an 183 1 tract, Mrs. W. Maria Stewart , consid ered t o b e th e earlies t blac k feminist , cite s racia l mixin g a s on e reaso n "our soul s ar e fired wit h th e sam e love of libert y an d independenc e wit h which you r [whit e American men's ] soul s ar e fired. W e will tell you tha t too muc h o f you r bloo d flows i n ou r veins , and to o muc h o f you r colo r in ou r skins , fo r u s no t t o posses s you r spirits " (19-20) . Stewar t invert s racialist justification s fo r socia l an d politica l inequalit y int o a threa t against those white men who have most benefitted fro m suc h rationaliza tions. Th e institutio n justifie d primaril y b y notion s o f racia l differenc e created a population whos e very being undermined it s own most vital assumption. It i s withi n th e contex t o f th e paradoxica l tension s generate d b y th e belief i n fundamenta l racia l difference s tha t antislaver y wome n writer s attempt t o affir m th e belie f i n a n interracia l sisterhoo d an d dra w analo gies betwee n thei r ow n disenfranchisemen t an d th e oppressio n o f slav e women. Give n th e lur e o f romanti c racialism , i t i s perhap s inevitabl e that whit e feminis t antislaver y writer s woul d shap e th e figure o f th e suffering mulatt o slav e woman accordin g to the contours of the romanc e genre. Hawthorn e complaine d tha t America n lif e di d no t provid e th e material fo r th e imagination , makin g romance , whic h gav e a "latitude " to th e mind , th e appropriat e for m fo r a n America n fiction. I n contrast , Lydia Mari a Child , a n abolitionis t an d feminis t wh o woul d edi t Harrie t Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, sa w i n th e "materials " o f quadroons' live s the stuf f o f romance . "Reader , d o you complai n I have written fiction?" sh e ask s a t th e en d o f he r 184 2 publicatio n o f th e story "Th e Quadroons. " "Believ e me , scene s lik e thi s ar e n o infrequen t occurrence a t th e South . Th e worl d doe s no t affor d suc h material s fo r
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tragic romance , a s th e histor y o f th e Quadroons " (take n fro m Liberty Bell, 141) . I n thi s paragraph , omitte d whe n th e stor y wa s republishe d four year s late r i n a collectio n entitle d Fact and Fiction, Chil d collapse s fiction, history , an d romance . Consequently , sh e legitimate s norther n women's authorit y t o b e historian s o f th e Sout h b y locatin g slavery' s wrongs i n th e histor y o f it s wrong s agains t womankind , fo r whic h th e quadroons becom e a synedoche. Worthy o f hig h romance , thes e wome n are doome d t o endur e th e mora l pai n o f falle n women , o r th e physica l and psychologica l torment s (imprisonment , beatings , threats , rape ) o f enslaved servin g women ; the y ar e textua l version s o f Pamela , who , despite he r servitude , ha s th e "sou l o f a princess. " Th e quadroons ' mixed bloo d implie d thei r racia l superiorit y ove r othe r enslave d women ; their "highl y cultivated " min d an d manne r prove d th e eas e wit h whic h they migh t b e assimilated t o the cultura l norm s o f norther n society. 4 Bu t these tragic heroines wh o "ar e fate d t o suffe r socia l ostracis m o r slaver y for th e sin s of he r whit e fathe r o r mal e relatives " ar e more tha n "merel y white ingenue s i n blackface" (Elfenbei n 1989 , 2 , 5). As processe d throug h suc h sentimenta l form s as , fo r example , th e "tragic romance, " th e slav e woma n o f mixe d racia l heritag e wa s a symbol enablin g negotiatio n betwee n samenes s an d difference , a n inter mediary are a o f potentia l intersubjectivit y betwee n sel f an d other . Imag ining th e histor y o f th e quadroon s a s "tragi c romance " provide d whit e antislavery wome n writer s wit h a wa y t o manag e cultura l anxietie s emanating fro m th e dissonanc e betwee n tw o contradictor y principle s o f belief: th e principl e o f racia l differenc e an d th e principl e o f universa l womanhood (gende r identification) . Thi s contradictio n wa s energize d a t the poin t a t whic h th e fact s o f slaver y mos t directl y cam e int o conflic t with th e cultura l insistenc e o n femal e virtu e an d th e cult of motherhood . Accordingly, on e psychi c projec t o f th e antislaver y romanc e wa s t o manage th e fea r o f differenc e an d neutraliz e th e threat t o the integrity o f white womanhoo d implie d b y sameness . Thi s coul d b e don e b y idealiz ing difference an d transformin g i t into a mode o f identification . The paradig m o f feminin e suffering , a s i t establishe d a n empathi c bond betwee n whit e femal e reader s an d thei r enslave d "counterparts " and affirme d th e slav e woman' s "womanhood, " wa s a way t o sustai n a relation betwee n whit e an d blac k wome n abl e t o accommodat e th e paradox o f tw o predominatin g antebellu m romances : racialis m an d the cul t o f womanhood . In particular , narrativ e reinforcemen t o f th e slave woman' s mute sufferin g helpe d alla y cultura l anxietie s abou t th e
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propriety o f overidentification . A s Frann y Nudelma n ha s argued , th e narrative code s o f sentimenta l form s employe d b y white wome n writer s necessitated th e separatio n o f th e slav e woma n fro m he r audienc e (whose sexual degradatio n exclude s her fro m th e domestic culture of he r audience), an d i s structure d b y th e fac t tha t sh e i s typicall y object , no t subject, o f sentimenta l discourse . Indeed , th e traditio n i n whic h the y wrote, thoug h i t require d empath y an d a n identificatio n wit h sexua l vulnerability, wa s maintaine d b y distance . Sentimenta l form s empha sized differenc e b y stressin g th e slav e woman' s subordinatio n an d vul nerability i n contras t t o he r sympathizin g "sister's. " Moreover , the y provided a n outle t fo r norther n mora l outrag e ( a disavowa l o f identifi cation wit h souther n oppressio n o f blacks) . Ultimately , then , th e tradi tion o f women' s antislaver y writin g transforme d fearfu l sympath y (based o n symmetr y betwee n whit e wome n an d blac k women ) int o tearful pit y (base d o n a reassurin g asymmetr y betwee n whit e an d blac k women). The efficac y o f romanc e t o enact fantasie s o f identificatio n an d differ ence i n orde r t o satisf y instinctua l impulse s a s wel l a s t o maintai n th e integrity o f a self-imag e ha s it s analogu e i n th e famil y romance s de scribed b y Freud , i n whic h th e inventio n o f a ne w famil y fo r th e sel f serves t o alleviat e th e interna l pressure s though t t o sprin g fro m oedipa l wishes an d fears. 5 In antislavery romances , the circularity o f fantas y an d reality suggest s th e volatil e presenc e o f th e retur n o f th e repressed : romance become s gothi c whe n th e trop e o f antislaver y famil y romance s merges wit h th e realit y o f familia l relations , whe n fantasie s o f incestu ous, miscegeneti c affair s ar e embodie d i n the bodie s o f quadroons . Call ing upo n th e trop e o f famil y relation s (mothers , daughters , sisters ) t o familiarize enslave d African-America n wome n fo r thei r norther n audi ences, sentimental narrator s ten d t o tur n awa y fro m th e implications fo r identity o f litera l familia l relations ; bu t invokin g th e metapho r an d exposing th e prima l scene s o f interracia l mixing , thes e work s ar e charged wit h th e anxietie s that activat e the famil y romance . Child's tale , "Th e Quadroons, " demonstrate s a narrative's successfu l management o f th e anxietie s o f familia l (sexual ) relation s betwee n blac k and white , successfu l i n tha t i t suggest s identificatio n bu t maintain s difference. Th e narrato r use s conventiona l description s t o establis h th e inherent difference s betwee n he r "prett y rivals, " th e quadroon , Rosali e (whom th e white antihero , Edward, trul y loves), and th e white Charlott e (whom h e marrie s ou t o f politica l ambition , abandonin g Rosali e an d
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their daughter , Xarifa) . Th e narrativ e invoke s romanti c code s o f dar k and fair , a logi c o f oppositio n familia r t o reader s o f Si r Walter Scot t (t o whom, interestingly , Chil d refer s i n he r 183 3 prefac e t o Appeal in Favor of the Class of Americans Called Africans). Th e narrativ e use s th e reader's master y ove r th e sign s o f th e for m a s a mechanis m fo r master y over the emotional unrulines s o f sexual betraya l an d rivalry. The opposi tion betwee n heroine s i s naturalized an d idealized , rendered timeles s an d unchanging: th e quadroo n ha s "rave n hair, " i s "gracefu l a s an antelope , and beautifu l a s th e evenin g star, " whil e "he r complexio n a s ric h an d glowing a s a n autumna l leaf " i s contrasted wit h he r rival' s "blush-rose buds" (62 , 65). Significantly, fo r th e narrative' s politica l purposes , attentio n t o th e women's persona l rivalr y i s deflected int o a more sociall y an d politicall y conscious critiqu e o f th e arbitrar y an d unjus t "edict s o f society, " thu s emphasizing th e women' s mutua l vulnerabilit y t o "man' s perfidy. " Thi s is a tal e o f "sisterhood" : " I promise d the e a siste r tale , / O f man' s perfidious cruelty:, " read s th e epigraph , quote d fro m Coleridge . "Com e then an d hea r wha t crue l wron g / Befel l th e dar k Ladie. " Invitin g th e reader's sympath y fo r a "siste r tale " fo r "th e dar k Ladie, " th e narrativ e constructs a reade r wh o i s white , an d whos e story , thoug h i t differ s i n degree fro m he r "sister's, " doe s no t necessaril y diffe r i n kin d (62 , 61) . Reinforcing identification , thi s siste r tal e i s als o a mother' s tale . Rosali e is implicitl y compare d t o th e moo n wh o gaze s upo n Edward , a "mild , but sorrowfu l . . . Madonn a [who ] seem s t o gaz e o n he r worshippin g children, bowe d dow n wit h consciousnes s o f sin " (67). Earlier , a s Rosa lie contemplates he r beautifu l daughter , whos e fat e sh e fear s wil l follo w her own , ther e i s "i n th e tendernes s o f th e mother' s ey e . . . a n in dwelling sadness " (64) . In thi s vision o f sorrowfu l maternalism , mother hood i s use d t o reinforc e th e notio n o f transcenden t womanhood , a sisterhood o f "in-dwellin g sadness, " internalized , immobilize d i n th e figure o f a socially outcast , alread y dyin g woman. 6 Elsewhere, describin g th e daughte r o f Rosali e an d he r whit e "hus band," Edward , th e narrato r suggest s distanc e fro m th e "other " i n temporal, developmenta l terms : th e "melting , mezzotint o outline " i n Xarifa's dar k ey e "remain s th e las t vestig e o f Africa n ancestry , an d tha t gives tha t plaintiv e expression , s o ofte n observed , an d s o appropriat e t o that docil e an d injure d race " (63) . Suddenly a n aestheti c appreciate d b y a whit e eye , th e "mezzotint o outline " i n th e dar k ey e evidence s th e displacement o f blac k b y whit e a s a n aspec t o f historica l development .
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Xarifa's Africa n lineag e i s exoticize d a s a n ancient , dyin g trac e jus t visible in its evolution towar d whiteness . Thus, paradoxically, th e transitional figure serve s t o spli t of f blac k fro m whit e eve n further : o n th e "other side " o f Xarif a (fro m Charlotte , o r the narrator) i s the "excellen t old negress" whom th e guilty father hire s to "tak e charg e of the cottage " and car e fo r th e soo n motherles s Xarif a (71) . This slav e woman's abso lute differenc e i s implici t i n he r pervasiv e blacknes s an d tota l silence . I t is he r radica l "otherness " tha t threaten s th e narrativ e regulatio n o f sameness, sustaine d i n th e figure o f th e materna l quadroon . I f Rosali e i s an etherealize d Madonna , wh o watche s ove r he r whit e mal e child/hus band, an d i s in fac t a slave, this woman i s nature herself, nurse to Xarif a (the "fair " marke d b y a n "X") , an d free , i f onl y t o b e hired. 7 Rosalie , then, i s par t o f th e white , symboli c order , withi n th e oedipa l father' s law; th e "ol d negress, " mentione d i n the stor y jus t thi s once , indicates a preoedipal realm , prio r t o language , potentiall y disruptive , potentiall y beyond control . Onl y i n Xarifa, i n the end, ar e the two mother s brough t "face-to-face," bu t the n simpl y t o sho w th e danger s t o self-integratio n such a junctur e creates . Xarif a i s depicte d a s a "ravin g maniac " i n a double imag e evocativ e o f a n interna l conflic t betwee n desir e an d self denial: "Tha t pur e templ e wa s desecrate d . . . an d tha t beautifu l hea d fractured agains t th e wall in the frenz y o f despair " (76). This final imag e contain s a counternarrativ e t o th e "tragi c romance " of sufferin g dar k wome n tha t "Th e Quadroons " put s forth . Tha t all women ar e (a t least potential) victim s of me n i s the culturally acceptable basis o f identificatio n betwee n th e women , accordin g a s i t does with th e ideal of femal e passivity. Despite its final scene, this is the value endorse d by "Th e Quadroons, " wher e th e quadroon' s desir e to protec t he r rival' s feelings ensure s tha t sh e wil l neve r tell , an d th e whit e woman' s "inex pressive" ey e and "reluctance " t o interfere wit h he r husband's seemingl y benevolent car e o f hi s quadroo n daughte r effectivel y mute s he r a s wel l (65, 70 , 72) . Bu t i n Child' s ironicall y title d "Slavery' s Pleasan t Homes : A Faithfu l Sketch, " a varian t o f th e "tragi c romance, " a covert , unac ceptable basi s fo r identificatio n betwee n wome n emerges . For i t allows a scene o f violenc e betwee n wome n that , thoug h i t i s quickl y repressed , nonetheless open s u p th e possibilitie s o f a secre t allianc e base d no t o n passivity an d recognitio n o f mutua l suffering , bu t rathe r o n th e capacit y for aggressio n agains t on e another , an d then, ultimately, agains t men . "Slavery's Pleasan t Homes, " published i n The Liberty Bell in 1843 , is an emotionall y volatil e tal e i n whic h th e famil y romance , charge d b y
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incestuous relation s an d intens e siblin g rivalry , i s repeatedl y disrupte d by outbursts o f aggression . What make s this story particularly intriguin g is th e ambiguou s "color " statu s o f th e dar k heroine , Rosa . Sh e i s en coded i n ever y wa y a s a tragi c quadroon , ye t neve r explicitl y labelle d i n any way . That sh e is desired b y three differentl y raciall y marke d men — white, mulatto , an d quadroon—contribute s t o th e narrativ e ambiguity . More precisely , th e narrative's carefu l descriptio n o f he r bod y an d blus h links fluctuatin g ski n colo r wit h sexua l desire : "Rosa , a youn g girl , elegantly formed , an d beautifu l a s a dark velve t carnation. Th e blush , s o easily excited , shon e throug h th e transparen t brow n o f he r smoot h cheek, like claret through a bottle i n the sunshine " (148) . Racial slippage is one element in the narrative impuls e toward disinte gration. Th e other i s the narrative obsessio n wit h splittin g and doubling . This is a story abou t siblin g rivalries gone amok, withou t th e controllin g presence o f materna l o r paterna l authorities , self-enclose d an d sim mering, a famil y o f brother s an d sister s tha t act s ou t th e unconsciou s fantasies sai d t o underlie th e famil y romance . Marion, Frederi c Dalcho' s bride, i s Rosa' s foster-siste r (the y wer e bot h nurse d b y Rosa' s mother ) and he r mistress . Suggestiv e o f a Kleinia n spli t ("good " breast/"bad " breast), th e foster-sisters ' attitude s towar d on e another , an d th e narra tor's attitud e towar d eac h o f them , switche s frequentl y betwee n aggres sion an d benevolence , th e latte r perhap s a defens e agains t a mor e pri mary aggressio n an d th e fea r o f retaliation. 8 Marion' s pleasur e i n he r possession i s indicate d b y th e fac t tha t sh e "love d t o decorat e he r wit h jewels" (149) . Sayin g "Yo u shal l wea r m y jewel s wheneve r yo u as k fo r them," Mario n give s permissio n t o Ros a t o desire , bu t draw s clea r limitations aroun d thi s with he r ownership . Yet if Rosa i s Marion's doll , so Mario n i s th e narrator's , wh o call s he r a "prett y waxe n plaything " (148). Narrative anxiet y (indicate d b y splitting and reactiv e shifts) intensifie s when sisterhood give s way to sexual rivalry. Frederic's quadroo n brothe r and slave , George , fall s i n lov e wit h Rosa , an d whe n Mario n ask s he r husband t o allo w the m t o marry , Frederic' s interes t i n Ros a warms . Soon, on e night , Mario n awake s t o find he r husban d missing . Hearin g voices i n Rosa' s room , "th e painfu l trut h flashed upo n her . Poo r youn g wife, wha t a bitte r hou r wa s that! " (152) . Allie d b y sisterhood , rein forced b y their mutua l betrayal , Marion an d Ros a ar e inevitably (fo r th e romance form ) pitte d agains t one another a s rivals. Their only remainin g encounters highligh t th e tension s o f identificatio n an d separatio n b y
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being represente d i n mode s suggestiv e o f th e presenc e o f th e uncon scious—during a violen t outburs t an d durin g a dream . In suc h states , barriers agains t unconsciou s impulse s ar e dropped . Unti l th e betrayal , object-splitting betwee n Ros a an d Mario n ha s serve d t o manag e passio n by keepin g i t separate d fro m th e woma n wit h th e mean s t o enac t i t (that is , th e passionat e slav e woma n i s imagine d a s passive ; th e fragile , impassive whit e woma n i s give n a n outle t fo r rage , a t leas t sociall y downward, i f no t u p agains t he r husband) . Bu t thi s defens e agains t destructive impulse s give s wa y whe n Marion , provoke d perhap s b y Rosa's reactive , exaggerate d obedienc e (t o assuage , fo r on e thing , he r sense o f guilt) , give s Ros a a blow . Thu s Marion' s clear , bu t relativel y benign, expression s o f dominatio n earl y i n th e stor y ar e n o longe r con tained an d ope n ou t int o physical assault . In th e morning , Ros a cam e t o dres s her , a s usual , bu t avoide d lookin g i n he r face, an d kep t he r eye s fixed on th e ground. A s she knelt to tie the satin shoe, Marion spok e angrily of her awkwardness, and gave her a blow. It was the first time she had ever struck her; for they really loved each other. The beautiful slav e looked u p wit h a n expressio n o f surprise , whic h wa s answere d b y a strange , wild stare . Ros a fel l a t he r feet , an d sobbe d out , "Oh , mistress , I a m no t t o blame. Indeed, indeed, I am very wretched." Marion' s fierce glance melted into tears. "Poo r child, " sai d she , "I ought not to have struck you ; but, oh, Rosa, I am wretched, too. " The foster-sisters embrace d eac h other, an d wept long and bitterly; but neither sought any further t o learn the other's secrets. (152—53) Marion violate s cultura l injunction s agains t femal e forc e i n tw o stages: verbal abus e escalates to physical abuse. 9 Her aggressiv e outburs t is containe d (repressed ) rapidly , though , b y a quic k reversio n t o mater nal concer n ("Poo r child") , the n t o identificatio n a s a siste r wh o als o suffers. Callin g th e tw o "foster-sisters, " th e narrato r seem s t o asser t reparation an d put s bac k i n orde r th e familiar . But , a s "foster-sisters " also implies , thei r relatio n ha s develope d a s a histor y o f displacements : Marion's displacemen t o f Ros a a t her mother's breas t finds an answe r i n Rosa's displacemen t o f Mario n i n bed . I t i s hinted, too , tha t Mario n i s self-alienated i n he r momen t o f violence , an d alienate d fro m narrato r and reader , a s well. Narrative empath y ("Poo r youn g wife!") an d narra tive alignment with Marion's perspective (Rosa' s eyes are directed down ward) ar e withdraw n i n th e momen t whe n Ros a "looke d u p wit h a n expression o f surprise, " an d Mario n mutel y "answers " wit h " a strange , wild stare. " Ros a initiate s th e look , positionin g th e "mute " Mario n a s the "other, " a shif t reinforce d b y th e descriptio n o f Marion' s star e
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("wild," "strange" ) i n terms conventionally applie d to the "other. " Thu s the "strange , wil d stare " tha t look s bac k a t he r foster-sister' s loo k i s an expressio n o f th e double , th e uncann y experienc e o f unconsciousl y recognizing onesel f i n th e for m o f another . Th e retur n o f a n earl y for m of rag e tha t ha s bee n rejecte d a s unacceptabl e and , ove r time , repressed , the double' s presenc e suggest s tha t wha t Ros a see s ("wit h a n expressio n of surprise" ) i s th e retur n o f he r ow n ange r tha t ha s bee n spli t of f an d projected ont o th e "other." 10 An d s o Marion' s blow , b y inversion , i s also a manifestatio n o f Rosa' s aggressio n agains t a whit e foster-siste r kneeling at her feet . If thi s i s so, then th e narrator' s insistenc e o n th e slav e girl' s excessiv e passivity i s founded partiall y o n fea r o f th e slav e girl's ange r an d aggres sion agains t whit e women . Tha t thi s rag e i s no t s o easil y burie d i s conveyed i n Rosa' s hauntin g o f Marion' s dream s afte r Rosa' s deat h (brought o n b y Frederic's sadisti c flogging of Ros a whe n sh e is pregnant, the result o f rape) . "Th e memory o f her foster-siste r mingle d darkl y wit h all her dreams . Was tha t a shriek sh e heard? I t was fearfull y shril l i n th e night-silence! Hal f sleepin g an d hal f waking , sh e calle d wildly , 'Rosa ! Rosa!"' (157) . Rousing herself, Marion learn s tha t he r husband wa s jus t discovered dead , " a dagge r throug h hi s heart, " murdered , i t turn s out , by hi s brothe r (George ) i n vengefu l fur y (157) . In th e worl d o f th e dream, th e inne r (unconscious ) worl d an d th e oute r worl d intermingle , and th e prohibitions (internalize d a s conscience, o r a value, suc h a s selfdenial) agains t th e rag e an d aggressiv e impulse s o f bot h wome n find their final discharg e i n Frederic's murder . Despite th e fetishizatio n o f suffering , th e defense s mean t t o bin d feminine aggressio n (idealizatio n an d splitting ) find expressio n nonethe less. Fo r indeed , b y anothe r inversion , th e narrativ e insistenc e o n th e slave girl' s passivit y i s a wa y t o alla y th e anxietie s raise d b y Marion' s role i n an d th e narrative' s powerfu l fascinatio n wit h th e violenc e tha t surrounds Rosa . I f dream s ar e als o wishe s (a s Freu d claimed) , the n Marion, wh o dream s her husband's deat h (sh e hears him shriek), awake s to find he r drea m com e true . When sh e think s o f Ros a i n th e traum a o f awakening, Mario n ma y b e seekin g disavowa l o f he r ow n thought s b y conjuring u p th e imag e o f he r split-off , projected , negativ e self . Horro r occurs whe n rea l event s correspon d t o unacceptabl e fantasies , whe n repressed thought s see m t o hav e cause d rea l events ; an d dissociatio n i s one refuge fo r th e mind . Child's us e o f th e tragi c romance , wit h it s emphasi s o n passivity ,
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purity, an d pai n a s positiv e values , seem s mean t t o repres s th e fantasie s of sexua l violenc e an d uncontrollabl e rag e tha t ar e triggere d b y th e terrors o f a totalizing identificatio n o r a n unrelieved difference . Suc h ar e the primar y childhoo d anxietie s cause d b y fear s o f engulfin g merge r with th e materna l objec t o r fear s o f los s o f th e object . Interestingly , motherlessness, a s represented i n "Slavery' s Pleasan t Homes " an d a t th e end o f "Th e Quadroons, " no t onl y expose s th e daughter s t o sexua l dangers, bu t als o provides a space—wit h th e mother s ou t o f th e way — for th e outle t o f th e daughters ' ow n impulse s an d desires . I n thi s way , Child resist s structurin g th e relation s betwee n he r whit e audienc e an d the slav e girl in terms o f th e relation o f mothe r t o child . Sh e does posit a sisterhood, fraugh t wit h th e conflicts an d tension s o f tha t relation . Stowe, o n th e othe r han d (a s I wil l suggest) , reproduce s a relatio n o f domination i n th e materna l discours e wit h whic h sh e construct s he r view o f a n interracial bond . It i s motherhoo d a s th e quintessenc e o f femal e suffering tha t under writes Stowe' s narrativ e positio n i n Uncle Tom's Cabin an d forge s th e link sh e endeavor s t o creat e betwee n reade r an d slav e woman . Accord ingly, th e narrato r addresse s th e whit e "mother s o f America " (472) , calling upo n bot h thei r motherl y feeling s fo r th e "daughter s o f a n in jured race " an d thei r empath y fo r th e suffering s o f slav e mothers . Slav ery dismember s families , slav e an d free , an d i t remain s fo r America' s mothers t o pu t a n en d t o th e institutio n tha t disrupt s motherhoo d an d destroys homes . Th e quadroo n Eliza' s "desperat e leap " acros s th e ic y Ohio River , bearin g he r so n i n he r arms , "impossibl e t o anythin g bu t madness an d despair " (72) , conveys the power o f a mother's lov e to sav e her children . Materna l affectio n structure s th e narrator' s relatio n t o he r reader, who m sh e guides , lik e a mothe r leadin g he r children , throug h scene afte r scen e o f patho s an d pain , educatin g th e reade r in , quit e simply, ho w t o feel . Sh e instructs he r reade r i n th e proces s o f identifica tion, mos t notably , fo r example , in the Quake r Rut h Stedman' s respons e to Eliz a an d he r son , wh o hav e foun d sustenanc e an d safet y i n th e ample warmt h o f Rache l Halliday' s kitchen . Rut h explain s wh y sh e ca n empathize immediatel y wit h Eliza : "I f I didn't lov e John an d th e baby , I should no t kno w ho w t o fee l fo r her " (153) . Th e phenomenolog y o f reading another' s situatio n empathicall y entail s suc h identification s based o n share d emotiona l experiences . Throughout th e novel , th e mothe r tha t th e narrativ e evoke s i s th e good preoedipa l mother , associate d wit h ampl e food , warmth , comfort ,
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security, order , continuity , an d bodil y an d emotiona l presence . Rachel' s kitchen i s "large , roomy , neatl y painte d . . . , its yellow floor gloss y an d smooth, an d withou t a particl e o f dust ; a neat , well-blacke d cooking stove; row s o f shinin g tin , suggestiv e o f unmentionabl e goo d thing s t o the appetite " (148) . Seate d i n he r rockin g chai r b y Eliza' s side , Rache l promises eterna l connectio n and , b y metonymy, a lap (chair ) i n which t o sit: "Fo r twent y year s o r more , nothin g bu t lovin g words , an d gentl e moralities, an d motherl y lovin g kindness , ha d com e fro m tha t chair; — headaches an d heartache s innumerabl e ha d bee n cure d there,—difficult ies spiritua l an d tempora l solve d there,—al l b y on e good , lovin g woman, Go d bles s her!" (148-50) . A s George, Eliza's fugitiv e husband , recognizes afte r h e arrives , Rachel' s hous e i s a "home, " a heave n a s domesticity, radiatin g outwar d fro m a mothe r i n he r kitche n servin g up communio n wit h griddle-cakes : "Rache l neve r looke d s o trul y an d benignly happ y a s at the head o f he r table . There was s o much motherli ness an d fullheartednes s eve n i n th e wa y sh e passe d a plat e o f cake s o r poured a cu p o f coffee , tha t i t seeme d t o pu t a spiri t int o th e foo d and drin k sh e offered " (156) . Goodnes s i s repeatedl y associate d i n th e preoedipal term s o f a bod y tha t supplie s th e other' s (th e child's ) needs , identical a t thi s earl y stag e wit h it s pleasures , a s wit h th e littl e mothe r "Eva, who carrie d a large satchel, which sh e had bee n filling with apples , nuts, candy , ribbons , laces , an d toy s o f ever y description , durin g he r whole homeward journey " t o distribute amon g her family's slave s (182) . The nove l strengthen s it s argumen t tha t th e (preoedipal ) mothe r might hea l th e deformatio n o f humanit y tha t slaver y cause s i n th e nega tive example o f Marie St . Clare. Marie's cruelt y to her slave s is related t o her mor e primar y failin g a s a mother, suggeste d i n her self-involvement , instability, hypocrisy , coldness , selfishness, an d artificiality , al l negation s of motherhood , illustrate d i n on e brie f image : ther e sh e "stood , gor geously dressed , o n th e veranda , o n Sunda y morning , claspin g a dia mond bracele t o n he r slende r wrist " (198) . Takin g instea d o f giving , clasping no t a chil d t o he r heart , bu t a hard-chiselled ston e t o he r pulse , Marie, unlik e Rut h o r Rachel , doe s no t lov e any others : " I don' t fee l a particle o f sympath y fo r suc h case s [Prue , th e distraught , grievin g slav e mother wh o wa s whippe d t o death] . I f they' d behav e themselve s i t would no t happen " (253) . The narrativ e splittin g betwee n "good " mothe r an d "bad " mother , however, works to check the aggressive impulses of the narrative's moth ering agains t he r "children"—th e slave s ove r who m sh e bend s wit h
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concern. Tha t "tru e womanhood " no t entai l passion , eroti c o r destruc tive, i s essentia l t o th e narrative' s defensiv e posture . O f Cassy , Simo n Legree's quadroo n slave , i t i s sai d tha t "despai r hardene d womanhoo d within her , an d waked th e fires of fiercer passions, [and ] she had becom e in a measur e hi s mistress , an d h e alternatel y tyrannize d ove r he r an d dreaded her " (428) . Cass y exemplifie s a motherhoo d activ e i n he r out rage agains t thos e wh o violat e her . However , th e tendenc y o f th e narra tive i s t o lin k activit y t o destructio n an d passivit y t o a highe r love . Motherhood tha t destroy s i n the nam e o f love , when Cass y murder s he r infant son , momentaril y upset s th e splittin g tha t sustain s th e narrative' s overt materna l vision . Implici t i n motherhoo d i s domination , an d espe cially powerfu l i s th e infant' s mother , a fac t culturall y obscure d b y sentimentalizations o f mothe r an d babe . Havin g los t contro l o f tw o older childre n t o slavery , Cass y determines , " I woul d neve r agai n le t a child liv e t o gro w up! " (392) . Though , perhaps , invitin g ambivalen t responses, th e violenc e i n Cassy' s pas t i s contained , quarantine d fro m the narrator' s materna l attitude . Th e narrato r distance s hersel f fro m Cassy's "wild , passionat e utterances " b y constructing thi s portion o f he r history a s a n interpolate d tale , tol d b y Cass y hersel f t o Tom . Or , mor e to th e point , thi s histor y i s Cassy' s crimina l confession , a necessar y beginning in her mora l recovery . That thi s narrative lin e culminates wit h Cassy's recover y o f he r long-los t so n an d daughte r implie s tha t ha d Cassy not kille d her son , he too migh t have been recovered fro m slavery . Yet despite thi s narrativ e separation , th e materna l imag o idealize d b y the narrativ e i s also a mother wh o wil l not le t her "chil d gro w up. " Th e maternal affectio n expresse d towar d th e slav e gir l depend s upo n th e slave's infantilization—specifically , upo n he r powerlessnes s i n relatio n to the white mother . When she [Eliza] awoke [i n Rachel's house], she found hersel f snugl y tucked up on th e bed , wit h a blanke t ove r her , an d littl e Rut h rubbin g he r hand s wit h camphor. Sh e opened he r eye s in a state o f dreamy , deliciou s languor , suc h a s one ha s wh o ha s lon g bee n bearin g a heav y load , an d no w feel s i t gone , an d would rest . The tension o f th e nerves, which ha d never ceased a moment sinc e the first hou r o f her flight, ha d given way, and a strange feeling o f security an d rest came upon her; and, as she lay, with her large, dark eyes open, she followed, as in a quiet dream, the motions of those about her. She saw the door open into the othe r room ; sa w the supper-table , wit h it s snowy cloth ; hear d th e dream y murmur of the singing tea-kettle; saw Ruth tripping backward and forward with plates of cake and saucers. . . . She saw the ample, motherly form o f Rachel, as she ever and ano n cam e to the bedside, and smoothed an d arranged somethin g
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about the bedclothes, and gave a tuck here and there, by way of expressing her good will ; an d wa s consciou s o f a kin d o f sunshin e beamin g dow n upo n he r from he r large , clear, brow n eyes . . . . There were low murmurs o f talk , gentl e tinkling of teaspoons, and musical clatter of cups and saucers, and all mingled in a delightful drea m of rest. (154-55) Swaddled i n th e bed , watchin g passivel y th e movement s o f thos e ove r her, registerin g dreamil y sensation s o f sight , smell , sound , an d touc h i n a serie s o f appearance s an d disappearance s no t causall y o r temporall y related, Eliz a i s tha t preoedipa l mother' s infant , befor e murmurs , tin kling, an d clatte r rearrang e themselve s a s sound s distinguishabl e fro m one anothe r an d oneself , a leve l o f consciousness , reinforce d i n th e vagueness ("somethin g abou t th e bedclothes" ) an d uninflecte d ("Sh e saw . . . saw . . . saw. . . . She saw . . . .") qualit y o f he r comprehension . And whe n sh e awake s fro m a drea m o f " a beautifu l country, " i n whic h she see s he r "so n playing " an d hear s he r "husband' s footsteps, " an d finds he r weepin g husband besid e her, his double appearance , first in he r dream, the n ou t o f he r dream , suggest s th e child' s sens e o f omnipotenc e in he r ow n thoughts , a n illusio n derive d fro m a feelin g o f merge r wit h the mother . Th e good-enoug h mothe r wh o anticipate s he r child' s wishe s and produces them foster s thi s illusion o f omnipotence , then disperse s it . After th e Quake r mother s produc e th e husband , th e narrativ e intones , "It was n o dream " (155). n Thus, th e materna l dominatio n o f Eliz a disenfranchise s he r fro m equality wit h th e whit e mothers . Sh e i s implicitl y denie d th e socia l an d political powe r o f whit e wome n i n th e nove l when , i n "Th e Freeman' s Defence," Georg e exclaims , "O , Eliza, i f these peopl e onl y kne w wha t a blessing it is for a man t o fee l tha t hi s wife an d chil d belon g to hint!" 12 Invitations t o readerl y identificatio n wit h th e sufferin g quadroo n mothers ar e ultimatel y rearrange d a s relation s o f whit e materna l domi nation. Th e narrativ e maternalis m tha t characterize s Uncle Tom's Cabin, fixed i n th e preoedipal , depend s o n th e imag e o f th e dependen t slave whos e identit y (racia l an d spiritual ) i s conceive d o f a s movin g toward merge r wit h th e mor e powerfu l (all-powerful ) whit e mother . S o Tom ( a mode l o f passivity ) i s imagine d a s "no w entirel y merge d wit h the Divine, " an d passin g int o a stat e o f "cheerfulnes s . . . alertnes s . . . and quietnes s whic h n o insul t o r injur y coul d ruffle " (419) . Suc h a n image of Mother , insusceptibl e t o th e kin d o f destabilizin g oedipa l rival ries a t wor k i n Child' s tw o stories , suppresse s difference , o r mor e pre cisely, differenc e fro m her. I n thi s famil y romance , al l th e "mother s o f
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America" ar e "white, " th e fre e whit e father s ar e "anti-patriarchal, " an d the enslave d blac k father s ar e nobl e an d brave . As for th e slav e mother , she recovers familia l bond s whe n sh e crosses ove r th e Ohi o Rive r t o th e safety o f th e whit e mother' s domain . In antebellu m Nort h o r South , home i s th e plac e wher e whe n yo u ge t ther e a whit e woma n rules . Th e incorporation o f th e (m)othe r b y th e Mothe r characterize s th e narrativ e representation o f it s ow n composition . In "Concludin g Remarks, " th e narrator explain s tha t he r narrativ e incorporate s th e storie s o f thos e o n whose behal f sh e speaks : "Th e separat e incident s tha t compos e th e narrative are , to a very great extent , authentic , occurring, many o f them , either unde r he r ow n observatio n o r tha t o f he r persona l friends " U67). 13 As linguisti c outlet s fo r th e negotiatio n o f samenes s an d difference , these antislavery narrative s evidenc e some of th e conflicts inheren t i n th e effort t o creat e a n interracia l sisterhoo d withi n th e contex t o f romanti c racialism. Moreover , th e issue s o f identit y raise d b y thes e narrative s point t o th e nee d fo r a mor e comple x understandin g o f th e way s i n which individua l an d collectiv e identity ar e conceived an d represente d i n these texts . Critica l emphasi s o n th e grou p (whethe r linke d b y a cause , such a s antislavery , o r gender , o r race ) ha s tende d t o deflec t attentio n from th e individua l nature s o f people' s encounter s wit h th e worl d an d their self-conceptions . So , too, Stowe's dominatin g presenc e within criti cal account s o f th e traditio n o f sentimenta l antislaver y literatur e ha s obscured ou r vie w o f Child . Child' s radica l differenc e fro m Stowe , he r ability t o imagin e a sisterhoo d tha t ca n tolerat e inversion s o f powe r relations, offer s a n alternativ e vie w o f interracia l relation s amon g women. Significantly , he r tale s penetrat e mor e acceptabl e idea s abou t womanhood an d sisterhoo d t o th e level of antisisterl y rag e and potentia l for violenc e tha t racis m make s inevitable . Finally, though I have worke d to sho w tha t th e promise s o f sisterhoo d unde r slaver y wer e simpl y another famil y romance , it warrants sayin g emphaticall y tha t th e effort s of thes e women t o construc t a sisterhood mobilize d a political forc e tha t did chang e their worlds . NOTES
I wish t o than k Christophe r Bongie , Dagmar Herzog , and Mar y K . Jaeger for readin g a very rough draft o f this essay and for thei r wonderful sugges tions. I also owe thanks to Richard M. Hunt, Jay Maclean, and the Harvard
The Family Romance of Antislavery Women Writers 13 9 University Mello n Facult y Fellowshi p progra m fo r providin g m e wit h a forum fo r presentin g m y work . Thi s essay i s part o f a large r project , Mastering Slavery: Trauma, Writing, and Identity in Women's Slave Narratives. i. Fo r a discussio n o f th e implication s o f thi s dualis m fo r slaver y i n th e American South , see Oakes, Slavery and Freedom, chap . i . 2. Georg e M . Frederickso n describe s romanti c racialis m a s "Th e America n 'ethnologic' self-image , whethe r describe d a s Anglican, Anglo-Saxon, Celtic Anglo-Saxon, o r simpl y Caucasian , [which ] wa s formulate d an d popular ized a t th e ver y tim e whe n th e slaver y controvers y focuse d interes t o n th e Negro character " (ioo) . 3. I n 1850 , censu s taker s counte d 246,00 0 mulatt o slave s ou t o f a tota l slav e population o f 3. 2 million ; again , i n i860 , censu s taker s identifie d 411,00 0 mulatto slave s ou t o f a tota l slav e populatio n o f 3. 9 million . Bu t a s Joh n Hope Frankli n an d Alfre d A . Moss , Jr . caution , thes e number s ma y b e inaccurate, sinc e censu s taker s counte d onl y a s mulattoe s thos e wh o appeared t o b e of mixe d parentage . 4. Fo r a brie f discussio n o f th e assumptio n o f "mulatt o superiority " an d it s persistence afte r slavery , se e C . W . Harper , "Blac k Aristocrats : Domesti c Servants o n th e Antebellum Plantation. " 5. Se e Freud, "Famil y Romances " (1908) . 6. Ann a Shanno n Elfenbei n see s reproductio n o f th e quadroo n mother' s fat e in the daughter' s tal e a s being characteristic o f thei r raciall y overdetermine d fate: "Unlik e Hester , he r fat e wa s ofte n t o reproduc e he r ow n tragedy . . . . She could no t prevent he r daughter s fro m sufferin g a s she had suffered " (3) . Indeed, unlik e Pamela , n o amoun t o f resistanc e o r self-assertio n coul d lea d to he r sociall y an d legall y sanctione d marriag e t o the lord o f th e manor . 7. Thi s pla y o n an d i n Xarifa' s nam e wa s pointe d ou t t o m e b y Christophe r Bongie. 8. I n "Infantil e Anxiety-Situation s Reflecte d i n a Wor k o f Ar t an d i n th e Creative Impulse, " Klei n explain s th e alternatio n betwee n destructiv e im pulses an d reactiv e tendencie s a s arisin g ou t o f th e anxiet y produce d b y th e girl's aggressiv e impulse s towar d he r mothe r an d he r fea r tha t he r mother , in turn, wishes to destro y her . 9. Despit e th e evidence o f slav e narratives tha t white souther n mistresse s ofte n verbally an d physicall y abuse d thei r slave s themselves , proslaver y ideolog y insisted o n th e physica l frailty , delicacy , an d passivit y o f wome n fo r it s own purposes . Accordin g t o Fox-Genovese , suc h a vie w o f whit e souther n womanhood implicitl y distance d he r fro m he r dar k Africa n slave s an d justified he r nee d fo r servants . I t als o turne d whit e mal e aggressio n an d domination int o a positiv e value , necessar y t o protec t th e souther n lad y against "unruly " men , whit e o r black . Se e Fox-Genovese, chap . 4, "Gende r Conventions." 10. Se e Freud, "Th e 'Uncanny' " (1919) . 11. Fo r D . W . Winnicott , illusio n belong s t o a n earl y stag e i n developmen t during whic h th e mother , adaptin g t o he r infant' s needs , fosters th e infant' s illusion tha t wha t th e infan t create s i n though t reall y exists . Accordingly ,
140 Jennifer Fleischner disillusionment, effecte d whe n th e chil d recognize s th e mother a s somethin g outside itself , i s necessar y fo r development . Th e intermediar y are a o f illu sion, accepte d a s belongin g bot h t o interna l an d externa l (shared ) percep tions, find s adul t expressio n in , fo r on e thing , art . Se e Winnicott, "Transi tional Object s an d Transitiona l Phenomena " i n Playing and Reality. 12. Th e implication s o f thi s passage wer e firs t pointe d ou t t o m e b y Judith Fet terley. 13. Stowe' s narrativ e tendenc y towar d incorporatio n i s illustrate d i n he r en counter wit h th e slave narrator Harrie t Jacobs. In 1853 , Jacobs learned tha t Mrs. Stowe wanted t o us e the "extraordinar y event " o f Jacobs's seve n year s of hidin g i n a crawlspac e i n he r A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin. Jacob s responded wit h "suc h a spiri t o f rivalry " (a s sh e wrot e t o he r confidante , Amy Post ) tha t " I hardl y kno w wher e t o begin . . .. Fo r I wishe d i t [he r narrative] t o b e a histor y o f m y lif e entirel y b y itsel f whic h woul d d o mor e good an d i t needed n o romance" (Jacob s 1987 , 235) .
REFERENCES
Child, Lydi a Maria . Fact and Fiction: A Recollection of Stories. Ne w York : C. S. Francis an d Co. , 1846 . . "Slavery' s Pleasan t Homes " i n The Liberty Bell b y Friend s o f Boston , 147-60. Boston: Anti-Slavery Fair , 1843 . Elfenbein, Ann a Shannon . Women on the Color Line: Evolving Stereotypes and the Writings of George Washington Cable, Grace King, Kate Chopin. Charlottesville: Universit y o f Virginia Press , 1989 . Fisher, Philip . Hard Facts: Setting and Form in the American Novel. Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1987 . Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth . Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South. Chape l Hill : Th e Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press, 1988 . Franklin, Joh n Hope , an d Alfre d A . Moss , Jr . From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans. 6t h ed . New York : McGraw-Hill , 1988 . Frederickson, Georg e M . The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817—1914. Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row, 1 9 7 1 .
Freud, Sigmund . "Famil y Romances " (1908) . I n The Standard Edition of the Complete Works of Sigmund Freud, 9 : 235-44 . Translate d an d edite d b y James Strachey . London : Hogart h Press , 1961. . "Th e 'Uncanny' " (1919) . I n The Standard Edition of the Complete Works of Sigmund Freud, 18 : 219-52 . Translate d an d edite d b y Jame s Strachey. London: Hogart h Press , 1961. Harper, C . W. "Blac k Aristocrats : Domesti c Servant s o n th e Antebellum Planta tion." Phylon 4 6 (1985) : 123-35 . Jacobs, Harrie t A . Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl: Written by Herself. Edited b y Jean Faga n Yellin . Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1987 .
The Family Romance ofAntislavery Women Writers 14 1 Klein, Melanie . "Infantil e Anxiet y Situation s Reflecte d i n a Wor k o f Ar t an d i n the Creativ e Impulse " (1929) . I n Love, Guilt and Reparation and Other Works, 1921—1945, 210-18 . New York : Del l Publishing Co . Nudelman, Franny . "Harrie t Jacob s an d th e Sentimenta l Politic s o f Suffering. " £ L H 5 9 (1992) : 939-64 . Oakes, James. Slavery and Freedom: An Interpretation of the Old South. Ne w York: Vintage , 1990 . Stewart, Mari a W . "Production s o f Mrs . Mari a Stewart. " I n Spiritual Narratives, 1-84 . Edite d b y Sue E. Houchins. New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1988. Stowe, Harrie t Beecher . Uncle Tom's Cabin, or, Life among the Lowly. 1852 . Reprint. New York : Ne w America n Library , 1981 . Winnicott, D . W. Playing and Reality. 1971 . Reprint. London : Routledge , 1991.
7. TRUE C R I M E S O F MOTHERHOOD : MOTHER-DAUGHTER INCEST , MULTIPL E PERSONALITY DISORDER , A N D TH E TRU E C R I M E NOVE L ROSARIA CHAMPAGN E PATIENT: Mother, I am frightened . CHARCOT: Note the emotional outburst. If we let things go unabated we will
soon retur n t o th e epileptoi d behavior . . . . (Th e patien t crie s again : "Oh ! Mother.") CHARCOT: Again , not e thes e screams . Yo u coul d sa y i t i s a lo t o f nois e over nothing. (Charcot the Clinician 104-5)
Feminism ha s historicall y relie d o n th e mother-daughte r bon d a s a non contested categor y fo r women' s connectio n an d socia l activis m (Cho dorow; Friday) . An d yet , wit h th e genr e o f women' s tru e crim e fiction, mother-daughter abus e show s u p i n ever y narrativ e gap . Ther e ar e tw o formula plot s fo r thi s genre : i n th e first, a whit e upper-middle-clas s woman murder s he r daughters ; he r neighbor s an d tenni s pal s ar e shocked; he r husban d didn' t se e it coming . (Thes e narrative s flouris h i n white middle-clas s women' s magazines , suc h a s Redbook an d Woman's Day). Th e secon d model , typifie d b y Flor a Rhet a Schreiber' s Sybil, cen ters the mother-daughter relationshi p aroun d incest , not murder . 142
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Important element s o f plo t an d politic s distinguis h thi s model : th e featured presenc e of abusiv e mothers; lesbianism i n the bodies of wome n already sanctione d a s heterosexual; th e production o f a multiple daugh ter, whose unproblematized discours e of confession , disclosure , and con frontation fail s t o reconstruc t th e individua l (tha t is , humanism canno t restore th e multipl e t o a singl e consciousness) ; an d th e replacemen t o f the incestuou s mothe r wit h th e mother-therapist . I t i s thi s therapist mother rol e that , I wil l argue , inscribe s th e misogyn y tha t sustain s mother-daughter abus e b y settin g u p th e craz y mothe r wh o "makes " a crazy daughte r an d the n pit s th e craz y mothe r agains t th e mother therapist, wh o emerge s a t th e narrative' s clos e a s th e goo d an d mor e deserving mother . Discussions abou t inces t an d it s aftereffect s almos t alway s configur e a fathe r (o r fathe r figure) perpetrator , an d a daughte r (o r surrogate ) victim/survivor. While it is absolutely true that men commit sexual abus e more ofte n tha n women , wome n ca n als o functio n a s perpetrator s o f incest. B y privilegin g th e father-daughte r inces t paradigm , w e success fully inscrib e th e "sentimenta l romance " o f heterosexualit y (Zwinger ) and canno t accoun t fo r on e o f th e signa l aftereffect s o f incest—multipl e personality disorde r (MPD) . MPD , onl y recognize d b y th e America n Psychiatric Associatio n a s a n aftereffec t o f inces t sinc e 198 0 (DSM-III , 269-72; Howland , 299) , frustrates th e father-daughte r inces t paradig m because, a t leas t a s represente d i n women' s tru e crim e novels , mother s cause MPD. But, I will argue, "mothers " recas t as mother-therapists als o "cure" MP D b y recapitulatin g a desperatel y fel t belie f i n th e healin g power o f motherhood . In this essay, I will use Flora Rhet a Schreiber' s Sybil an d Joan France s Casey's The Flock: The Autobiography of a Multiple Personality t o show ho w mother-daughte r abuse , th e ope n secre t o f women' s tru e crime novels , trouble s th e nostalgi c relationshi p betwee n wome n tha t feminism ofte n desperatel y assumes . I will focu s thi s essa y no t onl y o n the individua l mother s an d daughter s brough t t o ligh t b y thes e novels , but als o o n th e rol e o f motherhoo d an d daughterhood . Bot h novel s show tha t abusiv e mother s assum e powe r throug h th e socia l rol e o f motherhood. Importantly , thi s sam e socia l rol e facilitate s th e feminis t therapists, wh o functio n a s surrogat e mothers , wit h th e powe r t o heal . Indeed, daughter s wh o suffe r fro m MP D find wholenes s onl y whe n they shif t loyalt y fro m th e evi l mothe r t o th e goo d one , a shif t ofte n accomplished wit h bribe s an d solicitation s fro m th e mother-therapist. 1
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These mother-therapist s ar e indee d bette r mother s tha n th e sadisti c mothers tha t preced e them , bu t thei r cur e come s wit h a price : entrap ment, always , i n som e mother' s narrative . Tha t is , b y naturalizin g an d idealizing th e rol e o f motherhoo d an d it s usefulness i n feminis t therapy , the MPD daughte r i s merely reinscribed i n another mother' s narrative — i.e., on e tha t i s no t he r own . Eve n wit h sanity , goo d daughterhoo d i s a dead-end street . In Sybil, th e stor y o f Sybi l Isabe l Dorsett , wh o wa s sexually , physically , and verball y abuse d b y he r mother , Hatti e Dorsett , fro m infancy , an d her relationship wit h the "real " 2 Dr. Corneli a B. Wilbur (wh o still serves as a leadin g spokesperso n abou t MPD) , i s narrate d b y Sybi l herself , who, amnesia c an d unawar e o f he r sixtee n othe r personalities , know s and feel s sham e becaus e sh e "lose s time. " Vicky , Sybil' s memor y trace 3 who emerge s when sh e is twelve but know s th e history o f th e body fro m the ag e of two , works wit h Dr . Wilbur a s a co-analysand. Th e Peggys — Peggy Lou an d Pegg y Ann—interrupt Sybil' s lif e an d therap y t o expres s rage an d ange r directe d a t Hatti e Dorset . Th e othe r twelv e personalitie s appear an d confron t Dr . Wilbu r throughou t Sybil' s eigh t year s o f ther apy, an d som e even try a t various time s to "murder " Sybil . In therap y wit h Dr . Wilbur , Sybi l consistentl y replay s theme s tha t point t o chil d abuse—secrecy , isolation , entrapment . Whil e th e afteref fects ar e ever-present—th e mos t eviden t o f whic h i s her sever e MPD — the event s themselve s (ritualize d incest , medica l abuse , verbal abuse ) ar e "lost" i n th e pre-mirro r stag e tal k an d no t transferabl e int o a compre hensible narrativ e fo r th e conscious , adult Sybil . While th e Peggys kno w that Hatti e sexuall y abuse d Sybil , Sybi l doe s not . An d whil e Vick y knows th e tal e o f Sybil' s sa d plight , sh e believe s sh e i s a n entirel y separate perso n fro m Sybil . Interestingly , eve n thoug h Hattie' s abus e was sadistic , ritualized , an d consistent , Sybi l doe s no t remembe r it . Sh e only recall s that Hatti e was "a t onc e overprotective an d unsympathetic " (37). When on e o f Sybil' s alter s "returns " he r bod y t o her , leavin g Sybi l to explai n he r amnesi a t o he r boss , th e police , o r t o a membe r o f th e medical community , sh e repeat s i n rote : " I a m a n onl y chil d an d m y parents ar e very good t o me " (42) . Hattie perpetrate d inces t b y tyin g Sybi l i n a bondag e ritua l wit h dis h towels, penetratin g he r wit h kitche n utensils , an d inducin g ejaculatio n with unnecessar y enemas . Sh e the n enforce d silence an d repressio n b y "erasing" th e event , b y veiling it with he r rol e a s mother . Hatti e report -
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edly said , "No w don' t yo u dar e tel l anybod y anythin g abou t this . If yo u do, I won't hav e t o punis h you . God' s wrat h wil l d o i t fo r me! " (209) . (Importantly, the narrator, Flor a Schreiber, writes from th e psychiatrist' s perspective; an d s o Sybil's stor y i s really Corneli a Wilbur' s story , just a s Freud's cas e studie s o f hi s famou s hysteric s ar e his , no t theirs. ) Th e Peggys "talk " thi s trauma becaus e they don't thin k Hatti e Dorse t i s their mother; i n fact, th e fiftee n othe r personalitie s tha t tak e over Sybil' s bod y claim t o hav e n o mothe r a t al l (306) . Thus , th e alter s capabl y rea d Hattie a s perpetrator onl y because they refus e t o read her a s mother. Fo r Sybil, th e rol e an d titl e o f "mother " veil s al l abuse : "Sybi l investe d th e perpetrator o f th e torture s wit h immunit y fro m blame . Th e buttonhoo k was a t fault , o r th e enem a tip , o r th e othe r instrument s o f torture . Th e perpetrator, however , b y virtue o f bein g her mother , who m on e ha d no t only t o obe y bu t als o t o lov e an d honor , wa s no t t o blame " (222) . Thi s mother-daughter abus e i s mor e psychologicall y dangerou s tha n father daughter abus e precisel y becaus e he r stereotype d socia l rol e overdeter mines how he r behavio r wil l b e read. 4 In additio n t o th e socia l rol e tha t protecte d Hattie' s abus e fro m discovery wa s he r ow n self-projecte d image—a s a n advocat e o f chil dren's rights , o f al l things : "Hatti e Dorset t enunciate d solem n stricture s about exemplar y chil d care . Neve r hi t a child , Hatti e Dorset t preached , when i t is possible t o avoi d it , and unde r n o circumstance s hi t a child o n the face o r head" (223) . This projected imag e successfully prohibit s Sybi l from takin g seriousl y he r therap y wit h Dr . Wilbu r unti l afte r Hattie' s death. Hatti e sabotage s Sybil' s first relationshi p wit h Dr . Wilbu r b y intentionally no t givin g Sybi l a phon e messag e tha t Dr . Wilbu r ha d t o cancel a n appointment . Sybi l feel s stoo d u p an d abandoned , a s Hatti e had hoped , an d Hatti e cap s th e momen t wit h anothe r injunctio n fo r mother-love: "Dr . Wilbu r didn' t reall y car e fo r you . . . . Sh e tell s yo u one thin g now . Bu t whe n sh e get s yo u wher e sh e want s you , she'l l tel l you altogethe r differen t things . An d remembe r youn g lady , she'l l tur n on yo u i f yo u tel l he r yo u don' t lov e you r ow n mother " (46) . The onl y reason Sybi l ha s th e strengt h an d desir e t o retur n t o Dr . Wilbu r afte r Hattie's deat h i s becaus e Sybi l buffer s Hattie' s warnin g wit h Hattie' s fundamentalist Christianit y an d it s proscription s agains t psychiatri c help. (Hatti e warne d Sybi l that Dr . Wilbur woul d "mak e [her ] craz y . . . and the n . . . put [her ] i n a n institutio n becaus e that' s th e wa y doctor s make money " [46].) Sybil, like al l abuse d children , wa s tol d neve r t o tell . Fo r thi s reason ,
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she i s "scare d abou t words " (298) , an d also , fo r thi s reason , sh e per fected a skil l tha t afforde d he r nonverba l communication . Fo r Sybil , the onl y terrai n untouche d b y he r mother' s abus e an d prohibitio n wa s drawing. Whe n trapped , Sybi l color s he r wa y ou t o f an d int o amnesia . For example, when th e evangelical pastor o f her family' s Omah a church , hoping t o involv e he r i n churc h activities , ask s Sybi l t o hel p hi m scar e Satan awa y b y paintin g hi s sermons , Sybi l agrees . Because th e word s o f the evangelical preache r scar e her (Vick y tells Dr. Wilbur that , i n churc h and i n their appointments , Sybi l was "scare d abou t words " [298]) , Sybil illustrates th e sermon s fro m a "scaffol d nin e feet abov e [th e preacher] a t an ease l covere d wit h drawin g pape r an d spannin g th e entir e widt h o f the church " (299) . Ofte n durin g thes e sermons , Sybi l woul d illustrat e and "split" 5 int o one of her alters . This "strateg y o f discourse, " drawin g and splitting , allow s Sybi l t o negotiat e betwee n unname d event s an d their potentia l meanings. 6 W e se e here tha t MP D actuall y help s Sybi l t o cope. Bu t MPD , i n it s plethor a o f visua l figures an d many-voice d talk , is, ultimately , antinarrative . Tha t is , i t constitute s a n endles s retur n t o the sit e o f th e mother' s domination , bu t b y readin g th e mother' s socia l role ove r he r behavior , i t fail s t o recogniz e th e mothe r a s perpetrator . For Sybil , all that i s left ar e feelings an d words disconnecte d fro m agent s or actors . Psychoanalysis figures victim s o f MP D a s almos t alway s physically , sexually, an d psychologicall y abuse d befor e th e ag e o f two , befor e th e Lacanian mirro r stage , th e momen t whe n th e chil d become s enrapture d with it s separatenes s fro m it s mother . Whil e th e mirro r stag e function s as "th e origi n o f th e origin " (Roof , 93) , fo r th e multipl e daughter , thi s origin i s nebulous. Thus Ann a O' s famou s "talkin g cure " canno t ai d th e victim o f MP D becaus e th e multipl e daughte r canno t retrac e traum a done i n th e presymboli c wit h discourse. 7 S o eve n thoug h th e "dru g o f choice for multiple s seem s to b e talk—the kin d o f talk tha t permits eac h of th e separat e trauma s t o b e identifie d an d relived " (Howland , 300) , the tal k produce d b y a multipl e i s abject 8 an d therefor e th e traum a cannot b e easil y abreacted . Thus , MP D discours e (presymbolic) , no t (narrative) name , is talk whos e signifie r doe s not reflec t it s signified . Self-help theory , a s represented b y Ellen Bas s and Laur a Davi s in The Courage to Heal: A Guide for Women Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse (referred t o b y th e Fals e Memory Foundation , a family-value s organiza tion i n th e busines s o f discreditin g inces t survivor s an d thei r therapists, 9 as th e "Bible " o f th e inces t industr y an d it s favorit e "cult " text) , de -
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scribes MP D a s a conditio n produce d b y earl y childhoo d sexua l an d physical abus e tha t "splits " th e cor e personality int o "alters " o r "multi ples" wh o functio n a s distinct , comple x personalitie s an d wh o ma y o r may no t b e awar e o f eac h othe r (423-24) . Thes e personalitie s ar e bot h adaptive an d defensive , usin g the only means availabl e to the disempow ered—manipulation o f th e psyche . Tha t traum a literall y shatter s th e child i s mad e eviden t b y Judit h Herman , wh o write s tha t "traumati c events violat e th e autonom y o f th e perso n a t th e leve l o f basi c bodil y integrity. Th e bod y i s invaded , injured , defiled " (Herman , Trauma and Recovery, 52-53) . An d i t i s fo r thi s reaso n tha t "th e traumati c even t thus destroy s th e belie f tha t on e ca n be oneself i n relatio n t o others " (53; Herman' s italics) . MPD i s dissociation t o th e extreme ; triggere d b y shame an d self-loathing , i t represents th e release of the rage that victims / survivors embody . Thos e childre n wh o wer e torture d a t a ver y young , preverbal age , an d wh o hav e nowher e els e t o turn , tur n inward . Dr . Wilbur add s psychological abus e ("demeaning , denigrating , or ridiculin g infants an d children " [4] ) t o th e lis t o f MPD-producin g traumas . An d Margaret Smit h feature s MP D i n he r recen t book , Ritual Abuse, statin g that th e entrapment o f ritua l abus e almos t alway s result s in MPD . Because o f hi s failur e t o offe r escape , Willard Dorsett , Sybil' s father , also serve s a s a n accomplic e t o Hattie' s crime . Importantly , though , h e also participate d i n a bedtim e ritua l tha t i s sometimes define d a s incest . Until th e ag e o f nine , Sybi l slep t i n a cri b i n he r parent' s bedroo m and , three time s a week , wa s force d t o watc h the m hav e sex . I n a lis t o f abusive practice s heade d b y th e descriptor , "Ho w Ca n I Know I f I Wa s a Victi m o f Childhoo d Sexua l Abuse, " Bas s and Davi s includ e "mad e t o watch sexua l act s o r loo k a t sexua l parts " (21 ) a s an example . Schreibe r writes: "Thre e o r fou r night s a week , yea r i n an d yea r out , parenta l intercourse too k plac e withi n he r hearin g an d vision . An d no t infre quently, th e erec t peni s wa s easil y visibl e i n th e half-light " (185) . Im portantly, neithe r th e narrato r no r th e psychiatris t no r th e patien t blames Willar d Dorset t fo r thi s display . Instead , Vick y tell s Dr . Wilbu r that "Hatti e Dorset t actuall y wante d he r daughte r t o look " (186) , an d the doctor concurs . Indeed, Willar d i s not eve r mad e t o tak e responsibilit y fo r hi s behav ior, an d thi s reade r i s left wonderin g i f thi s omissio n i s not a n extensio n of mal e privilege—in thi s cas e the privilege of freedo m fro m th e respon sibility for prope r parenting. This is made especially clea r in the confron tation tha t Dr . Wilbu r ha s wit h Willar d Dorsett . Dr . Wilbu r command s
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Willard t o mee t he r i n he r offic e (i n spit e o f hi s poo r health , advance d age, an d difficult y traveling ) unde r th e pretens e o f needin g mor e "har d evidence" t o legitimat e an d authoriz e th e experience s o f chil d abus e revealed b y Sybil' s alters . In a chapter calle d "Confrontatio n an d Verifi cation," Dr . Wilbu r stage s a showdow n tha t successfull y emasculate s Willard Dorsett , makin g clea r t o th e reade r wh o reall y wields th e powe r of th e phallus . Afte r Dr . Wilbu r feed s Willar d memorie s fro m th e past , his larg e statur e seem s t o shrink . Lik e a mollusk , Willar d Dorset t ha d always staye d withi n hi s shell , insulate d i n th e privat e se a o f hi s ow n concerns. H e ha s bee n resolut e i n pursuin g a path o f conformity , refus ing to loo k i n an y othe r direction . No w th e mollusk , ou t o f th e sea , wa s steaming i n ho t water , it s shel l crackin g (271) . An d jus t i n cas e th e drama o f Dr . Wilbur' s emasculatio n o f Willar d Dorset t i s no t readil y apparent, th e narrato r tell s us : "I t wa s a pivota l moment , th e kin d tha t the classi c Gree k dramatist s describ e a s a peripety—th e momen t i n which th e actio n o f a dram a assume s a quic k catastrophi c ne w turn , a reversal" (273) . Importantly, Willar d i s only hel d accountabl e fo r facili tating Hattie' s abus e throug h hi s absence . Finally , whe n Dr . Wilbu r repeatedly ask s Willard wh y h e allowed Hatti e t o rais e Sybil, even whe n "this schizophreni c mothe r cam e ver y clos e t o killin g he r child " (274) , Willard i s reduce d t o repeatin g himsel f lik e a traumatize d child : "It' s a mother's plac e to rais e a child" (274) , he chants . Enforced voyeuris m als o show s u p agai n i n Sybil' s life , whe n Sybi l watches he r mothe r sexuall y abus e the smal l childre n Hatti e babysa t fo r on Sunday s (204 ) an d witnesse s Hatti e masturbatin g th e adolescent , bu t "lower crust, " lesbian s a t th e beac h (205) . And medica l record s indicat e forms o f mor e recognizabl e chil d abuse : "Th e dislocate d shoulder , th e fractured larynx , the burned hand , the bead in the nose, [nearl y suffocat ing in ] th e whea t crib , th e blac k eyes , the swolle n lips " (221) . Throug h this "training, " Sybi l develope d othe r aftereffect s associate d wit h incest : eating disorder s (42) , tim e an d memor y lapse s (47 , 57 ) tha t eventuall y convert int o MP D (96 , 98 , 99, 207) , the actin g ou t o f particula r scene s (Peggy Lou , wh o break s glas s i n a n effor t t o escap e Hattie' s kitche n [66]; "the blonde " who hurls herself agains t walls and glas s doors tryin g to escap e traumati c blow s t o th e bod y [432]) ; the dee p sham e regardin g her bod y an d he r inabilit y t o sta y presen t (70 , 151) ; the inabilit y t o fee l anger because , eve n afte r he r death , Hatti e won' t allo w i t (72 , 75) ; th e unexplained neurologica l disorder s (165) ; th e transferenc e o f fea r fro m the perpetrato r t o th e object s o f abus e (222) ; an d th e fea r o f intimac y
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and peopl e (341) . Also evident wa s Sybil' s repressed rag e a t th e teacher s who neve r ask , th e grandparent s wh o liv e abov e th e kitche n an d neve r hear, th e famil y physicia n wh o know s bu t neve r tells , th e fathe r wh o pretends neve r t o notice , an d th e religio n tha t declares , t o quot e th e title o f Alic e Miller' s excellen t book , "Tho u shal t no t b e aware " o f parental abuse . With th e whol e cultur e behin d her , th e abusiv e mothe r i s entirel y unreadable; sh e become s visibl e onl y whe n w e rea d he r throug h he r daughter's aftereffects , suc h a s MPD. In The Flock: The Autobiography of a Multiple Personality, Joa n Casey , the personalit y recuperate d b y therapis t Lyn n Wilson , experience s a childhood simila r t o Sybil's . Lynn, a socia l worke r a t a university clinic , expresses anxiet y ove r he r lac k o f medica l credential s an d consult s Cor nelia Wilbur , leanin g o n Dr . Wilbu r t o guid e her throug h th e proces s o f Joan's therap y an d integration . Th e narrativ e o f The Flock i s hel d to gether b y thi s intertextua l therapy-drive n matriarchy : Corneli a Wilbu r "mothers" Lyn n Wilson , wh o "mothers " Joa n Casey ; Joa n read s Sybil with a n obsession , feel s Sybi l i s a n olde r sister , an d encourage s Joa n t o model Dr . Wilbur's therapy/parentin g approach . (Dr . Wilbur denie s tha t she eve r use d a "parenting " approach , an d insist s tha t th e narrator , Flora Schreiber , embellishe d thi s rol e fo r th e purpos e o f creatin g a goo d story.) Joa n ha s twenty-fou r personalities , differin g i n age , gender , an d sexual orientation . Th e personalitie s o f J o (withdrawn , academic , un feminine), Rene e (fun , sexual , personable), Miss y ( a needy six-yea r old) , Iris ( a lesbian), Joan France s (suicida l ove r unrequite d mother-worship) , Rusty (a n illiterate, misogynist boy) , and Josie ( a two-year-old wh o hurl s herself int o wall s an d throug h glas s and , b y s o doing , constantl y relive s and perform s he r mother' s physica l abuse ) functio n a s primary storytell ers i n Joa n Casey' s life . Secret s aboun d i n The Flock, Jus t a s Sybi l "quickly . . . reassured hersel f tha t what sh e didn't dar e tell had no t bee n told" becaus e "sh e realize d sh e would neve r b e able to tell " (43) , so to o Jo tell s Lynn , "It' s lik e I' m carryin g aroun d thi s hug e secre t tha t I' m never suppose d t o tell . Bu t sinc e I don' t remembe r jus t wha t I' m sup posed t o keep secret, [I' m afraid ] I'l l tel l it by mistake" (30) . In The Flock, Joan' s fathe r wa s a n inces t perpetrator . Lon g befor e Missy tell s Lyn n tha t Joan wa s rape d b y her fathe r an d Josie replay s th e scene i n Lynn' s offic e (an d break s tw o o f Lynn' s rib s i n th e process) , Joan's mother , Nancy , pooh-pooh s he r daughter' s weakness , telling her ,
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"Look a t me . Yo u don' t se e m e runnin g t o a therapis t wit h ever y littl e crisis. M y stepfathe r abuse d me—you'v e see n th e scar s o n m y bac k from th e beatings—an d I cam e throug h i t withou t a therapist " (24) . Indeed, Joan France s replays her mother's words in her therapist's office : "Joan France s admitte d n o blankness , no multiplicity, bu t provided onl y vague statements abou t th e ideal childhood he r mother claime d she had " (56). An d whil e Jo ha s n o earl y childhoo d memorie s o f he r mothe r an d none o f Missy' s memorie s o f rape , sh e doe s remembe r "happy " earl y childhood time s wit h he r father—playin g drive r o f hi s car—unti l hi s erection intrudes : "Daddy' s hardnes s unde r he r buttock s an d th e har d steering wheel i n her hand s wer e equall y par t o f th e experience " (77). In spite o f father-daughte r incest , Lyn n (an d eventuall y Joan ) believe s tha t her mother' s physica l brutalit y followe d b y emotiona l coldnes s befor e the ag e o f tw o cause d Joan' s MPD . Th e alte r Josi e remember s thi s brutality an d "desires " th e repetitio n compulsio n o f blackin g ou t b y beating he r hea d an d bod y o n th e wal l o r floor: "On e da y whe n [Mother] screame d i n rag e a t he r two-year-ol d daughter , Josi e foun d herself propelle d agains t a wall . Josie , create d i n tha t instinctua l cer tainty tha t sh e wa s abou t t o die , remembere d he r terro r an d the n a wonderful blacknes s tha t brough t peace" (79) . So even though th e fathe r assumes th e rol e o f inces t perpetrato r i n The Flock, i t i s th e preverba l mother-daughter abus e that split s Joan int o a multiple . Joan embodie s th e abus e o f th e incestuou s paren t wit h th e concomi tant neglec t an d betraya l o f th e othe r parent . Unlik e Sybil , who ha s n o access t o he r alter s whe n the y tal k wit h Dr . Wilbur , Joa n hear s th e therapy session s with Lynn , bu t doe s not hav e acces s to th e behaviors o f the alter s whe n the y tak e ove r th e body . An d s o Joa n watche s Josi e relive a rap e scene , an d the n turn s t o Lyn n an d he r husban d Gordo n (who become s a co-therapis t o f "th e flock," th e ter m Joa n use s t o describe herself) , saying : "Josi e wa s rape d b y he r father " (157) . Rusty , who hate s wome n an d i s sure h e will gro w a penis i n tim e t o escap e th e body, emerge s whe n Ray , Joan's father , initiate s father-daughte r camp ing trips (172) . Rusty can't read becaus e part of this incest ritual include s the "wood s game " (173) , a chas e o f entrapmen t whe n Ra y write s hi s lust fo r hi s daughte r i n th e san d wit h hi s urine, which h e then force s hi s daughter, wh o transmogrifie s int o the illiterate Rusty, to read (173) . The frustration Rust y feel s fo r hi s inabilit y t o perfor m th e tas k o f readin g overshadows th e body' s fea r o f incest . Importantly , Rust y i s rape d b y words h e canno t read , a s i s eviden t i n hi s repetitio n compulsio n durin g
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therapy wit h Gordo n (who m h e call s "Dad") : "Th e word s . . . they'r e everywhere, Dad . Th e words , Dad . They'r e gonn a cu t me . They'r e gonna kil l me " (260) . Screamin g castratio n anxiety , Rust y turn s int o Josie, an d Gordo n watche s a s Joa n relive s th e feelin g o f bein g "cut " open wit h Ray' s penis, the instrument o f th e words i n the sand . Joan manifest s aftereffect s tha t don' t mak e sens e t o he r becaus e th e MPD-producing traum a predate s th e mirro r stage , th e organizin g mo ment o f narrative . Bu t eve n thoug h Nanc y doe s no t perpetrat e inces t against he r daughte r a s Hatti e does , i t i s he r abus e tha t "splits " Joa n because Joa n feel s sh e canno t affor d escape—eithe r physica l o r emo tional—from he r mother . The narrato r an d th e therapis t i n bot h Sybil an d The Flock collud e against th e craz y biologica l mothers ; i n th e cours e o f therapy , the y become surrogat e mothers . Thi s i s a dangerou s move , sinc e al l mother s function a s potentiall y abusiv e mother s whe n mother-lov e an d mother abuse defin e motherin g o n an y term s a s somethin g tha t daughter s liter ally, painfully, need . Furthermore , becaus e mother-daughter abus e ofte n extends "normal " mother-daughte r intrusion s (suc h a s excessiv e medi calization), mother-love i s simultaneously letha l and necessary . Thus thi s alliance o f narrato r an d therapis t agains t th e abusiv e mothe r i n th e "battle fo r th e daughter " misread s th e rol e o f th e therapis t i n recovery . Narrative positionin g align s the narrato r (an d audience ) wit h th e femal e therapists wh o assum e th e rol e o f goo d mothers , castigat e th e abusiv e mothers a s ba d mothers , an d retai n th e rol e o f motherhoo d a s a n un problematic one . Thi s collusio n break s wit h a fundamenta l distanc e necessary, accordin g to Judith Herman , fo r th e empowerment o f wome n in therapy . Accordin g t o Herma n (i n chapte r 7 o f Trauma and Recovery), a feminis t therapis t shoul d promis e t o bea r witness , wor k i n soli darity wit h th e survivor , empowe r th e survivo r b y makin g he r responsi ble fo r he r decision s an d fo r he r truth-telling . Bu t onc e th e feminist therapist ask s fo r emotiona l suppor t fro m th e survivo r i n th e for m o f devotion an d mother-love , a dangerous boundar y ha s been transgressed , a lin e Lynn Wilson ha s clearl y crossed . This transgressio n occur s becaus e o f th e transferenc e an d counter transference i n therap y (processe s whereb y unconsciou s wishe s an d needs ar e swappe d betwee n clien t an d therapist ) an d because , isolated , Lynn a s therapist-mothe r start s t o underg o a secondar y victimization , taking o n Joan' s pain , isolation , an d secrecy . Th e proble m begin s be cause Lyn n feel s isolate d i n he r plac e o f work . Sh e make s i t clea r tha t
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her superviso r doe s not "believe " i n MPD an d tha t sh e is then unabl e t o include hi m i n the diagnosti c process. Lynn writes: "Th e lac k of suppor t I feel amon g m y colleague s make s m e unwilling to talk wit h the m abou t this case . . .. I hav e bee n takin g m y ow n uncertaint y an d excitemen t home" (29) . Lynn her e manifest s a particularly dangerou s countertrans ference; sh e imagine s hersel f indispensable , th e all-lovin g mothe r wh o alone know s wha t Joa n need s an d stand s wit h he r multipl e patien t against the world. Thi s countertransference make s Lyn n take on th e rol e of rescue r whe n Joan need s t o lear n ho w t o hel p herself. Judith Herma n refers t o jus t suc h a therapist-patien t relationshi p whe n sh e describe s a therapist wh o come[s] to feel that sh e is the only one who really understands th e patient, an d she may become arrogant and adversarial with skeptical colleagues. As she feels increasingly isolate d an d helpless, the temptations o f either grandiose action or flight becom e irresistible. Sooner or later she will indeed make serious errors. It cannot be reiterated too often: no one can face trauma alone. I f a therapist finds herself isolated in her professional practice, she should discontinue working with traumatized patients until she has secured an adequate support system. (Trauma and Recovery, 152-53; Herman's italics) Perhaps becaus e The Flock i s narrate d throug h th e journal s tha t Lyn n Wilson an d Joan Case y kept throughout thei r six years of work together , no "error " o f th e kin d Herma n point s t o i s disclosed . Bu t th e narrativ e ends abruptl y wit h Lyn n an d Gordon' s untimel y deat h i n a boatin g accident. Wit h n o (narrative ) tim e t o "process " thi s abandonment , The Flock conclude s wit h Joa n energize d an d alienate d i n he r unresolve d grief ove r he r los s o f th e entir e symboli c parenta l unit . Thi s reade r knows a cras h an d possibl e relaps e wil l follow , bu t The Flock end s before suc h a cras h occurs . Ou r las t glimps e o f Joa n capture s he r wit h her husband , he r son , an d he r tenure-trac k job , non e o f whic h inspire s great confidenc e o n m y part . The mother-therapis t rol e become s solidifie d whe n th e abusiv e moth ers, jealous o f th e therapists, participate i n the therapist-patient relation ship wit h thei r ow n transference . Whe n Sybil' s an d Joan' s mother s tr y to sabotag e thei r daughters ' relationship s wit h thei r therapist , Dr . Wil bur an d Lyn n Wilson transmogrif y int o overly protective an d threatene d mothers themselves . This als o function s a s a kind o f transference , wher e the craz y mothers ' desir e t o ow n thei r daughter s i s projecte d ont o th e therapists themselves , wh o unwittingl y becom e th e character s the y op -
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pose. It is here that th e therapists threate n t o becom e "phalli c mothers, " as th e fantas y o f th e phalli c mothe r i s t o b e everythin g fo r th e child . While Dr. Wilbur show s more restraint, Lyn n Wilson become s energize d and excite d b y he r rol e a s a surrogat e mothe r fo r Joan , a s i s eviden t when sh e speculates i n her journal : Gordon's an d my success so far i s beyond m y wildest dreams. We are not only providing wha t th e variou s personalitie s nee d a t variou s times ; w e ar e als o modeling good parenting and a healthy marriag e fo r al l of them . Jo an d Missy both watc h m e carefully t o see how I'll respon d t o their enjoyment o f Gordon . Unlike he r mother , I' m no t enviou s o f th e relationshi p the y have . I n som e respects, the mother role is not a new transition, just one newly recognized. I've known fo r tw o years of cuddlin g Missy an d the other ver y young personalities that I was providing healthy maternal love. Although Renee would never accept hearing this, I mother her as well, using what I learned when my own daughters were teenagers. Like any wise mother of a teenager, I allow Renee to depend on my counse l withou t eve r drawin g attentio n t o th e fac t o f he r dependency . Mothering Jo is a joy, if for n o other reaso n tha n he r beginning to realize that, even within he r own limite d personality, sh e is a lovely young woman who m I am proud to call my daughter. (166) By becomin g a mothe r again , Lyn n ca n avoi d he r mid-lif e slump. 10 Lynn step s int o th e rol e o f motherhoo d withou t recognizin g tha t thi s same socia l rol e aide d an d abette d Joan' s trauma . Playin g ou t th e goo d daughter rol e sh e know s s o well , Joan accept s thes e ne w parents , refer ring t o Lyn n an d Gordo n a s he r "therapist-parents " (207) . Lynn think s of th e post-integratio n Joa n wit h th e sam e "marve l [she ] fel t i n seein g [her] first grandchild " (288) . And whil e Corneli a Wilbu r i s materna l i n her ow n way , i n he r "exorcism " o f Hatti e Dorset t sh e als o position s herself a s the protective mother-replacement : " 'I'm helpin g you t o gro w up,' th e docto r woul d [say] . 'You'r e gettin g better , an d you'r e goin g t o be abl e t o us e al l your talents. ' The incantation , th e exorcisin g o f Hatti e Dorsett, woul d proceed : 'You r mothe r taugh t yo u no t t o believ e i n yourself. I' m goin g t o hel p yo u d o s o ' " (358) . An d her e w e se e th e ultimate danger , th e feminist therapis t wh o collude s with th e patriarcha l idealization o f motherhood : pittin g wome n agains t eac h othe r i n a due l that allow s th e goo d mothe r t o assum e th e ver y sam e rol e tha t consti tuted th e evi l mothe r an d tha t fe d he r sadism . Indeed , i t i s th e rol e o f motherhood tha t conceal s an d therefor e condition s thi s abuse . By not confrontin g th e categor y o f motherhoo d an d onl y identifyin g the individual s tha t occup y socia l space s a s th e agent s o f transgression ,
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both text s assum e a s neutra l an d natura l tha t Hatti e an d Nanc y wer e simply evi l anomalie s o f motherhood . Whe n Joan attempt s a confronta tion wit h he r mother , throug h Joan' s selecte d omissio n w e se e ho w she stil l feel s trappe d b y he r mother' s expectation s tha t sh e wil l no t "remember" he r mother' s abuse . Afte r tellin g Nanc y tha t Ra y moleste d and rape d her , an d the n "steelin g [herself ] fo r [Nancy's ] angr y denial " (293), Joa n i s amaze d whe n he r mothe r says : "i t make s sense " an d " I didn't know " an d "you r fathe r alway s ha d sexua l problems " (293-94) . Importantly, Joa n doesn' t as k Nanc y t o tak e responsibilit y fo r he r abu sive behavior. Bot h Dr . Wilbur an d Joan advanc e misdirected confronta tions tha t serv e t o protec t th e mother-role s tha t th e mother-therapist s have now assumed . It should b e recalled that when Dr . Wilbur confront s Willard, Sybi l isn' t eve n i n th e roo m t o hea r an d se e herself vindicated . In Joan' s case , sh e doesn' t confron t Nanc y wit h th e issu e tha t sh e ha s spent mos t o f he r therap y dollar s addressing—th e physica l an d verba l abuse Nanc y hurle d a t he r daughter , beginnin g a t he r birt h whe n Joa n was no t th e bo y he r mothe r wanted , an d continuin g throughou t Joan' s adulthood unti l Lyn n "saves " her . These misdirecte d confrontation s ech o th e problems raise d b y replacing th e evi l mother s wit h th e goo d mother-therapists . Confrontin g th e role of motherhoo d threaten s to destroy th e power o f the mother-daugh ter relationshi p tha t Joan an d Sybi l have with thei r therapists . Thus Joan and Sybi l bot h becom e thei r therapists ' "more-than-daughters," 11 thei r narratives tyin g togethe r incestuously . Mother s ma y die , bu t daughter s may neve r b e autonomous , self-generatin g women . Importantly , thes e feminist therapist s d o no t questio n th e rol e o f motherhoo d becaus e i t threatens thei r plac e vis-a-vi s thei r ne w daughters . Indeed , th e signa l aftereffect o f mother-daughte r inces t afte r MP D i s th e ver y symbioti c dynamic tha t set s u p th e potentia l abuse : th e utte r impossibilit y o f maintaining separat e boundarie s betwee n mothe r an d daughter . Bas s and Davi s quot e on e survivo r o f mother-daughte r inces t o n thi s point : "For a whil e I didn' t kno w wher e my mothe r lef t of f an d I began . I thought sh e ha d a psychi c hol d o n me . I was convince d sh e kne w ever y thought I had. I t wa s lik e sh e wa s i n m y body , an d sh e was evil . I felt I was possessed, that I was going to be taken over . I've had a real fea r tha t if I loo k a t al l tha t stuf f tha t I don' t lik e abou t myself , i t wil l b e my mother insid e of me " (97) . Women's tru e crim e novel s tha t featur e MP D daughter s als o featur e a wa r o f th e mothers ; th e Gothi c elemen t o f thi s wa r i s mad e manifes t
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when daughter s neve r connec t th e abuse r wit h th e socia l rol e tha t com mands tha t abuse . Because heterosexism foundationalize s th e theories that describ e cultura l practices, 12 mother-daughte r abus e stil l canno t b e narrated . Father daughter inces t i s almost alway s portraye d a s a n ac t o f sexua l seductio n and therefor e "normalized " a s a n obviou s extensio n o f heterosexua l practice; bu t abusiv e mother s ar e doubl y veiled , first b y th e powe r the y wield an d secon d b y a cultur e blinde d b y the stereotyp e o f mother-love . Yet althoug h women' s tru e crim e novel s offe r a cultura l repositor y fo r this unnarrativizabl e power , the y d o no t expos e th e abusiv e mothe r per se ; the y revei l he r a s evi l i n compariso n t o th e nurturan t feminis t psychotherapist wh o emerge s a t th e novel' s en d a s th e goo d mother . What get s los t i n thi s wa r o f th e mother s i s th e voice s o f th e multipl e daughters, wh o alway s spea k fro m som e mother' s abyss . In bot h th e genre o f women' s tru e crim e an d th e discours e o f th e contemporar y feminist recover y movement , evi l mother s assum e th e positio n o f a n individual's problem, no t a social one. Because MPD offers a n importan t entrance int o subjec t constructio n (Hurle y an d O'Regan) , feminis t the ory woul d d o wel l t o positio n daughter s outsid e th e mother' s scrip t an d to rea d th e potentia l abusiv e powe r inheren t i n th e rol e o f motherhood , instead o f concealin g thi s powe r i n th e romanticize d socia l stereotyp e that refuse s t o name th e open secre t of mother-daughte r bond(age) .
NOTES
For thei r generou s reading s an d helpfu l suggestion s o n variou s drafts , I thank Susan Edmunds, Teresa Goddu, Debra Moddelmog, Judith Roof, Joy Rouse, and the editors of Feminist Nightmares. i. Fo r example, Sybil's therapist, Dr. Wilbur, finds her estranged patient walking th e street s a t night . (O f course , on e wonder s wh y a psychiatrist trail s after he r patients after offic e hours! ) She wraps her patient in her own mink coat an d promise s tha t onc e Sybi l finds wholeness sh e ca n hav e a sleev e from it (370). 2. Importantly , Corneli a Wilbu r (th e psychiatrist ) an d Flor a Schreibe r (th e narrator) ar e tw o o f onl y a handfu l o f "characters " i n tru e crim e novel s who us e rea l names . I n th e genr e o f tru e crim e fiction, rea l name s ar e reserved only for the guilty. 3. Th e "memor y trace " i s th e alte r wh o know s th e histor y o f al l th e othe r alters. She carries the memory, pain, an d triump h o f the others, and when
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social demand s requir e tha t th e victi m produc e memor y an d history , thi s alter ofte n cue s in . 4. A s Jane Gallo p put s it , "Th e phalli c mothe r i s more dangerou s becaus e les s obviously phallic . If th e phallus 'ca n onl y play it s role when veile d (Lacan), ' then th e phalli c mothe r i s mor e phalli c precisel y b y bein g les s obvious " (118).
5. Bas s an d Davi s defin e "splitting " a s a commo n dissociativ e aftereffec t o f sexual abuse . The y write : "I n it s milde r form , yo u liv e exclusivel y o n th e mental level , in your thoughts , and aren' t full y present . At its most extreme , you literall y leav e your body " (209) . 6. Kristev a show s ho w thi s allow s "th e subjec t t o articulat e abrup t passage s between th e real , th e imaginar y an d th e symbolic " (Kristeva , 218) . Sybil , when splitting , talk s i n th e pre-Symboli c real , an d inscribe s trut h i n wha t Kristeva call s "hysterica l discourse" : "I n hysterica l discourse , truth , whe n not weighe d dow n b y th e symptom , ofte n assume s th e obsessive , unsayabl e and emotionall y charge d wef t o f visua l representation . Floatin g in isolation , this visio n o f a n unname d rea l reject s al l nominatio n an d an y possibl e narrative" (227) . 7. Se e Breue r an d Freud , Studies in Hysteria, Cas e Stud y 1 , "Fraulei n Ann a O.," an d Dian e Hunter' s brillian t essay , "Hysteria , Psychoanalysis , an d Feminism: The Cas e of Ann a O. " 8. Th e abjec t i s "neithe r subjec t no r object . . . [it ] makes clea r th e impossibl e and untenabl e identit y o f each . . . . The abjec t i s a n impossibl e object , stil l part o f th e subject : a n objec t th e subjec t trie s to expe l bu t whic h i s uneliminable. . . . These ingested/expelle d object s ar e neithe r par t o f th e bod y no r separate fro m it . . . . The abjec t i s undecidably bot h insid e an d outsid e (lik e the ski n o f milk) ; dea d an d aliv e (lik e th e corpse) ; autonomou s an d en gulfing (lik e infection) . I t signal s th e precariou s gras p th e subjec t ha s ove r its identit y an d bodil y boundaries , th e ever-presen t possibilit y o f slidin g back int o th e corporea l abys s ou t o f whic h i t wa s formed " (Wright , 1 9 7 98). 9. Th e Fals e Memory Foundatio n i s located a t 340 1 Marke t Street , Suit e 130 , Philadelphia, Pennsylvania , 19104 ; 1—800—568—8882 . The y ar e a 3,000 — plus member organizatio n tha t bega n in March, 1992 . Neither th e organiza tion no r th e syndrom e ha s bee n formall y recognize d b y th e America n Psy chological Association . 10. I n th e prologue , Lyn n writes : "Whe n I first me t Joan , o n a snow y da y i n 1981,1 was approachin g a transition i n my life. My daughter Lisa , younges t of five, was finishing he r final year a t home. For the first time in thirty years , I woul d hav e n o childre n wit h me . Fo r th e first tim e i n ou r seventee n years o f marriage , m y secon d husband , Gordon , an d I woul d b e alon e together" (1) . 11. Thi s ma y b e a stretch , bu t i n Mar y Shelley' s earl y fiction, especiall y he r incest narrative s Mathilda (1819 ) an d Frankenstein (1818) , inces t assume s the plac e o f "normal " familia l extensions , no t obviousl y marke d transgres sions. This phrase o f Mar y Shelley's , "more-than-daughter, " i s a symptom -
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atic repetitio n revealing , I believe , th e particula r pai n tha t occur s whe n abuse is normalized an d naturalize d b y social practice. I use this phrase her e because th e transgressio n fro m therapis t t o surrogat e mothe r is , ultimately , a transgression o f incest . 12. See , fo r example , a mos t intriguin g sid e commen t b y Nanc y Chodoro w i n The Reproduction of Mothering: "Mother-daughte r inces t ma y b e the mos t 'socially regressive ' i n th e sens e o f a basi c threa t t o specie s survival , sinc e a mother an d so n ca n a t leas t produc e a child . Bu t th e threa t o f mother daughter incestuou s an d exclusiv e involvemen t ha s bee n me t b y a girl' s entry int o th e oedipu s situatio n an d he r chang e o f genita l eroti c object " (132). Not onl y doe s th e daughte r becom e responsibl e fo r th e inces t poten tial o f th e phallic mothe r here , but, w e ar e told, i f sh e plays her heterosexu ally determinin g card s right , the n sh e nee d no t fre t abou t mother-invasio n at all .
REFERENCES
American Psychiatri c Association , Diagnosti c an d Statistica l Manua l o f Menta l Disorders, 3 d ed. (DSM-III) . Washington, D.C. : American Psychiatri c Association Press , 1980 . Bass, Ellen , an d Laur a Davis . The Courage to Heal: A Guide for Women Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse. Ne w York : Harper and Row, 1988 . Bijkerk, Inie , an d Kath y Evert . When You re Ready: A Woman's Healing from Childhood Physical and Sexual Abuse by Her Mother. Rockville , Md. : Launch Press , 1987 . Breuer, Josef, an d Sigmund Freud . Studies in Hysteria. I n The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, vol . 2 . Translate d by James Strachey . London : Hogart h Press , 1955 . Casey, Joa n Frances , an d Lyn n Wilson . The Flock: The Autobiography of a Multiple Personality. Ne w York : Fawcett , 1991 . Chodorow, Nancy . The Reproduction of Mothering: Psychoanalysis and the Sociology of Gender. Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press , 1978 . Foucault, Michel . The History of Sexuality. Volume 1: An Introduction. Trans lated by Rober t Hurley . New York : Vintag e Press , 1987 . Friday, Nancy . My Mother/My Self: The Daughter's Search for Identity. Ne w York: Delacorte , 1977 . Gallop, Jane. The Daughter's Seduction: Feminism and Psychoanalysis. Ithaca : Cornell Universit y Press , 1981. Hacking, Ian . "Makin g Up People." In Forms of Desire: Sexual Orientation and the Social Constructionist Controversy, edite d by Edward Stein, 69-89. Ne w York: Routledge , 1992 . . "Tw o Soul s in On e Body. " Critical Inquiry 17. 4 (1991) : 838-67 . Herman, Judit h Lewis . "Backtalk : Th e Abuse s o f Memory. " Mother Jones, March/April 1993 , 3 - 4 . . Father-Daughter Incest. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1981.
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. Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence. Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1992 . Howland, Frances , M.D. "Afterword. " I n Casey an d Wilson, 299-303 . Hunter, Diane . "Hysteria , Psychoanalysis , and Feminism: The Case of Anna O. " In The (M)other Tongue: Essays in Psychoanalytic Interpretation, eds . Shirley Nelson Garner , Clair e Kahane , an d Madelo n Sprengnether , 89-115 . Ithaca : Cornell Universit y Press , 1985 . Hurley, Thoma s J . Ill , an d Brende n O'Regan . "Multipl e Personality—Mirror s of a Ne w Mode l o f Mind? " Investigations: Institute of Noetic Sciences 1 (3/4). Kristeva, Julia . "Th e True-Real. " Translate d b y Sea n Hand . The Kristeva Reader, ed . Toril Moi , 216-37 . New York : Basi l Blackwell, 1986 . Lacan, Jacques . Ecrits: A Selection. Translate d b y Ala n Sheridan . Ne w York : Norton, 1977 . . Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and the "ecole freudienne." Edite d by Juliet Mitchel l an d Jacquelin e Rose . Translate d b y Jacqueline Rose . Lon don: Macmillan , 1982 . . The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-Analysis. Edite d by JacquesAlain Miller . Translate d b y Alan Sheridan . New York : Norton , 1981 . Laplanche, Jean , an d J.-B . Pontalis . "Fantas y an d th e Origin s o f Sexuality. " International Journal of Psycho-Analysis 4 9 (1968) : 1-18 . . The Language of Psycho-Analysis. Translate d b y Donal d Nicholson Smith. New York : Norton , 1973 . Miller, Alice. Thou Shalt Not Be Aware: Society's Betrayal of the Child. Trans lated by Hildegarde an d Hunte r Hannum . Ne w York : Meridian , 1984 . Roof, Judith. A Lure of Knowledge: Lesbian Sexuality and Theory. Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1991. Schreiber, Flor a Rheta . Sybil. Ne w York : Warne r Books , 1973 . Smith, Margaret. Ritual Abuse. Ne w York : Harper-Collins , 1993 . Wilbur, Corneli a B. , M.D . "Multipl e Personalit y an d Chil d Abuse : A n Over view." Psychiatric Clinics of North America 7. 1 (1984) : 3 - 7 . Wright, Elizabeth, ed. Feminism and Psychoanalysis: A Critical Dictionary. Ne w York: Basi l Blackwell, 1992 . Zwinger, Lynda . Daughters, Fathers, and the Novel: The Sentimental Romance of Heterosexuality. Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1991.
8. EQUALITY, OPPRESSION , A N D ABORTION : W O M E N W H O OPPOS E ABORTIO N RIGHT S IN TH E NAM E O F F E M I N I S M LINDA C . McCLAI N The ability o f women t o participate equall y i n the economic an d socia l life of th e nation ha s bee n facilitate d b y their abilit y to contro l thei r reproductiv e lives . —Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 11 2 S.Ct. 2791, 2809 ( 199z) (citing Petchesky 1990) A State' s restriction s o f a woman' s righ t t o terminat e he r pregnanc y als o impli cate constitutiona l guarantee s o f gende r equality . . . . B y restrictin g th e righ t t o terminate pregnancies , th e Stat e conscript s women' s bodie s int o it s service , forcing wome n t o continu e thei r pregnancies , suffe r th e pain s o f childbirth , an d in mos t instances , provid e year s o f materna l care . . . . Th[e ] assumption—tha t women ca n simpl y b e force d t o accep t th e "natural " statu s an d incident s o f motherhood—appears t o res t upo n a conceptio n o f women' s rol e tha t ha s triggered th e protection o f th e Equal Protectio n Clause . —Casey, 11 2 S.Ct. at 2846-47 (Blackmun, J.) (citations omitted) FFLA ["Feminist s fo r Lif e o f America" ] oppose s abortio n a s a n oppressio n o f women an d a s discrimination agains t unbor n children . —Feminists for Life of America Bylaws
OVERVIEW
There ar e vigorou s debate s amon g feminis t theorist s w h o shar e a com mitment t o securin g reproductiv e freedo m an d keepin g abortio n lega l 159
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concerning th e bes t "feminist " justificatio n o f abortio n rights , th e mos t persuasive rhetoric , an d th e proper relationshi p amon g law , theory, an d women's actua l experiences. 1 Despit e thei r differences , thes e feminis t theorists mos t likel y would concu r tha t th e righ t t o choos e abortio n i s a "core issu e o f women' s equalit y an d liberty " (La w 1984 : 1028) . Bu t some wome n wh o identif y themselve s a s feminist s clai m that , t o b e tru e to feminis t principles , one shoul d oppos e lega l abortion . The y argu e no t only tha t lega l abortio n i s agains t th e bes t interest s o f wome n an d a reflection o f women' s inequality , bu t als o tha t i t i s a violen t an d unac ceptable killin g of vulnerable , helpless human life , a violence incompati ble wit h feminis t principles . A centra l tene t o f th e "pro-life " (o r "anti choice") feminists 2 studie d her e i s tha t restrictin g lega l abortio n wil l force societ y t o eliminat e th e constraint s now , i n thei r view , leadin g women t o choos e abortion . To not e that women ar e at odds ove r abortio n i s not a novel observa tion, no r i s i t controversia l t o poin t ou t th e prominenc e o f wome n i n advocacy fo r an d agains t keepin g abortio n lega l (Luke r 1984 ; Ginsbur g 1989). I shal l loo k a t th e mor e provocativ e claim s b y a smal l bu t increasingly visible and vocal organization, Feminists for Lif e of Americ a ("FFLA"), whic h impl y tha t feminists ar e at odd s ove r a commitment t o legal abortion. 3 Thi s essa y examine s a cluste r o f claim s mad e b y FFL A and othe r "pro-life " feminist s an d raise s a numbe r o f question s abou t how such a group links its position on abortion t o historical an d contem porary feminis m an d situate s itsel f a s part o f a n asserte d conflic t amon g feminists. This essa y als o explore s th e strikin g mirroring , o r inversion , o f th e language o f se x equality an d oppressio n i n arguments supportin g a righ t to abortion , o n th e on e hand , an d thos e opposin g lega l abortion , o n th e other hand . Tw o parallel s ar e particularly notable : (1 ) claims that abor tion i s legall y availabl e t o facilitat e irresponsible , predator y sexua l be havior b y me n an d tha t abortio n i s violenc e agains t women ; an d (2 ) claims tha t wome n ar e drive n t o abortio n becaus e o f societa l failur e t o accommodate pregnan t wome n an d mothers . Despit e thes e parallels , such argument s diverg e o n th e ultimat e questio n o f stat e regulatio n o f women's reproductiv e decisions . Finally, thi s essa y raise s a numbe r o f question s abou t ho w t o asses s the claim s mad e b y "pro-life " feminism . Th e question s g o t o issue s o f substance, method , strategy , an d rhetoric . In conclusion , I as k whethe r
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the parallels in rhetoric abou t abortio n amon g pro-choice an d "pro-life " feminists poin t t o an y genuine commo n ground .
ABORTION A S " A BADG E A N D INCIDEN T O F TH E O P P R E S S I O N OF W O M E N " Bray v . Alexandri a W o m e n ' s Healt h Clini c
In Bray v. Alexandria Women's Health Clinic, 11 3 S . Ct . 75 3 (1993) , the Suprem e Cour t considere d th e questio n o f whethe r Operatio n Res cue members , wh o engage d i n blockade s o f abortio n clinic s a t whic h abortions (amon g other medica l services ) wer e provided, ha d bee n prop erly enjoine d unde r a Reconstruction-er a federa l civi l right s law . Th e National Organizatio n fo r Wome n (NOW ) an d othe r organization s ar gued tha t Operatio n Rescue' s activitie s constitute d a conspirac y t o de prive wome n wh o sough t t o ente r th e clinic s o f th e equa l protectio n o f the laws . Although FFLA' s bylaw s indicat e tha t i t takes "n o positio n o n rescues" (FFL A Bylaws), 4 FFL A togethe r wit h othe r organization s filed an amicus curiae ("frien d o f th e court" ) brie f i n suppor t o f Operatio n Rescue (FFL A 1991) . FFL A offere d it s brie f a s relevan t t o th e issu e o f whether th e motivatio n o f th e protestor s wa s animu s towar d women , which wa s require d t o justif y enjoinin g th e blockade s unde r th e statute . Indeed, Operatio n Rescue' s brie f mad e women' s oppositio n t o lega l abortion an d participatio n i n "rescues " a cor e elemen t o f it s denia l o f any animu s towar d wome n (1991) . FFL A state d tha t it s brie f wa s "largely devoted " t o presentin g th e Suprem e Cour t wit h contemporane ous "evidence " tha t nineteenth-centur y feminis t condemnatio n o f abor tion wa s base d no t o n animu s agains t women , bu t upo n a convictio n that abortio n wa s "th e oppressio n o f wome n a s wel l a s th e killin g o f children" (1 , 10). In addition , i t argue d tha t th e assumptio n tha t "true " feminists toda y wer e o f onl y on e opinio n o n abortio n coul d no t with stand "empirica l validation " (1) . FFLA claimed tha t contemporar y femi nist theor y i s "divide d o n whethe r abortio n i s essential t o th e emancipa tion o f women , or , a s th e earl y feminist s believed , a badg e an d inciden t of the oppression o f women" (3) . Mentioning th e wor k o f contemporar y feminis t lega l theorist s Robi n West an d Catharin e MacKinnon , FFL A claimed : " A contras t i s some times draw n i n feminis t theor y betwee n 'cultural ' feminists , wh o
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emphasize th e importanc e o f wome n i n th e creatio n an d nurturin g o f human life , an d 'radical ' feminists , wh o identif y thi s ver y rol e a s th e source o f oppressio n o f women " (29) . A s applie d t o pregnanc y an d abortion, FFL A argue d (invokin g bot h Roe v. Wade, 41 0 U.S . 11 3 [1973], an d Wes t 1988) : "Feminis m presuppose s tha t a pregnan t woman 'i s no t isolate d i n he r privacy, ' . . . an d tha t he r connectio n t o the unbor n chil d ha s a profoun d effec t upo n he r life , tha t o f he r child , and societ y a t large" (1) . On on e sid e of th e allege d divide , FFLA place d NOW an d th e othe r organization s opposin g Operatio n Rescu e i n Bray, attributing t o the m th e viewpoin t tha t "abortio n o n demand " i s "a n indispensable componen t o f equalit y an d autonom y fo r women ; an d that oppositio n t o abortio n i s the absolut e equivalen t o f sex discrimina tion" (5) . O n th e othe r side , argue d FFLA , ar e othe r feminist s an d th e "majority o f America n women, " wh o supposedl y rejec t abortio n a s a n "authentic" gende r discriminatio n issue , unlik e "women' s right s t o equal pay an d promotion opportunitie s an d freedo m fro m sexua l harassment i n employment, " an d wh o rejec t th e "underlyin g assumptio n tha t equal protectio n unde r th e Fourteent h Amendmen t require s unlimite d abortion o n demand " (6—7) . The Supreme Cour t reverse d th e lower court' s holding that Operatio n Rescue violate d th e federa l civi l right s statute . In hi s opinio n fo r th e Court, Justic e Scali a pointe d t o th e presenc e o f wome n i n abortio n protests a s a fact supportin g hi s conclusion : Whatever one thinks of abortion, it cannot be denied that there are common and respectable reason s fo r opposin g it , othe r tha n hatre d o f o r condescensio n toward (o r indeed an y view at al l concerning) wome n a s a class—as i s evident from th e fac t tha t me n an d wome n ar e on bot h side s of th e issue , just a s men and wome n ar e o n bot h side s o f petitioners ' unlawfu l demonstrations . (Bray, 113 S.Ct. at 760) Three member s o f th e Cour t disagree d wit h Justice Scalia , bot h a s t o the motivatio n o f th e protester s an d th e significanc e o f th e presenc e o f women amon g them . Justic e O'Conno r (joine d b y Justic e Blackmun ) observed i n dissen t tha t th e issu e befor e th e Cour t wa s no t Operatio n Rescue's oppositio n t o abortion , whic h petitioner s wer e fre e t o expres s in a numbe r o f way s (Bray, 11 3 S . Ct . a t 802) . Rather , petitioner s impermissibly chos e "t o targe t wome n seekin g abortion s an d t o preven t them fro m exercisin g thei r equa l right s unde r law " (Bray, 11 3 S.Ct. a t 802). Further , "th e victim s o f petitioners ' [unlawful ] action s ar e linke d by thei r abilit y t o becom e pregnan t an d b y thei r abilit y t o terminat e
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their pregnancies , characteristic s uniqu e t o th e clas s o f women " (Bray, 113 S.Ct . a t 802) . Justice Stevens , als o i n dissent , disagree d wit h Justic e Scali a tha t paternalism coul d no t underli e Operatio n Rescue' s activities . He instea d found sex-base d discrimination : "I t i s . . . obvious tha t petitioners ' con duct wa s motivate d 'a t leas t i n part' b y th e invidiou s belie f tha t individ ual wome n ar e no t capabl e o f decidin g whethe r t o terminat e a preg nancy, or tha t the y shoul d no t b e allowed t o ac t on suc h a decision." H e concluded: "Petitioners ' conduc t i s designe d t o den y every woma n th e opportunity t o exercis e a constitutiona l righ t tha t only wome n possess " (Bray, 11 3 S.Ct . a t 788) . FFLA's denia l tha t abortio n right s pla y a prope r rol e i n women' s equality, contraste d wit h Justic e Stevens' s observation s concernin g th e sex discriminatio n presen t i n th e outrigh t denia l o f choic e t o women , i s an ap t point o f departur e fo r a fuller consideratio n o f how women coul d invoke feminism an d equalit y t o justify eliminatin g women's lega l rights. Feminists fo r Lif e o f A m e r i c a : Opposin g Abortio n a s "A n Oppression o f W o m e n a n d a s Discriminatio n agains t Unborn Children "
"It i s tragic that th e National Organizatio n fo r Wome n feel s tha t th e right s of women depen d o n th e deat h o f children, " say s Rache l MacNair , presiden t o f Feminists for Lif e o f America . "Tru e feminis m teache s us to respect the bodies of bot h wome n an d children—no t t o regar d thei r right s a s bein g i n conflict . Only a society which i s accustomed t o inflictin g injustice s o n pregnant wome n could regar d inflictin g deat h o n thei r childre n a s a n everyda y matter. " (FFL A 1992a)
Analyses o f wome n an d women' s organization s wh o activel y oppos e legal abortio n ofte n conclud e tha t "righ t t o life " activist s rejec t th e idea o f se x equalit y wit h respec t t o women' s an d men' s right s an d responsibilities. Suc h wome n believ e tha t me n an d wome n ar e no t simi larly situate d an d d o an d shoul d hav e differen t gende r role s (Luke r 1984: 159—60 , 165 ; William s 1991 : 1586—88) , and , indeed , trac e their individua l an d organizationa l activis m t o thei r oppositio n t o th e Equal Right s Amendmen t an d disagreemen t wit h feminis m (Cunibert i 1985). Kristi n Luker' s study , Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood, is a standar d citatio n fo r th e propositio n tha t suc h wome n vie w bot h contraception an d abortio n a s threat s t o thei r socia l an d gende r role s
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as housewive s an d caretaker s an d a s symptomati c o f a n increasingl y undervalued real m o f materna l an d feminin e nurtur e (1984) . The y als o believe tha t abortio n encourage s th e sexua l exploitatio n o f wome n b y men a s wel l a s mal e irresponsibility . "Equality " ha s mos t relevanc e fo r such wome n wit h respec t t o th e equa l protectio n the y believ e i s du e t o prenatal life , which the y equate with persons (Luke r 1984 : 144-46) . While FFL A similarl y sound s theme s o f mal e irresponsibilit y an d th e equality o f prenata l life , i t overtl y identifie s itself , an d it s position s o n abortion an d a rang e o f othe r issue s affectin g women , a s feminis t an d claims a general commitmen t t o women's equalit y (Graha m 1992 ; Sweet 1985). 5 FFLA' s claim s revolv e aroun d a cluste r o f cor e tenets : (1 ) th e early feminist s properl y condemne d abortio n a s violence agains t wome n and unbor n childre n cause d b y male domination an d irresponsibility; (2 ) consistency wit h feminis t principle s an d achievemen t o f ful l equalit y fo r women require s condemnatio n o f abortion , a violent ac t against helples s human life ; (3 ) real equalit y fo r wome n result s fro m societ y recognizin g and meetin g pregnan t women' s an d mothers ' needs , no t givin g wome n abortion right s a s a "quic k fix"; an d (4 ) eliminatin g lega l abortio n wil l force societ y t o accommodat e women' s need s an d "eliminat e th e crisis , not th e child. " In assessin g FFLA' s oppositio n t o lega l abortion , on e mus t separat e out tw o differen t base s fo r it s argument : (1 ) tha t abortio n i s ba d fo r women; an d (2 ) that a fetus i s a person deservin g of constitutiona l equa l protection and , hence , abortio n i s killin g children . FFL A condemn s abortion a s "a n oppressio n o f wome n an d a s discriminatio n agains t unborn children " (FFL A Bylaws) an d use s the slogan, "pro-woman , pro life," postulatin g a harmon y betwee n th e tw o propositions. 6 Bu t th e second proposition , mor e tha n th e first, appear s t o b e th e drivin g forc e behind FFLA' s opposition . First , i t supplie s muc h o f th e conten t a s t o why abortio n i s bad fo r wome n (i t requires the m t o kil l their "children " to achiev e equality) . Second , whil e a convictio n tha t abortio n i s bad fo r women woul d no t necessaril y lea d t o oppositio n t o lega l abortion , a genuine convictio n tha t abortio n i s unjustified killin g of childre n almos t certainly would . "What Di d Ou r Feminis t Foremother s Thin k abou t Abortion? "
FFLA pose s th e question , "Wha t di d ou r feminis t foremother s thin k about abortion? " (FFL A Handbook , 2 6 - 2 7 ) / Withou t distinguishin g
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the contex t o f earl y feminis t oppositio n t o abortion , FFL A prominentl y features vivi d quotation s fro m suc h feminist s a s Elizabeth Cad y Stanto n linking abortio n t o "th e masculin e elemen t everywher e overpowerin g the feminine " an d leadin g t o th e "sufferin g an d murde r o f helples s children" (FFL A 1991 : 22). Thus, in formin g th e Susa n B . Anthony Lis t (announced a s a "pro-life " counte r t o pro-choic e fundin g organization s for femal e politica l candidates , Emily' s Lis t an d WIS H List) , FFL A re counted Anthony' s "scathing " condemnatio n o f abortio n a s "violenc e against both mothe r an d child , caused b y male control over female lives " (FFLA 1992b) . Suc h quotation s ar e amon g th e base s fo r FFLA' s claim s about "true " feminis m an d thei r challeng e t o NOW , whic h the y clai m does not spea k fo r the m o r fo r man y othe r wome n o n th e abortio n issu e (Mathewes-Green 1991). 8 The earl y feminists , FFL A argues , condemne d abortio n a s "chil d murder" an d diagnose d i t a s resultin g fro m women' s lac k o f powe r (FFLA Handboo k 26) . In it s amicus curiae brie f i n Bray, FFL A argue d that th e earl y feminist s viewe d abortio n a s a consequenc e o f th e op pression o f wome n b y me n an d tha t thei r reason s fo r condemn ing abortio n ar e stil l relevan t toda y (1991 : 6 , 11-20) . Wome n turne d to abortio n t o resolv e a "crisis " pregnanc y cause d b y coerciv e an d sex ually irresponsibl e men , a s wel l a s "th e lac k o f economi c an d socia l support fo r pregnan t women , abandone d b y th e father s o f thei r child ren" (19) . The twi n theme s o f exploitativ e me n an d a n unaccommodatin g soci ety recu r i n contemporar y "pro-life " feminis t rhetoric . Now , a s then , i t is argued , abortio n serve s men' s interest s b y separatin g sexualit y fro m reproductive responsibilit y an d allow s society to avoid meeting the need s of pregnant wome n an d mothers . As one FFLA member observes , "Ho w quickly 'woman' s righ t t o choose ' come s t o serv e 'man' s righ t t o use' " (Sweet 1985 : 185) . Now , a s then , feminist s shoul d promot e nonviolen t solutions: empowerin g wome n i n thei r sexua l relationship s wit h me n and enablin g wome n t o hav e childre n (Staffor d 1991) . Whil e th e nine teenth-century feminist s who m FFL A invoke s sough t t o empowe r women throug h "voluntar y motherhood " an d th e righ t otherwis e t o abstain fro m sex, 9 FFL A call s fo r a mode l o f feminist , "fertility-awar e sexuality" tha t include s a righ t t o us e safe , nonabortofacien t contracep tion an d fo r eliminatin g rap e an d violenc e agains t wome n (Swee t 1985 : 183-92; FFL A Bylaws). FFLA's model of sexuality, thus, requires accep tance b y wome n an d me n o f responsibilit y fo r th e possibl e procreativ e
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consequences of sexua l activity, namely, the responsibility o f parenthoo d (or childbearing followe d b y adoption) . Feminist Principle s a n d Equality : Linkin g t h e Fat e o f W o m e n a n d "Unbor n Children "
As state d i n it s brie f i n Bray, FFL A assert s tha t ther e i s a "divisio n i n feminist theor y ove r whethe r 'wome n ca n [ ] ever achiev e the fulfillmen t of feminis t goal s i n a societ y permissiv e towar d abortion' " (1991 : 2 8 [quoting Callaha n 1986 : 232]) . FFL A draw s upo n Sidney Callahan , a member o f FFL A an d a n autho r wh o i s on e o f th e mos t prominen t opponents o f lega l abortio n identifie d wit h a "pro-lif e feminist " stanc e (1986). Th e clai m i s tha t a tru e feminis t visio n o f justic e wil l includ e "protection fo r th e unbor n child " sinc e wome n create , nurture , an d value life. Callaha n place s nonviolence an d protectin g th e mor e vulnera ble an d powerles s a t th e cor e o f suc h a stance . I n he r view , feminist s should sid e wit h wome n ove r men , an d wit h prenata l lif e i n a conflic t between wome n an d prenata l lif e (1986 ; Callaha n an d Callaha n 1984 : 296-97). Callahan argue s that there is a "pro-lif e feminism " emergen t in recent year s reflectin g suc h commitments , whic h ofte n includ e pacifis m (MacNeil-Lehrer New s Hou r 1989) . FFLA literatur e echoe s Callahan' s theme s an d resort s t o frequen t analogies betwee n prenata l lif e an d th e historica l treatmen t o f wome n and slaves . Drawin g analogie s betwee n prenata l lif e an d categorie s o f persons previousl y deprive d o f huma n right s an d expressin g a "concer n with th e socia l an d cultura l devaluatio n o f dependen t people " ar e pre dominant theme s acros s th e "righ t t o life " movemen t (Ginsbur g 1989 : 9). How , i n th e vie w o f "pro-life " feminists , ar e argument s usin g suc h analogies feminist argument s agains t abortion ? Callaha n suggest s "pro life" feminist s tak e th e vie w tha t "al l th e argument s assertin g th e valu e of women' s developmen t i n th e fac e o f mal e powe r an d hostilit y t o feminine equalit y ca n b e mad e o n behal f o f th e fetus"— a parallelis m making i t imperativ e tha t wome n identif y wit h th e fetus , no t th e mal e aggressor (Callaha n an d Callaha n 1984 : 296) . Thus, "pro-life " feminist s argue tha t jus t a s women' s fate s hav e ofte n depende d o n whethe r the y are "wanted " o r "unwanted " b y men , th e fat e o f prenata l lif e shoul d not depen d o n whethe r i t i s "wanted " o r "unwanted " by , o r ha s valu e in th e eye s of , person s wit h powe r (pregnan t wome n o r society)—an d here, prominen t example s ar e FFLA' s rejectio n o f abortio n i n case s o f
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fetal birt h defect s an d povert y (Callaha n an d Callaha n 1984 : 156-57 ; Sweet 1985 : 128—30) . "Pro-life " feminist s furthe r conten d tha t a cor e tenet o f feminis m i s a commitmen t t o huma n right s an d equality , espe cially fo r th e vulnerabl e an d dependent , an d tha t women' s equalit y should no t b e achieve d a t th e expens e o f "unbor n children " (Callaha n and Callaha n 1984 ; Swee t 1985) . The y asser t tha t women' s right s ar e not serve d b y treating "unbor n children " a s "disposabl e property " (her e invoking Elizabet h Cad y Stanton ) an d rejec t abortio n a s a "macho , oppressive kin d o f control " (FFL A Handbook 15) . Such premise s abou t th e equalit y o f al l huma n lif e appea r t o under gird FFLA' s state d commitmen t t o makin g abortio n illegal , except whe n a pregnant woman' s lif e is at risk (Donoho e 1993 ; FFLA Handbook 13— 15). FFL A support s wha t i t call s th e "Inclusiv e Equa l Right s Amend ment," a combinatio n o f th e Equa l Right s Amendmen t (whic h i t supports a s lon g a s i t i s "pro-lif e o r abortio n neutral" ) an d th e Human Lif e Amendment , whic h woul d trea t prenata l lif e fro m th e moment o f conceptio n a s constitutionall y protecte d person s (FFL A Bylaws; NP R 1992) . FFL A writing s offe r differin g interpretation s a s to th e consequence s o f th e HL A fo r th e legalit y o f abortion , whethe r complete prohibitio n o r a schem e o f individua l stat e regulatio n a s i n the day s prio r t o Roe (Swee t 1985 : 35-39) . A s a n interi m strategy , i t favors regulatin g abortio n an d ha s file d "frien d o f th e court " brief s i n support o f th e restriction s uphel d i n Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, 49 2 U.S . 49 0 (1989) , an d th e informe d consen t provision s upheld i n Casey, restriction s FFL A call s women' s "righ t t o know " law s (FFLA 1992c) . Suppor t fo r suc h interi m measure s furthe r illustrate s th e determinative rol e playe d b y FFLA' s convictio n abou t th e statu s o f prenatal life , sinc e FFL A argue s tha t man y wome n wh o ge t abortion s report late r tha t the y wer e no t tol d th e trut h abou t feta l developmen t by thos e i n th e "lucrative , unregulate d abortio n industry " an d lamen t that "'i f onl y I ha d know n tha t m y bab y wa s alive , wha t m y bab y looked like , I woul d neve r hav e chose n abortion" ' (FFL A 1989 ; FFL A 1992c). 10 Abortion a s Oppressio n o f W o m e n : Beyon d Abortio n Right s t o Real Equalit y fo r W o m e n
"Actually, bein g pro-choice onl y helps to oppress women. True feminists wor k for the right to be equal citizens, to be women with children who place emphasis
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on family leave, day care, and equal pay. By turning to abortion, women cower from th e responsibility o f fighting society's prejudice agains t women with chil dren." (Rizzoni 1992 ) The notio n tha t lega l abortio n i s a cop-out , a "quic k fix," an d a n acquiescence t o a sexis t societ y recur s i n FFLA' s rhetoric. 11 Women ar e "oppressed" b y legal abortion whe n they resort to it due to an inhospita ble society . Wome n ar e oppresse d furthe r b y th e harmfu l physica l an d psychological effect s o f abortion, which FFLA believes are greatly under reported (FFL A 1989 ; FFL A 1992c) . Th e existenc e o f lega l abortio n thus permits societ y to ignore women's reproductiv e needs . This argument build s on a claim that the female body , with it s natura l physical process o f pregnancy , i s forced throug h abortio n t o confor m t o a male norm. (A t the same time, if a "mal e norm" mean s engaging in sex without reproductiv e consequences , FFLA' s suppor t fo r contraceptio n suggests a t leas t a partia l acceptanc e o f suc h a norm. ) Thus , on e FFL A member claims : "[Abortio n i s sexis t because ] i t force s wome n t o kil l their unbor n childre n i n orde r t o succee d i n a man' s world . . . . [Abor tion] allow s me n t o avoi d sexua l responsibilit y an d employer s t o dis criminate" (Vraz o 1992) . Consider thi s strikin g formulation : "W e wor k for a worl d wher e wome n ar e empowere d an d don' t nee d t o surgicall y alter their bodie s throug h a n abortio n i n order t o fit into a man's world . We want t o elec t feminists wh o wil l work t o eliminat e human problems , not huma n beings " (Malo , quoted i n "I n Session " 1993) . The claims about mal e norms an d rea l equalit y oddl y ech o pro-choic e feminist lega l theorists' work o n th e issue of pregnancy discriminatio n i n the workplac e an d challenge s t o th e mal e worke r withou t childbearin g or childrearin g responsibilitie s a s th e nor m (Finle y 1986 ; William s 1991). Indeed , "pro-life " feminist s concu r tha t wome n wh o attemp t t o be bot h mother s an d worker s fac e a rang e o f unequa l burden s an d pa y an unacceptabl e price ; hence the y deman d tha t societ y addres s th e cost s of motherhoo d (Swee t 1985 : 35—39) . Offering abortio n a s a solution t o pregnancy, th e argumen t goes , accept s th e male , nonpregnan t bod y a s the norm , encourage s a pictur e o f pregnanc y a s a diseas e an d burden , and permit s societ y t o trea t pregnan t wome n an d mother s a s second class citizen s (Callaha n 1986 ; FFL A Handboo k 16) . Instead , pro-lif e feminists see k a "societ y whic h bend s t o women' s biologica l identity " and accept s women's nurturin g power, instead o f forcing wome n to alte r their identit y throug h abortio n (Swee t 1985 : 4).
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"Eliminate t h e Crisis , No t t h e Child "
Finally, FFL A claim s tha t eliminatin g lega l abortio n right s wil l forc e society t o solv e th e problem s pose d b y "crisis " o r "problem " pregnan cies. Thus, in support o f th e Human Lif e Amendment, FFL A testified : Abortion o n deman d ha s don e nothin g an d wil l d o nothin g t o chang e th e inferior statu s o f women . I n reality , i t i s a reactionar y solutio n t o a proble m pregnancy, for it reinforces the status quo, encouraging society not to change the conditions whic h forc e wome n int o abortion . . .. I t i s ou r greates t hop e tha t passage of the Hatch human life amendment will force all of us to work together to create a society which recognizes that fertility control is the joint responsibility of women and men and affirms tha t authentic reproductive freedom wil l only be possible in a world where women an d men accept equally the responsibility fo r child nurturing and rearing and where there is respect for al l human life. (FFLA 1981: 1157-58 [emphasi s added]) This clai m b y FFL A i s sometime s accompanie d b y th e assertio n tha t they wil l no t hav e accomplishe d thei r goa l merel y b y makin g abortio n illegal; rather , the y mus t eliminat e th e nee d for , an d chang e attitude s about, abortio n s o that i t becomes "unthinkable, " lik e cannibalism (Na tional Publi c Radi o 1992) . FFL A appear s t o tak e seriousl y th e clai m that circumstance s constrai n pregnan t women . A recurrin g refrai n i s t o "eliminate th e crisis , no t th e child " (Mathewes-Gree n 1992) . I n doin g so, FFL A member s rejec t th e ter m "convenienc e abortion " (ofte n em ployed b y opponent s o f lega l abortion ) a s insensitiv e t o wome n an d speak o f th e "burdens " o f pregnancy , whic h ar e eve n greate r whe n i t is "unplanne d an d unwanted " (FFL A Handboo k 5 ; Mathewes-Gree n 1991: 28).
12
Hence, FFLA claims that it s agenda include s no t merel y lega l bu t als o social change , includin g call s fo r chil d suppor t enforcemen t efforts , fo r policies b y governmen t o r employer s enablin g familie s t o car e fo r chil dren an d dependent s (suc h a s flex-time , part-tim e work , da y care , an d maternity an d paternit y leaves) , an d fo r recognitio n o f full-tim e chil d rearing as a full-time caree r choic e (FFL A Bylaws; Sweet 1985 ; Callaha n and Callaha n 1984) . Recent campaign s b y the National Women' s Coali tion fo r Life , in whose formatio n FFL A played a prominent role , express the impuls e t o "g o righ t t o th e hear t o f th e issu e an d find ou t wha t i t would hav e take n fo r aborte d wome n t o carr y thei r babie s t o term , an d then com e u p wit h a mode l progra m o f assistance " (Mors e 1992). 13
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Commenting o n suc h a recen t campaign , th e "Rea l Choices " project , FFLA Vic e Presiden t Frederic a Mathewes-Gree n observed : "Whethe r abortion [is ] legal or not , we can find ways to reduce those numbers an d give wome n bette r choices . . . . [T]h e abortio n issu e ha s shattere d th e unity w e ought t o hav e a s women, seekin g solutions fo r women " (Froli k 1993)Taking th e rhetori c o f FFL A a t fac e value , man y o f FFLA' s position s described abov e strikingl y mirro r o r inver t prominen t theme s i n th e writing o f som e pro-choice feminis t lega l theorists o n th e abortio n issue , parallels t o which I now turn . M I R R O R S A N D INVERSIONS : FFL A A N D P R O - C H O I C E FEMINIST THEORIST S
FFLA's amicus curiae brie f i n Bray purporte d t o locat e a debat e amon g "cultural" an d "radical " feminist s ove r th e compatibilit y o f lega l abor tion wit h feminis t goal s a s wel l a s th e lin k betwee n women' s equalit y and th e righ t t o choos e abortion . Indeed , Sidne y Callahan' s invocatio n of cultura l feminis m t o mak e a "cas e fo r a pro-lif e feminism, " an d FFLA's citatio n o f Callahan , impl y tha t "cultura l feminism " oppose s legal abortio n an d FFL A simpl y mirror s tha t stance . However, th e "cul tural" an d "radical " feminist s Wes t categorize s generall y d o no t divid e on whethe r abortio n shoul d b e legal. Indeed, th e most commo n contem porary sourc e inspirin g cultura l o r "relational " feminis m amon g femi nist lega l theorists , th e wor k o f Caro l Gilligan , expressl y articulate d a n ethic o f car e an d responsibilit y i n th e contex t o f studyin g women' s decisions t o have abortion s (Gilliga n 1982 : 64-105) . A number o f femi nist theorist s advocat e invokin g notions o f care , responsibility, an d rela tional thinkin g t o suppor t women' s righ t t o choos e (Goldstei n 1988 ; West 1990 ; Colker 1992) , although som e critics view such a justificatio n as unpersuasive , contradictory , an d problemati c (o n thi s poin t some times notin g th e prominen t us e o f languag e o f responsibility , care , an d obligation i n FFLA' s oppositio n t o lega l abortion ) (Karla n an d Orti z 1993)So the "cultural"/"radical " feminis t divisio n doe s not accoun t fo r th e division FFL A claim s exist s o n th e abortio n issue . Interestingly , "radi cal" feminis t analysi s o f equalit y an d abortio n reveal s strikin g point s o f convergence wit h FFLA' s rhetori c an d assumptions , althoug h ther e ar e critical point s o f divergence . I wil l explor e tw o commo n theme s i n
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FFLA's stanc e an d certai n strand s o f feminis t lega l theory : (i ) wome n are drive n to , an d permitte d t o get , abortion s ( a violent , undesirabl e procedure) becaus e o f gende r inequality ; an d (2 ) wome n hav e n o rea l choice bu t t o ge t abortion s becaus e o f societa l failur e t o accommodat e pregnant wome n an d mothers . Abortion an d Mal e Domination : "Gettin g Lai d Was a t Stake "
Feminist legal theorist Catharin e MacKinnon' s diagnosi s of the existenc e of abortio n a s necessitate d b y women' s inequalit y vis-a-vi s me n an d society's discriminator y treatmen t o f pregnan t wome n an d mother s of fers a strikin g illustratio n o f convergenc e wit h FFLA' s equalit y argu ments opposin g lega l abortio n (MacKinno n 1987 ; MacKinno n 1991) . Her analysi s take s a s th e poin t o f departur e th e unequa l condition s under whic h wome n becom e pregnant . Becaus e wome n d o no t contro l the condition s underlyin g sexua l reproductio n an d sexua l intercours e with men , se x inequalit y create s th e condition s makin g abortio n neces sary: men' s dominatio n o f women an d appropriatio n o f their bodie s an d women's passivity , a conditio n o f feelin g tha t the y canno t us e birt h control o r insis t upon avoidin g pregnancy , o r eve n want t o d o s o (1987 : 95). Moreover, th e legal recognition o f women's abortio n right s resulte d from an d serve s men's interes t in sexual acces s to women an d in freedo m from th e inconvenien t consequence s o f sexua l intercourse : childre n (1991: 1300) . A s MacKinno n put s it , quotin g Andre a Dworkin : "Get ting laid was a t stake " (1987 : 99). MacKinnon realize s tha t he r diagnosi s o f th e relationshi p betwee n legal abortio n an d men' s interest s i s echoed i n anti-abortio n argumenta tion (a s are her reference s t o Playboy's fundin g o f abortio n right s [Swee t 1985: 158]) . Indeed, i n suppor t o f he r systemi c claim that abortion s ar e legally permitte d t o secur e women' s sexua l availabilit y fo r us e b y men , she offers a s "documentation " th e followin g "pungen t juxtaposition" : Juli Loesch , a self-style d "pro-lif e feminist " associate d wit h Operatio n Rescu e [she is also a member of FFLA], says, "the idea [o f abortion] i s that a man can use a woman, vacuu m he r out , an d she' s read y t o b e use d again[.] " A NOW chapter advises feminists involved with anti-choice men to "control his access to your body. . . . 'Just say no' to more sex." . . . Pro-choice and anti-choice women meet on common ground. (MacKinnon 1991 : 1300 [citations omitted]) Also resonant wit h th e rhetoric of FFL A and othe r group s oppose d t o legal abortio n ar e MacKinnon' s claim s tha t abortio n i s a n undesirabl e
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procedure an d tha t i t testifie s t o th e magnitud e o f women' s oppression : "Sex doesn' t loo k a whole lo t lik e freedom whe n i t appear s normativel y less costl y fo r wome n t o ris k a n undesired , ofte n painful , traumatic , dangerous, sometime s illegal , an d potentiall y life-threatenin g procedur e than to protect themselves in advance" (MacKinno n 1987 : 95). MacKinnon als o quote s Adrienn e Rich' s descriptio n o f abortio n a s "violenc e necessitated b y rapism " (MacKinno n 1987 : 93). 14 Suc h a vie w mirror s FFLA's an d suc h group s a s Women Exploite d b y Abortion's ("WEBA" ) characterization o f abortio n a s violence agains t bot h wome n an d prena tal lif e an d o f th e physica l an d psychologica l harm s t o wome n claime d to b e caused b y abortion . Abortion a n d t h e A b s e n c e o f C h o i c e : W o m e n W h o Woul d Be M o t h e r s
MacKinnon als o make s recours e t o th e imager y o f motherhoo d t o de scribe wome n wh o hav e abortions , furthe r reinforcin g th e pictur e o f pregnant wome n force d b y sex inequalit y t o ac t agains t thei r ow n wishes. Positin g a "unit y i n oppression " o f woma n an d fetus , an d ob serving that women ten d t o put th e welfare o f th e fetus abov e their own , she states: Many women have abortions as a desperate act of love for their unborn children. Many women conceive in battering relationships; subjecting a child to a violent father i s more than they can bear. . . . Some women conceive in part to cement a relationship whic h dissolve s o r become s violen t whe n th e ma n discover s th e conception. . . . Many abortion s occu r becaus e the woman need s to try t o give herself a life . Bu t man y als o occu r becaus e th e woma n face s th e fac t tha t sh e cannot give this child a life. Women's impotence to make this not so may make the decisio n tragic , bu t i t i s nonetheles s on e o f absolut e realis m an d dee p responsibility as a mother. (MacKinnon 1991 : 1313) Here, MacKinnon invoke s women's thwarte d inclination s towar d moth erhood i n defens e o f women' s righ t t o choose . Opponent s o f lega l abor tion, b y contrast , clai m tha t w e shoul d ke y i n o n ho w t o redres s "women's impotenc e t o make this not so. " Although th e emphasi s o n abortio n a s " a desperat e ac t o f love " b y a responsible mothe r i s a ne w them e i n MacKinnon' s wor k o n abortion , other feminis t lega l theorist s seekin g t o mak e accurat e an d persuasiv e arguments abou t abortio n similarl y invok e th e them e o f constraint s o n women wh o woul d b e mothers . Suc h defense s o f abortio n right s stres s
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that wome n ar e "forced " t o choos e abortio n an d i n effec t hav e n o "choice" fo r a numbe r o f circumstantia l reasons , includin g work/famil y conflict (William s 1991) , an d tha t the y fac e irreconcilabl e responsibilit ies (Wes t 1990) . (Her e i t i s usefu l t o recal l Justic e Blackmun' s partiall y dissenting opinio n i n Casey, quote d a t th e openin g o f thi s paper , tha t restrictive abortio n law s conscrip t wome n int o th e " 'natural' statu s an d incident o f motherhood " an d tha t th e assumptio n o f suc h statu s a s "natural" fo r wome n result s fro m a certai n traditiona l conceptio n o f women's role , hel d i n othe r Suprem e Cour t case s t o den y equa l protec tion o f th e law s [11 2 S . Ct . a t 2846-4 7 (citation s omitted)]. ) Fa r fro m rejecting view s o f women' s prope r role , suc h defense s appea r t o enlis t a certain naturalnes s o f motherhoo d a s well a s a pregnan t woman' s incli nation towar d continuin g a pregnanc y i n orde r t o indic t societ y fo r th e need t o resor t t o abortion , thu s reassurin g thos e wh o ar e uneas y abou t abortion tha t wome n car e abou t th e valu e o f life , ar e makin g mora l decisions, an d woul d b e mother s i f the y coul d (Petchesk y 1990 ; Wil liams 1991) . Some feminists hav e cautioned tha t the constrained circum stances argumen t wil l no t fit al l abortio n decision s (an d ma y hav e risk s for tha t reaso n [Petchesk y 1990 : 388-92] ; McClain 1992b : 164-74) . The them e o f constraine d motherhood , take n a t fac e value , resonate s to som e degre e wit h th e diagnosti c an d remedia l approache s o f "pro life" feminists . Bu t thes e appeal s b y pro-choic e feminist s t o circum stances constrainin g choic e ma y b e understoo d a s raisin g tw o distinc t arguments fo r lega l abortion , on e rooted i n sex equality an d th e other i n autonomy: (1 ) under condition s o f se x inequality, women mus t have th e legal righ t t o choos e whethe r t o terminat e a pregnancy , sinc e force d motherhood i s anothe r for m o f suc h inequality ; an d (2 ) becaus e eac h woman face s differen t circumstances , wome n ar e th e prope r decisio n makers abou t th e outcome o f thei r pregnancies . Whether o r no t contingen t socia l arrangements , namely , se x inequal ity, shoul d pla y a centra l (o r dispositive ) par t i n defendin g reproductiv e freedom i s itself a lively question amon g pro-choic e feminist s (Petchesk y 1990: 388-401) , bu t contingen t argument s ar e ofte n accompanie d b y a vision o f a worl d i n whic h th e nee d fo r abortio n woul d whithe r away . Thus, MacKinno n predict s tha t th e complet e eliminatio n o f se x inequal ity (whic h woul d includ e femal e sexua l empowermen t an d equa l femal e and mal e responsibility fo r childcare ) woul d s o radically reduc e the nee d for abortio n an d transfor m th e "politic s o f abortion " a s t o mak e th e problem "virtuall y unrecognizable " (1991 : 1326-27) . Thi s contingen t
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argument defend s a n existin g righ t while putting fort h a n impressiv e lis t of unequa l socia l an d politica l condition s targete d fo r change . FFLA, i n contrast , reject s socia l contingenc y a s a justificatio n fo r abortion, an d differ s i n demandin g tha t th e "escap e hatch " o f abortion , which i t claim s prevent s societ y fro m addressin g inequality , b e close d immediately. A more academi c version o f FFLA' s slogan , "eliminat e th e crisis, not th e child, " ma y b e seen in th e assertio n b y historian Elizabet h Fox-Genovese (wh o has lectured o n abortio n unde r FFLA' s sponsorship ) that feminist s hav e conflate d pregnanc y an d childrearing , an d tha t th e difficulty an d sacrific e o f childrearin g i s not a moral an d politica l justifi cation o f abortion . Sh e instea d argue s tha t abortio n show s th e nee d fo r collective principle s an d responsibilit y fo r th e suppor t an d educatio n o f children (Fox-Genoves e 1991 : 81-86; Hyma n 1991) . Perhaps FFLA' s sharpest , an d mos t troubling , divergenc e fro m pro choice equalit y defense s o f abortio n i s its apparent insistenc e upon mak ing abortion illega l as the lever for forcing societ y to eliminate all the constraints o n pregnant women, a strategy callin g into question the meanin g of its stated commitment to women's full citizenship and equality. FFLA's apparent willingnes s t o protect fetuse s despit e th e resultan t burden s an d suffering impose d o n women who need or desire abortions may illustrat e Callahan's assertio n tha t "pro-life " feminist s tak e th e par t o f fetuse s in stead of women in a case of conflict betwee n the two. Thus, FFLA's stated premise abou t th e value o f prenata l lif e an d it s rejection o f th e relevanc e of whether o r not particular pregnan t women regar d a fetus a s "wanted " or "unwanted " logicall y require s that , eve n i f societ y fail s a t mitigatin g the costs of motherhood an d eliminating the crises pregnant women face , women b e precluded from choosin g abortion. Moreover, a s FFLA's rejection of a rape or incest exception fo r abortio n illustrates , their oppositio n to abortio n hold s eve n i f women lac k powe r ove r an d d o no t consen t t o their sexua l activity . Indeed, here "pro-life " feminist s admi t that i t is unjust t o forc e a woman wh o ha s bee n rape d t o carr y a pregnancy t o ter m (hence thei r cal l t o eliminat e rape) , yet clai m tha t i t is a greater injustic e to kill the "child, who is innocent and blameless" (Callahan and Callaha n 1984: 163-64 ; Sweet 1985: 175-77) . In contrast, pro-choic e equalit y argument s insis t upon abortio n right s in the face of pervasive sex inequality while also outlining what is needed to mov e t o a world o f equalit y an d tru e reproductiv e freedom . I suspec t that pro-choic e feminist s wh o spea k o f constrainin g circumstance s would stil l defen d a woman's righ t t o choos e abortio n eve n i f a particu -
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lar woma n wa s not , i n fact , desperate , literall y "forced " t o d o s o by se x inequality, sinc e on e possibl e subtex t o f suc h argument s i s respec t fo r women's assessmen t o f thei r circumstance s an d responsibility . Althoug h some se x equalit y theorist s argu e tha t abortio n right s ar e contingen t upon curren t condition s o f se x inequality , a t leas t som e argu e tha t eve n in a world withou t se x inequality, concern s o f women' s bodil y integrity , autonomy, an d individua l freedo m might , i f no t certainl y would , stil l support a right t o choos e abortio n (Petchesk y 1990 : 392-401 ; MacKin non 1991 : 132,7) . And , contrar y t o FFLA , som e theorist s woul d argu e that, eve n acceptin g th e premis e tha t fetuses ar e persons , se x inequalit y justifies abortion . Perhaps on e accoun t o f th e differenc e betwee n thes e tw o strategi c positions is that pro-choice feminist s stressin g contingency view abortio n as a "necessar y evil " give n a worl d wher e wome n no w nee d o r desir e abortion ( a defense othe r pro-choice feminist s questio n [Petchesk y 1990 : 388-401]), whil e "pro-life " feminist s vie w banning abortio n a s a necessary evi l t o ge t t o a better , nonviolen t worl d (Callaha n an d Callaha n 1984: 321—22). 15 Thes e an d othe r difference s betwee n pro-choic e an d "pro-life" feminist s rais e question s no t onl y o f th e impor t an d purpos e of rhetoric , bu t als o o f th e substantiv e conten t o f feminism , o f feminis t method, an d ho w t o understand "pro-life " feminis t claims . FEMINISTS A T O D D S
Is i t possibl e t o spea k abou t a feminis m tha t i s oppose d t o lega l abor tion? Do , o r should , pro-choic e feminist s tak e seriousl y th e question : "Can a woma n b e bot h a feminis t an d anti-choic e o n abortion? " (McDonnell 1984) . How shoul d thos e engaged i n feminist inquir y asses s women's claim s t o tak e a feminis t stanc e agains t abortio n right s i n th e name of a "differen t vie w of what i s good fo r women " (Callaha n 1986) ? Pro-choice feminist s ofte n state , i n medi a soun d bites , tha t a "pro life" feminis t positio n i s "pseud o feminism, " a n oxymoron , a contradic tion i n terms , irrelevant , an d o n th e fring e (Gallaghe r 1987 ; Brotma n 1989). However , th e new s media , fo r who m imagine d intrafeminis t strife an d censorshi p mak e livel y reading , appea r t o accep t FFLA' s self description a s "pro-lif e feminist, " indeed , a s rebel s o r leftist s i n th e abortion battl e (Gallaghe r 1987 ; Brotma n 1989 ; Hentof f 1992a ; Hen toff 1992b ; Nationa l Publi c Radi o 1992 ; Voel l 1993). 16 Moreover , "pro-life feminism, " particularl y th e writing of Sidney Callahan, receive s
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attention i n some academi c literature abou t th e abortion issue , includin g the wor k o f som e pro-choic e feminist s (Callaha n an d Callaha n 1984 ; Ginsburg 1989 ; Colke r 1992 ; McConnel l 1991 ; Mensch an d Freema n 1993). Finally , despit e it s smal l numbers , FFL A present s itsel f t o th e courts, th e public , an d th e medi a a s a n alternativ e feminism , indeed , a s the tru e heir s o f historica l feminism , an d thi s self-presentatio n i n tur n feeds th e clai m tha t no t merel y wome n bu t indee d feminist s ar e a t odd s on th e difficul t an d divisiv e abortio n issu e (McConnel l 1991). 17 Al l o f these reasons , a s wel l a s th e rhetorica l parallel s note d above , sugges t that i t ma y b e appropriat e an d pruden t t o examin e an d addres s FFLA' s claims abou t feminis m an d abortion . There ar e man y question s concernin g authenticity , women' s experi ence, an d criteri a fo r assessin g experience . On e startin g poin t i s t o as k what i s a t th e roo t o f suc h women' s "pro-life " (o r anti-choice ) commit ment (McDonnel l 1984 ; Callahan an d Callaha n 1984) . Is the rhetoric of FFLA an d othe r feminist s wh o oppos e lega l abortio n merel y tactica l appropriation an d shrew d inversio n o f th e feminis t pro-choic e argu ment? I s i t utilizin g th e rhetori c o f feminis t discours e t o suppor t pro foundly antifeminis t agenda s wit h seriou s consequence s fo r women ? Women wh o identify themselve s both a s feminist an d a s "pro-life " clai m their oppositio n t o abortio n stem s fro m feminis t principles . Given that a tenet o f feminis t metho d i s listenin g t o women' s voice s an d takin g their experience s seriously , ho w shoul d feminist s respon d t o persona l narratives o f "pro-life " feminist s abou t wh y the y espous e the views hel d by FFLA , why oppositio n t o abortio n i s feminist, an d abou t th e frustra tion the y fee l a t bein g shu t of f fro m othe r feminist s an d mutua l engage ment i n feminis t wor k becaus e of thei r position o n lega l abortio n (Swee t 1985: 2 7 - 7 8 ; Voell 1993) ? Is there commo n groun d o n workin g t o eliminat e unwante d pregnan cies (Ginsbur g 1989 : 222-26) , o r ar e th e divergen t conclusion s abou t legal regulatio n o f abortio n a n unbridgeabl e ga p betwee n pro-choic e feminists an d wome n wh o identif y a s "pro-life " feminists ? I t i s hard t o imagine pro-choic e feminist s objectin g t o th e goa l o f eliminatin g th e need fo r abortio n b y addressin g a rang e o f socia l problem s t o eliminat e sex inequality , bot h i n ligh t o f th e rhetori c o f th e feminis t lega l theorist s examined above , an d th e fac t tha t fighting fo r a societ y i n whic h repro duction an d nurtur e d o no t disqualif y wome n fro m politica l an d eco nomic life , an d i n whic h socia l institution s accommodat e th e reproduc tive need s o f wome n an d men , i s a centra l goa l o f feminism . Perhap s
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pro-choice feminists ' rejectio n o f th e possibilit y o f a "pro-life " feminis t position ha s t o d o wit h FFLA' s ultimat e positio n o n lega l abortio n an d the incomprehensibilit y o f invokin g feminism , whic h seem s inextricabl y associated wit h freein g wome n fro m subordinatin g restriction s upo n their lives , in orde r t o justif y lega l regulatio n removin g fro m al l wome n decision-making authorit y abou t th e rol e tha t reproductio n wil l pla y i n their lives . In assessin g th e substanc e o f FFLA' s position , on e questio n i s th e interpretation o f th e legac y o f earlie r feminists ' condemnatio n o f abor tion, a condemnation FFL A claims is still relevant today . Feminis t schol ars generall y explai n wh y nineteenth-centur y feminist s oppose d birt h control an d abortion , an d wh y twentieth-centur y feminist s d o no t b y focusing o n th e contex t o f th e former' s opposition : th e earlie r feminist s viewed abortio n a s dangerou s an d ofte n fata l an d the y feare d tha t the availabilit y o f contraceptio n an d abortio n woul d weake n women' s position withi n marriag e an d den y the m economi c an d othe r protectio n (Gordon 1982). 18 FFLA , lik e other s oppose d t o lega l abortion , insist s that concer n fo r th e status an d value of prenatal lif e played a critical rol e (FFLA 1991 ; FFLA Handbook 12 ; McConnell 1991) . Another issu e i s assessin g FFLA' s cor e tene t tha t rea l equalit y fo r women entail s acceptin g th e equatio n o f prenata l lif e wit h childre n an d FFLA's frequen t deploymen t o f analogie s betwee n th e destructio n o f a fetus throug h abortio n an d th e historical treatmen t o f women an d slave s and th e legac y o f th e Holocaust . Althoug h FFL A member s appea r t o find suc h analogie s persuasive , fo r pro-choic e feminist s an d man y othe r supporters o f lega l abortion , suc h analogies , particularly th e equatio n o f prenatal lif e wit h children , ar e unpersuasive , i f no t deepl y offensiv e (Law 1992) . An d som e pro-choic e feminist s dra w fro m th e historica l subordination an d reproductiv e exploitatio n o f wome n i n marriag e an d slavery a stron g mora l argumen t fo r th e critica l importanc e o f women' s right t o bodil y integrit y an d choic e (Harriso n 1987 : 26 ; Davi s 1993 : 357~75? 393~94) - Moreover, som e feminists argu e that to treat prenata l life a s a chil d no t onl y ignore s th e rol e wome n pla y i n creatin g life , bu t reflects conviction s tha t pregnan t wome n shoul d hav e n o choic e abou t playing suc h a role (Olse n 1989 ; Siegel 1992) . Moreover, FFLA' s stanc e assume s tha t ever y woma n woul d (o r should) continu e a pregnanc y i f sh e properl y understoo d th e natur e of prenata l lif e an d i f societ y wer e mor e amenabl e t o pregnan t wo men's needs . FFLA' s rhetori c abou t women' s "biologica l identity " an d
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abortion a s a n alteratio n o f th e femal e bod y (rathe r than , fo r example , pregnancy) expresse s a naturalisti c an d unvaryin g pictur e o f ho w al l women d o o r shoul d experienc e pregnanc y an d th e prospec t o f mother hood. (Arguably , som e o f th e pro-choic e feminis t theorist s examine d above us e a kin d o f naturalis m t o defen d abortio n rights. ) Ther e i s n o contemplation tha t a pregnan t woma n woul d not—o r rather , ther e i s an assumptio n tha t sh e certainl y should—vie w childbirt h a s th e appro priate outcom e o f pregnancy , onc e wome n fight agains t an d eliminat e constraints, prejudices , an d th e mode l o f th e "man' s world. " Here , FFLA woul d see m t o overloo k feminism' s commitmen t t o listenin g t o women's voice s an d creditin g women's experienc e an d instea d rel y upo n a vie w abou t women' s proper , natura l role . Rut h Colker , a pro-choic e feminist wh o attempt s t o sho w respec t fo r "pro-life " positions , con cludes tha t FFL A has a reductive, "essentialist " vie w of women's experi ences o f pregnanc y an d motherhoo d (1992) . No t al l wome n repor t th e experiences tha t FFL A claim s som e wome n hav e wit h abortion ; indeed , while grie f an d ambivalenc e ma y b e presen t fo r som e (bu t no t all ) women, suc h wome n generall y d o no t sa y the y regre t th e decision . Rather, wome n regre t th e circumstance s leadin g t o th e decisio n (Petch esky 1990) .
Additionally, FFL A define s a s feminis t a commitmen t t o protectin g the weak , helpless , dependent , an d vulnerable . I s FFL A advocatin g translating t o th e real m o f la w a genera l principl e o f protectio n of , an d responsibility to , th e vulnerable , an d i f so , wha t ar e it s implications ? Unless pregnant wome n ar e to b e the only persons held a s a legal matte r to this principle, consistency an d sex equality migh t require bot h a rang e of socia l policie s (welfar e rights , bette r suppor t fo r children ) an d th e imposition o f lega l dutie s o n parent s an d othe r person s inconsisten t with curren t notion s o f bodil y integrit y an d autonom y (e.g. , sacrificia l behavior an d orga n donation) . In contrast , se x equalit y theorist s argu e that precisel y th e absenc e o f suc h genera l lega l obligation s t o b e "goo d Samaritans" o r engag e i n sacrificia l conduc t require s tha t pregnan t women no t b e singled ou t fo r suc h service . The abortio n issu e implicate s bot h individua l persona l conviction s about th e moralit y o f abortio n an d conviction s abou t th e prope r lega l status o f abortion , ye t persona l oppositio n t o abortio n (whethe r o n moral, religious , o r othe r grounds ) nee d no t translat e int o a n insistenc e that th e crimina l la w prohibi t abortio n fo r al l women. Indeed , on e tene t of ou r constitutiona l orde r reflecte d i n th e abortio n case s (a s expresse d
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in suc h notion s a s liberty , privacy , an d freedo m o f conscience ) i s tha t citizens may diffe r o n th e most seriou s issues of conscienc e an d ye t agre e that th e stat e shal l no t impos e on e citizen' s vie w upo n other s (McClai n 1992b; Dworki n 1993) . Thus , feminist s personall y uncomfortabl e wit h abortion ma y nonetheles s conclud e tha t eac h woma n shoul d choos e fo r herself (Phelp s 1992) , o r feminist s migh t explor e th e moralit y o f abor tion in particular circumstances . But FFLA and other "pro-life " feminist s reject th e righ t t o choos e abortio n a s properly withi n women' s constitu tional liberty : a s they fram e th e issue , if abortio n i s violent an d a takin g of life , privac y ha s nothin g t o d o wit h i t (FFL A Handboo k 19) . Fo r those lik e FFL A wh o rel y o n analogie s betwee n abortio n an d murder , personal oppositio n t o abortio n mus t translat e int o la w les t societ y b e asked t o tolerat e denia l o f right s an d equalit y t o a n entir e categor y o f persons i n the nam e o f freedo m o f conscience . Thus, FFLA's rejection o f a positio n o f persona l oppositio n an d governmen t noninterferenc e de pends upo n conviction s abou t prenata l life , conviction s neithe r univer sally share d no r reflecte d i n curren t constitutiona l law , an d no t merel y about th e good o f women . Finally, i s i t plausibl e t o thin k tha t outlawin g abortio n wil l forc e society to solve the problems o f sexism an d bette r accommodat e mother s and pregnan t women ? An d i s FFL A reall y willin g t o pursu e a strateg y they acknowledg e wil l impos e sufferin g o n women ? Som e FFL A mem bers themselve s appea r t o disavo w suc h a position , eithe r rejectin g th e coercion o f pregnan t wome n o r acknowledgin g th e need fo r a "compro mise" o r "transitio n period " o f som e availabilit y o f lega l abortio n unti l an "idea l solution " i s attainabl e (Swee t 1985 : 186-87 ; Callaha n an d Callahan 1984 : 327) . Yet they als o insis t tha t th e continue d availabilit y of lega l abortio n a s a n eas y wa y ou t remove s th e pressur e t o solv e th e real problems leadin g to abortion . Why doe s FFL A assum e tha t a commitment t o women's righ t t o lega l abortion preclude s a commitmen t t o socia l support s makin g i t possibl e for wome n t o hav e children ? Wh y d o the y assume , contrar y t o pro choice feminists , tha t a reproductiv e healt h agend a canno t b e pursue d simultaneously wit h defendin g a righ t t o choose ? FFLA' s ow n claime d commitment t o furtherin g socia l chang e eve n whil e abortio n i s lega l seems to beli e that assumption . Is there , then , commo n groun d betwee n pro-choic e an d "pro-life " feminists? In recen t years , man y scholar s committe d t o som e for m o f legal abortio n right s hav e explore d compromis e an d commo n groun d
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and aske d i f w e ca n hav e mor e publi c dialogu e an d debat e abou t abor tion, o r i f th e issu e wil l remai n a "clas h o f absolutes " (Trib e 1990 ; Colker 1992 ; Mensch an d Freema n 1993) . An examination o f the rhetoric of "pro-life " o r "anti-choice " feminis m suggest s that, o n the ultimat e question o f whether women shoul d have a legal right to choose, compromise ma y b e bot h "inevitabl e an d impossible " (La w 1992) . I n th e cur rent environment , i n whic h lega l abortio n i s alway s subjec t t o attack , the mos t uncompromisin g rhetori c abou t autonomy , libert y o f con science, and a right to make one's own decision s may be more protectiv e of women's reproductive freedo m tha n th e rhetoric of constraint an d cir cumstance. But on e possibl e lesso n o f pro-choic e an d "pro-life " feminis t rhetori c may b e tha t ther e i s commo n groun d o n reducin g unwante d pregnanc y and makin g i t possible fo r wome n t o b e both mother s an d equa l citizen s participating i n economi c an d socia l life . Here , mutua l accusation s abound. FFL A an d othe r "pro-lif e feminists " asser t tha t the y hav e a commitment t o helpin g pregnan t wome n addres s difficul t circumstance s without recours e t o abortio n an d charg e tha t th e feminis t focu s o n abortion ha s diverte d attentio n fro m man y crucia l women' s issue s (Gra ham 1992 ; Karkab i 1992) . A t th e sam e time , som e pro-choic e feminis t leaders sharpl y disput e tha t th e agend a o f FFL A an d othe r "pro-life " feminists actuall y extend s beyond "anti-abortio n work " t o "creatin g th e social suppor t system s fo r wome n wh o wan t t o choos e t o hav e a child " (Patricia Ireland , quote d i n Brotma n 1989) . FFLA' s charg e o f diversio n capitalizes o n th e frustratio n expresse d b y women' s groups , includin g some pro-choic e feminists , tha t th e constan t battle s t o defen d abortio n rights obscur e feminis t struggl e o n othe r issue s o f vita l concer n t o women (Manegol d 1992) . Bu t th e earlies t call s fo r abortio n right s de manded a reproductiv e freedo m entailin g a n arra y o f socia l an d eco nomic supports , an d contemporar y pro-choic e feminist s increasingl y seek t o situat e abortio n withi n a broade r contex t o f reproductiv e healt h (Pine an d La w 1992) . Moreover , pro-choic e organization s currentl y sound theme s o f abortio n a s merely on e part o f reproductiv e healt h an d responsibility, a las t resort . Indeed , a softe r versio n o f FFLA' s abortio n opposition migh t resembl e a stance o f simultaneousl y supportin g a lega l right whil e looking forwar d t o a tim e when abortion s (a s both Presiden t Clinton an d th e First Lady put it ) are "safe , legal , and rare. " A desir e t o reduc e th e nee d fo r abortio n appear s t o b e th e likelies t candidate fo r commo n ground , a s i s evident i n th e recen t formatio n b y
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some activist s o n bot h side s o f a "commo n groun d fo r lif e an d choice " coalition (Chandle r 1993) . Similarly, a two-fold focu s o n helping wome n to avoi d sexua l activit y the y d o no t wan t an d us e contraception , an d t o continue pregnancie s circumstance s rende r unwanted , migh t unif y bot h groups. However, probin g pro-choice an d "pro-life " interpretation s o f a feminist ethi c of sexuality an d of reproductive responsibility would likel y reveal not onl y som e common ground , bu t considerabl e divergenc e (Cal lahan an d Callaha n 1984 ; Swee t 1985 ; Petchesk y 1990 ; MacKinno n 1991). 19 If persons engage d i n efforts t o find "commo n ground " actuall y can wor k togethe r fo r purpose s o f suc h endeavor s o r o n othe r issue s affecting women' s well-being , notwithstanding eac h side' s ultimate posi tion o n lega l abortion , perhap s wome n nee d no t b e wholly a t odds . NOTES
I woul d lik e t o than k Jame s Fleming , Trac y Higgins , Danie l Ortiz , an d Laura Stei n for helpfu l comment s on earlier drafts. Thank s also to Jennifer Bush an d Cath y DiFigli a fo r valuabl e researc h assistance . I presented a n earlier version o f this paper a t the Feminism an d Legal Theory Workshop, "Revisiting Equality, " Apri l 2—3 , 1993 , Columbi a Universit y Schoo l o f Law. 1. Fo r example, many feminis t theorist s argu e that se x equality (a s intimated in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 11 2 S.Ct. 2791 [1992], rather than privacy (as held i n Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 11 3 [1973] , is the bette r constitutiona l basis for abortio n right s (La w 1984 ; MacKinnon 1991) . The recent confir mation hearings for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who has published a sexequality defens e o f abortion , implicate d tha t debat e (1985 ; Greenhous e 1993). An illustrative list of other debates includes whether the use of liberal legal language about rights, autonomy, and privacy is atomistic and fails to capture women's physical and moral experience (as contrasted with a model of responsibilit y an d connection ) (Gilliga n 1982 ; Wes t 1990 ; McClai n 1992a; Karlan and Ortiz 1993) , whether the rhetoric of choice obscures the importance of economic and social support of women's reproductive health needs an d th e constrainin g circumstance s o f actua l women' s decision s (Petchesky 1990 ; Robert s 1991 ; William s 1991) , an d whethe r th e mos t "feminist," persuasiv e argumen t i n favo r o f lega l abortio n shoul d includ e notions of respect for prenatal life and a pregnant woman's obligations to a fetus (Colker 1992 ; Burns 1990). 2. Choic e o f terminolog y i s hotl y conteste d amon g group s supportin g an d opposing legal abortion, since the way issues are framed ma y influence their reception. Ther e ar e goo d reason s t o resis t usin g th e labe l "pro-life " t o describe person s o r group s wh o oppos e lega l abortion , sinc e tha t labe l suggests persons who support legal abortion are "anti-life" an d suggests the
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only possibl e wa y t o suppor t lif e i s to oppos e lega l abortion . I would prefe r to refe r t o the m a s "anti-choice, " t o stres s thei r positio n tha t n o woma n should b e abl e t o choos e lega l abortion . A t th e sam e time , FFL A consider s the labe l "anti-choice " pejorative , analogou s t o callin g pro-choic e peopl e "pro-killing." Sinc e I am attemptin g t o offe r a fai r depictio n o f thei r views , I generall y refe r t o "pro-life " feminis m i n quotation s t o captur e thei r ow n self-description. 3. FFLA' s membershi p ha s bee n reporte d t o b e betwee n 4,00 0 t o 5,00 0 mem bers (Nationa l Publi c Radi o 1992 ; Donoho e 1993) . Medi a account s repor t that FFL A originate d i n th e earl y 1970s , whe n certai n wome n reportedl y had t o leav e NO W becaus e the y wer e voca l abou t thei r oppositio n t o lega l abortion (Nationa l Publi c Radi o 1992 ; Gallaghe r 1987) . I have foun d on e contemporaneous stor y i n whic h NOW' s newl y electe d president , Kare n DeCrow, commente d concernin g NO W member s identifie d wit h Feminist s for Life , oppose d t o abortio n bu t no t contraception : "Yo u ca n b e a NO W member an d b e agains t abortio n i f you don' t spea k o n behal f o f NOW , bu t I don' t thin k yo u ca n b e a feminis t an d b e agains t th e righ t o f a woman t o choose abortion " (Johnsto n 1974) . 4. Som e individua l member s o f FFLA , suc h a s Sidne y Callahan , publicl y criti cize Operatio n Rescu e a s reactionary , whil e others , lik e Jul i Loesch , hav e participated i n rescues . FFL A issue d statement s condemnin g th e shooting s of Dr . Davi d Gun n an d Dr . Georg e Tiller , physicians wh o performe d abor tions (FFL A 1993) . 5. Fo r example , FFL A ha s publicl y indicate d suppor t fo r th e Famil y an d Medical Leav e Ac t an d th e Violenc e agains t Wome n Act . Moreover , it s bylaws includ e thi s striking echo of feminis t critique s o f privacy: "Domesti c violence ha s bee n justifie d b y th e ide a tha t a 'man' s hom e i s his castle ' an d we rejec t a s a n outrag e thi s privat e violence , b y eithe r gender , whethe r i t i s used fo r pressur e fo r abortio n o r fo r an y reason. " A revie w o f it s bylaws , which indicate s position s o n a rang e o f issue s i n additio n t o abortion , indicates it s oppositio n t o abus e o f childre n (bu t fo r them , thi s include s disposing o f prenata l lif e a s "property") , t o al l form s o f sexua l harassmen t and sexua l abuse , t o punitiv e measure s (rathe r tha n dru g treatment ) fo r pregnant wome n wh o abus e drugs , to unnecessar y hysterectomie s an d mas tectomies, an d t o legall y sanctione d (enforceable ) contract s fo r surrogacy . Recently, FFLA , a s di d NOW , publicl y oppose d fiscal incentive s fo r volun tary Norplan t us e b y wome n receivin g welfar e payment s (Ree s 1991) . Af firmatively, i t call s fo r inclusio n o f healt h car e problem s specifi c t o wome n in governmental an d privat e medica l research . 6. FFLA' s stationer y bear s thi s logo . Th e assumptio n o f harmon y i s als o evident i n a recent full-pag e advertisemen t i n the New York Times, Jul y 14 , 1992, entitle d " A Ne w America n Compact : Carin g abou t Women , Carin g for th e Unborn," an d signe d b y two officer s o f FFL A and severa l prominen t individuals an d organizations . Th e "Compact " echoe s man y o f FFLA' s assertions abou t inequalit y an d abortio n an d call s fo r "th e mos t protectiv e laws possible o n behal f o f th e unborn. "
Equalityy Oppression, and Abortion 18 3 7. FFL A uses this slogan i n advertisement s i t has ru n i n various magazines . 8. Whil e othe r organization s o f women , particularl y th e conservativ e grou p Concerned Wome n o f America , similarl y disput e NOW' s representatio n o f them, i n FFLA' s cas e th e backdro p i s its genesi s i n th e isolatio n an d expul sion o f "pro-life " NO W members . 9. O n th e "voluntar y motherhood " movemen t an d it s empowerin g a s wel l a s problematic aspects , se e Ginsbur g (1989) , Gordo n (1982) , an d Siege l (1992).
10. FFL A file d it s amicus curiae brie f i n Webste r wit h Wome n Exploite d B y Abortion ("WEBA") . A collection o f testimonial s b y a fe w hundre d WEB A members i s gathered i n Reardo n (1987) . The pervasive theme in the book i s of wome n exploite d b y "abortionists " an d unreliable , uncarin g mal e part ners, an d mos t o f th e wome n deepl y regrette d thei r decisions . FFL A fre quently an d uncriticall y relie s o n Reardon' s boo k fo r it s claim s abou t th e harms o f abortion . 11. Thi s typ e o f clai m i s no t uniqu e t o FFL A amon g group s oppose d t o lega l abortion. Th e founde r o f WEBA , Nancyj o Mann , make s a simila r claim , labeling "th e abortio n mentality " a s "sexis m incarnate " an d abortio n a s a n easy way ou t (Reardo n 1987 : xi-xii). 12. Mathewes-Gree n say s that th e crisi s i s often du e t o th e absenc e o f a loving , faithful man . Th e autho r als o recommend s adoptio n ove r motherhoo d a s a general solutio n i n case s of unmarrie d women , an d seemingl y advocate s th e heroism o f women wh o giv e birth t o an d giv e up childre n (Mathewes-Gree n 1991: 30) . Pegg y Noona n similarl y invoke s th e languag e o f altruis m an d heroic generosit y i n suppor t o f adoptio n ("She' s Com e fo r a n Abortion " [1992]). 13. A similar interviewin g projec t undertake n b y Mar y Cunningha m Age e afte r her ow n miscarriag e (an d a curiosit y abou t women' s abortio n experiences ) led he r t o for m th e Nurturin g Networ k (Liener t 1993) . Age e espouse s n o view on whethe r o r no t abortio n shoul d b e legal, and th e Network serve s a s a referra l servic e fo r workin g wome n an d a college-counselin g cente r fo r students wit h unplanne d pregnancies . 14. Feminis t schola r Rosalin d Petchesk y powerfull y challenge s MacKinnon' s view (lik e that o f Ric h befor e her ) o f abortio n a s "violenc e agains t women " as both "disturbin g an d problematic" (Petchesk y 1984) . 15. Fo r a n illuminatin g exploratio n o f thes e an d othe r differences , base d o n a set o f exchange s abou t th e abortio n issu e bu t predatin g man y o f th e "pro life" an d "pro-choice " source s examine d i n thi s essay , se e Callaha n an d Callahan (1984 : 285-330) . 16. I n particular, journalis t an d autho r Na t Hentoff , wh o describe s himself a s a "Jewish, atheist , civi l libertarian , left-win g pro-lifer, " write s abou t FFL A a s allies, "othe r heretics, " who m h e finds "bold , witty , crispl y intelligent " an d has charge d feminist s an d leftist s wit h stereotypin g "pro-lifers " (Hentof f 1992a; Hentof f 1992b) . 17. I t is difficult t o asses s with an y certaint y wha t impac t suc h presentatio n ha s on th e climat e of opinion . For example , in 1992 , contemporaneous wit h th e
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march o n Washington fo r reproductiv e freedo m sponsore d b y NOW, FFL A announced th e foundin g o f th e Nationa l Women' s Coalitio n fo r Life , a coalition o f a numbe r o f organization s oppose d t o lega l abortio n (FFL A 1992a). Late r i n th e year , invokin g th e them e o f th e "yea r o f th e woman, " FFLA announce d th e formatio n o f th e Susa n B . Anthon y List , a s note d above. Medi a report s echoe d FFLA' s publi c statement s abou t thes e event s as designed t o remed y a flaw i n the "yea r o f th e woman" b y adding a "pro life" perspectiv e (FFL A 1992b ; Richardso n 1992) . Anothe r wa y i n whic h FFLA's claim s abou t feminis m an d abortio n ente r th e publi c real m i s through opinio n piece s an d letter s t o th e editor . Fo r example , a recen t "viewpoint" articl e i n a Dalla s newspape r b y a woma n describe d a s a writer an d membe r o f FFL A challenge d th e omissio n fro m a recen t film o n Elizabeth Cad y Stanto n an d women' s right s o f Stanton' s condemnatio n o f abortion (Brune r 1993) . 18. O f course , th e legac y o f feminis t struggl e als o include s th e feminis t birt h control movemen t associate d wit h Margare t Sange r i n th e earl y twentiet h century, als o soundin g themes o f women' s nee d t o contro l thei r ow n bodie s (Petchesky 1990 : 89-96) . 19. I n th e spac e her e I ca n onl y sugges t a fe w examples . O n convergence , th e text suggest s a commo n them e o f mal e exploitatio n an d tha t abortio n ma y allow fo r mal e irresponsibility . O n divergence , fo r Sidne y Callaha n an d other "pro-life " feminists , a feminis t sexua l ethi c require s viewin g sexua l activity an d procreatio n a s a unity , an d properl y confine d t o person s pre pared t o serv e a s parents , whil e pro-choic e feminist s cal l fo r th e develop ment o f a femal e sexualit y fre e fro m th e fea r o f unwante d pregnanc y an d motherhood an d no t limite d solel y t o heterosexual , procreativ e sex . The y would probabl y similarl y diffe r a s t o th e centralit y t o women' s identit y o f the experiences o f pregnancy an d motherhood .
REFERENCES
Brotman, Barbar a (1989) . "Feminists , But Abortion Opponents , Too." Chicago Tribune (Novembe r 12) . Bruner, Bureed a (1993) . "Earl y Feminist s an d Abortion. " Dallas Morning News (June 10) : 23A . Burns, Sara h E . (1990) . "Note s fro m th e Field : A Repl y t o Professo r Colker. " Harvard Women's Law Journal 13 : 189-206 . Callahan, Sidne y (1986) . "Abortio n an d th e Sexua l Agenda. " Commonweal (April 25) : 232-38 . Callahan, Sidney , an d Danie l Callahan , eds . (1984) . Abortion: Understanding Differences. Ne w York : Plenu m Press . Chandler, Kur t (1993) . "Abortio n Talk s Ar e Cal m Ey e o f th e Storm : Som e Activists Looking fo r Commo n Ground. " Star Tribune (Augus t 2) : iB . Colker, Rut h (1992) . Abortion and Dialogue. Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press.
Equality, Oppression, and Abortion 18 5 Cuniberti, Bett y (1985) . "Othe r Voice s Cryin g Ou t agains t th e Feminists. " Los Angeles Times (Octobe r 2) : 5—1. Davis, Pegg y Coope r (1993) . "Neglecte d Storie s an d th e Lawfulnes s o f Ro e v . Wade." Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 28 : 299-394 . Donohoe, Cathry n (1993) . "Pregnan t Pause : Th e Pro-Lif e Movemen t Plot s a Ne w Strateg y fo r th e Clinto n Years. " Washington Times (Februar y 23) : Ei. Dworkin, Ronal d (1993) . Life's Dominion. Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf . Feminists fo r Lif e o f Americ a (undated) . Bylaws an d Resolutions . (undated). Soun d Advic e fo r Al l Pro-lif e Activist s an d Candidate s Wh o Wish t o Includ e a Concer n fo r Women' s Right s i n Thei r Pro-lif e Advo cacy (Debat e Handbook) . Feminist s fo r Lif e o f America , Kansa s City , Mis souri. (1981). Statemen t o f Paulett e Joyer , Feminist s fo r Lif e o f America , Hearings befor e th e Subcommitte e o n th e Constitutio n o f th e Committe e o n the Judiciary , Constitutiona l Amendment s Relatin g t o Abortion , Vol . 1 , 1157-58 (Decembe r 7 and 16) . (1989). Brie f o f Feminist s fo r Lif e o f Americ a e t al . a s Amid Curiae i n Support o f Appellant s i n Webster v. Reproductive Health Services. (1991)- Brie f o f Feminist s fo r Lif e o f Americ a e t al . a s Amici Curiae i n Support o f Petitioner s i n Bray v. Alexandria Women's Health Clinic. (1992a). "Feminist s fo r Lif e Hol d Event s t o Protes t Pro-Abortio n March." P R News wire (Marc h 31) . (1992b). "Fla w in 'Yea r o f the Woman' i s Remedied—Susan B . Anthony List Founded." P R Newswire (Novembe r 9) . (1992c). Brie f o f Feminist s fo r Lif e o f Americ a e t al . a s Amici Curiae in Suppor t o f Respondent s an d Cros s Petitioner s i n Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1993). Press Release (Augus t 20) . Finley, Lucind a M . (1986) . "Transcendin g Equalit y Theory. " Columbia Law Review 86 : 1118-82 . Fox-Genovese, Elizabet h (1991) . Feminism without Illusions. Chape l Hill : Uni versity o f Nort h Carolin a Press . Frolik, Jo e (1993) . "And-Abortio n Group s Tr y Ne w Plan. " Cleveland Plain Dealer (Septembe r 8) : i C . Gallagher, Maggi e (1987) . "Th e Ne w Pro-Lif e Rebels : Feminist s fo r Lif e o f America." National Review (Februar y 27) : 37 . Gilligan, Caro l (1982) . In a Different Voice. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press. Ginsburg, Fay e D . (1989) . Contested Lives. Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press. Ginsburg, Rut h Bade r (1985) . "Som e Thought s o n Autonom y an d Equalit y i n Relation t o Roe v. Wade. n North Carolina Law Review 63 : 375—86. Goldstein, Rober t D . (1988) . Mother-Love and Abortion. Berkeley : Universit y of Californi a Press . Gordon, Lind a (1982) . "Wh y Nineteenth-Centur y Feminist s Di d No t Suppor t
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'Birth Control ' an d Twentieth-Centur y Feminist s Do : Feminism , Reproduc tion, and th e Family." I n Barrie Thorne an d Marily n Yalom , eds. , Rethinking the Family. Ne w York : Longman . Graham, Rene e (1992.) . "Enoug h I s Enough , The y Say. " Boston Globe (Apri l *9):43Greenhouse, Lind a (1993) . "O n Privac y an d Equality. " New York Times (Jun e 16): A i . Harrison, Beverl y Wildun g (1987) . "Ou r Righ t t o Choose. " I n Barbar a Hilker t Andolsen, e t al. , eds. , Women's Consciousness, Women's Conscience. Sa n Francisco: Harpe r an d Row . Hentoff, Na t (1992a) . "Stereotypin g Pro-Lifers. " Washington Post (Ma y 16) : A25. (1992b). "Pro-Choic e Bigotr y an d Censorship. " Sacramento Bee (No vember 29) . Hyman, Jennife r (1991) . "Seekin g a Ne w Kin d o f Feminism. " Gannett News Service (Novembe r 22) . "In Session: Notes o n th e Legislature" (1993) . Austin American-Statesman (Feb ruary 16) : B3. Johnston, Lauri e (1974) . "NO W Elect s Syracus e Lawye r a s Head. " New York Times (Ma y 28) : 29 . Karkabi, Barbara (1992) . "Speakin g Out : Anti-Abortio n Leade r Urge s Compas sion, Social Engagement. " Houston Chronicle (Decembe r 13) : 3. Karlan, Pamel a S. , and Danie l R . Orti z (1993) . "I n a Diffident Voice : Relationa l Feminism, Abortio n Rights , an d th e Feminis t Lega l Agenda. " Northwestern University Law Review 87 : 858-96 . Law, Sylvi a A . (1984) . "Rethinkin g Se x an d th e Constitution. " University of Pennsylvania Law Review 132 : 955-1040 . (1992.)- "Abortion Compromise—Inevitabl e an d Impossible. " University of Illinois Law Review 1992 : 9 2 1 - 4 1 . Lienert, Anit a Pyzi k (1993) . " A Spiritua l Lif e Help s Bendi x Caus e Celebr e Pursue Mission. " Chicago Tribune (Februar y 28) : 11. Luker, Kristi n (1984) . Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood. Berkeley : Uni versity o f Californi a Press . McClain, Lind a C . (1992a) . "'Atomisti c Man ' Revisited : Liberalism , Connec tion, an d Feminis t Jurisprudence. " Southern California Law Review 65 : 1171—1264.
(1992b). "Th e Povert y o f Privacy? " Columbia journal of Gender and Law 3 : 119—74. McConnell, Michae l W . (1991) . "Ho w No t t o Promot e Seriou s Deliberatio n about Abortion. " (Revie w o f Laurenc e H . Tribe , Abortion: The Clash of Absolutes. University of Chicago Law Review 58 : n 81-1202 . McDonnell, Kathlee n (1984) . Not an Easy Choice. Boston : Sout h En d Press . MacKinnon, Catharin e A . (1987) . Feminism Unmodified. Cambridge : Harvar d University Press . (1991). "Reflection s o n Se x Equalit y unde r Law. " Yale Law Journal 100: 1281—1328 .
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Manegold, Catherin e S . (1992) . "Th e Battl e ove r Choic e Obscure s Othe r Vita l Concerns o f Women." New York Times (Augus t 2) : 4 - 1. Mathewes-Green, Frederic a (1991) . "Unplanne d Parenthood : Easin g the Pain o f Crisis Pregnancy." Heritage Foundation Policy Review (Summer) : 28 . (1992). "Marcher s Don' t Spea k fo r Man y Women. " USA Today (Apri l 8): 13A . Mensch, Elizabeth , an d Ala n Freema n (1993) . The Politics of Virtue: Is Abortion Debatable? Durham : Duk e Universit y Press . Morse, Ann e (1992) . "Fo r Som e Candidates , 'Yea r o f th e Woman ' I s Ironi c Term." Cleveland Plain Dealer (Novembe r 20) : 7B. National Publi c Radi o Morning Edition (1992) . "'Feminist s fo r Life' : Leftist s against Abortion." Transcrip t (Augus t 7) . Olsen, France s (1989) . "Unravelin g Compromise. " Harvard Law Review 103 : 105-35. Operation Rescu e (1991) . Brie f fo r Petitioner s i n Bray v. Alexandria Women's Health Clinic. Petchesky, Rosalind (1984) . "Abortio n a s 'Violence agains t Women': A Feminist Critique." Radical America 18 : 64-6S. (1990). Abortion and Woman's Choice (rev . ed.) . Boston: Northeaster n University Press . Phelps, Teres a Godwi n (1992) . "Th e Soun d o f Silenc e Breaking : Catholi c Women, Abortion, an d th e Law." Tennessee Law Review 59 : 547-69 . Pine, Rachel N., and Sylvi a A. Law (1992) . "Envisionin g a Future fo r Reproduc tive Liberty." Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 27 : 4 0 7 - 6 3. Reardon, Davi d C . (1987) . Aborted Women: Silent No More. Chicago : Loyol a University Press . Rees, Matthe w (1991) . "Sho t i n th e Arm : Th e Us e an d Abus e o f Norplant. " New Republic (Decembe r 9) : 16 . Richardson, Valeri e (1992) . "Feminis t Launche s PA C fo r Pro-Lifers : See s Lop sided 'Yea r o f th e Woman."' Washington Times (Novembe r 7) : A i . Rizzoni, Daw n M . (1992) . "Whe n Wome n Pul l th e Lever. " Washington Times (August 30) : B5. Roberts, Doroth y (1991) . "Punishin g Dru g Addict s Wh o Hav e Babies : Wome n of Color , Equality , an d th e Righ t o f Privacy. " Harvard Law Review 104 : 1419-82. "She's Com e fo r a n Abortion . Wha t D o Yo u Say? " (1992) . Harper's (Novem ber): 43-54 Siegel, Rev a (1992) . "Reasonin g fro m th e Body : A Historica l Perspectiv e o n Abortion Regulatio n an d Question s o f Equa l Protection. " Stanford Law Review 44 : 261-381 . Stafford, Margare t (1991) . "Feminis t Grou p Marche s t o It s Ow n Drum. " Los Angeles Times (Februar y 10) : E12. Sweet, Gai l Grenier , ed . (1985) . Pro-Life Feminism: Different Voices. Toronto : Life Cycl e Books. Tribe, Laurenc e H . (1990) . Abortion: The Clash of Absolutes. Ne w York : W. W. Norton .
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Voell, Paul a (1993) . "Th e Othe r Sid e o f th e Fence. " Buffalo News (Augus t 17): 1 .
Vrazo, Faw n (1992) . " A Grou p Aime d a t Thos e Feminist s Wh o Ar e agains t Abortion Rights." Philadelphia Inquirer (July 23): B3. West, Robi n (1988) . "Jurisprudenc e a n d Gender. " University of Chicago Law Review 55: 1. "Foreword: Takin g Freedo m Seriously. " Harvard Law Review 104 : 43-106.
Williams, Joa n (1991) . "Gende r Wars : Selfles s Wome n i n th e Republi c o f Choice." New York University Law Review 66: 1559-1634.
9. THE POLITIC S O F SURROGAC Y NARRATIVES: NOTE S TOWAR D A RESEARCH PROJEC T E. AN N KAPLA N
S U R R O G A C Y NARRATIVE S
In thei r narratives , surrogat e mother s ofte n announc e thei r motiv e fo r becoming suc h mother s a s a sisterl y desir e t o hel p infertil e women . Yet , in practice , surrogac y become s th e terrai n fo r incredible , eve n unprece dented, hostilit y an d violenc e betwee n women . I t i s thi s discrepanc y between sisterl y motive s an d unsisterl y practic e tha t I wan t t o explor e here. Since narratives ar e always discursivel y formed , m y ultimate ai m is to understan d wha t discourse s produc e th e women' s storie s narrate d i n popular journals : What audience s d o the y address ? Wha t effec t doe s th e context o f thei r publicatio n hav e o n th e for m o f th e stories ? Wha t economic, political, and othe r socia l factors ente r in? Here, I limit myself mainly t o layin g bar e som e o f th e commo n structure s t o women' s sto ries, an d som e o f th e repeate d themes , a s the y illuminat e th e parado x between sisterl y motive s an d unsisterl y practice . A surve y o f storie s i n magazines i s followe d b y analysi s o f a televisio n movi e an d a feminis t video. Sisterly motive s aboun d i n popula r narrative s abou t surrogacy, 1 an d there i s a surprisin g uniformit y i n th e basic s o f th e story , eve n i n th e 189
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language used . Surrogat e mother s discus s thei r pleasur e i n givin g birt h for anothe r woman ; the y expres s sympath y fo r infertil e women—want ing t o giv e th e gif t o f a chil d (Kan e 1988 : 20-22 ; Whitehea d 1989 : 7 ; Markoutsas 1981 : 71-72). Som e discus s havin g bee n fulfille d i n havin g their ow n children , an d wantin g othe r couple s t o shar e th e sam e joy . " I felt I wa s mad e fo r havin g babies, " i s on e formulation . Fo r example , Mary Bet h Whitehea d represent s hersel f a s a woman devote d t o bein g a mother an d wantin g nothin g els e i n lif e tha n bearin g an d nurturin g children. "Bein g a mothe r wa s alway s ho w I define d myself, " sh e says . "Surrogacy wa s a wa y fo r m e t o hel p someon e les s fortunate " (Whitehead 1988 : 89) . In thi s story , surrogat e motherin g i s represente d as " a positive , multi-voca l symbol , pointin g t o previou s barrennes s an d promised fertility " (Deega n 1987 : 93) . Th e bab y bor n o f a surrogat e i s seen a s bot h o f th e flesh an d o f th e law— a member , b y contrac t an d law, i n a gif t relationshi p (Turne r 1969) , rathe r tha n bab y sellin g o n a shameful market , a s i n som e narrative s note d below . I t i s see n a s a special celebratio n o f birt h itself . Surrogacy, unlik e man y othe r reproductiv e technologies , i s a n ol d technology, an d doe s no t actuall y requir e medica l sophistication . Thi s may b e par t o f it s appeal : th e historica l an d biblica l preceden t o f Abra ham, Sarah , an d Sarah' s handmaiden , Hagar , i s sometimes quote d (e.g. , Lacayo an d Svobod a 1986 : 36 ; Nef f 1987 : 14 ; Butze l 1987 : 7) , espe cially i n storie s dealin g wit h wome n wh o giv e birt h t o a sister' s baby . Actual sister s actin g a s surrogates an d adoptiv e mother s is , significantly , often th e most positive context fo r surrogac y in these narratives. Accompanying on e suc h stor y ar e image s o f th e sister s hugging , kissing , an d crying (Kin g an d Fei n 1986 : 34) . The surrogac y i n thi s cas e is seen a s a "family project " (ibid. : 35) . Whe n th e siste r miscarries , i t i s a trauma . The famil y accept s th e los s withi n th e framewor k o f "Go d neve r mean t me t o hav e a child " (ibid. : 36) . On e siste r conceptualize s he r surrogac y as " I loane d m y siste r m y bod y fo r he r bab y t o gro w in— I wa s merel y babysitting fo r nin e months " (ibid. : 38) . Th e bab y i s calle d "m y littl e passenger." I n a simila r story , th e sisterl y surrogac y i s see n a s payin g back the sister fo r al l her lov e and suppor t (Mill s 1985 : 20—22). In thi s story , th e stres s i s o n surrogac y bein g a communit y an d family process , no t i n th e hand s o f exper t service s an d professionals : al l members involve d i n th e proces s mee t an d ea t ritua l foods , eve n i f onl y coffee an d cake , s o a s t o se t th e ton e fo r celebrator y aspects . In som e cases, th e artificia l inseminatio n i s don e wit h a turke y baster , t o signif y
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links wit h Thanksgivin g rituals . Thes e narrator s represen t inseminatio n as anothe r festiv e occasion , par t o f th e "famil y album " serie s o f festivi ties like Christmas, grandma's birthday , an d th e Fourth o f July. In anothe r narrative , i t i s literall y Thanksgivin g Day , an d th e surro gate mothe r give s birt h alon e i n th e deliver y roo m befor e th e fathe r an d adoptive mothe r arriv e (Richard s 1989 : 22) . Th e even t i s presente d a s happy, no t sad ; th e surrogat e mothe r content , grateful . In anothe r case , the woman ha s bee n a surrogate mothe r fou r time s an d i s yearning to b e pregnant again . He r ow n stor y follows , a s i f t o explai n he r situation : a t sixteen, sh e go t pregnant , married , an d ha d tw o children ; whe n he r husband joine d a motorcycl e gang , sh e gav e th e childre n u p fo r adop tion. In thi s narrative , th e woma n ha s show n he r abilit y t o giv e u p he r children an d i s thus supposedl y a good surrogate . Bearing other people' s children make s u p fo r th e loss of he r own . In ye t on e mor e story , th e surrogat e mothe r i s quoted a s saying : "I'l l never find a cur e fo r cancer , bu t I'l l alway s kno w I'v e don e somethin g important" (Gupt a an d Feldinge r 1989 : 141) . A surrogat e husband , a rare voic e i n thes e narrative s an d abou t who m I would lik e t o kno w a lot more , says : " I rationalize d tha t i t wa s a medica l experiment. " ZIF T surrogacy (zygot e intra-fallopia n tub e transfer) , i n whic h th e surrogat e has no geneti c claim t o the surrogate mother , i s said in the same story t o be made possibl e b y Go d an d thu s acceptable . In the mor e comple x an d still mor e unusua l situatio n o f gamet e intra-fallopia n transfe r (GIFT) , one woma n i s describe d a s gloatin g ove r he r twelv e eggs . "Sh e [th e recipient] an d I wer e cyclin g a t th e sam e time—it' s lik e bein g i n a war together " ( a tellin g metapho r tha t evidence s th e constructio n o f comradeship betwee n th e women involved) . The woman undergoin g th e transfer i s quoted : " I almos t didn' t car e i f I had a baby— I jus t wante d to know wha t havin g life insid e would fee l like. " My secon d se t of popular narratives—thos e I call "negative"—revea l antitechnology sentiment s an d dwel l o n th e "unsisterl y practices " I noted above . Surrogat e mother s whos e experience s turne d negativ e adopt narrative s circulatin g elsewher e i n Nort h America n cultur e (ofte n originating i n religiou s o r righ t win g contexts) . On e se t o f negativ e surrogacy concept s label s it "baby-sellin g o n a shameful market. " Othe r negative surrogac y narrative s ofte n conjur e u p Orwell' s 1984 t o indicat e the negativ e response . Surrogat e reproductio n i s seen a s col d an d steril e because i t i s separate d fro m lov e an d famil y lif e (Nef f 1987 : 14—15 ; Murphy 1984) . "Babie s bor n fro m froze n embryo s wil l b e col d th e res t
192 E . Ann Kaplan of thei r lives. " Typica l headline s fo r thes e storie s ar e "Brav e Ne w Ba bies" o r "Tale s fro m th e Bab y Factory. " "Bab y Farming " i s conjure d up, especiall y i n relatio n t o third-worl d women , an d th e figur e o f th e surrogate mo m a s huma n incubato r predominate s (e.g. , Clap p 1987 : 1 4 - 1 5 ; Murph y 1984) . The language of thes e stories involves a negative judgment o n "wom b rental fees, " an d financia l arrangement s ar e no w highlighted . Mar y Beth Whitehead's $10,00 0 contrac t i s quoted. Indeed, Whitehead's 198 9 book gather s togethe r negativ e motif s i n earlier storie s an d set s the stag e for mor e t o come : " I hav e learned, " sh e says , "tha t th e renta l o f a woman's bod y fo r th e sal e of th e child sh e bears i s wrong. I t violates th e core o f wha t a woma n is " (Whitehea d 1989 : xiv-xv) . Th e practic e i s often labele d "commercia l tradin g i n flesh," an d article s asser t tha t governments shoul d outla w surrogac y an d th e us e of fetuse s fo r medica l purposes. I f surrogac y i s regularized , a clas s o f breede r wome n woul d be create d (Clap p 1989 ; Murph y 1985)—suc h a s Margare t Atwoo d envisaged i n The Handmaid's Tale (Kapla n 1992)—wome n value d bot h for thei r biologica l fertilit y an d th e unnatura l abilit y t o rejec t thei r ow n flesh an d blood . Article s her e sugges t tha t childles s couple s coul d aban don technologica l alternative s t o giv e lov e t o trouble d youn g people , adopt "unadoptable " childre n o f mixe d race , o r thos e wh o ar e older , disabled, o r deepl y disadvantage d (se e diverse perspectives i n Montgom ery 1988) . Quite ofte n religiou s figures ar e quote d decryin g surrogacy : fo r in stance, Richar d A . McCormick , S.J. , said , "Th e practic e i s morall y unjustifiable, becaus e a thir d part y i s introduce d int o th e marriag e o f two wh o hav e becom e on e flesh " (Markoutsa s 1981 : 72). "Procreatio n should not b e divorced fro m th e context of marital intimacy by involving a thir d party, " a priest i s quoted a s saying. Ye t anothe r pries t sai d t o a n adoptive surrogac y mother : "You r childre n hav e no t sinned , bu t yo u have. You'v e use d Michael' s sper m i n anothe r woman' s body " (Mar koutsas 1981 : 74)—despit e th e biblica l preceden t regardin g Sara h an d Hagar note d above . Thi s preceden t i s viewe d b y religiou s spokesme n against surrogac y a s th e medieva l church' s toleranc e o f concubinag e t o regulate th e transmissio n o f property , bu t i s considere d inapplicabl e today (Nef f 1987 : 14) . Unsisterly practice s emerg e i n differen t narrative s o r late r o n i n th e same narratives , a t th e poin t wher e sisterlines s change s t o "wome n a t odds." Th e dram a o f "wome n a t odds" i n the cases where surrogate s d o
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not wan t t o kee p t o th e adoptio n contrac t dominate s th e negative surro gacy stories. Such dram a wa s spelle d ou t graphicall y i n Elizabeth Kane' s book, Birth Mother (1989) . Kan e make s a vivi d ple a agains t surrogat e motherhood o n th e ground s o f th e birt h mother' s inevitabl e biologica l bonding with th e bab y tha t a surrogate carries . Following Kan e an d popularize d psychologica l studies , storie s i n commercial magazine s assum e automati c bondin g o f mothe r an d child . Writers stres s the wrenching separation o f the couple ("Elizabeth " 1983 ) and dwel l o n negativ e psychologica l result s (Groga n 1989 : 36-41) . Surrogacy i s discussed a s symbolic adultery, an d th e jealous competitio n between surrogat e an d adoptiv e mother s i s emphasized. Author s lamen t effects o f th e proces s o n othe r childre n i n eithe r family , alon g wit h the awesom e psychologica l implication s o f signin g a contrac t t o giv e a child away . A cas e i s ofte n mad e fo r th e surrogat e chil d a s differen t fro m th e adopted child , whos e mothe r wante d i t bu t coul d no t kee p it . In surro gacy, th e mothe r goe s int o th e birt h proces s intendin g t o giv e th e chil d up. Storie s highligh t how , indeed , som e surrogate s ar e makin g u p fo r past acts , lik e abortion , o r givin g u p a chil d fo r adoption . (Evidently , research show s tha t a hig h proportio n o f surrogat e mother s a t on e tim e either gav e childre n u p fo r adoptio n o r ha d abortion s [Guinzbur g 1983].) Fro m th e perspective o f th e recipient couple , stories dwell o n th e psychologically painful , heart-wrenchin g ordea l of couples who, throug h "hiring" a surrogat e birt h mother , ar e tryin g t o hav e a chil d partl y sharing thei r geneti c inheritance . Narrative s stres s th e "torture " suc h couples endur e whil e waiting fo r thei r surrogat e t o b e pregnant, an d th e tension suffere d durin g th e perio d o f th e pregnancy . Lega l an d ethica l issues ar e sometime s note d i n popula r storie s (e.g. , Minga y 1982 ; McKay 1983 ; Thor n 1988 ; Malcol m 1988) , althoug h suc h issue s ar e largely reserve d fo r formidable , specificall y lega l literatur e (e.g. , Pate man 1988) . Commentary an d Discourse s
I have alway s bee n suspiciou s o f th e sisterl y pronouncement s i n m y first set o f narratives , an d equall y trouble d b y th e polemical , self-righteou s tone of th e negative narratives. Clearly , the two kinds of narrative se t u p a fals e binar y tha t i s inadequate fo r dealin g wit h th e actua l psychologi cal, political , scientific , economic , an d racia l aspect s o f th e increasin g
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surrogacy phenomenon . Th e multiplicit y o f position s i s los t i n th e po lemical argument s bein g mad e i n bot h set s o f stories . Als o troublin g i s the amazin g similarity amon g th e popula r stories—th e repetitio n o f motifs o f th e gift, o f doin g something fo r infertil e couples , of frustration , pain, ultimat e jo y t o th e adoptiv e parents , an d s o on—fro m a s earl y a s 1983 throug h 1989 , afte r whic h tim e popula r magazine s seeme d t o finally sens e tha t enoug h wa s enough . Th e stor y graduall y acquire s th e status o f myth , wit h fixe d characters , se t verba l exchanges , an d simila r language an d tone . I t seem s tha t Mar y Bet h Whitehead' s 198 9 book , A Mother's Story, provide d th e ful l mythi c accoun t s o that , onc e articu lated, mor e case s did not nee d citing . In commentin g briefly , le t me begi n wit h th e glarin g absenc e o f refer ence t o th e economic , class , an d rac e issue s i n positiv e surrogac y narra tives, sinc e this absenc e i s clearly a n importan t structurin g element . Jus t because mone y i s rarel y mentione d i n thes e narratives , on e migh t sup pose tha t financial gai n (usuall y $10,00 0 wit h al l medica l an d relate d expenses paid ) i s the real , represse d motive . When th e fe e i s mentioned , it i s a s enablin g th e surrogat e mothe r t o bu y necessitie s o r t o pa y bill s when a husband ha s bee n lai d off ; thes e comment s ar e accompanie d b y statements tha t clai m th e mai n motiv e i s "t o mak e infertil e couple s happy" (Gelma n an d Shapir o 1985) . Th e financial surrogat e arrange ment ma y accoun t fo r th e clas s differenc e betwee n surrogat e an d adop tive mothers , s o wh y ca n thi s no t b e mor e readil y mentioned ? Presum ably, th e wome n nee d t o sho w highe r motive s fo r thei r surrogac y tha n financial ones ; an d perhap s thi s i s a nee d produce d throug h religiou s o r community values . Onc e again , Mar y Bet h Whitehead' s stor y provide s the prototyp e fo r suc h feeling s an d values : " I hav e alway s bee n reli gious," sh e says, " . . . an d I certainly praye d tha t i f I did this fo r anothe r childless couple , Go d woul d rewar d m e b y givin g m y siste r a baby " (Whitehead 1989 : 8) . Although th e wome n rarel y mentio n th e financial part o f th e contract , I d o no t assum e consciou s duplicity . M y futur e research wil l ai m t o discover , throug h interview s an d othe r strategies , what prevent s women fro m mentionin g finances. Something mor e complex , psychologicall y an d socially , i s a t stak e than wha t emerge s fro m eithe r women's storie s o r m y cynica l questions . First, it is important tha t mos t of the surrogate mothers see m to be white and lowe r middl e class , adoptiv e one s apparentl y whit e an d middl e class, with the rare exception o f Anna Johnson, a black surrogate mothe r involved i n a custodia l sui t wit h th e whit e biologica l parent s ("Psychia -
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trist Testifies " 1990 ; "Surrogat e Mothe r Sue s fo r Baby' s Custody " 1990). Researc h o n profile s o f surrogat e mother s i s difficul t becaus e such profiles ar e difficult t o obtain. Few narratives tal k abou t eithe r clas s or race , bu t rarel y ar e th e surrogat e o r recipien t mother s toute d i n th e media a s minority women. 2 Also intriguin g i n narrative s i s why surrogat e mother s d o no t antici pate th e separatio n fro m th e child , whic h the y describ e a s "heart wrenching," o r realiz e tha t the y ma y desir e t o kee p th e child , despit e their havin g ha d othe r children . Wh y doe s th e adoptiv e mothe r als o no t anticipate suc h struggl e o n th e par t o f th e surrogat e mother ? Increasin g desire t o kee p th e chil d produce s th e unsisterl y practices—th e hostilit y and th e violenc e o n bot h women' s parts . Surrogate s suddenly , an d vio lently, declar e tha t the y want t o kee p the chil d they hav e just give n birt h to, whil e th e adoptiv e mother—havin g anticipate d receivin g th e chil d for th e previou s nin e months—equall y violentl y demand s th e chil d b e handed over . I t is as if the surrogate s an d adoptiv e mother s hav e starte d a story whose ending they have forgotten, o r as if they step into position s of women-fighting-wome n s o common i n film melodrama an d televisio n soaps, a s wil l b e suggeste d below . Clearly , neithe r woma n i s self-con sciously awar e o f th e discursiv e force s shapin g thei r experience s an d of ho w thei r storie s ar e linked . Indeed , th e surrogat e mother' s violen t desire t o keep th e chil d ma y b e provoke d precisel y b y th e adoptiv e mother's urgen t desir e to claim th e child . A symbiotic process ma y b e a t work. I have wondered a t my skepticism abou t the sisterly narratives I began with: i s it reall y s o impossibl e fo r on e woma n t o wan t t o d o somethin g as disruptiv e o f he r ow n lif e a s bearin g an d givin g birt h t o a bab y fo r another woman ? Wha t doe s sisterliness of these dimensions really mean ? Perhaps I a m missin g somethin g abou t wha t childbirt h actuall y mean s to man y wome n an d simpl y d o no t understan d th e discursiv e frame works withi n whic h surrogat e mother s live ; afte r all , havin g childre n i s the mai n o r onl y identit y and/o r lif e preoccupatio n fo r man y women . Perhaps, a s one narrato r suggested , wome n ar e motivated b y the ide a o f contributing i n some way analogou s t o makin g scientifi c discoveries . But i t i s als o possibl e tha t th e decisio n t o becom e a surrogat e i s partly produce d throug h medi a storie s stil l stressin g th e self-sacrificia l mother—such storie s image self-sacrifice a s what motherin g is all about ! The idealize d self-sacrific e functio n ha s becom e harde r an d harde r t o fulfill fo r man y reasons : moder n househol d device s giv e th e appearanc e
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of mitigatin g housework , a s does th e ne w entr y o f father s int o domesti c chores an d eve n chil d rearing , an d s o perhap s wome n ar e reachin g fo r ways t o perfor m thi s function . Bu t desir e fo r thi s self-sacrific e will s int o being its binary opposite , the jealous, competitive mother , wh o wants t o possess th e child . Surrogac y provide s a uniqu e situatio n wher e th e bi nary mother s s o commo n i n Nort h America n storie s ca n b e mad e t o merge—or wher e eac h woma n ca n constitut e hersel f alternatel y a s th e "angelic" an d th e evi l "witch " mother . Th e visua l fictions t o b e dis cussed belo w will , I hope, mak e clea r ho w "sisterl y motives " (th e ange l ideal mother ) quickl y turn s int o "unsisterl y practice " (th e negativ e witch mother) . THE MINISERIE S A N D ROSLEFT S BORN TO BE SOLD
The traditiona l angel/witch-mothe r figures i n Wester n cultur e ar e obvi ously reworke d i n th e metaphor s an d allusion s i n som e storie s outline d above. Bu t on e ca n isolat e tw o main , linke d strand s throug h whic h this discursiv e mother-formatio n arrive s bac k i n surrogac y narratives . A possible religiou s formatio n fo r th e sisterlines s (th e angeli c paradigm ) may b e foun d i n th e wa y som e narrators , a s note d above , refe r t o "God"; other s impl y religiou s discours e b y referrin g t o th e "gift " o r b y generating ritual s a s par t o f th e surrogac y project . I s i t possibl e tha t select form s o f Christia n fundamentalis m partl y produc e th e sisterl y discourse an d apparen t genuin e emotion s tha t g o wit h it ? Coul d th e biblical preceden t pu t surrogac y i n a n entirel y differen t categor y tha n other technologies ? The secon d formation , whic h ha s implication s fo r th e "women-at odds" paradigm , seem s mor e obviou s t o me : man y o f th e storie s out lined abov e ar e clos e t o th e materia l o f melodram a an d soa p opera , a s I noted abov e an d a s Linda Gordo n onc e pointed out. 3 In order to explor e this formation , I discuss tw o divergent , deliberatel y fictional (a s agains t apparently autobiographical ) example s o f th e mos t well-know n surro gacy narrative, that o f Mary Bet h Whitehead, t o see how the melodram a "genre" ma y b e differently constitutiv e i n bot h cases . I may the n b e in a position t o retur n t o th e openin g supposedl y "factual " narrative s i n order t o asses s ho w fa r the y to o hav e bee n shape d b y prio r nineteenth and twentieth-centur y literar y narrative s lon g i n popula r circulatio n through fiction, film, an d television . The AB C commercia l narrativ e represente d i n th e televisio n minise -
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ries Baby M focuse s mos t o n th e proble m o f giving up the child, a s i t i s the chil d tha t cause s rivalr y betwee n th e mothers : "wome n a t odds, " then, form s th e traumati c par t o f th e surrogac y story . I t i s here tha t th e story link s u p wit h nineteenth-centur y stage—an d the n film—melodrama. Th e adulterou s mothe r i n suc h nineteenth-centur y narrative s i s punished b y having to giv e up he r children . Suc h narrative s {East Lynne [1861] i s a well-know n model ; se e Kapla n 1992 ) dwel l o n th e painfu l separation fro m th e children—th e years-lon g yearning s fo r the m i n exile, the tear s ove r thei r loss , th e povert y th e mothe r succumb s to , he r guilt. Th e surrogac y situation , i t seems , ver y muc h evoke s thi s conven tion regardin g mother s an d childre n i n the commercial stories . The miniserie s follow s th e ol d classica l Hollywoo d melodram a real ism tha t televisio n soap s hav e adopted . I t claim s t o b e a window o n th e world, o n reality , an d conceal s it s processes of selectin g which image s t o show, whic h t o ignore , an d o n th e illusor y construction s a t play . Th e series attempt s t o ge t viewer s t o identif y wit h th e character s a s wit h historical people , an d eve n i n Baby M give s th e character s th e nam e o f their real-lif e equivalents . What i s of interes t in this connection i s exactly what identification s th e miniserie s solicits , an d wha t represse d perspec tives are abl e to emerge , unawares . As alread y noted , th e televisio n miniserie s genr e i s alway s ultimatel y melodrama: tha t is , i t i s a film abou t th e domesti c sphere , dealin g with families , children , an d conflict s withi n thi s terrain . Th e genr e ha s potentially bot h liberator y an d regressiv e aspects , th e latte r bein g limit s on wha t ca n b e sai d an d wha t i s excluded . Bu t unconsciou s desire s ar e often a t work , an d th e genr e ma y provid e a spac e fo r articulatio n o f what canno t b e said, what ha s to be repressed, bu t is conveyed implicitl y in the drama (Gledhil l 1987) . The first episode opens with revealing title shots taken fro m th e whol e series. These isolat e th e mos t dramati c part s o f th e narrative—th e mos t sensational—and the y stres s th e fictional Bil l Stern' s bondin g t o th e child. Arguably, th e title shots sho w wha t i s self-consciously a t stak e fo r the filmmakers, whic h i s no t th e sam e a s wha t ultimatel y i s communi cated. The "wome n a t odds " (o r th e women-to-be-at-odds ) ar e establishe d in deliberatel y contrastin g way s i n th e openin g sequence s throug h care ful selectio n o f clothes , bod y language , an d physica l location—sign s that conve y culturall y loade d meanings . Betsy Ster n ( a doctor a s well) i s represented a s stiff, proper , professional , well-dressed , an d i n contro l o f
198 E . Ann Kaplan her emotions . Earl y scene s indicat e tha t Dr . Ster n canno t hav e a chil d and, despit e her emotiona l control , make clear how upset she is about it . Second, th e motivatio n fo r Bil l Stern' s desir e fo r a biological , no t adopted, chil d i s stresse d wit h th e los s o f hi s mothe r an d hi s bein g "al l alone." Stern' s Jewishnes s i s focuse d o n a t som e length , perhap s t o underscore hi s nee d fo r heritage . Whil e mal e figures ar e usuall y remot e authorities o r lover s i n th e melodram a convention , i n thi s cas e bot h husbands (Ster n an d Ric k Whitehead ) sho w th e impac t o f th e women' s movements an d se e themselves a s quit e involve d wit h domesti c life . Bu t this is especially s o for th e middle-class Mr . Stern . The first imag e o f Mar y Bet h Whitehead i s in loud contras t t o tha t o f Betsy Stern . Again , stereotypica l clas s sign s predominate : Mar y Bet h i s shown i n a n unattractiv e manne r lyin g in bed , eating chocolates (sig n of decadence, boredom?) , watchin g televisio n i n th e afternoon . I t i s whil e watching tha t sh e hear s abou t a surrogac y case , whic h give s he r th e idea o f becomin g a surrogate—somethin g mentione d frequentl y i n th e women's popularize d narratives . Th e followin g scen e i n whic h sh e per suades he r husban d i s th e onl y on e i n whic h mone y i s mentione d (an d then it' s the last thing, an aside) . Her mai n weapo n i s sex, and agai n thi s seems t o b e a clas s sign : Betsy' s "virgin " t o Mar y Beth' s "whore, " i n a return t o weary melodram a femal e types . Indications o f Mar y Beth' s unreliabilit y mes h wit h he r sexua l seduc tiveness (th e whor e i s alway s unreliable!) . Mar y Bet h wear s th e wron g color sui t t o th e restauran t (sh e change s he r min d a t th e las t moment , prefiguring he r chang e o f min d abou t th e baby) ; an d sh e bring s he r child, Tuesday, t o a n inseminatio n session , which th e narrativ e seem s t o agree, wit h Bill , i s inappropriate . In th e car , Mar y Beth' s radi o play s loud roc k music , an d th e structur e o f th e scen e invite s th e viewe r t o identify wit h Bil l Stern's dislik e and disapprova l o f th e music . The miniseries , then , al l bu t put s Bets y an d Mar y Bet h int o th e old , classic virgin/whor e binar y i n term s o f bod y type s an d emotiona l va lence. Mary Bet h is flirtatious wit h Bill , fun-loving, an d emotional, whil e Betsy i s stiff , unsexy , an d emotionall y controlled . Bets y ha s fai r hair , Mary Bet h dar k blac k hair . Mar y Bet h i s plum p an d wel l contoured ; Betsy thin an d plain . Narratively, Mar y Bet h become s th e witch whe n frustrate d an d whe n she wants he r ow n way . Within dominan t gende r codes , violent emotio n in wome n stil l connote s inabilit y t o functio n i n th e publi c sphere — irresponsibility, unreliability . Withi n th e miniserie s discourse , wher e
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motherhood i s no w par t o f a lega l contract , a hire d job , thi s turn s int o unreliability a s wif e an d mother . Th e discours e assume s ol d notions , namely tha t th e mothe r i s t o b e th e calm , transcenden t presenc e ove r the emotiona l turmoil s o f th e children , an d the n t o succo r an d nurtur e her husban d wh o return s fro m th e bruta l battle s o f th e publi c sphere . But i n neithe r cas e i s sh e hersel f allowe d t o b e emotionall y ou t o f con trol. Betsy, a s caree r woman , perhap s paradoxically , als o exemplifie s th e best emotiona l lif e neede d t o b e mother . Sh e wins bot h i n terms o f clas s and emotiona l timbre . Presumabl y becaus e Bil l is such a devote d father , Betsy's caree r i s no t see n t o rende r he r a n inadequat e mother . Indeed , given that sh e is a pediatrician, i t seems to actuall y help ! But while th e miniserie s apparentl y uphold s Bets y a s the bes t mother , some aspect s o f Mar y Beth' s ow n accoun t reappea r i n th e somewha t ambivalent depictio n o f Betsy . In tellin g he r ow n stor y i n th e ghostwrit ten book , Mar y Bet h depicte d Bets y a s cold , unfeeling , an d selfish—th e fifties' Hollywoo d stereotyp e o f th e caree r woman . Doe s th e miniserie s unconsciously collud e i n a sort-o f critiqu e o f th e yuppi e Ster n couple ? Certainly, th e scen e i n whic h Bets y finds Mar y Beth' s do g distastefu l could be cited a s one critique o f middle-clas s uprightnes s an d inabilit y t o let g o an d hav e fun , i n contras t t o th e loose , fun-lovin g working-clas s family. Bill' s middle-class attitude s ar e stressed throug h th e scenes of th e funeral: interestingly , however , ther e seem s somethin g to o prett y abou t Bill, somethin g to o Waspis h abou t Betsy . A subtl e critiqu e underlie s their representations . The women-at-odds , high-strun g emotionalit y predominate s i n th e miniseries onc e th e bab y i s bor n an d i t i s clea r tha t Mar y Bet h wil l no t relinquish her . Mar y Bet h become s mor e an d mor e hysterical , wild , and unreasonable ; Bets y mor e an d mor e despondent , depressed , silent , tortured. Thei r intens e rivalry , competition , an d eve n hatre d overrid e any consideratio n fo r eac h other , le t alon e th e child . Bill , an d t o som e degree Rick , Mar y Beth' s husband , sho w som e abilit y t o distanc e them selves, but for th e most part th e series portrays th e two women a s locked in a n intens e competitio n t o wi n th e bab y fro m th e other . Th e bab y i s reduced t o a "thing, " standin g i n fo r al l loss , absence , desire—th e breast, th e phallus. At some point, thi s raw femal e emotio n become s ou t of contro l an d th e authoritie s mov e in : th e police , socia l agencies , and finally th e Father , th e Law . Hysteri a an d jealou s rivalr y ar e no w mitigated through , o r displace d onto , th e serie s o f institution s th e
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women hav e t o mov e throug h i n orde r t o wi n eac h one' s desire : th e baby-breast-phallus. While I hav e pu t psychoanalyti c label s o n th e women' s desir e i n a n effort t o understan d it s intensity , th e tex t itself , o f course , doe s no t produce concept s t o understan d th e intensit y o f th e jealou s femal e ri valry ove r th e baby . Suc h jealou s rivalr y i n traditiona l melodrama s i s usually ove r the male lover: thin k o f Betty Davis in Jezebel, Vivie n Leig h in Gone with the Wind, o r Olivi a d e Havillan d i n The Heiress, al l competing to th e deat h fo r thei r man ! The similaritie s i n the structur e o f the jealou s competitio n i n storie s abou t mal e lover s an d no w abou t babies i s significan t an d invite s psychoanalyti c explanations . ( A ful l exploration o f th e simila r structure s o f thes e women-at-odd s jealousie s will be taken u p i n future work. ) Ultimately, th e miniserie s i s mor e comple x tha n som e o f th e surfac e details—the surfac e semiotics—migh t mak e i t seem . I n lin e wit h femi nist film critics ' theorizin g tha t melodram a i s a for m tha t ca n permi t articulation o f comple x emotiona l dilemma s an d o f conflicts cultur e does no t wan t t o address , th e miniserie s doe s represen t a rang e o f positionalities vis-a-vi s surrogacy : i t allow s viewer s t o experienc e th e kinds o f complication s tha t aris e withi n a give n culture , lik e tha t o f th e contemporary U.S . Whil e on e ca n rea d th e image s o f Bets y an d Mar y Beth a s fallin g int o conventiona l witch/ange l polarities , th e narrativ e does no t automaticall y favo r on e ove r th e other—a s traditiona l melo dramas ma y do . Th e varyin g depiction s o f th e women , an d th e varyin g positions spectator s ar e invite d t o occup y throughou t th e drama , enabl e the kind o f complexit y tha t result s fro m multipl e perspectives . Ironically, suc h complexit y i s less evident i n Marth a Rosler' s Born to Be Sold: The Strange Case of Baby SIM (Pape r Tige r Videos). The vide o is produce d i n th e alternat e sphere , outsid e th e obviou s constraint s of commercia l institution s lik e Hollywoo d an d commercia l television . Nevertheless, its genre an d contex t o f production offe r differen t kind s of constraint: th e vide o i s aske d t o b e explicitl y didactic , sinc e tha t i s th e mission o f th e productio n company . Typicall y i n thes e video s a n exper t "reads" a media tex t fro m a specific, polemical position . In this case, Rosier "reads " the Mary Bet h miniseries , and i n so doin g she put s hersel f unde r ye t anothe r constraint : respondin g withi n th e forms tha t th e miniserie s first set s forth . Rosler' s unconventiona l aes thetic for m i s determine d b y th e nee d t o brea k th e conventiona l realis t codes o f th e commercia l series . Sh e doe s thi s b y insertin g hersel f a s
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speaker i n the text, first b y reading a paper on camera , an d the n by usin g her ow n body , i n variou s disguises , t o imag e th e variou s character s o f the melodrama sh e is deconstructing—Mary Beth , the baby, Betsy, Bill's sperm, th e doctors , th e judg e i n th e case . Sh e als o use s a familia r "col lage" technique , i n whic h sh e insert s clip s fro m Hollywoo d film s an d television new s programs t o mak e he r polemical points . For instance , sh e stage s scene s fro m a Hollywoo d film abou t adop tion, Lucky Junior, whic h woul d fit int o th e first se t o f "positive " surrogacy stories , eve n thoug h th e bab y wa s no t "commissioned " o r genetically linked . Rosier uses the film to bolster her point that dominan t culture demand s tha t lower-clas s wome n serv e th e middl e clas s b y pro ducing babie s fo r them . But mos t o f th e time , Rosie r comment s o n th e televisio n miniseries . Hers i s no t a vide o abou t th e actua l case , a s Mauree n Turi m seeme d a t times t o indicat e (Turi m 1991) . The figures Rosie r act s out ar e meant t o mimic no t th e historica l peopl e bu t th e miniserie s version s o f thos e people. Th e specificitie s o f th e clothe s an d hairstyle s mimi c thos e i n th e miniseries, not th e historical figures. As i n Agit-Pro p stree t theatre , Rosie r act s ou t th e variou s ke y mo ments i n th e miniserie s melodram a wit h minima l props , an d comic , deliberate exaggeration. 4 Wit h n o attemp t a t verisimilitude , Rosler' s body, dresse d a s a character , i s usuall y seate d i n a roo m wit h wal l paintings behin d it . Rosie r present s a didactic , classica l clas s analysi s o f the cas e an d critique s th e medi a a s "bourgeois " fo r supportin g th e middle-class Stern s al l along . Image s fro m th e miniserie s ar e repeate d i n the backgroun d t o prov e Rosler' s cas e abou t dominan t media . Thi s direct-camera addres s b y th e filmmaker avoid s an y attemp t t o hid e th e video's production o r producer . In thi s way , Rosler' s piec e break s th e realis t illusio n o f commercia l melodramas an d make s impossibl e identificatio n wit h an y o f th e charac ters a s such . In plac e o f th e multipl e an d alternatin g identification s o f the miniseries , the spectato r i s lectured t o eve n mor e deliberatel y tha n i n most Brecht works. Basically, Rosler's is a radical feminis t readin g of th e case. Turi m point s ou t tha t ther e i s n o discussio n o f th e bab y a s bab y anywhere i n th e video . An d whil e thi s i s true , i t ma y mis s th e poin t o f Rosier readin g a particular representatio n o f th e Whitehea d cas e (i n th e miniseries), no t th e cas e itsel f o r th e historica l figures. Th e miniserie s also ignores the bab y an d thu s doe s no t dra w attentio n t o her . Turim's secon d poin t ha s mor e strength: namely , that whil e the vide o
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means t o mar k feminis t consciousnes s regardin g th e solidarit y o f women, it in fact reinforce s separatio n i n its simplistic class denunciatio n of Betsy . Rosie r want s t o sho w solidarit y wit h th e working-clas s Mar y Beth, bu t thi s i s a t th e expens e o f differentl y positione d women . Th e only goo d wome n ar e th e lower-clas s women ! Th e vide o make s th e infertile woma n th e brun t o f ridicul e i n a simplisti c reductio n o f th e complexity o f things— a complexit y that , ironically , i s presen t i n th e commercial text . I find this the most surprising: i n the name of a critique of the positio n in th e miniseries , Rosler' s vide o simpl y reverse s th e stereotypes . I t doe s not attemp t t o mov e beyond them . The video repeats what I pointed ou t regarding Mary Beth' s own volum e (Kapla n 1992) , namely a n anticaree r woman stanc e that is , paradoxically, clos e to right-wing positions . Further, i n insertin g th e Lucky Junior clips , i s Rosie r usin g anti adoption argument s to make the case against surrogacy? Thi s is certainly how Harol d J . Cassidy , Mar y Beth' s lawyer , presente d th e cas e agains t the Sterns , namel y arguin g fo r th e harmfu l effect s o f adoptio n o n th e child. A s muc h a s th e miniseries , th e vide o ironicall y side s wit h th e stance tha t th e birt h mothe r wil l "naturally " wan t t o kee p he r baby , a s if biologica l urge s ar e paramoun t an d canno t b e transcended . A s Turi m points out , prohibition o f eithe r surrogac y o r abortio n relie s on a repressive idea o f the pregnant woman's bod y and o n legitimating stat e contro l over thes e bodies (Turi m 1991) . Rosler's vide o doe s mak e importan t point s abou t clas s privileg e an d the imbalanc e betwee n thos e abl e t o bu y surrogac y an d thos e abl e t o provide it . Suc h discussion s ar e completel y avoide d i n popula r an d commercial materials . Bu t a mai n proble m i s the concep t o f th e centra l speaking subject—Rosie r herself—o n whic h th e video relies, and tha t i s not problematize d o r questione d a t all . In thi s sense , Born to Be Sold i s a ver y modernist , a s agains t postmodernist , work . I t doe s no t argu e fo r the pluralit y o f voice s tha t feminist s ar e currentl y lookin g fo r an d tha t many feminis t text s tr y t o produce . CONCLUSIONS
The tw o films I discusse d wer e bot h mad e shortl y afte r th e Mar y Bet h Whitehead cas e in direct relation to it. I offer the m as diverse examples of how th e Whitehea d cas e wa s use d t o mak e imaginar y productions , an d how it figured in different kind s of imaginations, different fiction makin g
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processes. Interestin g ar e th e differen t meaning s th e differen t textua l strategies produce: th e Rosier video is in part a direct critique of the television Whitehead film and include d it s footage t o makes its points. While the miniserie s doe s no t dra w attentio n t o value s o f an y kind , i t i s clea r that discourse s abou t class , race , an d "famil y values, " ongoin g i n U.S . culture, structur e ho w surrogat e motherin g i s conceptualized . Th e un avoidable genr e o f melodram a tha t construct s th e Baby M commercia l production, in turn, governs how the two women ar e categorized an d th e type o f dram a tha t i s shown . Meanwhile , Marth a Rosler' s deliberatel y provocative, didacti c vide o o n th e miniserie s an d othe r medi a treatmen t of th e case , mad e fro m a classica l Marxis t perspective , partl y critique s dominant medi a treatmen t o f th e case , by focusing o n representation s o f Mary Bet h versu s th e Sterns fro m a theory o f working clas s versus bour geois relations . I t als o critique s th e medica l establishmen t i n way s no w quite predictable i n some feminist quarters . Simple antimedicine perspec tives too easil y degenerat e int o antitechnolog y stance s tha t assum e ther e is a n unmediate d "nature, " tha t "biology " i s discursivel y neutral . Th e antimelodrama narrativ e is, then, still constituted b y melodrama forms . It is easy t o se e how clos e some o f th e women' s positiv e an d negativ e narratives, explore d earlie r on , ar e t o genre s lik e melodrama , o r t o th e soaps Gordo n mentions . Indeed , th e tradition s o f th e melodram a genr e may construc t o r shap e th e for m tha t women' s storie s tak e i n th e first place, includin g sisterlines s becomin g unsisterly : wome n a t odds . Wha t is important fo r m y purposes i s how th e melodram a for m oversimplifie s the actua l psychological , political , social , an d economi c context s o f surrogacy. I have argue d tha t th e prevalenc e o f th e melodram a for m i n women's live s itsel f condition s th e mode s throug h whic h wome n thin k their lives . Wome n nee d t o find form s mor e subtle—one s tha t enabl e multiple perspectives , ambiguities , contradictions , th e yes/but , an d th e no/and/yes possibilitie s tha t ar e crucia l a s feminism s ente r th e ninetie s and attemp t t o grappl e with differenc e o n ne w levels.
NOTES
This essay will be developed an d publishe d i n a 199 4 issue of Postmodern Occasions, edited b y Susa n Squier , Michae l Sprinke r an d E . Ann Kaplan , called "Reproductiv e Technologies , Gende r an d Culture. " Paper s i n th e volume wer e first delivered a t a Ston y Broo k Humanitie s Institut e confer ence on the same topic.
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i. Researc h i s stil l i n progres s an d result s o f wha t I hav e bee n abl e t o d o are therefor e tentative . I selecte d popula r article s liste d unde r th e headin g "Surrogacy" i n th e Reader's Digest inde x throughou t th e 1980s . Material s quoted cam e fro m man y magazines , includin g Redbook, Good Housekeeping, an d Women's World. I n addition , I reviewe d approximatel y twent y books abou t surrogacy , rangin g fro m thos e aime d a t quit e a broad marke t t o those mor e highly specialized , addressin g lega l or medica l experts . 2. Indeed , minorit y wome n an d thei r us e o f reproductiv e technologie s seem s a taboo subject : thi s is why th e fil m Made in America wa s s o interesting. In th e film, th e heroine , playe d b y Whoop i Goldberg , ha s conceive d he r daughte r by artificia l insemination . Th e plot dwell s o n th e consequence s o f th e daugh ter finding ou t abou t he r A I birth an d discoverin g tha t he r fathe r wa s appar ently white, fo r it s comic effect . 3. However , Gordo n wa s complainin g abou t wha t sh e calle d "th e soap-oper a approach t o surrogacy " an d t o th e fac t tha t thi s approac h obscure d th e politics an d th e litigation . I believe sh e had th e media account s i n min d mor e than th e surrogat e mothers ' actua l narratives . I a m her e mor e intereste d i n how th e availabilit y o f a for m lik e melodram a i n itsel f condition s th e form s in whic h wome n thin k o f thei r live s an d tel l thei r stories . Th e genr e ma y b e constitutive o f th e experience a s much a s the other wa y around . 4. I wa s mos t reminde d o f th e agit-pro p technique s i n a little-know n earl y British feminis t film, The Amazing Equal Pay Show, whic h Rosie r ma y wel l have ha d i n mind . Thi s film, however , di d mimi c actua l historica l politica l figures an d wa s not a reading o f a commercial text , a s is Rosler's piece .
REFERENCES
Butzel, Henr y M . 1987 . "Th e Essentia l Fact s o f th e Bab y M Case. " I n Richard son, On the Problem of Surrogate Parenthood. Chesler, Phyllis . 1988 . Sacred Bond: The Legacy of Baby M . Ne w York : Time s Books. Deegan, Mar y Jo . 1987 . "Th e Gif t Mother : A Propose d Ritua l fo r th e Integra tion o f Surrogac y int o Society. " I n Richardson , On the Problem of Surrogate Parenthood, 93 . "Elizabeth." 1983 . " A Surrogate' s Stor y o f Lovin g an d Losing. " U.S. News and World Report (Jun e 6) : 77. Gelman, David , an d Danie l Shapiro . 1985 . "Infertility : Babie s b y Contract. " Newsweek (Novembe r 4) : 74-76 . Gledhill, Christine , ed . 1987 . Home Is Where the Heart Is: Studies in Melodrama and the Woman's Film. London : Britis h Fil m Institute . Gordon, Linda . 1987 . "Some Policy Proposals: Reproductive Right s for Today. " Nation (Septembe r 12) : 230-32 . Grogan, D . 1989 . "Littl e Girl , Big Trouble." People (Februar y 20) : 36—41 . Growe, S . J. 1982 . "Th e Furo r ove r Surrogat e Motherhood. " Maclean's (Jul y 5 ) : 48 .
The Politics of Surrogacy Narratives 20 5 Guinzburg, Suzanne . 1983 . "Surrogat e Mothers ' Rationale. " Psychology Today (April): 79. Gupta, Nell y E. , an d Fran k Feldinger . 1989 . "Brav e Ne w Baby. " Ladies Home Journal 106 (2) : 140—41 . Kane, Elizabeth. 1988 . Birth Mother. Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich. Kaplan, E . Ann. 1992. . Motherhood and Representation: The Mother in Popular Culture and Melodrama. London : Routledge . King, Sherry , an d Elain e Fein . 1986 . "' I Gav e Birt h t o M y Sister' s Baby.' " Redbook (April) : 3 4 - 3 8 . Lacayo, Richard, an d Wayn e Svoboda . 1986 . "I s the Womb a Rentable Space? " Time (Septembe r 22) : 36 . Malcolm, Andre w H . 1988 . "Step s t o Contro l Surrogat e Birth s Sti r Debat e Anew." New York Times (Jun e 26) . Markoutsas, Elaine . 1981 . "Wome n Wh o Hav e Babie s fo r Othe r Women. " Reader's Digest (August) : 71. McKay, Shona . 1983 . " A Medi a Judgemen t o n Surrogat e Birth. " Maclean's (February 14) : 41. Mills, Karen . 1985 . "' I Ha d M y Sister' s Baby." ' Ladies Home Journal (Octo ber): 2 0 - 2 3 . Montgomery, Peter . 1988 . "Shoul d Surrogat e Motherhoo d B e Banned?" Common Cause Magazine (May/June) : 36-38 . Murphy, Julie . 1984 . "Eg g Farms. " I n R . Arditti , R . Dueill i Klein , an d Snelle n Minden, eds. , Test Tube Women: What Future for Motherhood. London : Pandora Press . Neff, David . 1987 . "Ho w No t t o Hav e a Baby. " Editorial . Christianity Today (April 3) : 14-15 . "Psychiatrist Testifie s i n Blac k Surrogat e Mom' s Favor. " 1990 . Jet (Octobe r 29): 9 . Richards, Louise . 1989 . "Givin g th e Gif t o f Life. " Ladies Home Journal 10 6 (2): 2 2 - 2 3 .
Richardson, Herbert , ed . 1987 . On the Problem of Surrogate Parenthood: Analyzing the Baby M Case. Symposiu m Serie s 25 . Ne w York/Ontario : Edwi n Mellen Press . Stanworth, Michelle . 1990 . "Birt h Pangs : Conceptiv e Technologie s an d th e Threat t o Motherhood. " I n M . Hirsc h an d E . Fox-Keller , eds. , Conflicts in Feminism. Ne w York : Routledge . "Surrogate Mothe r Sue s fo r Baby' s Custody. " 1990 . New York Times, Augus t 15.
Thorn, Mary . 1988 . "Dilemma s o f th e Ne w Birt h Technologies. " Ms Magazine (May): 70—72. Turim, Maureen . 1991 . "Viewing/Readin g Born To Be Sold: Martha Rosier Reads the Strange Case of Baby SIM o r Motherhoo d i n th e Ag e of Mechani cal Reproduction. " Discourse 13 , no. 2 : 32 . Turner, Victor . 1969 . The Ritual Process. Chicago : Aldine . Whitehead, Mar y Beth . 1989 . A Mother's Story. Ne w York : St . Martin's Press .
10. W O M E N A T O D D S : BIBLICA L PARADIGM S JUDITH R . BASKI N
The Hebre w an d Gree k Bible s (th e Ol d an d Ne w Testaments) , them selves literar y work s o f overwhelmin g power , ar e essentia l foundatio n texts fo r understandin g a wid e variet y o f theme s an d motif s i n Wester n literature an d art . Indeed , man y argu e that reinterpretation s o f th e char acters, situations , an d concern s o f biblica l literatur e constitut e th e mos t significant componen t o f the European an d American cultura l tradition. 1 Given thi s overwhelmin g resonanc e o f biblica l subjec t matte r an d lan guage in prose, poetry, an d imaginativ e representation s o f al l kinds, it is not surprisin g tha t feminis t critic s hav e returne d t o biblica l text s i n search o f th e original s o f som e o f th e wome n wh o appea r an d reappea r in ou r literar y tradition . Thi s essay , sharin g i n tha t endeavor , analyze s some o f th e Hebre w Bible' s paradigmati c portrayal s o f wome n i n con flict with othe r women . The Hebrew Bible , a heterogeneous collectio n o f document s reflectin g a variety o f attitude s an d environments , was written an d redacte d ove r a thousand-year perio d b y numerou s author s an d editors. 2 Composit e i n its makeup , th e Hebre w Bibl e doe s no t provid e a consisten t o r accurat e mirror o f everyda y Israelit e lif e i n an y particula r tim e an d place . No r does i t purport t o offe r a n objectiv e o r complet e recor d o f th e histor y o f ancient Israel , o r it s rulers , laws , an d customs . Rathe r it s componen t documents reflec t th e social , religious , an d class-base d view s bot h o f it s 209
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various author s an d o f th e grou p o f editor s wh o shape d th e final for m of th e biblica l canon . Yet th e Hebre w Bibl e i s a n ideologicall y unite d text , concerne d wit h expounding an d explorin g th e meanin g o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e people o f Israe l an d thei r singl e deity . Thus, the dominan t dichotom y i n the literatur e o f th e Hebre w Bibl e i s that betwee n creatio n an d Creator , most specificall y betwee n huma n being s an d God . Certainly , othe r dis tinctions exist , includin g thos e betwee n huma n being s an d othe r crea tures, Israe l an d th e othe r nations , priestl y an d nonpriestl y Israelites , and me n an d women , bu t thes e ar e distinctions o f power an d status , no t distinctions tha t imply essentia l difference . Thus, th e tw o sexe s shar e a commo n humanity . Moreover , th e He brew Bibl e maintain s tha t bot h me n an d wome n wer e create d i n th e divine imag e (Genesi s 1:27) . Fro m thi s statemen t i t seem s clea r tha t gender i s irrelevant t o wha t make s a human bein g simila r t o God : sinc e both wome n an d me n ar e create d i n th e divin e image , wome n ar e no t essentially othe r tha n me n i n thei r qualities , abilities , o r characters. 3 Rather, a s Tikv a Frymer-Kensk y writes , "Gende r i s a matte r o f biolog y and socia l role s . . . not a questio n o f basi c nature o r identity." 4 Biblica l women, lik e biblica l men , ar e portraye d a s nobl e an d contemptible , brave an d cowardly , wis e an d foolish , stalwar t an d abject . A s Frymer Kensky notes , "Th e circumstance s o f [women's ] live s ar e differen t fro m those o f some me n (thos e wit h power) , bu t ther e ar e n o innat e differ ences tha t preclud e wome n fro m takin g men' s role s o r me n fro m takin g women's role s shoul d th e occasio n aris e an d circumstance s warran t it . There i s nothin g distinctivel y 'female ' abou t th e wa y wome n ar e por trayed i n the Bible." 5 But a t th e sam e tim e i t als o importan t t o reiterat e tha t th e me n an d women depicte d i n biblica l text s di d no t shar e th e sam e statu s o r socia l roles. The narrativ e portions o f th e Hebrew Bibl e delineate a patriarcha l society i n whic h wome n wer e subordinat e t o mal e authorit y an d wer e expected t o functio n primaril y i n the domesti c sphere a s wives, mothers, and nurturers , whil e me n provide d fo r thei r family' s sustenance , and , i n some cases , acte d i n th e publi c domain . Certainl y thi s gender-base d division o f powe r an d labo r ha s it s origin s fa r bac k i n th e ancien t Nea r Eastern past, and it was accepted a s an unquestioned nor m b y all biblical authors an d editors . Thus, the concep t o f a n equa l creatio n i n Genesi s 1 presents a surprisin g visio n o f female-mal e sameness , whic h coexist s uneasily with th e female subordinatio n implici t in the details of women' s
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real life , howeve r partial , whic h biblica l narrative s reveal . A s Susa n Niditch notes , "Whil e suc h a n exalte d vie w o f huma n equalit y i n th e presence of thei r Creato r migh t seem to be a positive and liberating forc e in Israelit e religion , th e statute s preserve d i n Scriptur e present th e imag e of a strongl y patrilinea l cultur e i n whic h wome n ar e i n som e instance s highly marginalize d an d fence d out , an d i n other s neatl y fence d in , enclosed, an d safel y bound." 6 Thi s cultur e ma y hav e believe d tha t fe males an d male s share d intrinsi c huma n qualitie s an d abilities , bu t i t sharply circumscribe d th e option s an d opportunitie s availabl e t o women. Most scholar s woul d agre e that th e author s o f th e various document s which compris e th e literatur e o f th e Hebre w Bibl e wer e male, 7 a s wer e the redactor s wh o selecte d th e narrative s tha t mak e u p th e cano n an d edited the m i n thei r final form . A s Niditch ha s noted , th e Hebre w Bibl e "is a n explicitl y edite d wor k fro m whic h man y women' s role s an d important aspect s o f women' s live s hav e bee n excluded." 8 Sh e caution s that th e reade r mus t b e a s aler t t o wha t ha s bee n lef t ou t a s t o wha t i s included. No r shoul d th e contemporar y reade r o f th e Hebre w Bibl e forget tha t th e man y layer s o f exegetica l traditio n throug h whic h w e read biblica l text s ma y als o distor t ou r vision . As Frymer-Kensky notes , the biblica l vie w o f " a unifie d humanit y wa s eventuall y overlai d wit h new concept s tha t entere d Israe l a t th e en d o f th e biblica l period, " especially fro m Gree k an d Hellenisti c sources. 9 "Th e storie s abou t women wer e reinterpreted, an d thes e later reinterpretations , masquerad ing a s th e biblica l message , wer e use d t o impor t sexis t ideolog y an d practice." 10 Thus , ou r reading s o f biblica l women , fro m Ev e onwards , are often unconsciousl y modified , i f we ar e not o n guard , b y our assimi lation o f late r Jewis h an d Christia n interpretiv e recasting s o f th e text s before ou r eyes , often t o the detrimen t o f thei r femal e characters . Women i n th e Hebre w Bibl e ar e generall y represente d i n term s o f their relationship s t o men . A woman's predominan t role s were a s a wif e loyal t o he r husband' s cause , an d a s a mothe r anxiou s t o advanc e th e ambitions o f he r sons . A n admirabl e woma n i s on e wh o wishe s t o further he r family' s interests , a s i n th e "woma n o f valor " o f Proverb s 31; occasionall y a woman, lik e Deborah, take s o n th e rol e o f mothe r o f the natio n (Judge s 5:7) . W e hea r a fai r amoun t abou t husband s an d wives an d father s an d daughters , bu t almos t nothin g abou t mother s an d daughters. Although w e should no t imagin e that suc h relationship s wer e not importan t t o th e wome n involved , w e mus t conclud e tha t the y wer e
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not o f particula r interes t t o th e message s biblica l author s wer e tryin g to convey , probabl y becaus e daughter s marrie d ou t o f th e patrilinea l household an d becam e par t o f someon e else' s lineage . Mothers-in-la w and daughters-in-law , o n th e othe r hand , ar e a matte r o f significan t import whe n thei r relationshi p affect s Israel' s history . Biblical writing s preserv e severa l account s o f conflict s betwee n women, usuall y reflectin g situation s i n whic h on e woma n ha s powe r over another , o r i s strugglin g wit h a riva l fo r mal e attention. 11 Thes e biblical model s o f wome n a t odd s fal l int o thre e genera l categories : th e competition betwee n co-wive s fo r th e affectio n o f thei r husband ; th e persecution o f a maidservan t b y he r mistress ; an d enmit y betwee n women o f Israe l an d th e wome n o f othe r nations . In som e case s th e boundaries amon g thes e categorie s ar e blurred . Th e on e strikin g excep tion t o thi s pattern, a positive relationshi p betwee n a mother-in-law an d her foreig n daughter-in-law , i s paradigmati c simpl y i n it s surprisin g reversal o f expecte d patterns , an d there , too , th e wome n shar e th e ultimate goal of ensurin g the continuation o f the male line. Biblical societ y wa s polygynous , an d rivalr y betwee n o r amon g th e co-wives o f on e ma n mus t hav e bee n bot h commo n an d unpleasant . In fact, th e Hebre w wor d fo r co-wif e mean s "trouble." 12 Eve n wors e wa s the situation , depicte d severa l times in biblical texts, where one wife wa s fertile an d th e othe r wa s not . In fact , i n man y cases , infertility o f a firs t wife ma y hav e bee n th e facto r promptin g th e additio n o f a secon d wif e to th e household . Fo r instance , i n I Samuel i , th e favorit e o f Elkanah' s two wives , Hannah , i s childless , whil e th e les s belove d Peninna h ha s sons an d daughters . "Moreover, " th e tex t continues , Peninnah , "he r rival, t o mak e he r miserable , woul d taun t he r tha t th e Lor d ha d close d her womb . This happened yea r afte r year : Ever y time she went u p t o th e House o f th e Lord , th e othe r woul d taun t her , s o tha t sh e wep t an d would no t eat . He r husban d Elkana h sai d t o her , 'Hannah , wh y ar e yo u crying an d wh y aren' t yo u eating ? Wh y ar e yo u s o sad ? A m I not mor e devoted t o you than te n sons?'" ( I Samuel 1:6-8) . Despite her husband' s attempts t o comfor t her , Hanna h i s distraught , an d certainl y sh e ha s reason, eve n beyon d Peninnah' s cruelty . I n ancien t Israel , a woman' s social positio n wa s secure d b y he r fertility , an d sinc e wome n di d no t inherit property , the y depende d o n thei r son s t o provid e fo r the m i n their declinin g years. 13 A s a widow , withou t son s t o suppor t her , Han nah woul d b e i n a parlou s positio n indee d whe n Peninnah' s son s inher ited Elkanah' s property . Ye t Hannah' s desir e fo r a so n transcend s he r
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own persona l needs , and sh e promises Go d tha t shoul d sh e conceive sh e will pledg e he r so n t o divin e service . Sur e enough , sh e doe s becom e pregnant, an d whe n h e i s weaned , Samuel , Hannah' s son , enter s th e service o f th e Lord . Hanna h hersel f i s rewarde d wit h th e furthe r birth s of thre e sons and tw o daughters . This narrativ e i s reall y abou t th e miraculou s birt h o f Samuel . A number o f majo r figures i n biblical history ar e born t o apparently barre n mothers. Fro m a theologica l vantag e point , thi s moti f demonstrate s th e active an d omnipoten t presenc e o f Go d i n history . Th e birth s o f Isaac , Jacob, Joseph, an d Samue l al l follo w thi s pattern , ye t befor e thes e mar velous event s occu r th e Hebre w Bibl e als o let s u s se e th e miser y o f th e barren wif e an d describe s th e sufferin g sh e endure s a t th e behes t o f other women . Perhaps th e mos t prominent exampl e o f th e co-wif e scenari o i s foun d in the matriarchal narrative s concernin g Leah and Rachel , the two sister s the patriarc h Jaco b marrie d i n Hara n (Genesi s 29—30) . I n th e cas e o f Jacob's wive s th e rivalr y i s heightene d becaus e Leah , th e unlove d an d unattractive wife , i s fertile , whil e Rachel , he r beautifu l an d belove d sister, i s barren . In fact , i n thi s instance , i t i s hard t o decid e whic h wif e is mor e miserable—th e slighte d bu t fecun d Leah , who m he r husban d was tricked int o marrying, o r th e childless but cherishe d Rachel . In this narrative Leah' s fertilit y i s seen a s divine compensation fo r he r neglected status . The name s sh e give s eac h o f he r son s becom e explana tions o f he r situation : Leah conceive d an d bor e a son , an d name d hi m Reuben ; fo r sh e declared, "I t means: 'The Lord has seen my affliction'; i t also means 'Now my husband will love me.'" Sh e conceived agai n an d bor e a son, and declared , "Thi s is because the Lor d hear d tha t I wa s unlove d an d ha s give n m e thi s on e also" ; s o sh e named hi m Simeon . Agai n sh e conceive d an d bor e a so n an d declared , "Thi s time my husband will become attached to me, for I have borne him three sons." Therefore he was named Levi. She conceived again and bore a son, and declared, "This tim e I will praise th e Lord. " Therefor e sh e named hi m Judah. The n sh e stopped bearing. (Genesis 29:31-35) During this time the self-absorbed Rache l remain s infertile, an d become s increasingly enviou s o f he r sister . I n pai n a t he r situation , sh e impetu ously crie s ou t t o he r helples s husband , "Giv e m e children , o r I shal l die." Jacob, incensed , decline s t o becom e involve d i n women's quarrels : "Can I take th e plac e o f God , wh o ha s denie d yo u frui t o f th e womb? " (Genesis 30:1-2) . Resortin g t o a customar y ancien t Nea r Easter n
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remedy t o he r situation , Rache l offer s he r maidservan t Bilha h t o he r husband a s a concubine , commandin g him , "Consor t wit h her , tha t sh e may bea r o n m y knee s an d tha t throug h he r I to o ma y hav e children " (Genesis 30:3) . It is understood tha t an y children Bilha h bear s Jacob wil l be considere d Rachel's . Indeed , whe n Bilhah , whose ow n feeling s abou t these event s ar e neithe r considere d no r revealed , give s birt h t o a son , Rachel proclaims, "Go d ha s vindicated me! " (Genesi s 30:6) . For Rachel , the dram a o f childlessnes s take s plac e o n tw o planes—th e divin e an d the human . Givin g birt h throug h Bilha h reassure s Rache l tha t Go d ha s not abandone d her . She has been divinel y justified a s a worthy wife . The huma n term s o f th e contes t ar e mad e clea r whe n Bilha h agai n gives birt h t o a son , an d Rache l exults : " A fatefu l contes t I waged wit h my sister ; ye s an d I have prevailed " (Genesi s 30:8) . For th e spoile d an d narcissistic Rache l th e competitio n agains t he r siste r fo r Jacob' s ful l attention i s th e rea l battle . Ye t ho w ha s Rache l prevailed ? He r siste r Leah ha s give n birt h t o fou r son s a t thi s point ; Rache l i s onl y th e surrogate mothe r o f her maidservant' s children . But the birth o f Bilhah' s children apparentl y convince s Rache l tha t sh e ha s no t merite d unmiti gated divin e disfavor , whil e he r surrogat e motherhoo d i s enoug h t o secure th e smitte n Jacob' s tota l devotion . Alread y confiden t i n th e lov e of he r husband , he r powe r struggl e wit h he r siste r ha d com e dow n t o proving tha t sh e too i s worthy o f bein g a mother, eve n i f onl y a t secon d hand. It is no accident that Lea h offers Jaco b her own handmaid, Zilpah , who als o bear s hi m tw o sons , a s th e nex t mov e i n th e rivalr y betwee n the sisters . Yet Rache l ha s no t reall y fulfille d he r wifel y rol e i n th e wa y he r culture mos t esteems , whil e Leah , despit e al l he r sons , ha s stil l no t gained he r husband's love . This standoff i s epitomized i n the story o f th e mandrakes. Reuben , Leah' s oldest son , has found som e mandrake plant s and brough t the m t o hi s mother . Thes e plants , whic h resembl e huma n limbs, wer e believe d t o hav e bot h fertility-enhancin g an d aphrodisia c qualities. Whe n Rache l ask s Lea h fo r som e o f th e mandrakes , Lea h refuses, settin g ou t thei r quarre l i n it s simples t terms : "Wa s i t no t enough fo r yo u t o tak e awa y m y husband , tha t yo u woul d als o take m y son's mandrakes? " (Genesi s 30:15) . O f course , Rache l ha s no t take n Jacob fro m Leah ; h e ha s alway s love d Rache l best . Wha t Lea h i s ex pressing i s th e frustratio n o f th e goo d wif e wh o ha s born e he r husban d sons, fulfille d al l he r dutie s admirably , an d i s stil l unloved . Rachel , secure i n he r powe r ove r he r husband , i f i n littl e else , responds wit h a n
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offer th e ever-hopefu l Lea h canno t refuse : " I promise , h e shal l li e wit h you tonight , i n retur n fo r you r son' s mandrakes. " Th e passag e contin ues, "Whe n Jaco b cam e hom e fro m th e fiel d i n th e evening , Lea h wen t out t o mee t hi m an d said , 'Yo u ar e t o slee p wit h me , fo r I hav e hire d you wit h m y son' s mandrakes' " (Genesi s 30:16) . I t i s revealin g o f women's powe r i n ancien t Israe l t o se e tha t Jacob' s sexua l choice s ar e not alway s hi s own ; apparentl y th e maste r o f th e househol d submit s t o the wishes of his wives in the domestic sphere. Leah conceive s a s a resul t of thi s encounter , an d bear s a fifth son ; subsequentl y sh e i s rewarde d with th e birt h o f on e more so n an d a daughter whil e Rachel stil l remain s childless, unaide d b y th e mandrakes . Onl y a t thi s poin t doe s Go d re member Rachel , hee d he r pleas , an d ope n he r womb . Whe n sh e con ceives an d bear s a son , sh e rejoice s that , a t last , "Go d ha s take n awa y my disgrace. " Ye t stil l unsatisfie d i n he r desir e t o bette r he r siste r onc e and fo r all , Rache l name s he r so n Joseph , "whic h i s t o say , 'Ma y th e Lord ad d anothe r so n fo r m e ' " (Genesi s 30:24) . Once again this story conclude s with th e miracle birth o f a great hero . Rachel doe s no t conceiv e an d giv e birt h i n th e norma l cours e o f events , nor becaus e o f th e extraordinar y ai d o f mandrakes ; sh e conceives when , and onl y when , Go d open s he r womb . He r so n Joseph wil l gro w u p t o be a mos t significan t figure i n th e destin y o f th e peopl e o f Israel , savin g his brother s an d thei r familie s fro m famine , an d bringin g hi s entir e cla n to liv e i n Egyp t wher e th e nex t necessar y chapte r o f thei r relationshi p with Go d wil l unfold . But wha t d o w e lear n abou t conflic t betwee n women ? Certainl y w e learn tha t a co-wif e relationshi p wa s a constan t struggl e fo r power . Barrenness wa s see n a s a sig n o f God' s disfavo r whil e fertilit y wa s understood a s divin e approbation . Thoug h a beloved wif e ha d consider able power ove r he r husband , sh e was alway s wea k withou t th e suppor t of sons . Th e biblica l author s hav e n o illusion s tha t lif e i s fair . God' s disposal o f huma n event s i s beyond huma n understanding . Rachel , wh o prayed fo r childre n o r death , die s i n he r nex t childbirt h an d i s burie d alongside th e roa d t o Canaan . Lea h endures , surrounde d b y sons , pre sumably alway s uncherishe d b y the husband wit h who m sh e is buried i n the famil y tomb . Th e deepe r meanin g o f Rache l an d Leah' s mutua l jealousy an d competitio n i s murky : doe s th e narrativ e o f thi s bitte r rivalry exis t simply to accoun t fo r th e birth o f Jacob's sons , who becom e the progenitor s o f th e twelv e tribe s o f Israel ? Ar e th e detail s depicte d here of lif e fo r co-wive s i n a polygynous househol d simpl y a n accidenta l
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result o f thi s large r goal , o r d o the y constitut e a n endorsemen t o f mo nogamy? I s ther e a lesso n her e abou t prid e humble d an d humilit y ex alted? I f so , i t i s decidedl y ambivalent . Th e onl y thin g w e ar e sur e o f from thi s story is the biblical convictio n tha t Go d act s in history i n orde r to execut e a divine plan o f large r meanin g an d consequenc e tha n th e lif e and experience s o f an y on e individual . Meanwhile , women' s live s ar e represented a s takin g plac e i n th e margins , wher e the y ar e preoccupie d with th e personal, an d subsume d i n domestic detail . Another connectio n betwee n wome n o f particula r interes t t o biblica l writers i s th e relationshi p betwee n mistres s an d maidservant , particu larly whe n tha t maidservan t become s a sexua l partne r o f th e maste r o f the house . Th e mos t strikin g exampl e o f suc h a situatio n i s the stor y o f Sarah an d Hagar , wher e th e jealous y o f th e mistres s fo r he r fertil e servant i s playe d ou t agains t th e tensio n o f Sara h an d Abraham' s childless marriage (Genesi s 16-21) . Here , as elsewhere i n biblical narra tives, reprehensibl e huma n actions , drive n b y th e mos t elementa l emo tions, are seen to work t o fulfil l a larger predetermine d plan . Sarah first enter s th e biblica l narrativ e i n Genesi s 1 2 when , a s Sarai , she join s he r husban d an d half-brothe r Abra m i n fulfillin g th e divin e command t o leav e behin d homelan d an d ki n t o g o to a n unknow n lan d and destiny . Abra m i s encourage d t o mak e thi s drasti c chang e becaus e of God' s promis e t o mak e hi m a "grea t nation " (Genesi s 12:2) . More over, whe n Abra m enter s th e lan d o f Canaan , th e Lor d appear s t o hi m and says , " I wil l assig n thi s lan d t o you r offspring " (Genesi s 12:7) . Ye t the grea t iron y an d traged y o f Abram' s an d Sarai' s lif e a t thi s ver y tim e when Go d i s assurin g Abra m tha t hi s offsprin g wil l b e a s numerou s a s the star s i n the sk y (Genesi s 15:2-9 ) i s that, despit e the divine promises, they ar e childless . It i s a t thi s poin t tha t Sara i decide s t o tak e actio n o n he r ow n t o ensure tha t sh e an d he r husban d wil l hav e offspring . Accordin g t o Genesis 16:1 , Sara i ha d a n Egyptia n maidservan t whos e nam e wa s Hagar. "An d Sara i sai d t o Abram , 'Look , th e Lor d ha s kep t m e fro m bearing. Consor t wit h m y maid , perhaps I shall have a son throug h her. ' And Abra m heede d Sarai' s request . S o Sarai , Abram' s wife , too k he r maid, Haga r th e Egyptian—afte r Abra m ha d dwel t i n th e lan d o f Ca naan te n years—an d gav e he r t o he r husban d Abra m a s concubine " (Genesis 16:2-3) . Thi s passag e make s clea r tha t Haga r i s Sarai' s prop erty t o besto w a s sh e pleases. The contac t betwee n Abra m an d Haga r i s initiated an d orchestrate d b y Sarai , a s Abram' s wife . Abra m mus t b e
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willing t o acquiesc e t o Sarai' s request , bu t Haga r ha s n o choic e i n th e matter; a s a possession sh e is simply a n objec t throug h whic h th e desir e of her mistres s fo r a child migh t b e fulfilled . Many scholar s wh o hav e studie d thi s passage , an d th e somewha t similar narrative s o f Rache l an d Leah' s bestowa l o f thei r maidservant s upon Jaco b (Genesi s 30:3-12) , hav e bee n intereste d i n th e legalitie s o f such domesti c arrangement s i n th e large r contex t o f th e ancien t Nea r East. The y hav e foun d tha t analogou s case s o f surrogat e motherhoo d through a maidservan t wer e quit e commo n acros s a larg e geographica l area an d ove r a t leas t a thousand-year period . P . Kyle McCarter, Jr., fo r example, note s tha t "th e responsibilit y o f a barre n wif e t o provid e a slave woman t o he r husban d fo r th e purpose o f bearin g childre n i s cite d in Ol d Babylonian , Ol d Assyria n an d Nuz i text s (al l fro m th e [secon d millennium B.C. ] Middl e Bronz e Age) , bu t als o i n a 12th-centur y Egyp tian documen t an d a marriage contrac t fro m Nimrud , date d 64 8 B.C." 14 Sarah's stratege m t o giv e he r husban d a child , then , wa s no t uniqu e t o her ow n situation , o r t o th e milieux tha t produce d th e Hebrew Bible . Yet while ancien t Nea r Easter n parallel s illuminat e ou r knowledg e o f the socia l dynamic s a t wor k i n thi s passage , fa r mor e interestin g fo r th e modern reade r i s the way in which th e biblical autho r demonstrate s ho w human passion s ca n undermine th e best laid plans. Genesis 16: 4 inform s us tha t whe n Haga r realize d tha t sh e ha d becom e pregnant , "he r mis tress was lowered i n her esteem" ; undoubtedly , Haga r foun d way s to le t Sarai sens e he r disdain . Suddenl y Hagar , b y virtu e o f pregnancy , ha s become a n empowere d individua l whos e ver y presenc e i s a n oppressiv e reminder t o Sara i o f he r ow n infertility . Sara i turn s t o he r husban d i n despair, bu t h e dissociates himsel f fro m th e conflict , tellin g Sarai: "You r maid i s i n you r hands . Dea l wit h he r a s yo u thin k right. " "Then, " th e text tell s us , "Sara i treate d Haga r harshly , an d sh e ra n awa y fro m her " (Genesis 16:6) . What i s a t issu e her e i s power an d status . Sarai , wh o think s sh e ha s acted fo r th e goo d o f he r husban d an d herself , find s tha t Hagar' s preg nancy ha s upse t he r ordere d household ; th e fertile maidservant , Sarai' s possession, threaten s t o displac e th e barre n mistress . Ye t th e tex t make s clear tha t Abraha m doe s no t collud e i n thi s effort . Th e conflic t i s be tween Sara i an d Hagar , an d Hagar , pregnan t o r not , remain s th e slav e who mus t submi t t o th e inexcusabl y hars h treatmen t o f he r mistress . Even whe n Haga r flees to th e wilderness, sh e encounters a n ange l o f th e Lord wh o addresse s he r a s "slav e o f Sarai " an d tell s her sh e must retur n
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to endur e Sarai' s unkindness . Th e divin e messenge r doe s provid e som e comfort t o Haga r b y informin g he r tha t sh e wil l bea r a son , Ishmael , who wil l b e the fathe r o f man y children , "fo r th e Lor d ha s paid hee d t o your suffering " (Genesi s 16:7—12) . This stor y serve s man y purpose s i n th e biblica l narrative . Fo r on e thing, i t account s fo r Abraham' s paterna l connectio n t o th e childre n o f Ishmael. I t i s als o a cautionar y tal e abou t meddlin g wit h th e divin e purpose. Sara i sough t t o hurr y God' s pla n b y actin g o n he r ow n t o ensure offsprin g fo r Abraham . Althoug h sh e acte d withi n th e legalitie s of he r tim e an d plac e i n givin g he r maidservan t t o he r husband , an d although he r motiv e wa s good , th e punishment fo r he r lac k o f fait h wa s to fee l th e scor n o f he r servant . Th e enviou s Sara i canno t refrai n fro m oppressing he r pregnan t maidservant , wh o was , a t leas t initially , th e innocent victi m o f he r mistress' s whims . Biblica l women , a s biblica l men, ofte n behav e badly . Ye t th e myster y i n th e stor y i s wh y Hagar' s pregnancy i s s o upsettin g t o Sarai . I n th e simila r situatio n discusse d above, th e barre n Rache l gav e he r maidservan t Bilha h t o he r husban d Jacob, orderin g him , "Consor t wit h her , tha t sh e may bea r o n my knee s and tha t throug h he r I to o ma y hav e children " (Genesi s 30:3) . Whe n Bilhah give s birth , Rache l exults , "Go d ha s vindicate d me ; indee d H e has heede d m y ple a an d give n m e a son " (Genesi s 30:6) . I n tha t story , Bilhah, wh o cam e fro m th e househol d o f Rachel' s father , Laban , re mains a cipher ; sh e is simply a n instrumen t throug h who m th e desir e of her mistres s is fulfilled. Wh y i s this not th e case with Sara i an d Hagar ? One answe r ma y li e in Hagar's ethni c status as an Egyptian. From th e perspective o f th e biblica l authors , Israel, at the very moment o f it s birt h as a nation , appeare d t o b e threatene d wit h pollutio n fro m a n outsid e source. Hagar doe s no t fi t int o th e divin e plan fo r Abra m an d Sara i an d their descendants . In Genesi s 21 , following th e crucia l covenanta l scen e in which Abra m an d Sara i ar e rename d Abraha m an d Sarah , Go d agai n affirms tha t Sarah , despit e he r advance d age , wil l bea r a so n throug h whom th e covenan t wil l b e eternall y preserve d (Genesi s 17) . Only then , when al l hop e ha s bee n abandoned , doe s th e long-awaite d birt h o f Sarah's son , Isaac , occur . Almos t immediately , Sarah , powerfu l onc e more, demand s tha t Haga r an d Ishmae l b e expelled : "Cas t ou t tha t slave-woman an d he r son , fo r th e so n o f tha t slav e shall not shar e in th e inheritance wit h m y so n Isaac " (Genesi s 21:10) . Althoug h Abraha m i s distressed t o trea t hi s ow n so n s o cruelly , Go d reassure s him , "D o no t be distresse d ove r th e bo y o f you r slave ; whatever Sara h tell s you, d o a s
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she says, for i t is through Isaa c that offsprin g shal l be continued fo r you . As for th e so n o f th e slave-woman , I will mak e a nation o f him , too , fo r he is your seed " (Genesi s 21:12—13) . In thi s narrativ e Sarah' s rathe r natura l antipath y t o he r husband' s scornful concubin e an d th e irritatio n occasione d b y th e concubine' s so n take o n a larger significance . In protecting he r son' s inheritance , Sarah i s acting t o fulfil l th e divin e pla n tha t Isaac , not Ishmael , will carr y o n th e everlasting covenan t tha t Go d ha s establishe d wit h Abraham . Th e au thors o f thes e particula r text s ar e als o makin g som e significan t com ments abou t th e importance fo r Israe l o f marryin g within th e group. It is no acciden t tha t th e final biblica l commen t o n Ishmae l i n thi s episod e i s that whe n h e wa s grow n hi s mothe r too k a wif e fo r hi m fro m th e lan d of Egypt , he r ow n homeland . Similarly , whe n Abraha m remarrie s afte r Sarah's death , an d father s mor e sons , Abraha m make s clea r tha t thes e children ar e no t hi s heirs , fo r thei r mother s wer e no t o f hi s kin . A s th e text recounts , "Abraha m wille d al l tha t h e owne d t o Isaac ; bu t t o Abraham's son s b y concubine s Abraha m gav e gift s whil e h e wa s stil l living, an d h e sen t the m awa y fro m hi s so n Isaa c eastward , t o th e land o f th e East " (Genesi s 25:5-6) . Again , th e theme s o f overridin g importance fo r th e biblica l editor s ar e th e covenanta l relationshi p an d the unimpeachabl e lineag e o f Israel' s mother s an d fathers . A t a leve l o f deep structure , th e stor y o f ancien t Israe l i s one o f a lineag e an d succes sion constantl y i n jeopard y an d miraculousl y preserve d b y th e interven tion o f God . Another biblica l exampl e o f wome n a t odds , reveale d i n th e Son g o f Deborah (Judge s 5) , takes plac e agains t th e large r politica l backdro p o f the ancien t Nea r Eas t i n whic h th e tribe s o f Israe l wag e battl e agains t their enemies . Wome n i n suc h biblica l text s identif y wit h th e goal s o f their husban d o r o f thei r nation . Th e Son g o f Deborah , an d th e pros e narrative tha t precede s i t (Judge s 4) , tell s a stor y i n whic h wome n figure prominently, an d i n unexpecte d ways . Deborah, a prophetess an d Israel's leade r i n th e perio d prio r t o th e establishmen t o f a monarch y (Judges 4:4), designates her general , Barak, to lead Israel's forces agains t their Canaanit e enemies , le d b y th e commande r Sisera . Whe n Sisera' s forces ar e defeated , h e flees in panic to the tent of Jael, the wife o f Hebe r the Kenite, where he expects to find safety . Bu t Jael is loyal to Israel, an d when Siser a fall s aslee p fro m exhaustio n sh e kills him, drivin g a tent pi n through hi s temple . A s Niditc h observes , "I n languag e an d imager y richly drippin g i n eroticis m an d death , Jae l partake s o f a wide r ancien t
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Near Easter n an d mor e universa l archetyp e o f th e seductress-extermina tor. Jae l i s a n unlikel y heroine , a self-appointe d femal e soldier , wh o reverses th e norma l fat e o f wome n i n battle . Sh e i s no t seduced , taken , or despoile d bu t hersel f seduces , marginalizes an d despoil s a man." 1 5 That captur e an d humiliatio n woul d hav e bee n women' s expecte d fate i n th e even t o f defea t i s eviden t i n th e Son g o f Deborah , whic h retells thi s stor y i n poeti c form . Her e Sisera' s mothe r i s depicted , anx iously waitin g fo r he r so n t o retur n fro m battle : "Throug h th e windo w peered Sisera' s mother, / Behin d th e lattic e sh e whined: / Wh y i s hi s chariot s o lon g i n coming? / Wh y s o lat e th e clatte r o f hi s wheels? " (Judges 5:28) . Sh e comfort s hersel f b y imaginin g tha t h e i s delaye d i n dividing th e plunder , includin g th e capture d women : "The y mus t b e dividing th e spoi l the y hav e found: / A damse l o r tw o fo r eac h man, / Spoil of dye d cloth s fo r Sisera , Spoil o f embroidere d cloths, / A couple of embroidered cloths / Roun d ever y nec k a s spoil " (Judge s 5:30) . In thi s passage, Sisera's mothe r equate s th e women o f Israel , coarsely describe d in Hebre w a s "wombs, " wit h dye d an d embroidere d cloths . The y ar e valuable an d desirabl e objects , bu t object s nonetheless . In fact , th e reader know s tha t Sisera , her son , i s dead, murdere d b y Jael. Mieke Ba l has observe d tha t Sisera' s mother , "wh o borrow s masculin e languag e t o designate othe r wome n a s wombs , richl y deserve s suc h a lesson " a s he r son's deat h a t th e hand s o f a woma n i n a n ac t o f sexuall y reverse d violation. 16 Bu t i n thi s powerfu l an d ironi c poem , a s Frymer-Kensk y writes, Debora h expect s thi s hostilit y fro m he r enemy' s mothe r an d returns i t i n full . Firs t an d foremost , "Debora h (an d he r projectio n o f Sisera's mother ) ar e consciou s o f th e separat e identitie s o f Israelite s an d Canaanites." 17 I n biblica l thinking , thi s i s th e norm ; women , a s men , are devote d t o advancin g thei r ow n cause—favore d offsprin g first , fol lowed b y loyalt y t o family , tribe , an d nation . Ther e i s n o notio n o f a female solidarity , whethe r withi n Israe l itsel f o r transcendin g ethni c affiliation an d loyalty . Perhaps som e sens e of resolutio n ca n b e found i n a final example tha t does no t see m t o fit th e rules . Fro m th e perspectiv e o f th e mal e biblica l authors, th e famil y i s a sourc e o f bot h strengt h an d turmoil . Wit h mother-in-law an d daughters-in-law , fo r example , a s with co-wives , th e expectation i s tha t wome n wh o compet e fo r th e attentio n an d lov e of on e ma n wil l b e i n conflict . Jus t a s Rache l an d Leah , an d Peninna h and Hannah , ar e fa r fro m allies , s o Rebeka h complain s o f he r so n Esau's Canaanit e wives , fearin g tha t he r younge r so n Jaco b wil l als o
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marry outsid e th e family' s ethni c grou p (Genesi s 27:46 ) an d brin g her additiona l grief . Israelit e wome n hav e a stron g antipath y fo r th e women o f neighborin g hostil e culture s an d fee l n o sens e o f solidarit y with thos e o f thei r ow n gende r wh o liv e beyon d thei r boundaries . I t i s both th e expecte d hostilit y betwee n a mother an d he r son' s wife an d th e anticipated enmit y betwee n a woma n o f Israe l an d a woma n o f th e despised Moabite s tha t ar e reverse d s o strikingl y i n th e stor y o f Naom i and Ruth . In this biblical narrative, which begin s in the land o f Moab, the divin e plan synchronize s wit h huma n actio n a s the widowed Moabit e Ruth , a n outsider, unexpectedly pledge s her futur e wit h her equally bereft Israelit e mother-in-law an d th e peopl e o f Israel . Wit h he r fatefu l word s t o Na omi— "For whereve r yo u go , I will go; wherever yo u lodge , I will lodge; your peopl e shal l b e my people, an d you r Go d m y God . Wher e yo u die , I will die , and ther e I will b e buried. Thu s an d mor e ma y th e Lor d d o t o me i f anythin g bu t deat h part s m e fro m you " (Rut h 1:16-17)—Rut h makes clea r tha t he r lov e fo r Naom i transcend s he r tie s t o he r ow n parents an d people . Settle d bac k i n th e lan d o f Israel , Naom i an d Rut h work togethe r t o secur e thei r future s an d th e continuatio n o f th e mal e line o f Ruth' s decease d father-in-la w an d husband . Ultimatel y the y suc ceed, a s throug h thei r strategem s Rut h become s th e wif e o f he r dea d husband's kinsman , th e wealth y an d kin d Boaz . Boa z announce s pub licly tha t h e i s undertaking thi s marriage , "s o a s to perpetuat e th e nam e of th e decease d upo n hi s estate , tha t th e nam e o f th e decease d ma y no t disappear fro m amon g his kinsmen an d fro m th e gate of his home town " (4:10). Th e townspeopl e wh o serv e a s witnesse s applau d hi s action s with th e followin g prayer : "Ma y th e Lor d mak e th e woma n wh o i s coming int o you r hous e lik e Rache l an d Leah , bot h o f who m buil t u p the House o f Israel " (4:11) . Ruth i s able to fulfil thi s preeminent require ment tha t a n Israelit e wif e "buil d up " he r husband' s house ; th e stor y concludes wit h th e birt h o f Ruth' s so n an d happines s al l aroun d a s Naomi become s th e child' s foste r mother . Th e townswome n approv e o f Naomi's jo y an d pra y tha t th e chil d wil l "rene w you r lif e an d sustai n your ol d age ; fo r h e i s bor n o f you r daughter-in-law , wh o love s yo u and i s bette r t o yo u tha n seve n sons " (4:14) . Indeed , thi s child , Obed , does prosper; th e so n o f a Moabite woman , Obe d become s th e fathe r o f Jesse an d th e grandfathe r o f Kin g David . Thus , th e stor y o f Rut h als o achieves its narrative interes t o n huma n an d divin e grounds . This narra tive o f a lovin g mother-in-la w an d daughter-in-la w i s a s surprisin g an d
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compelling, an d perhap s a s instructive , a s God' s choic e o f a despise d Moabite woma n t o b e the forebear o f Israel' s greates t king . The male-constructe d biblica l paradigm s discusse d i n thi s essa y o f women i n conflic t or , b y rare contrast , i n unexpected harmon y reinforc e the ideology o f biblica l narrativ e tha t finds God' s marvelou s purposes i n every huma n action . Women' s conflicts , a s wit h th e man y instance s th e Hebrew Bibl e records of hostilit y an d despicabl e behavior betwee n men , advance Israel' s destin y i n unexpecte d ways . Suc h representation s offe r only partia l glimpse s o f th e actua l live s an d concern s o f wome n i n biblical times ; femal e character s appea r i n th e stor y onl y whe n thei r activities ar e see n b y th e biblica l author s o r editor s t o revea l a large r divine purpos e o r message . Still , thes e powerfu l an d psychologicall y complicated portrait s o f women a t odds resonate far beyon d the Hebre w Bible in two millenni a o f representation s o f women an d thei r encounter s with other s o f their sex. 18
NOTES
All biblica l quotation s ar e fro m Tanakh: A New Translation of the Holy Scriptures according to the Traditional Hebrew Text (Philadelphia : Jewish Publication Society, 1985). 1. See , fo r example , Rober t Alte r an d Fran k Kermode , "Genera l Introduc tion," i n their edited volume, The Literary Guide to the Bible (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987), 2-3. 2. O n th e history o f th e writing an d redaction o f the Hebrew Bible's component parts, see Richard Elliott Friedman, Who Wrote the Bible f (New York: Harper and Row, 1987). 3. I n fact , th e Hebrew Bibl e contains tw o account s o f th e creation o f huma n beings. In the first (Genesis 1:1-2:4) , human beings , male and female , ar e created together , b y th e divin e word , i n th e divin e image . I n th e secon d account (Genesi s 2:5-3:24), the first human being is a man shaped by God from the dust of the earth. Only later is a woman formed out of the sleeping man's rib . Thi s secon d view , i n whic h th e femal e i s subsequen t t o an d subordinate to the male, predominates in post-biblical Jewish and Christian thought and exegesis. 4. Tikv a Frymer-Kensky , In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture, and the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1992), 141 . 5. Ibid. , 120 .
6. Susa n Niditch , "Portrayal s o f Wome n i n th e Hebrew Bible, " i n Judith R . Baskin, ed., Jewish Women in Historical Perspective (Detroit : Wayne State University Press, 1991), 29.
Women at Odds: Biblical Paradigms 22 3 7. Friedman , i n Who Wrote the Bible? (86) , suggests reason s wh y "J, " o n e o f the author s represente d i n Genesis , coul d hav e bee n female . Simila r argu ments ar e mad e a t greate r lengt h b y Harol d Bloom , "Th e Autho r J, " i n Harold Bloo m an d Davi d Rosenberg , The Book of ] (Ne w York : Grov e Weidenfeld, 1990) , 9 - 1 0, 3 6 - 4 8 . 8. Niditch , "Portrayal s o f Women," 28 . 9. Frymer-Kensky , Wake of the Goddesses, 143 , 203—12. 10. Ibid. , 143 . 11. Thi s i s no t t o impl y tha t al l relationship s betwee n wome n wer e negative , but rathe r tha t biblica l author s ar e onl y intereste d i n portrayin g women' s interactions whe n i t fits their own ideologica l agenda . Reference s t o positiv e contacts betwee n wome n ar e mos t frequentl y foun d i n obliqu e comments . Similarly, wive s an d mothers , whos e role s i n narrative s abou t thei r hus bands o r son s are portrayed a s minor, ar e often mentione d bu t not named . 12. Frymer-Kensky , Wake of the Goddesses, 127 . 13. Ibid. , 125 . 14. P . Kyle McCarter, Jr., "Th e Patriarcha l Age : Abraham, Isaa c and Jacob," i n Ancient Israel: A Short History from Abraham to the Roman Destruction of the Temple, ed . Hershel Shank s (Washington , D.C. : Biblical Archaeolog y Society; Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1988) , 11. 15. Niditch , "Portrayal s o f Women," 33 . 16. Miek e Bal , Murder and Difference: Gender, Genre, and Scholarship on Sisera's Death, trans . Matthe w Gumper t (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press, 1992) , 134 . 17. Frymer-Kensky , Wake of the Goddesses, 127 . 18. Thre e quit e disparat e example s o f literar y work s b y wome n tha t mak e extremely interestin g us e o f th e biblica l theme s discusse d i n thi s essay ar e George Eliot , Daniel Deronda; Will a Cather , Sapphira and the Slave Girl; and Margare t Atwood , The Handmaid's Tale.
REFERENCES
Alter, Robert , an d Fran k Kermode . A Literary Guide to the Bible. Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1987 . Bal, Mieke. Murder and Difference: Gender, Genre, and Scholarship on Sisera's Death. Translate d b y Matthe w Gumpert . Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press, 1992 . Bloom, Harold, and David Rosenberg. The Book of]. Ne w York: Grov e Weidenfeld, 1990 . Friedman, Richar d Elliott . Who Wrote the Bible? Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row, 1987 . Frymer-Kensky, Tikva . In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture, and the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth. Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1992 . McCarter, P . Kyle , Jr . "Th e Patriarcha l Age : Abraham , Isaa c an d Jacob. " I n
224 Judith R. Baskin Ancient Israel: A Short History from Abraham to the Roman Destruction of the Temple, edite d b y Hershe l Shanks , 1-29 . Washington , D.C. : Biblica l Archaeology Society ; Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall, 1988 . Meyers, Carole . Discovering Eve: Ancient Israelite Women in Context. Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1988 . Newson, Caro l A. , an d Sharo n H . Ringe . Women's Bible Commentary. Louis ville: Westminster/John Kno x Press , 1992 . Niditch, Susan . "Portrayal s o f Wome n i n th e Hebre w Bible. " I n Jewish Women in Historical Perspective, edite d b y Judith R . Baskin , 25-42 . Detroit : Wayn e State University Press , 1991.
11. POST-FEMINIST A N D ANTI-WOMAN : THE REVOLUTIONAR Y REPUBLICA N W O M E N I N FRANCE , 1 7 9 3 - 1 7 9 4 WILLIAM THOMPSO N
Over th e cours e o f th e Frenc h revolutionar y era , whic h witnesse d th e creation o f a staggerin g numbe r o f revolutionar y club s an d organiza tions, i t i s hardly surprisin g tha t a politica l grou p compose d entirel y o f women shoul d mak e a n appearance . Suc h i s th e cas e o f th e Societ e de s Citoyennes Republicaine s Revolutionnaire s (wh o will be referred t o her e as the Revolutionar y Republica n Women , o r th e Society) . The foundin g of thi s group , a radica l factio n initiall y aligne d wit h th e Jacobin s an d later wit h th e Enrages , mark s th e beginnin g o f a uniqu e enterpris e i n revolutionary France : a societ y forme d fo r wome n an d b y wome n wh o wished t o serv e th e Revolutio n b y regulatin g an d policin g th e behavio r of thei r fello w citizens , bot h mal e an d female . Founde d i n th e agitatio n which precede d th e officia l Terro r o f 1793 , thi s women' s grou p estab lished itsel f firmly withi n th e political activis m an d rhetori c of th e exclu sively mal e domain s o f th e Conventio n an d th e Commun e o f Paris . It s members engage d i n a variety o f activitie s intended t o defen d th e revolu tion: the y complaine d abou t indecisio n an d corruptio n i n government , petitioned th e Pari s Commun e t o arres t th e wive s o f emigre s an d t o place prostitute s i n nationa l home s fo r rehabilitation , reporte d foo d 225
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hoarding, an d force d th e marke t wome n o f Pari s t o wea r th e tricolo r cocarde, the ribbon symboli c of revolutionar y patriotism . Although th e actua l foundin g o f th e Societ y i s no t exceptional , sinc e women frequentl y an d activel y engage d i n protes t throughou t thi s pe riod, th e existenc e o f thi s Societ y present s a difficult y t o an y attemp t t o comprehend th e breadt h o f th e role of women i n the Revolution , a s well as th e exten t t o whic h th e action s o f wome n durin g thi s perio d ca n b e considered "feminist. " Ho w ca n w e discus s an d qualify , withi n th e parameters o f th e ter m "feminism, " th e action s o f a grou p o f women , acting a s women , attemptin g t o solidif y an d guarante e thei r statu s a s citizens withi n a particula r society , ye t wh o a t th e sam e tim e oppressed other women , an d favore d a Terro r tha t le d t o th e executio n o f thou sands o f wome n an d men ? I n a n attemp t t o answe r thi s question , thi s essay wil l consider : (i ) th e histor y o f th e Society , i n particula r it s plat forms tha t infringe d o n th e rights of othe r women; (2 ) the implication o f these activities in the context of a feminist discourse ; and (3 ) the possibility of introducin g an d utilizin g the term "post-feminism " t o describe thi s Society an d it s actions , includin g thos e bot h benefittin g an d oppressin g women. Amidst th e chao s an d constan t chang e that characterize d th e politica l and socia l scene s i n revolutionar y Franc e betwee n 178 9 an d 1794 , an d during whic h th e notio n o f "citizen " underwen t constan t redefinition , i t is not surprisin g that women shoul d play a n increasingly prominent role . The era o f th e French Revolutio n woul d se e many women, through bot h individual an d collectiv e endeavors , achiev e a fam e (o r notoriety ) o f sometimes mythi c proportions: Mari e Antoinette, Charlotte Corda y (th e assassin o f Marat) , wome n i n nee d o f brea d marchin g t o Versailles , would-be wome n soldier s volunteerin g t o tak e u p arm s t o defen d th e Revolution, an d isolate d "feminist " activist s suc h a s Olymp e d e Gouge s and Theroign e d e Mericourt . Ye t whil e som e o f th e action s b y wome n were no t withou t preceden t (such a s protesting abou t th e lac k o f food) , new area s suc h a s politica l activis m wer e bein g explore d fo r th e firs t time. Even befor e th e actua l commencemen t o f revolutionar y activities , women ha d participate d i n th e compositio n o f th e "cahier s d e do leances," th e pamphlet s writte n t o complai n abou t th e various inequali ties i n Frenc h society . Women bot h wrot e an d wer e th e subjec t o f thes e tracts, a s th e challeng e t o th e ol d orde r mad e discussio n possibl e abou t
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issues suc h a s marriage laws , the legalizatio n o f divorce , an d th e lac k o f education fo r girls . Yet it i s evident fro m th e natur e o f thes e topics tha t i n th e opinio n o f many o f th e citizen s o f th e ne w France , a woman's plac e shoul d remai n in the home, or a t the very least she should continu e to preoccupy hersel f with traditional , sociall y acceptabl e activities : car e giving , chil d rearing , perhaps shopkeeping . Fe w o f th e dramati c event s o f th e revolutionar y era actuall y allowe d wome n t o alte r i n a significan t manne r thei r statu s within Frenc h society . Th e wome n wh o marche d o n Versaille s i n 1789 , after all , wer e no t revolutionaries ; the y onl y wishe d t o complai n abou t the lac k o f brea d t o a kin g the y believe d sympatheti c t o thei r situation . Olympe d e Gouges's treatis e o n th e rights of women wa s only written a s a respons e t o the insufficiencies o f th e Declaration of the Rights of Men, which wa s publishe d a t th e beginnin g o f th e revolutionar y perio d an d which ignore d th e statu s o f women . An d althoug h th e ne w governmen t was eage r fo r wome n t o contribut e t o nationa l defens e (bot h agains t counterrevolutionaries an d agains t France' s neighbors) , i t wa s assume d that the y woul d fulfil l supportiv e role s suc h a s rollin g bandage s an d knitting. Such , however , wa s no t t o b e th e cas e o f th e Revolutionar y Republican Women . Already activ e i n a n unofficia l capacit y i n Februar y o f 1793 , a grou p of wome n mad e a forma l applicatio n t o th e Pari s Commun e o n Ma y 1 0 of th e sam e year , askin g fo r permissio n t o for m a clu b (such a reques t being require d b y law) . In th e application , th e wome n expresse d "thei r intention o f assemblin g an d formin g a societ y whic h admit s onl y women" (Lev y et al. 149), 1 which was in itself uniqu e for th e revolution ary period, a s other women eithe r joined men's clubs already in existenc e or forme d club s tha t allowe d bot h me n an d wome n a s members . Th e women o f th e ne w Societ y als o state d tha t thei r ai m wa s "deliberatio n on th e mean s o f frustratin g th e projects o f th e republic's enemies " (Lev y et al . 149) , i n itsel f a mos t acceptabl e activit y fo r a revolutionar y clu b during a period o f grea t fea r o f counterrevolution. 2 There ar e fe w account s o f th e meeting s o f th e Society, but th e writte n Regulations o f th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n hav e survive d an d provide som e indicatio n o f th e initia l goal s o f thes e women . B y thei r very existence , th e Regulation s demonstrat e th e seriousnes s wit h whic h the Society' s member s approache d thei r work , a s wel l a s thei r desir e t o legitimize th e Societ y an d it s activities , an d indee d mos t o f th e article s
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cover suc h issue s a s correc t procedur e fo r meetings , th e keepin g o f minutes, an d th e protoco l fo r th e signin g o f correspondence . I n spit e o f its popula r origin s i n th e lowe r echelon s o f Parisia n society , th e clu b wished t o conve y a sense of respectabilit y an d propriety ; Articl e XII, fo r example, states , "Th e Society , believin g that peopl e shoul d joi n togethe r only fo r mutua l honor , support , an d encouragemen t i n virtue , ha s de creed tha t i t wil l receiv e i n it s mids t onl y thos e citoyennes o f goo d habits" (Lev y et al. 163) . More importan t fo r understandin g th e aim s o f th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n ar e th e genera l goals , a s state d i n th e introductio n to th e Regulations , which elaborat e o n th e statemen t o f objective s mad e in the original applicatio n t o the Commune : Convinced tha t ther e i s n o libert y withou t custom s an d principles , an d tha t one mus t recogniz e one' s socia l dutie s i n orde r t o fulfil l one' s domesti c dutie s adequately, the Revolutionar y Republica n citoyennes hav e formed a Society to instruct themselves , to learn well the Constitution an d laws of th e Republic, to attend to public affairs, t o succor sufferin g humanity , an d to defend al l human beings who become victims of any arbitrary acts whatever. They want to banish all selfishness. (Lev y et al. 161) It i s imperativ e t o not e tha t n o specifi c mentio n i s mad e o f women's rights, suffering , an d victimization . Th e Societ y i n n o wa y dedicate d itself t o wha t w e migh t cal l "feminis t issues. " In fact , ther e i s a n ac knowledgment o f th e importanc e o f women' s traditiona l rol e a s home maker an d car e giver i n the reference s t o "domesti c duties " an d "succo r suffering humanity, " althoug h suc h effort s ar e considered onl y one com ponent o f a broad rang e o f possible activities . The rathe r vagu e goal s o f th e introductio n ("atten d t o public affairs " in itsel f wil l com e t o represen t a seemingl y endles s lis t o f enterprise s o n the par t o f th e Society ) dissimulat e th e trul y radica l natur e o f th e Soci ety's intentions , som e o f whic h wil l inevitabl y lea d t o th e oppressio n o f other women . Fo r example , Articl e I o f th e Regulation s clearl y reveal s the Society' s wis h t o incorporat e wome n thoroughl y int o th e defens e o f the republi c i n a manne r tha t move s fa r beyon d th e rol e o f car e give r and nursemaid : "Th e Society' s purpos e i s t o b e arme d t o rus h t o th e defense o f th e Fatherland ; citoyennes ar e nonetheles s fre e t o ar m them selves o r not " (Lev y et al . 161) . (I n spite o f th e Society' s apparen t clai m to th e righ t t o bea r arms , wome n wer e i n fac t forbidde n t o d o so , although som e di d fight alongsid e me n i n the war agains t Austria , an d i t was rumore d tha t som e o f th e Society' s member s carrie d pistols. ) Ye t
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Article XV, th e only othe r articl e t o mentio n th e patriotic missio n o f th e Society, declares , "Al l newl y receive d citoyennes wil l b e summone d b y the President , i n th e nam e o f th e Society , t o tak e th e followin g oath : 'I swea r t o liv e fo r th e Republi c o r di e fo r it" ' (Lev y et al . 163) , demon strating agai n th e assumptio n o n th e par t o f th e Societ y tha t wome n a s well a s me n coul d an d mus t giv e thei r live s fo r th e caus e o f th e Revo lution. After thei r formation , th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n waste d little tim e i n makin g themselve s know n a t th e meeting s o f th e Jacobi n Society wit h whic h the y wishe d t o b e associated . O n tw o occasions , within day s o f thei r officia l application , the y expresse d t o th e Jacobin s their resolutio n t o protec t th e interna l affair s o f France , a particularl y important activit y considerin g tha t man y me n ha d gon e t o th e fron t t o combat France' s externa l enemies . The women promise d t o "protec t th e interior" an d requeste d tha t wome n b e forme d int o arme d corps , b e entitled t o arres t an d disar m "suspects, " an d b e allowe d t o wea r th e cocarde, the ribbo n the n wor n onl y b y men t o prove one' s patriotism. A call wa s als o mad e t o establis h revolutionar y armie s i n th e cities , t o punish speculator s an d hoarders , eve n t o se t u p workshop s wher e iro n could b e converte d int o weapon s (Lev y e t al . 150—51) . The demand s i n these petition s clearl y situat e th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n o n the sid e o f thos e partie s favorin g a n all-ou t Terro r withi n Franc e t o purge counterrevolutionarie s (o r a t th e very least those accuse d o f coun terrevolutionary activities , whethe r guilt y o r not) . A t th e sam e tim e the petition s agai n demonstrat e tha t th e Society , althoug h compose d exclusively o f women, ha d n o interes t a t this point i n women's issue s per se, an y reference s t o wome n bein g situate d withi n a discussio n o f wha t was bes t for th e republic a t large . The Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n wer e presente d wit h th e op portunity t o bac k u p thei r word s wit h actio n a t th e en d o f Ma y 179 3 during th e attac k le d b y th e Jacobins , whic h le d t o th e oustin g o f the Girondi n factio n fro m th e Convention . Th e wome n o f th e Societ y positioned themselve s outsid e th e entranc e t o th e Conventio n an d pre vented supporter s o f the Girondins fro m entering . They were responsibl e for th e whippin g o f Theroign e d e Mericourt , a supporte r o f th e Giron dins an d ironicall y a n advocat e o f women' s rights . The Societ y wa s abl e to clai m a great dea l o f th e credi t when th e Girondin s wer e purged fro m the Convention, an d they received considerable praise from th e Jacobins, as wel l a s scor n fro m th e defeate d Girondins , on e o f who m describe d
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them a s "abandone d women , escape d fro m th e gutter , monstrou s females wit h al l the cruelty of weakness an d al l the vices of thei r sex." 3 In lat e Augus t o f 1793 , th e Societ y presente d ye t anothe r petitio n demanding tha t th e Conventio n implemen t th e Constitution , cal l fo r a general mobilization , an d arres t al l suspect s (Lev y e t al . 172-74) . An gered b y th e laxit y o f th e Convention , th e Societ y advocate d hars h measures t o guarante e th e surviva l o f th e Revolution : "Rui n al l th e nobles withou t exception ; i f ther e ar e an y o f goo d fait h amon g them , they will give proof o f it by voluntarily sacrificin g themselve s to the goo d fortune o f thei r Fatherland " (Lev y e t al . 173) . The y als o joine d i n th e call fo r a purgin g o f corruptio n i n th e government , advocatin g th e inception o f th e Terror: "No , it will not b e said tha t th e people, reduce d to despair , were obliged t o d o justice themselves; you ar e going to give it to the m b y ruinin g al l guilt y administrator s an d b y creatin g extraordi nary tribunal s i n sufficient numbe r s o that patriots will say, as they leav e for th e front : 'W e ar e calm abou t th e fat e o f ou r wive s an d children ; w e have see n al l interna l conspirator s peris h unde r th e swor d o f th e law' " (Levy e t al . 173—74) . Thi s speec h woul d b e followe d i n th e mont h o f September b y furthe r petition s callin g fo r th e arres t o f variou s politica l figures who m th e Societ y considere d suspect , a s well a s the confinemen t and rehabilitatio n o f prostitutes , th e arres t o f th e wive s o f aristocrats , and th e searching of th e homes of suspecte d hoarders . These petition s demonstrat e tha t withi n th e contex t o f thei r patrioti c fervor, th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n wer e indee d preoccupie d with th e statu s o f women , bot h "bonne s citoyennes " an d enemie s t o th e revolutionary cause . Tha t the y showe d n o hesitatio n i n promotin g th e condemnation o f aristocrati c wome n demonstrate s thei r adherenc e t o a generally accepte d lin e of thought : aristocrats , whether activel y counter revolutionary o r not , wer e t o b e considere d a dange r t o th e revolutio n by thei r ver y presenc e i n France . Th e attac k o n aristocrati c wome n could, therefore , b e put fort h a s th e perfec t exampl e o f th e Revolution ary Republica n Women' s succes s i n includin g al l wome n withi n an y discussion o f a revolutionar y nature . Ye t a t th e sam e time , this hostilit y is a strikingl y ironi c moment , witnessin g th e successfu l participatio n o f one group o f women i n society a t the tragic expense of othe r women . In spit e o f th e apparen t patriotis m manifeste d b y th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n (wit h violen t undertones , indeed, bu t no t extraordi nary fo r th e period) , th e Jacobin s wer e becomin g increasingl y alarme d and irritate d b y their constan t demand s an d criticism . Thus , on Septem -
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ber 16 , Clair e Lacombe , th e presiden t o f th e Societ y a t th e time , foun d herself unde r verba l assaul t a t a meetin g o f th e Jacobin Society . Severa l citizens, both mal e an d female , cam e forwar d t o denounc e Lacomb e fo r having challenge d th e authorit y o f th e variou s Committee s an d o f th e Convention, fo r lodgin g a n allege d counterrevolutionar y (th e Enrag e Leclerc), an d fo r havin g dare d t o cal l Robespierr e "Monsieur " (a n aris tocratic ter m o f addres s offensiv e t o th e revolutionar y spirit) . Afte r a n attempt t o defen d herself , Lacomb e wa s briefl y arrested , release d onl y when th e official s detainin g he r discovere d tha t sh e ha d nothin g i n he r possession t o incriminat e her . I n fact , the y declare d tha t the y "foun d nothing bu t correspondenc e o f fraterna l societies , whic h breathe s th e purest patriotism , an d differen t persona l letter s wher e th e publi c goo d and patriotis m wer e beautifully expressed " (Lev y et al. 196) . The eventual fat e o f the Society, however, seeme d apparent . The pres s loyal t o th e Conventio n continue d t o ridicul e th e effort s b y wome n t o participate i n matter s o f government , demonstratin g th e increasingl y dominant conservativ e traditionalis m tha t envisage d wome n a s home makers an d mothers . Th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n wer e de scribed a s "immodes t monsters , publi c leeches , hideou s sluts , an d pre tentious ugl y women." 4 I t was clea r tha t th e concept o f th e "citoyenne " adopted b y th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n differe d radicall y from tha t acceptabl e t o th e governin g Jacobins: "Interpellate d a s 'citoy ennes,' a minority o f women bega n t o ac t a s if they too were expected t o conform t o th e mode l o f th e republica n 'citoyen. ' Bu t i n Jacobin ideol ogy, th e ster n an d vigilan t mode l o f th e citoye n wa s i n fac t predicate d on a soft, loving , totally domesti c model o f th e 'citoyenne'—o n a 'citoy enne' tha t preserve d nothin g o f th e meanin g o f th e ter m excep t th e feminine ending." 5 Shortly afte r th e denunciatio n o f Clair e Lacomb e bega n th e episod e with whic h th e Societ y i s mos t ofte n associated : th e so-calle d "wa r o f the cocarde. " Th e cocard e (o r cockade ) wa s th e tricolo r ribbo n wor n by thos e wishin g t o demonstrat e thei r patriotis m an d devotio n t o th e revolutionary cause . However, while all "citoyens " were obliged to wea r it by government decree , it was not clea r i f this also applie d t o women . The Revolutionar y Republica n Women , wit h thei r enthusiasti c patri otism an d thei r desir e t o monito r th e behavio r o f all citizens, no matte r how demeanin g an d oppressiv e thei r tactics , strongl y supporte d th e wearing o f th e cocarde , an d som e too k t o policin g th e street s of Pari s t o assure that al l men an d wome n wer e conforming t o the dress code. They
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confronted grea t resistanc e fro m th e marke t wome n o f Paris , who wer e generally oppose d t o politica l activis m fo r women , an d wh o wer e al ready antagonisti c towar d th e Societ y becaus e o f th e latter' s suppor t o f price controls , whic h th e marke t wome n considere d excessiv e (ye t an other for m o f oppression , thi s tim e economic) . Tension s gre w t o th e point tha t wome n o n bot h side s o f th e issu e wer e verball y abuse d an d physically attacked , wit h th e marke t wome n claimin g that "onl y whore s and Jacobi n Wome n wea r i t [th e cocarde]," 6 an d tha t wome n shoul d occupy themselve s wit h thei r househol d an d no t politics . Th e Conven tion, however , di d pas s a decre e o n Septembe r 2 1 requirin g al l wome n to wea r th e cocarde . Ye t what appeare d t o b e a victory fo r th e patrioti c forces, includin g th e Revolutionar y Republica n Women , wa s merel y a n attempt t o restor e order , a s th e Conventio n wa s onl y reactin g t o th e complaints o f a nervou s Parisia n polic e forc e alarme d b y th e attack s b y women o n othe r women . Following th e battl e o f th e cocarde , ye t anothe r conflic t involvin g dress aros e towar d th e en d o f Octobe r 1793 , and prove d t o b e the fata l blow fo r th e Societ y o f Revolutionar y Republica n Women . Member s o f the Societ y wer e amon g a grou p o f wome n wh o ha d take n t o wearin g not onl y th e cocarde , bu t als o th e "bonne t rouge, " th e re d woo l ca p symbolic o f libert y wor n b y mal e revolutionaries . Th e adoptio n o f th e cap inevitabl y le d t o conflic t betwee n wome n wh o advocate d wearin g the bonnet an d thei r opponents . Women wearin g red caps were insulted , assaulted, an d ha d th e cap s knocke d fro m thei r heads . Fo r th e mal e authorities a s well , th e imag e o f wome n wearin g th e re d bonnet , unti l then a n exclusivel y masculin e ite m o f clothing , wa s caus e fo r alarm . I f the cocard e wa s merel y a symbo l o f patriotism , th e re d bonne t was , apart fro m it s symbolic connotations , ostensibl y masculin e apparel , an d therefore inappropriat e fo r women . Conventio n membe r Fabr e d'Eglan tine woul d generat e furthe r fea r b y warnin g hi s colleague s tha t "toda y they as k fo r th e red bonnet , bu t the y will not b e satisfied wit h that ; soo n they wil l as k fo r a bel t an d pistols , an d yo u wil l se e wome n goin g fo r bread a s if going to the trenches." 7 Although ther e i s onl y sligh t proo f tha t an y wome n i n Pari s eve r carried firearms, an d althoug h th e cocarde an d bonne t roug e held purel y symbolic valu e fo r th e wome n wh o wor e them , Joan Lande s point s ou t that withi n th e contex t o f th e dominan t bourgeoi s republica n discourse , the rhetori c an d activitie s o f th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n appeared unnatura l an d entirel y incompatible : "Wha t ough t t o hav e
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been a symbo l o f patriotism—wome n dresse d i n th e tricolo r cockade , trousers, re d bonnets , an d donnin g swords—becam e instea d a publi c statement o f women' s collectiv e interes t agains t th e harmonious familia l symbolism an d masculinis t practic e o f th e virtuou s republic." 8 Ye t equally alarmin g i s th e dua l proces s o f oppressio n operatin g here : th e Revolutionary Republica n Wome n wer e t o b e suppresse d b y th e male dominated governmen t fo r th e notoriet y the y ha d gaine d throug h thei r sometimes violent attempt s t o oppres s othe r women . The re d bonne t affai r reache d a clima x o n Octobe r 2 8 whe n th e Revolutionary Republica n Wome n wer e attacke d durin g a ceremon y commemorating tw o martyr s o f th e Revolution : Mara t an d Lepeletier . A numbe r o f wome n hostil e t o th e Societ y interrupte d th e ceremony , shouting: "Dow n wit h re d bonnets ! Down wit h Jacobin women ! Dow n with Jacobi n wome n an d th e cockades ! The y ar e al l scoundrel s wh o have brough t misfortun e upo n France! " (Lev y et al. 209) . Ironically, th e Revolutionary Republica n Wome n wer e vilifie d o n thi s occasio n i n par t for thei r associatio n wit h th e Jacobins, who themselve s had attacke d th e Society th e mont h before , an d wh o wer e waitin g fo r th e opportunit y t o rid themselve s permanently o f a group the y considere d a n annoyance . In spite o f attempt s o n th e par t o f authoritie s t o restor e orde r t o th e ceremony, th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n wer e physicall y at tacked, som e o f the m seriousl y wounded , an d onl y wit h th e assistanc e of arme d troop s were the Society's members abl e to escape further harm . The Societ y thu s foun d itself , i n essence , isolate d fro m al l component s of republica n society : "Th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n wer e particularly vulnerabl e t o the extent tha t within th e revolutionary move ment the y wer e women , whil e withi n th e women' s movemen t the y hel d political position s tha t wer e becoming increasingl y isolated." 9 The inciden t provide d th e Conventio n wit h sufficien t materia l t o b e convinced o f th e instability an d dange r o f th e participation o f wome n i n the politica l sphere , an d o n Octobe r 3 0 th e Societ y o f Revolutionar y Republican Wome n an d al l women's politica l group s wer e banned . Th e law enforcin g th e wearin g o f th e cocard e wa s subsequentl y repealed , and argument s abou t th e re d bonne t wer e declare d counterrevolution ary. Perhaps no t coincidentally , severa l prominent wome n o f th e revolu tionary er a wer e guillotine d durin g thi s sam e period : Mari e Antoinett e on Octobe r 16 , Olympe d e Gouges o n Novembe r 3 , and Mano n Rolan d on Novembe r 8 . What avenue s wer e left t o women followin g th e ba n o n clu b activity ?
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A prominent newspape r o f th e tim e offere d som e advice : "Women ! D o you wan t t o b e republicans ? Love , follo w an d teac h th e law s whic h recall you r husband s an d childre n t o th e exercis e o f thei r rights ; hono r the grea t deed s tha t ma y b e don e fo r you r country , t o sho w tha t the y will b e don e fo r you ; b e simpl e i n you r dress , hardworkin g i n you r home; neve r g o t o popula r assemblie s wit h th e wis h t o spea k there , bu t so that you r presenc e ma y sometime s encourag e you r children." 10 Thu s women wer e encourage d (i f no t explicitl y forced ) t o retur n t o a rol e that th e event s o f th e Revolutio n ha d neve r full y succeede d i n altering , abandoning th e change s i n dres s an d politica l activis m th e Revolution , many believed , ha d mad e thei r right . In term s o f visible , long-lastin g achievement, th e Societ y o f Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n ha d ac complished ver y little ; i n fact , the y ha d a length y lis t o f achievement s only i n the domain o f oppression . What w e migh t addres s a t this point, a s suggested i n the introductio n to thi s essay , i s the positio n o f th e Societ y withi n a completel y differen t context: tha t o f feminis t discourse . In short , wer e th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n feminists , an d i f not , ho w ca n w e characteriz e thei r actions a s women withi n th e contex t o f th e Frenc h Revolution ? I t seem s to m e that Joa n Lande s i s accurate whe n sh e state s that th e Revolution ary Republica n Wome n wer e not feminists , i f w e understan d th e ter m feminist t o mea n anyon e wh o seek s a positiv e chang e i n th e statu s o f women i n society : "I f feminis m i s construe d onl y ver y narrowl y t o b e the organized struggl e for women' s rights, then it may be that the Societ y does no t fi t unde r thi s rubric . Women' s issue s wer e no t foremos t o n it s agenda, an d it s downfal l wa s precipitate d b y clashe s wit h marke t women, religiou s women , an d forme r servants . Nonetheless , it s mem bers wer e caugh t u p i n a scenari o o f gende r politics." 11 Thes e women , by engagin g i n activitie s which , howeve r oppressive , di d paralle l th e activities o f thei r mal e counterparts , ha d i n fac t achieve d som e for m o f emancipation an d equalit y fo r themselves , bu t onl y a t th e expens e o f other women . The paradoxical situatio n o f the Revolutionar y Republica n Women i s perhaps bes t exemplifie d b y th e donnin g o f th e re d bonne t tha t symbol ized th e Revolution , an d b y th e report s tha t som e member s carrie d pistols an d wor e trousers . Thes e wome n had , i n effect , reaffirme d a male/female oppositio n i n a ne w femal e versu s femal e conflic t vi a transvestism. Dresse d i n th e sam e outfit s a s th e me n o f th e Revolution , the member s o f th e Society , whil e stressin g thei r integra l rol e i n th e
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defense o f th e Revolution , ha d perpetuate d th e subordinatio n o f wome n in general , an d ha d demonstrate d tha t onl y b y adoptin g a patriarcha l code of conduc t an d appearanc e coul d the y enact their radica l program . Given th e ironi c statu s o f th e Society , ho w ca n on e accuratel y plac e the endeavor s o f thes e wome n withi n a feminis t discourse ? An d withi n what confine s o f th e ter m "feminism " ar e w e analyzin g thei r activities ? A discussio n o f women' s politica l efforts , an d o f th e us e o f th e ter m "post-feminist" t o describ e them , whic h wil l b e addresse d i n thi s essay , might benefi t fro m a brie f consideratio n o f th e definitio n o f "feminism. " In recen t year s eve n feminis t theorist s hav e acknowledge d th e difficult y of composin g a precis e definitio n o f th e term . Rosalin d Delmar , i n a 1986 essa y entitled , appropriatel y enough , "Wha t I s Feminism?," states : "Many woul d agre e tha t a t th e ver y leas t a feminis t i s someon e wh o holds tha t wome n suffe r discriminatio n becaus e o f thei r sex , tha t the y have specifi c need s whic h remai n negate d an d unsatisfied , an d tha t th e satisfaction o f thes e need s woul d requir e a radica l chang e (som e woul d say a revolutio n even ) i n th e social , economi c an d politica l order . Bu t beyond that , thing s immediatel y becom e mor e complicated." 12 O n th e basis o f Delmar' s definition , whic h implie s th e nee d fo r th e sor t o f revolution tha t lat e eighteenth-centur y Franc e certainl y experienced , w e might reexamin e th e cas e of th e Revolutionar y Republica n Women , an d consider ho w som e historian s hav e attempte d t o interpre t th e Society' s activities within th e parameters o f th e term "feminist. " These historians , i n fact , sugges t th e inappropriatenes s o f th e ter m i n any discussio n o f th e Society . Harrie t B . Applewhit e an d Darlin e Ga y Levy write , "Thes e wome n wer e activ e no t becaus e the y translate d 'feminist' demand s int o revolutionar y petitions , riots, and othe r popula r manifestations bu t becaus e the y claime d tha t th e sovereig n people , mal e and female , ha d right s t o ac t o n tha t sovereignt y o n a dail y basi s wher e government touche d thei r lives." 13 Revolutionary , an d no t feminist , ideals were the motivatio n fo r thei r actions . The Revolutionar y Republi can Wome n wer e no t fighting a s wome n an d fo r women ; the y wer e fighting a s citizen s o n th e behal f o f (an d a t time s against ) thei r fello w citizens an d th e latter' s rights , althoug h th e validit y an d statu s o f th e "citoyenne" withi n th e ne w societa l orde r wa s constantl y bein g teste d by their actions . Dominique Godineau , whil e questionin g th e appropriatenes s o f th e term, doe s demonstrat e t o wha t exten t w e migh t conside r th e Revolu tionary Republica n Wome n "feminist" : "Ca n w e spea k o f feminism ?
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The wor d i s anachronistic , bu t w e canno t den y tha t th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n wer e aspirin g t o a n equalit y o f th e tw o sexes . The y considered tha t wome n wer e indee d citizens , activ e member s o f th e sovereign people . I f w e ca n spea k o f feminism , i t i s a feminis m express ing itsel f i n th e politica l languag e o f th e Revolution . 'Feminism ' an d politics were , fo r thes e women , inseparable." 14 Godinea u continues , interestingly enough , wit h thi s descriptio n o f th e Society , which compli cates an y discussio n o f thei r feminis t activitie s eve n further : " a clu b tha t in th e beginnin g declare d itsel f t o b e a politica l forc e compose d exclu sively o f women , i t late r asserte d itsel f a s a sexuall y neute r politica l force," 15 suggestin g tha t althoug h gende r wa s th e crucia l facto r i n th e Society's foundin g an d demise , an d thu s migh t encourag e a feminist oriented appraisal , th e political agend a o f th e Revolutionar y Republica n Women remaine d generall y untouche d b y gender-based concerns . These wome n wer e no t feminist s fo r th e simpl e reaso n tha t the y ha d little concer n fo r th e emancipatio n an d equalit y o f wome n i n th e ne w societal order . Bu t b y the very fact tha t women wer e abl e to organize , t o carry ou t a pla n o f actio n bot h resultin g fro m an d independen t o f th e concurrent activitie s o f th e male-dominate d revolutionar y government , this women' s grou p had , howeve r briefly , move d beyond feminism , beyond a n effor t a t establishin g equalit y an d emancipation , an d ha d accomplished wha t w e migh t cal l a postfeminis t endeavor : on e wher e the abilit y o f wome n t o initiat e an d participat e i n a politicall y an d socially significan t manne r i s presumed, no t sough t afte r o r defended . I f "feminism i s usuall y define d a s a n activ e desir e t o chang e women' s position i n society, " a s Rosalin d Delma r states, 16 th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n assume d tha t thi s chang e had , i n fact , alread y oc curred, an d tha t a preoccupatio n wit h th e issu e o f gende r politic s wa s no longe r necessary . Postfeminism, unlik e feminism , i s no t concerne d wit h th e tensio n between wome n an d men , wit h th e coupl e woman/ma n withi n whic h woman i s the subordinate , oppresse d half . Postfeminis m move s beyon d this couple , investigating instea d th e position o f women i n a situation o r a society , howeve r isolated , i n whic h the y ar e abl e t o function , stil l a s women, bu t outsid e th e restriction s o f a stereotypical , sexuall y code d binary opposition . Rathe r tha n striv e for equality , women i n a postfemi nist societ y o r endeavo r woul d b e abl e to presum e tha t thi s equalit y ha s previously bee n achieved . I t i s n o longe r a questio n o f wome n forgin g ahead i n pursui t o f equa l rights ; i t i s a questio n o f wome n actin g a s
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women, ye t unde r th e assumptio n tha t the y ar e alread y th e socia l an d political peers of men . Yet postfeminism i s fa r fro m a n idealisti c mov e beyon d typica l femi nist efforts . I t simpl y provide s fo r th e possibilit y o f considerin g isolate d events an d situation s i n which feminis t concern s ar e no longe r o f capita l importance becaus e the y hav e bee n addresse d an d solved . Suc h case s would be , admittedly , rare , ephemeral , eve n questionabl e i n thei r pre sumption o f tru e equalit y an d emancipatio n fo r wome n i n a particula r situation, a s th e exampl e o f th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n amply illustrates . A t best , thes e scenario s woul d offe r th e possibility o f women carryin g ou t act s tha t n o longe r depen d o n thei r statu s a s women. The term postfeminist i s not new , yet in the past i t has been use d wit h rather littl e explanatio n o r attemp t a t a definition . Mos t reference s t o the ter m hav e occurre d i n sociologica l discussion s o f wome n i n th e lat e 1980s, in particular withi n th e contex t o f issue s suc h a s abortio n rights , women i n th e workplace , an d th e declin e o f th e nuclea r family . Fo r example, Judit h Stacey , i n a n analysi s o f wome n i n th e Silico n Valley , employs th e ter m "no t t o indicat e th e deat h o f th e women' s movemen t but t o describ e th e simultaneou s incorporation , revision , an d depolitici zation o f man y o f th e centra l goal s o f second-wav e feminism." 17 Stace y considers feminis m a highl y charge d politica l movement , wherea s post feminism i s mor e individualized ; whil e feminis m ha d broa d goal s fo r general socia l improvement , postfeminis m i s amorphous , define d onl y by the social conditions o f th e individual(s) t o whom th e term i s applied , incorporating feminis t ideology , yet base d o n vita l socia l condition s tha t cannot b e ignored: marriage , work, family . Suzanna Danut a Walters , usin g Stacey' s analysi s a s a point o f depar ture, identifies tw o distinct postfeminist discourses . Walters situates popular postfeminis m withi n th e antifeminis t discours e o f th e lat e 1980 s and earl y 1990s , in which feminis m i s considered "dead , victorious , an d ultimately failed, " a movement tha t "promise d mor e tha n i t put out," 1 8 and sh e deftl y support s he r us e o f th e ter m wit h numerou s example s from televisio n an d film. Here , postfeminis m i s a postmorte m o n an d backlash agains t recen t feminis t endeavor s an d i s not fa r remove d fro m antifeminism. Walters als o define s a n academi c postfeminism , whic h operate s "through a denia l o f th e categor y o f 'woman ' altogether." 19 I n a postmodern an d poststructuralis t era , th e nee d fo r suc h gender-base d
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categorization ca n b e challenge d an d eliminated , an d feminis m subse quently lose s its raison d'etre . Ultimately, Walters question s an y applica tion o f th e ter m "postfeminist " t o ou r ow n era : "Isn' t i t prematur e t o declare a socia l movement/socia l theor y 'post ' whe n w e hav e ye t t o achieve eve n a modicu m o f egalitaria n goals ? Ho w ca n w e possibl y speak o f 'post-feminism ' whe n a woma n i s stil l rape d o r beate n ever y 20 seconds?" 20 The definitio n tha t w e migh t appl y t o th e cas e o f th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n lie s somewher e betwee n th e tw o categorie s devise d by Walters . Usin g thi s Societ y a s a model , w e migh t justif y th e applica tion o f th e ter m postfeminis m t o a situatio n i n whic h th e goal s an d platforms o f feminis m hav e alread y bee n (o r appea r t o hav e been ) achieved. Th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n themselve s assume d that wome n ha d attaine d a n equalit y o f statu s wit h men . Althoug h th e ultimate demis e o f th e Societ y demonstrate s tha t thi s wa s fa r fro m true , the Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n had , i n theory a t least , adopte d a postfeminist stanc e t o their positio n i n French society . And althoug h th e group wa s compose d exclusivel y o f women , the y generall y exclude d al l questions o f gende r fro m thei r petition s an d discussions , considerin g themselves not women, but citizens, charged with the duty of monitorin g the behavio r o f al l other citizens . Evidently thi s postfeminism i s by no mean s necessarily pro-woman o r pro-feminist, no r doe s i t requir e a distinguishabl e feminis t predecessor . The Societ y o f Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n woul d no t hav e ex isted withou t women , bu t thi s certainl y doe s no t impl y tha t i t i s pro feminist o r th e direc t resul t o f feminis t achievements . I f anything , th e activities o f thes e wome n wer e anti- woman: th e consolidatio n o f thei r own positio n i n revolutionar y societ y depende d t o a grea t exten t o n the oppressio n o f thei r fello w countrywome n (throug h imprisonment , censorship, or enforce d cod e of dress) . In moving beyond a concern wit h the need s o f women , thi s grou p ignore d demand s fo r equalit y b y othe r women, confidentl y assumin g that thes e demands had bee n satisfied, an d that an y dissen t coul d b e condemne d a s counterrevolutionary . I t i s evident that , i n thi s scenari o a t least , postfeminis m b y n o mean s suggest s the universa l equalit y o f wome n no r thei r abilit y t o ac t i n a societ y no t as wome n bu t a s individual s wit h ful l an d equa l rights . Indeed , a s th e example of the Society demonstrates, the ability of som e women t o enac t a postfeminis t progra m ma y resul t i n a n increas e o f th e oppressio n
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of othe r wome n (an d eve n men) , an d i n a perpetuatio n o f previousl y existing inequalities . In fact , th e fanaticis m o f th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n would resul t i n eve n greate r oppression : th e suppressio n b y th e male dominated governmen t o f any wome n involve d i n publi c affairs , an d eventually th e eliminatio n o f all popula r societies . A s th e Terro r sub sided in 1794 , the women o f Pari s again returne d t o the streets to protes t the lac k o f bread , jus t a s the y ha d a t Versaille s a t th e beginnin g o f th e Revolution. Th e ephemera l presenc e i n Franc e o f th e Revolutionar y Republican Wome n woul d hav e n o lastin g positiv e effect , an d thei r disappearance woul d coincid e wit h th e restoratio n o f wome n t o a rol e they ha d occupie d befor e an y grou p ha d attempte d t o involv e the m i n the political sphere . Although smal l gain s wer e mad e fo r women' s right s ove r th e cours e of the revolutionary era—th e legalizatio n o f divorce , the right of wome n to inherit , improvement s i n education—littl e ha d bee n accomplishe d t o achieve th e basi c civi l right s th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n ha d assumed wer e theirs . The proposed concep t o f postfeminis m t o describ e these wome n doe s no t denot e som e kin d o f Utopia n situatio n tha t ha s eliminated th e nee d fo r concer n abou t th e oppressio n o f an y on e grou p of peopl e o n th e basi s o f thei r gender , religion , race , o r sexua l orienta tion. O n th e contrary , postfeminism , i n thi s definitio n a t least , ca n onl y refer t o ephemeral , isolated , an d largel y (i f no t exclusively ) unsuccess ful attempt s a t movin g beyon d a n endlessl y necessar y confrontatio n with th e subordinatio n o f wome n an d othe r individual s an d group s in society .
NOTES
1. Darlin e Ga y Levy , Harrie t Branso n Applewhite , Mar y Durha m Johnson , eds., Women in Revolutionary Paris (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1979)'
2. Fo r furthe r informatio n abou t th e Revolutionar y Republica n Wome n an d about women durin g the Revolution, the reader is referred i n particular t o Marie Cerati , Le Club des Citoyennes Republicaines Revolutionnaires (Paris: Editions Sociales , 1966) , and Dominique Godineau , Citoyennes tricoteuses: Les femmes du peuple a Paris pendant la Revolution Francaise (Aix-en-Provence: Alinea, 1988) , as well as to the works cite d i n the present study.
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3. Quote d i n Linda Kelly , Women of the French Revolution (London : Hamis h Hamilton, 1987) , 89 . 4. Mait e Albistu r an d Danie l Armogathe , Histoire du feminisme francais du moyen age a nos jours (Paris : des femmes, 1977) , 236. All translations fro m French text s ar e my own . 5. Willia m H . Sewell , Jr., "L e citoyen/l a citoyenne : Activity , Passivity , an d th e Revolutionary Concep t o f Citizenship, " i n The Political Culture of the French Revolution, ed . Coli n Luca s (Oxford : Pergamon , 1988) , 121. 6. Godineau , Citoyennes tricoteuses, 164 . 7. Ibid. , 349 . 8. Joa n Landes , Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1988) , 165 . 9. Godineau , Citoyennes tricoteuses, 175 . 10. Quote d i n Rut h Rendall , The Origins of Modern Feminism: Women in Britain, France and the United States, lySo—i860 (Ne w York : Schocken , 1984), 52 . 11. Landes , Women and the Public Sphere, 141 . 12. Rosalin d Delmar , "Wha t I s Feminism?, " i n What Is Feminism: A Reexamination, ed . Julie t Mitchel l an d An n Oakle y (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1986), 8 . 13. Harrie t B . Applewhit e an d Darlin e Ga y Levy , "Women , Democracy , an d Revolution i n Paris , 1789-1794, " i n French Women and the Age of Enlightenment, ed . Sami a I . Spence r (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1984), 67 . 14. Godineau , Citoyennes tricoteuses, 176 . 15. Ibid. , 177 . 16. Delmar , "Wha t I s Feminism?," 8 . 17. Judit h Stacey , "Sexis m b y a Subtle r Name ? Postindustria l Condition s an d Postfeminist Consciousnes s i n Silico n Valley, " i n Women, Class, and the Feminist Imagination, ed . Kare n V . Hansen an d Ilen e J. Philipso n (Philadel phia: Templ e University Press , 1990) , 339 . 18. Suzann a Danut a Walters , "Postfeminis m an d Popula r Culture, " New Politics 3 (Winter 1991) : 106 , 107 . 19. Ibid. , n o . 20. Ibid. , 112 .
REFERENCES
Albistur, Maite , an d Danie l Armogathe . Histoire du feminisme francais du moyen age a nos jours. Paris : des femmes, 1977 . Applewhite, Harriet B. , and Darlin e Gay Levy. "Women , Democracy, an d Revo lution i n Paris , 1789-1794. " I n French Women and the Age of Enlightenment, edite d b y Sami a I . Spencer . Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1984.
Post-Feminist and Anti-Woman 24 1 Cerati, Marie. Les Club des Citoyennes Republicaines Revolutionnaires. Paris : Editions Sociales, 1966. Delmar, Rosalind. "Wha t I s Feminism?" In What Is Feminism: A Re-examination, edited by Juliet Mitchell and Ann Oakley. New York: Pantheon, 1986. Godineau, Dominique . Citoyennes tricoteuses: Les femmes du peuple a Paris pendant la Revolution franqaise. Aix-en-Provence: Alinea, 1988. Kelly, Linda . Women of the French Revolution. London : Hamis h Hamilton , 1987.
Landes, Joan. Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988. Levy, Darlin e Gay , Harrie t Branso n Applewhite , an d Mar y Durha m Johnson , eds. Women in Revolutionary Paris. Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1979.
Rendall, Ruth. The Origins of Modern Feminism: Women in Britain, France and the United States, 1780-1860. Ne w York: Schocken, 1984. Sewell, Willia m H. , Jr . "L e c i toy en/la citoyenne : Activity , Passivity , an d th e Revolutionary Concept of Citizenship." In The Political Culture of the French Revolution, edited by Colin Lucas. Oxford: Permagon , 1988. Stacey, Judith. "Sexis m by a Subtler Name? Postindustrial Condition s and Postfeminist Consciousness in Silicon Valley." In Women, Class, and the Feminist Imagination, edited by Karen V. Hansen and Ilene J. Philipson. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990. Walters, Suzanna Danuta. "Postfeminis m an d Popular Culture." New Politics 3 (Winter 1991) : 103-12 .
12. THE BURDE N O F MYTHI C IDENTITY : RUSSIAN W O M E N A T O D D S WITH THEMSELVE S NANCY RIE S Matushka "Matushka,1 Matushka, what are those distant clouds of dust? Sudarynia, Matushka, what are those distant clouds of dust?" "Ditiatko, dear child, that's just horses playing." "Matushka, Matushka, strangers in the courtyard! Sudarynia, Matushka, strangers in the courtyard!" "Ditiatko, dear child, don't fear, don't be frightened. " "Matushka, Matushka, they're coming onto the porch, Sudarynia, Matushka, they're coming onto the porch!" "Ditiatko, dear child, I won't let them have you!" "Matushka, Matushka, they're sitting at our table, Sudarynia, Matushka, they're sitting at our table!" "Ditiatko, dear child, don't fear, don't be frightened! " "Matushka, Matushka, they're taking down the icons, Sudarynia, Matushka, they're blessing me with the icons!" "Ditiatko, dear one, what can I do? God be with you."
The fetis h o f femal e powerlessnes s an d suffering wa s th e symboli c cen terpiece o f th e elaborat e marriag e ritua l o f prerevolutionar y peasan t Russia. A youn g woman' s poignan t passag e fro m th e freedo m o f girl -
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hood t o th e enslavemen t o f marriag e forme d a pivota l imag e aroun d which th e entire wedding comple x revolved . Above all, Russian weddin g rituals stresse d th e inexorabilit y o f femal e destin y an d th e inevitabilit y of femal e sufferin g an d travail . One o f th e mos t notabl e aspect s o f Russia n weddin g ritual s wa s th e extensive lamentatio n o f th e bride . Throug h th e singin g (o r wailing ) o f these laments , bride s marke d th e patho s o f thei r imminen t separatio n from relative s an d friend s an d th e declin e i n statu s tha t woul d accom pany thei r takin g u p residenc e i n th e husband' s family' s household . Wailing these laments, which followe d a traditional for m bu t coul d var y in detail, 2 th e brid e woul d be g he r dea r mothe r an d fathe r no t t o giv e her awa y t o a household o f crue l strangers ; her relative s woul d then , b y tradition, instruc t he r t o hid e he r tear s an d prepar e t o respec t he r ne w in-laws an d d o their bidding . The lyric s o f th e Russia n folkson g cite d abov e depic t th e ceremonia l claiming of the bride by the groom's representative s o n th e wedding day . In the folksong, whic h is meant to be sung plaintively, the bride's mothe r deceives her daughte r a s to the events taking place, until the last momen t when th e meanin g o f th e visitatio n b y stranger s become s full y clear . Once th e prospectiv e brid e wa s blesse d b y th e icon , th e marriag e con tract was sealed , despit e whatever reluctanc e th e bride might feel . These ritua l element s o f th e Russia n weddin g shoul d no t necessaril y be taken a s literal expression s o f th e feeling s o r situation s o f th e person s involved. B y th e nineteent h century , th e mother-daughte r dram a de picted i n th e tex t o f "Matushka " woul d i n mos t case s hav e bee n mor e ritual tha n real . I n othe r words , a gir l wa s likel y t o hav e bee n a t leas t somewhat activel y involve d i n th e choic e o f a husband , an d sh e woul d certainly hav e know n abou t th e negotiation s tha t wer e takin g place . Even so , th e perpetuatio n o f thes e ritua l text s signal s tha t marriag e stil l meant a woman's passag e int o a lif e o f subservienc e t o he r husban d an d his family . Fo r a youn g Russia n woma n marriag e di d entai l becomin g the lowest membe r o f he r ne w husband's househol d where , according t o custom, sh e could b e exploited an d abused , an d wher e sh e was expecte d to endur e without rebellio n o r complaint. 3 What i s mor e significant , however , i s th e wa y i n whic h thes e text s highlight th e activ e participatio n o f mothers—an d indee d o f al l adul t women—in th e subordinatio n o f daughter s t o th e structure s o f patriar chal Russia n society . Tha t materna l acquiescenc e t o th e sacrific e o f
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daughters ca n b e explaine d a s a functio n o f th e protectio n o f rura l society an d peasan t solidarit y i n general ; Worobec , fo r one , explain s i t this way , claimin g tha t "Russia n peasan t wome n chos e no t t o rebe l because th e surviva l o f thei r familie s an d communitie s depende d o n th e balancing o f the finely tune d patriarcha l system." 4 However, thes e ritual s an d text s see m actuall y t o celebrate th e subor dination an d sufferin g o f women , an d t o mar k th e significan t rol e o f mothers an d mothers-in-la w i n tha t oppressiv e syste m a s a whole . Th e wedding laments , an d indee d th e entir e cycl e o f th e peasan t weddin g ritual, elevat e femal e unhappines s an d servitud e t o th e leve l o f religiou s spectacle. The y transfor m th e ide a o f th e inevitabilit y o f femal e socia l subordination an d marita l unhappines s int o a sacred cultura l fetish . Whether o r no t thi s sacralizatio n o f femal e sufferin g wa s necessary t o the maintenanc e o f th e peasan t communit y on e hundre d year s ago , i t might b e expected tha t b y the 1990s , with al l the socia l transformation s the pas t centur y ha s wrough t i n Russia n life , thi s fetis h woul d hav e los t its power an d its indispensability. However , while doing anthropologica l fieldwork i n Moscow i n 1988 , 1989-90 , an d 1992, 1 found th e opposit e to b e true: th e ide a o f womanl y sufferin g i s still a centra l fixation i n th e Russian world . Th e tribulation s o f th e twentiet h centur y have , i f any thing, made femal e sufferin g a n even more magnificent objec t o f cultura l worship an d fascination . Young Russia n girl s ar e stil l pampered , stil l marke d wit h th e over sized gauz e bow s tha t signif y thei r innocenc e o f suffering an d travail , and stil l thoroughl y instructe d i n al l th e intricacie s an d delicacie s o f male-female rol e differentiation . Russia n mother s an d schoolteacher s (almost al l female ) continu e t o offe r instructio n i n th e essentia l femal e arts o f sewing , cooking , cleaning , nurturing , laboring , serving , an d en during. Brides-to-b e stil l lamen t (althoug h no w i n conversationa l prose ) the wifel y fate s tha t awai t them . A s on e America n undergraduate , hav ing spent fou r month s o n a homestay i n Moscow, said , " I was surprise d that m y Moscow girlfriend s didn' t loo k forwar d t o their weddings a s big occasions. They kep t talkin g abou t ho w awfu l thei r live s would b e afte r marriage! But they were all planning to marry, anyway , which I couldn't understand." 5 Thi s student's observatio n capture s the essence of a seeming contradictio n i n Russia n women' s live s today : despit e thei r dee p dissatisfaction wit h th e custom s an d structure s o f Russia n marriage , Russian wome n are , o n th e whole , strongl y committe d t o maintainin g the status qu o o f gender relations an d ideals .
The Burden of Mythic Identity 24
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Women an d me n bot h almos t unanimousl y acknowledg e an d lamen t the unenviable difficult y o f Russia n women' s lives . The plight of Russia n women i s a topi c tha t frequentl y occupie s privat e conversation s an d public discussions , wher e th e condition s wit h whic h wome n hav e t o cope are decried in terms like "appalling, " "inhuman, " "frightful. " Call s are constantl y an d widel y mad e fo r "somethin g t o b e don e t o hel p women." Th e main source of women's sufferin g i s said to be the "doubl e burden" o f thei r dutie s a s women : full-tim e employmen t an d full-tim e housekeeping. At th e sam e time , however , t o questio n th e ubiquitou s essentializin g of gende r distinction s an d th e faithfu l reinforcemen t o f customar y gen der role s tha t underlie s th e positio n o f wome n i n Russia n societ y i s t o summon derisio n fro m bot h wome n an d men , wh o immediatel y declar e with scor n o r mockery , "Ah , yo u mus t b e a feminist , yes? " Th e ver y word "feminist-ka " i s pronounce d wit h a highl y derogator y rin g i n almost ever y context . Feminist s ar e supposedl y par t o f a movemen t against nature itself , presumabl y desirin g t o tur n wome n int o me n an d men int o women , somethin g see n a s bein g a s illogical , absurd , brutal , and ruinou s a s the wors t follie s o f th e communis t world-remakin g proj ect.6 Eve n th e mos t progressiv e member s o f th e intelligentsi a ar e usuall y scornful o f th e entir e feminis t projec t an d worldview , a s th e followin g statement b y Yunna Morits , a poet an d human right s activist, illustrates: "There i s n o suc h thin g a s a feminis t consciousness . . . . Ou r problem s are i n n o wa y differen t fro m men's . I refus e al l association s wit h suc h silliness as your women' s movement. " 7 This pape r concern s th e questio n o f wh y Russia n wome n see m t o b e so a t odd s wit h themselves : wh y the y s o resen t examinatio n o f th e cultural practice s an d ideologie s tha t mak e thei r live s s o difficult . I would lik e t o mak e som e sens e o f th e contradictio n betwee n women' s fervent complaint s an d thei r equall y ferven t avoidanc e o f critica l ques tions abou t th e gender hierarchies an d norm s that pattern thei r live s an d their society. 8
THE GENERA L SITUATIO N O F W O M E N I N CONTEMPORAR Y RUSSIAN SOCIET Y
Thanks t o th e titani c effort s o f Sovie t women , a simple , functioning syste m i s maintained i n stabl e condition . Norma l huma n lif e goe s on , howeve r poorly .
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These titani c effort s ar e th e cemen t tha t hold s societ y together , preventin g it s total collapse. —Alia Sariban, a Leningrad feminist, 1984 9 The emancipatio n o f wome n wa s a cherishe d idea l o f th e 191 7 revolu tion an d o f th e communis t socia l programs tha t followe d it. 10 A s part o f the large r reformatio n o f society , wome n wer e t o b e release d fro m domestic concern s an d draw n int o th e workforce , whil e childcar e an d housework wer e t o becom e collectivize d i n communa l nurseries , kitch ens, an d laundries . Th e first par t o f thi s visio n wa s realized , i f onl y because perennial labo r shortage s necessitated the recruitment o f wome n into labor ; b y the 1980s , over 8 5 percent o f able-bodie d adul t women i n the Sovie t Unio n wer e employed , th e majorit y full-time , outsid e o f th e home. 11 Women remaine d employe d full-tim e withi n th e home , a s well, however: henc e th e meanin g o f th e "doubl e burden. " Fo r a variet y o f social, political , economic , an d ideologica l reasons , publi c fund s wer e consistently allocate d t o th e developmen t o f heav y industr y an d th e military instea d o f t o th e consume r good s sector , an d s o th e visio n o f publicly provide d househol d an d famil y service s wa s neve r fulfilled . Therefore, althoug h thei r labors outsid e of the home kept Soviet production goin g (b y 1987 , wome n mad e u p 5 1 percen t o f th e tota l Sovie t work force), 12 throug h thei r domesti c labor s wome n als o shouldere d most o f th e burde n o f carin g for an d reproducin g tha t society. 13 The pattern o f officia l neglec t fo r th e need s o f familie s wa s facilitate d by th e ver y fac t tha t wome n could b e relie d o n t o tak e car e o f thei r families regardles s o f th e difficultie s involved . A s Ali a Sariba n pu t it , "Housework i s truly a matte r o f survival . Afte r all , if I , as a woman, d o not d o al l th e essentia l things—th e shopping , th e cleaning , th e laun dry—who wil l d o them ? An d i f nobod y doe s them , wha t ar e you goin g to do—die ? So , lik e i t o r not , yo u d o them." 1 4 In th e mos t tryin g o f times, suc h a s durin g th e war , familie s (man y o f whic h wer e heade d b y women) ofte n quit e literall y fe d themselve s fro m garde n plots. 15 Eve n through th e 1980 s an d int o th e 1990s , th e privat e resource s o f famil y sustenance hav e include d childcar e provide d b y grandmothers ; fruits , vegetables, eggs , dairy an d eve n mea t product s grown , raised , gathered , and preserve d fo r winte r o n plot s o f lan d o r dacha s outsid e o f urba n areas; domesti c productio n an d repai r o f clothin g an d othe r textil e items; an d a wid e variet y o f good s an d service s procure d throug h th e complex network s o f barter , sharing , an d mutua l suppor t tha t hav e
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been develope d betwee n friends , neighbors , an d colleagues , an d mos t especially amon g women . Th e degre e to which m y femal e acquaintance s in Moscow provisione d thei r families independentl y o f governmental (o r "market") distributio n alway s surprise d me . Because o f al l thi s "gre y market " activity , th e developmen t o f con sumer good s an d service s coul d remai n a secondar y concer n fo r centra l planners (chiefl y male) , wh o wer e abl e t o coun t o n th e self-sustainin g ability o f th e population (an d particularly o f th e femal e population) . A n intricate correspondenc e thu s existe d betwee n th e ability an d willingnes s of wome n t o "mak e do " an d th e centra l government' s inabilit y o r lac k of wil l t o dedicat e itsel f t o th e fulfillmen t o f consume r needs . Thi s dynamic persiste d throughou t th e Sovie t period . I t manifeste d i n th e well-known lon g lines for ever y basic commodity, the constant shortage s in ever y typ e o f product , fro m chees e an d suga r t o aspiri n an d anesthe sia, the paucity o f time-saving an d convenienc e item s or services , and th e extreme overloadin g o f man y huma n servic e sectors , suc h a s medicin e and da y care . The post-perestroik a perio d o f rapi d marketizatio n ha s altere d bu t not diminishe d thi s situation ; i n man y way s i t ha s exacerbate d it , a s runaway inflatio n ha s reduced th e purchasing powe r o f man y salarie s t o the poin t wher e averag e familie s ca n affor d littl e beyon d th e mos t basi c food supplies : milk , butter , potatoes , cabbage , bread . Whil e moder n services an d a wid e variet y o f never-befor e imagine d product s ar e no w widely markete d throughou t Russia , the y ar e affordabl e onl y t o thos e who hav e managed t o ente r th e new busines s class . Every Sovie t citizen , femal e o r male , wa s affecte d b y th e overal l structure o f th e economi c syste m an d th e quotidia n difficultie s i t im posed, bu t i t wa s o n th e back s o f wome n tha t th e syste m reall y rested . Since Russia n domesti c lif e is , b y custom , organize d an d manage d b y women, i t ha s largel y bee n Russia n wome n wh o hav e cope d wit h an d found way s t o bridg e th e gul f betwee n publi c suppl y an d famil y re quirement. Russian women's "doubl e burden" mus t be viewed within the contex t of th e specifi c economi c condition s o f Soviet/Russia n society . Whil e women i n mos t industrialize d societie s bea r th e doubl e burde n o f work ing outsid e th e hom e whil e bein g th e primar y caretaker s withi n it , i n Russian familie s thi s burde n i s exacerbate d b y th e shee r difficult y o f maintaining th e househol d an d carin g fo r childre n i n th e contex t o f th e insecurity o f constan t scarcit y an d th e competition—ofte n wit h othe r
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women, othe r mothers—fo r wha t resource s ther e are. 16 Many eve n tal k of th e "tripl e burden, " sayin g wome n hav e thre e full-tim e jobs : work , housework, an d shopping . The ide a tha t domesti c responsibilitie s coul d b e share d equall y b y men an d wome n ha s rarel y arise n i n publi c debate ; i n par t i t ha s bee n preempted b y the ver y ide a of—an d al l the Utopia n tal k about—collec tive suppor t fo r domesti c functions . Whil e waiting fo r a balanced worl d to b e create d fro m o n high , Russia n familie s hav e gon e abou t thei r business with archai c division s o f domesti c labor mor e o r les s intact . Those division s ar e maintaine d becaus e stron g cultura l ideologies , which Russian s rarel y questio n o r doubt , dictat e tha t everythin g relate d to th e hom e belongs , bot h symbolicall y an d functionally , t o th e femal e domain. Mal e participation i n domestic activitie s (includin g childcare ) i s termed "help " an d i s regarde d a s generou s assistanc e offere d t o ai d women i n fulfillin g thei r wifel y an d motherl y (an d grandmotherly ) re sponsibilities. In my own fieldwork, I observed ho w schoo l curricula an d classroom teacher s unquestioningl y divide d girl' s an d boy' s lesson s i n gendered ways : sewin g classe s fo r girl s an d carpentr y fo r boys . Russia n television show s an d publication s fo r wome n ar e centered aroun d cook ing, needlework, beauty , proper (gender-enforcing ) childcare , an d socia l graces. 17 The everyda y discourse s o f bot h wome n an d me n ar e peppere d with affirmation s o f th e naturalnes s o f gende r role s i n th e hom e an d i n society. Remark s suc h a s "al l wome n ca n bake, " "me n ar e b y natur e inept i n th e kitchen, " "me n thin k wit h thei r heads , wome n wit h thei r hearts," "wome n ar e bor n knowin g ho w t o car e fo r others, " "me n ar e like boys , you hav e t o tak e car e o f them, " ar e hear d constantly , an d ar e passively accepte d b y bot h wome n an d men . Suc h expression s abou t gender ar e s o commonplac e amon g Russian s tha t the y ar e hardl y no ticed. Th e ver y casualnes s wit h whic h the y ar e tosse d off , however , masks a passionat e commitmen t t o th e sacrednes s o f distinc t gende r identities an d roles— a passio n expose d whe n suc h commonplace s ar e questioned. The officia l sociologica l vie w ha s rarel y deviate d muc h fro m th e indigenous ideolog y tha t hom e an d childre n are , by nature, the responsi bility o f women. 18 Thi s ideolog y wa s als o unquestioningl y enshrine d i n much o f medical , educational , an d juridica l practice . Widely share d an d continuously expresse d idea s abou t gende r difference s hav e thu s bee n embodied s o deepl y i n Russia n lif e practice s tha t the y d o finally appea r
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objective o r "natural. " A s lon g a s women' s rol e a s nurture r i s enforce d in this way, the concomitant doubl e burde n o f women i s ensured . Several othe r factor s ad d furthe r dimension s t o women' s burden s i n Russian society . First , althoug h the y wer e recruite d int o th e workplac e in vas t number s throug h th e Sovie t period , wome n hav e occupie d th e lowest rung s o f th e employmen t ladder , i n term s o f bot h salar y an d work status . Gende r ideologie s dictate d tha t wome n shoul d fill "caring " roles i n employment , thu s mos t doctors , nurses , teachers , stor e clerks , secretaries, foo d servic e workers , an d s o o n wer e women. 19 I n other , symbolically masculine-identifie d fields, suc h a s manufacturing , agricul ture, an d construction , wome n hav e filled man y o f th e mor e physicall y challenging o r menia l jobs , because , mos t Russian s agree , wome n hav e less aptitud e fo r th e mor e technicall y advance d job s (suc h a s operatin g tractors o r cranes , o r managin g equipment) . Wha t thi s mean s i s that i n many sphere s o f employment , wome n hav e bee n th e servitor s o f men . I observed tha t in professional spheres , where women hel d the same statu s as thei r mal e colleagues , whe n i t cam e t o gettin g th e te a o r fulfillin g a similar servic e functio n (typing , organizing , filling ou t forms , keepin g the offic e clean) , i t wa s ofte n th e wome n wh o performe d thes e tasks . Female bosses can b e just a s bad a s male bosses in expecting their femal e subordinates t o fulfil l suc h "womanly " function s aroun d th e office . Supporters an d facilitator s o f famil y lif e a t home , women' s "instincts " or "natura l abilities " fo r materna l nurturin g ar e utilize d i n th e work place a s well . Doubl y employe d i n societ y (a s worker s an d a s wives / mothers), wome n ar e als o ofte n doubl y employe d i n thei r jobs . And, a s many critic s o f th e Russia n divisio n o f labo r hav e pointe d out , wome n are so overwhelmed b y the difficultie s o f their domesti c burden tha t the y have littl e energ y o r inclinatio n t o "mov e up " th e employmen t ladder ; they have no time for extr a schoolin g or fo r th e extra investmen t i n thei r work tha t migh t brin g promotions . The y d o no t eve n necessaril y wan t to b e promoted, sinc e that migh t entai l adde d responsibilitie s an d longe r working hours , whic h woul d mak e th e burden s o f hom e an d shoppin g that muc h mor e difficult . During perestroika ther e was muc h debat e abou t th e need t o improv e the situatio n o f Sovie t women. In 1987 , in what wa s mean t a s a critiqu e of th e overrelianc e o n women' s labor , Gorbache v reaffirme d gende r divisions whe n h e wrot e o f society' s responsibilit y t o bette r suppor t women i n thei r "everyda y dutie s a t home—housework , th e upbringin g
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of childre n an d th e creatio n o f a goo d famil y atmosphere . . . . W e ar e now holdin g heate d debate s . . . abou t th e questio n o f wha t w e ca n d o to mak e i t possibl e fo r wome n t o retur n t o thei r purel y womanl y mis sion." 20 Gorbachev' s commen t i s indicativ e o f th e directio n thos e de bates usuall y took . Ver y widesprea d wa s th e ide a tha t wome n woul d b e better of f i n the home, an d tha t societ y a s a whole would b e "healthier " if wome n coul d full y devot e themselve s t o thei r famil y dutie s an d thei r maternal missions . The economi c reform s o f perestroik a wer e accompa nied b y a ne w wav e o f collectiv e dreamin g abou t socia l Utopia , bu t thi s time aroun d i t wa s n o Bolshevi k Utopi a bein g imagined , bu t rathe r a cozy bourgeoi s world o f working dad s an d apron-cla d moms . The economi c realitie s tha t ha d develope d b y th e lat e 1980s , an d especially thos e tha t hav e ensue d sinc e th e collaps e o f th e Communis t system, have , however , shove d thos e fantasie s wa y ove r th e horizo n fo r most families . Shee r survival no w demand s tha t mos t women wor k eve n harder, whic h ofte n entail s takin g secon d (o r third ) jobs . Inflatio n de vours mos t salarie s eve n befor e payday , an d on e afte r another , service s and provision s tha t use d t o b e fre e o r ver y inexpensiv e (housing , trans portation, communications , healt h care , education, vacations , entertain ment) hav e begu n t o cos t dearly ; th e incentive , therefore , fo r wome n t o keep workin g outsid e th e hom e o r t o wor k eve n mor e ha s increase d rather tha n diminished . It must b e said that th e changes of the past severa l years have allowe d many women opportunitie s fo r caree r developmen t tha t never previousl y existed; entrepreneuria l wome n hav e bee n abl e t o star t businesses , con sulting firms , an d organizations , an d man y wome n traine d i n foreig n languages, law , accounting , an d othe r profession s hav e parlaye d thei r skills into lucrative careers. The reflorescence an d relegitimation o f tradi tional bourgeoi s attitude s has , however , mean t tha t man y mor e wome n are face d wit h prejudice s agains t female s a s manager s an d profession als—prejudices which , paradoxically , wer e les s openl y expresse d i n th e Soviet era . Finally , man y mor e wome n ar e bein g lef t behin d i n today' s Russian econom y becaus e o f th e ne w bourgeoi s aestheti c i n th e market place, a n aestheti c i n whic h youth , physica l attractiveness , an d eve n a willingness t o provid e sexua l favor s ar e th e mos t importan t criteri a fo r the employment o f women. 21 An eve n darke r tren d towar d th e attempte d enforcemen t o f th e bour geois model exists , even despit e its economic impossibility. Som e legisla tors, concerne d abou t growin g unemploymen t amon g me n an d th e lo w
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birth rat e amon g Russia n women , hav e calle d fo r mandator y law s t o restrict mother s fro m workin g o r t o restric t al l female s t o part-tim e employment. 22 Offerin g wome n mor e flexible o r shorte r workin g week s is, o f course , no t a negativ e thin g i n itself , an d i t i s clea r tha t man y women woul d b e delighted to have such a range of working options. But the overal l restriction s o n the employment o f women tha t ar e touted b y many conservative , pro-natalis t politica l faction s woul d hav e cata strophic effect s o n Russian women' s lives—no t t o mention th e insidious effects i t would hav e on the progress o f democratization itself .
W H Y N O F E M I N I S M I N RUSSIA ? W O M E N ' S D I S C O U R S E S A N D THE MAINTENANCE O F IDENTIT Y
Widespread cultura l attitude s abou t "women' s place " limi t women' s sens e of collective oppression ; disparat e treatmen t doe s no t necessaril y generat e mora l indignation. . . . The total responsibilit y o f wome n fo r childcar e an d domesti c chores is never questioned. —Ol'ga Lipovskaia 23 In private conversation s i n Moscow, I have often brough t u p the subjec t of feminism , askin g wome n t o conside r whethe r a critica l vie w o f Rus sian gender idea s might not lead to a useful openin g up of the continuing debate abou t women' s live s an d hardships . Wome n commonl y answe r that i t i s no t feminis m tha t wa s neede d t o mak e women' s live s easier , but rathe r a genera l improvemen t i n economi c conditions . Presumably , in five, ten , o r twent y years , i n a n er a o f mor e plentifu l good s an d services, women' s situation s wil l b e s o muc h improve d tha t feminis m wouldn't b e needed. "It' s easy for you to spend time thinking about suc h things a s feminism, " m y middle-age d frien d Mari a tol d me, 24 "yo u are economically on e hundred year s ahead of us, you have time to daydrea m about som e niceties. " I have foun d i t impossible t o convinc e m y friend s and acquaintance s tha t a feminis t perspectiv e migh t actuall y lea d t o improvements i n women' s day-to-da y lives ; man y conside r suc h re formative enterprise s a s frivolous frostin g o n the cake o f prosperity, no t as basic ingredients . Many others , in fact mos t of the people I have spoke n with , however , react to the entire project o f feminism wit h distast e borderin g on horror . "Why shoul d w e eve r wan t t o tur n wome n int o men? " i s th e ke y question aske d wheneve r th e subjec t o f feminis m i s raised—an d i t i s
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exactly thi s fea r o f "masculinizin g wome n an d feminizin g men " tha t seems to b e at the root o f th e Russian fea r o f feminists. 25 The passio n wit h whic h Russia n wome n defen d thei r traditiona l gen der classifications an d images against even the mildest feminist introspec tion (o r cultura l inspection ) suggest s tha t the y ar e protectin g somethin g very important an d usefu l t o them, bot h individuall y an d collectively . While listenin g to an d recordin g th e storie s the y told abou t thei r live s in everyda y conversations , I hav e trie d t o understan d wha t la y a t th e heart o f women' s refusa l t o criticall y examin e th e patriarcha l aspect s o f the Russia n worldvie w an d socia l practice . Thre e kind s o f discours e "genres"—which I call "shoppin g tales, " "husban d tales, " an d "saints ' lives"—stand ou t i n women' s talk , an d thes e giv e importan t clue s t o deep structure s o f valu e an d system s o f identity-creatio n tha t shap e an d anchor Russia n women' s idea s abou t themselves .
"Shopping T a l e s "
Shopping i n th e Sovie t Unio n wa s alway s a heroi c endeavor , entailin g standing i n lines , sometime s fo r hours , trudgin g lon g distance s fo r vari ous basi c items , whic h wer e neve r sol d convenientl y i n on e locatio n o r even on e area , an d whic h wer e ofte n merel y unavailable . Shoppin g meant shovin g throug h dens e an d aggressiv e crowd s t o reac h th e sale s displays i n stores , an d the n shovin g throug h eve n dense r crowd s t o pul l oneself ont o a bu s o r pus h int o a subwa y car , al l th e whil e lade n with purchases. 26 There i s a Russia n word , podvig, whic h mean s a heroi c fea t o r extraordinary achievement . Inspire d t o explai n ho w the y acquire d thi s or tha t desirabl e commodity , Russian s tel l storie s abou t thei r shoppin g expeditions, storie s tha t hav e th e qualit y o f epi c tales abou t outstandin g podvigs. Over tea one day in 1990 , my friend Tani a described how she traveled far an d wide over the city of Mosco w lookin g for medicin e fo r he r ailin g mother. Sh e name d th e far-awa y metr o station s sh e visite d i n differen t regions o f th e city in hopes o f gettin g the pills she needed . First, I went way up to Medvedkovo , there was nothing. Then down to Leningradskii Prospekt , the y also had absolutel y nothing , then I finally trie d Tushin skaya, jus t a s the pharmacy wa s abou t t o close . They ha d on e pack o f tablet s left. I got it, thank god , but I practically die d from exhaustion , running aroun d
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the city from on e end to the other. This is our life now, scouring the city, here and there, there and here, wearing ourselves out to get every little thing. Through th e dramati c tone sh e adopted, an d th e long pauses sh e used to conve y suspens e whil e evokin g th e distant , unfamilia r neighborhood s of Moscow , Tania' s stor y cam e acros s a s a n ordeal , a quest , a mythica l search. Storie s suc h a s thi s on e ar e a significan t par t o f conversation s among Russia n women ; I hav e hear d the m mainl y i n th e workplace s I visited, wher e group s o f femal e co-worker s shar e thei r dail y joy s an d troubles, 27 o r i n people' s kitchens , ove r te a an d sweets . Th e mor e poi gnant suc h storie s concer n searche s fo r medicines , clothes , shoe s o r school supplies for children , bottles of champagn e fo r a birthday, cheese , sausage, sugar , o r preciou s laundr y detergent , alway s i n shor t supply . With th e developmen t o f th e ope n market , th e terrifyin g inflatio n o f prices has becom e anothe r elemen t i n these stories, another hurdl e in th e epic battle o f shopping , Wound int o the fabric o f on e of man y lon g kitchen-table talk s we ha d in 199 0 was this rather mythica l stor y tol d b y my friend, Irina , a poet : One day last week, I went to meet a woman, a stranger, in a subway station, to pick up a package of poems. Over the phone, I asked "Ho w will I know you?" and the woman told me, "I will be wearing a bright blu e coat." Havin g waited on the platform a few minutes, suddenly I saw a blue apparition walking toward me. Nancy, you cannot imagine. This woman wore blue, a sort of brigh t azur e blue fro m hea d t o toe : azur e coat , wit h a perfectly matchin g woo l hat , azur e gloves, handbag, and even her boots: azure. Looking at her, so well coordinated, I fel t suc h a dee p sense , feeling—th e imag e o f tha t woma n remain s indelibl y inscribed o n m y mind : i t wa s th e imag e o f a woman , ca n yo u imagin e this , Nancy, a woman wh o mus t hav e spen t literall y year s assemblin g that brillian t outfit, yo u kno w wha t i t i s like shoppin g fo r clothe s here , you tak e wha t yo u can get and women work so hard to assemble a fashionable outfit or two, it was so poignant t o see this woman; sh e told m e she had foun d th e purse in a store on he r on e tri p t o Eas t Germany . He r grandmothe r someho w foun d som e perfectly matching blue yarn and made the hat. That is our Russian woman. This stor y i s mundane bu t als o magical . Resonan t wit h th e for m an d force o f tradition , i t i s a tal e abou t th e myster y o f a woman' s self creation, abou t th e magi c symbolis m o f dress , abou t powerfu l helper s like grandmothers wh o ca n spi n perfect hat s out o f foun d skein s of yarn . In the telling, it is also about th e self-creation o f the narrator: a s Russia n woman, a s poet , a s cultura l witness , a s articulat e telle r (an d embroi derer?) o f tales . A s Sandr a Stah l commented , th e successfu l telle r o f personal narrative s engage s the listener i n a n adventure—no t simpl y th e
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plot o f a story , bu t rathe r th e share d activit y o f explorin g th e teller' s world, th e teller's identity. 28 Indeed, th e mor e o f thes e "persona l narratives " abou t shoppin g an d taking car e o f sel f an d famil y I heard fro m women , th e mor e I felt tha t what wa s bein g spoke n o f was , a t heart , no t reall y th e burde n o f shop ping a t all . I t was , rather , th e identit y o f th e speake r tha t wa s a t issue . Whatever th e ordea l described—standin g i n lin e fo r hour s fo r suga r o r bananas, scourin g th e cit y fo r medicine , pullin g togethe r a n arrestin g outfit—the ordea l wa s onl y context ; th e tru e nucleu s o f th e stor y wa s the protagonis t herself , an d he r stoi c enduranc e o f whateve r difficultie s Moscow invente d fo r her . Not ever y stor y m y Russian interlocutor s tol d was a s colorful a s the azur e lady story , but eac h on e highlighted i n som e way th e important facets o f Russia n femal e identity . In Russia n culture , suffering , self-sacrifice , endurance , an d magica l productivity hav e com e t o b e see n a s integra l element s o f femaleness. 29 The functio n o f provisionin g hom e an d famil y i n th e dires t economi c circumstances provide s th e primary situatio n throug h whic h thi s female ness can develo p an d asser t itself. In other words , Russian wome n utiliz e the ver y difficultie s o f thei r live s a s materia l fo r thei r constructio n o f selfhood an d identity . This epi c femal e enduranc e i s a widel y relishe d theme . I n a recen t article, " A Nation Begin s with It s Women," Yevgeni i Yevtushenko poet icizes an d reiterate s th e mythi c qualit y o f th e Russia n female' s shoppin g podvig: Nobody i s saying, of course, that men do not suffer fro m th e continuous short ages. But women obviously bear the brunt. It is they after al l who are constantly searching and improvising to cope with the situation. Foreigners are surprised at how smart many Soviet women look these days. How much ingenuity is behind every detail of a Soviet woman's costume. Foreigners admire the hospitality and culinary talents of our women. They have no idea to what lengths they must go to find all those little tidbits (which incidentally would grace a royal banquet). A Russian woman shops for the home, for the children, for her husband, and only then for herself . Try getting a kilo of frankfurters , hal f a dozen boxe s of deter gent, a pack of disposable diapers, some razor blades and a pair of nice looking shoes that do not cost the earth—all in one round of shopping! 30 Yevtushenko's mai n poin t i n the essay fro m whic h thi s is excerpted i s not tha t me n shoul d participat e i n "woman' s work " bu t tha t wome n should b e free d fro m outsid e work , s o the y ca n dedicat e themselve s t o
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their natura l domesti c task s an d b e spare d th e "doubl e burden. " Hi s text thus stems from an d perpetuates th e Russian essentializin g of gende r and gende r roles . Bu t i t als o show s th e subtl e fetishizin g o f femal e endurance an d th e convictio n tha t femal e suffering an d travai l ar e a magical "yeast " i n th e culture . No t to o surprisingly , thi s them e struc tures man y traditiona l Russia n folktales . Mos t o f th e ordeal s o f femal e heroines i n Russia n fol k literatur e ar e trial s o f faith , test s o f th e endur ance o f bride s coercivel y marrie d t o animal s o r monster s o r crue l tsars ; these husband s becom e handsome , wealthy , kind , an d huma n onc e th e heroine has shown he r abidin g faith an d he r abilit y to magically produc e desired object s fro m impossibl y meage r materials . Th e paralle l betwee n this folklori c ico n o f womanlines s an d th e structur e o f contemporar y women's live s should b e clear; I do no t thin k i t is incidental. My poe t friend , Irina , rendere d anothe r tal e ove r te a on e day , severa l months afte r th e "Woma n i n Blue " story ; thi s stor y vividl y echoe s Yevtushenko's seemingl y sympatheti c tex t abou t women , shopping , an d self-sacrifice. Irin a ha d jus t returne d fro m a three-da y tri p t o Hungary , her first tri p abroa d t o rea d he r poetry. Sh e forged a mythic scen e out o f a moment' s window-shopping . I stood i n fron t o f a sho p windo w an d coul d no t hel p weeping . . . . They ha d given m e enoug h Hungaria n currenc y tha t I coul d hav e gon e i n an d bough t myself a pair [o f boots], but then I thought of all the people here, all my friends, poor littl e things , an d I kne w tha t I coul d no t bu y boot s fo r mysel f whe n everybody i s so poor—so I used m y money t o buy smal l presents instead , jus t small change , pencils , soap , tea , an d s o on . Bu t I wep t becaus e ou r Russia n women will never have boots like those. Each o f th e text s abov e show s thi s mythi c "genre " o f th e feminin e feat o f tragi c o r a t leas t poignan t self-sacrific e an d enduranc e runnin g through persona l narrative s abou t shopping . In man y ways , thes e ar e tales o f th e mora l self-provin g o f women , s o muc h lik e th e recurren t "trials" o f Russia n fair y tales—wher e th e heroin e prove s he r spiritua l purity b y choosin g t o absor b difficult y an d torment , no t b y choosin g that objec t o r path whic h woul d mos t benefi t herself. 31 "Husband Tales"
One o f th e mos t commo n way s Russia n wome n defin e themselve s i s through th e narrative genr e I term "husban d tales. " These are the storie s
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and anecdote s abou t husbands ' habit s tha t th e wome n o f m y acquain tance frequentl y related . Mor e amusin g tha n tragic—a t leas t i n th e telling—these tale s provid e a glimps e o f a mor e intimat e aspec t o f th e "double burden " o f women . In Russia n women' s stories , me n i n genera l an d husband s i n particu lar ar e cas t no t a s soli d patriarcha l figures, bu t a s childish, mischievous , irresponsible creatures . Expressin g a rang e o f attitudes—affection , amusement, condescension , indulgence , irony , frustration , weariness , resignation—women's storie s abou t thei r spouse s almos t invariabl y de pict the m a s dependent , spoiled , an d inept . On e young , newl y marrie d woman describe d he r marrie d lif e thus : Aliosha likes his life very much; he wants nothing to change! In the morning his mother, wh o live s upstairs i n our sam e building, makes his kasha [porridge] . I go up in the elevator an d get it and bring it down for him . His mother does his laundry; I do all the shopping and cook dinner for him. I go on errands for him all ove r town—h e i s to o bus y buildin g hi s caree r i n th e theater . H e ha s th e psychology o f a littl e boy : h e look s a t hi s lif e a s i f fro m th e side , no t reall y attached t o it , almos t a nonparticipan t i n hi s ow n existence . H e i s lik e a lit tle boy. This accoun t wa s tol d t o m e cheerfull y an d eve n wit h pride , perhap s in he r ow n just-discovere d "maternal " abilitie s an d capacities . Anothe r woman, i n he r lat e forties , laughingl y depicte d he r husband' s way s about th e house : He ha s excellen t tricks ; h e ha s i t al l worke d ou t s o tha t i n th e en d h e doe s nothing. On e day h e rages an d scold s an d yells if I ask him t o d o the slightes t errand, g o to th e stor e fo r instance ; I end u p doin g i t mysel f instea d o f facin g that abuse . Hi s mor e commo n techniqu e i s jus t no t t o d o anything—h e jus t waits an d ignore s everything , doe s no t eve n fee d himself , s o tha t i n th e en d I start in and do it because I cannot stand it. Another good trick he has—he starts doing something, peeling potatoes fo r example , but h e does it s o haphazardly , peels ar e flying around th e kitchen , hal f th e potat o end s u p bein g wasted . . . that I cannot stand it and I end up taking over. He is so clever! He knows how to get everything exactly as he wants it, so that he is the tsar and I am his servant who does everything for him. A feminis t scholar , als o i n he r forties , offere d thi s littl e fable , bot h joking and complaining : We wer e a progressiv e couple , i t wa s i n th e 1970 s an d w e live d togethe r fo r about a yea r befor e w e go t married . H e wa s generous ; h e di d almos t al l th e
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cooking, he kept the house immaculately clean , he was a real darling. Then we got married an d th e very next da y he somehow completel y forgo t ho w t o boi l water or fry an egg—and to this day he has not remembered how. Finally, anothe r woman' s accoun t cam e acros s a s pur e complaint , though i t was couche d i n historical perspective : You have to understand, you have to grasp the history here. The generation that is adult now, my generation, was raised b y women who went through th e war, and lost lots of men. For them men are utterly precious beings, who they raised as little gods, investing all in them, spoiling them terrifically, appreciatin g thei r very presence on the earth. Now these same men are husbands, they demand the same fro m thei r wive s tha t thei r mother s gav e them . Eve n thoug h h e goe s t o work very early, and I work late at night, my husband demand s that I get up at six in th e mornin g t o fix his morning coffee . I f I refuse, if , fo r instance , I just sleep through, he will be mad a t me the whole day, refuse t o speak, go around pouting, etc. We have discussed this a thousand times. I have explained that it is unfair, impractical. I have offered t o organize everything the night before so that he can fix his own coffee easil y himself. He refuses t o even heed my argument. Having me t thi s husban d an d foun d hi m t o b e a progressive, intelligent , and cal m professional , I fel t surpris e (thoug h no t disbelief ) t o hea r thi s story abou t hi s demands fo r mornin g coffe e serve d b y his wife . All o f thes e storie s reflec t an d reproduc e a structur e o f relation s between spouse s tha t i s define d les s b y "patriarchal " principle s (sai d t o be the definin g principle s o f th e Russia n family ) tha n b y maternalism (t o call thi s matriarch y woul d hardl y do) . Thes e storie s tur n patriarch y upside-down vi a mini-expose s o f intrafamilia l relations : i n the m th e "patriarch" i s merel y a spoile d littl e bo y (albei t on e wh o ca n mak e lif e miserable) i n domesti c orbi t wit h th e all-controlling , all-managing , all giving mother . Th e questio n o f whethe r thi s circl e o f relation s i s objec tively tru e i n thes e familie s i s besid e th e point . Thes e stories—b e the y cultural cliches , yarns , fair y tales—d o exist , an d the y ar e extensivel y and constantl y circulated , servin g t o reproduc e certai n expectation s re garding mal e an d femal e behavio r an d relationships . Even the mournin g or mockin g of thi s norm i s a key to its reproduction i n society over time , to th e exten t tha t th e nor m i s made t o appea r a natural , inevitabl e par t of existence . While lamentin g thes e structure s an d strivin g t o explai n the m vi a historical reference , man y narrative s actuall y validat e an d eve n valoriz e them, b y constructin g Russia n me n a s "th e victims o f history " i n one o r
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another form , wit h wome n a s th e eterna l attendant s an d caretaker s o f sacrificial males . A socia l scientis t i n he r lat e thirtie s offere d thi s expla nation: Soviet life has made human beings absurd. Soviet life is absurd life, we have had seventy year s o f absurdity . Th e me n ar e especiall y abnorma l here , the y ar e totally warpe d b y th e system—women , afte r all , hav e thei r domesti c lives , a woman can take pride, create a sense of herself b y taking care of the house, the family, her husband, but men cannot, and they cannot provide for their familie s either, a s i n an y norma l societ y i n th e world , becaus e th e syste m wil l no t le t them reall y accomplis h anything . S o they becom e jus t pathetic , patheti c crea tures. Me n fee l domesticated , turne d int o domesti c pets . The y wan t a littl e drama; sometimes they get it by becoming little tyrants in their families. That is the only power they can enjoy. Many o f th e storie s tha t Russia n wome n tell , an d th e stance s tha t Russian wome n (an d men ) adopt , deriv e fro m o r i n other way s relate t o this ke y scenario , whic h cast s me n a s desired , important , perhap s wounded (o r self-wounding , alcoholic ) visitor s i n a symbolicall y femal e society—that is , a societ y buil t by , on , an d throug h th e labors , dis courses, and demand s o f th e female . To wha t exten t thes e women' s storie s ar e expression s o r sign s o f "real" power o r statu s in self-proclaimedly patriarcha l Russia n marriag e is har d t o measure . Ther e doe s happe n t o b e a bountifu l repertoir e o f jokes an d proverb s tha t pla y wit h th e cultura l paradoxe s entaile d b y th e coexistence o f differen t form s o r realm s o f socia l power . A jok e tha t I heard twic e fro m me n an d onc e fro m a woma n (th e detail s eac h tim e were slightl y different ) satirize s thi s paradox an d th e cultura l ideologie s that circulat e aroun d an d throug h it : " A wife , talkin g t o a frien d abou t her marriage , says , " I mak e al l th e trivial , unimportan t decisions — where w e wil l vacation , i f w e wil l mov e t o a ne w apartment , i f w e wil l buy a car . . . . My husban d make s th e reall y importan t decision s i n th e family, yo u know : shoul d th e USS R disarm , shoul d th e tw o Germanie s reunite. . . . " This joke , obviousl y se t in a particular historica l moment , play s wit h the question o f wha t constitute s rea l power i n both familie s an d nations , at the same time that i t mocks mal e demonstrations o f powerfulness an d satirizes male an d femal e representation s o f femal e subservience . There ar e mor e solem n genre s o f femal e discours e abou t th e relativ e status o f me n an d wome n i n Russia n society . Tatian a Tolstaia , on e o f the leadin g writer s o f an y gende r i n Russi a today , insist s tha t Russia n
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society i s base d aroun d matriarcha l authorit y an d structure d b y "femi nine principles " suc h a s intuition , myth , an d irrationality . Sh e believe s that the separation o f women fro m sphere s of power has allowed wome n to maintai n th e spiritua l value s o n whic h societ y rests . "Sovie t wome n have bee n les s represse d tha n Sovie t men, " sh e says . "Ou r me n wer e driven ove r th e edg e an d man y o f the m los t an y sens e of ethica l criteria . Women weren't ; an d the y remaine d human." 3 2 Thi s matriarcha l argu ment, tha t wome n ar e th e rea l ruler s i n Russia , i s widespread . A s Irin a S., a Mosco w feminist , pu t i t t o me , "Russia n wome n ar e th e ver y implements o f totalitarianism , th e tool s o f conservatism , th e tyrant s i n their ow n families : wome n uphol d ou r entir e socia l order. " This se t o f ideas—tha t wome n ar e highe r o r mor e pur e spirituall y than men , tha t the y ar e th e repositor y o f value , an d tha t the y hol d th e meaningful powe r i n society—i s sustaine d an d reproduce d throug h th e telling of "husban d tales " and othe r storie s o f mal e childishness . Indeed , such storie s cas t wome n a s mother s t o childlik e me n and , b y symboli c extension, reaffir m th e ancien t cultura l ide a o f th e materna l embrac e o f Russia ove r th e long-sufferin g populatio n a s a whole . Suc h idea s serv e not onl y a s sturd y ideologica l barrier s t o th e consideratio n o f women' s place i n society ; the y als o romanticiz e an d legitimat e women' s doubl e burden itself . I n othe r words , th e storie s tha t wome n tel l abou t thei r husbands' childish , demanding , o r irresponsibl e behavior s actuall y affirm th e existin g dynami c o f gende r relations . B y tellin g suc h stories, wome n asser t an d celebrat e th e socia l valu e o f thei r rol e a s all enduring supermothers ; b y assertin g thi s value , however , th e inequalit y of Russia n gende r relation s i s concomitantly insured , valorized , an d en trenched. "Litanies" a n d "Saints ' Lives "
A thir d categor y o f Russia n women' s discours e i s perhaps mos t signifi cant of al l in reproducing gender relations an d femal e identit y in Russia n society. It is arguably th e most commo n identifiabl e genr e of tal k amon g women. I have terme d thi s genr e "litany " becaus e i t entail s th e voicin g of long , circular , poeti c inventorie s o f suffering , sacrific e an d loss , ofte n rising into a mode of almos t musica l lamentation. 33 Russia n me n seldo m speak i n litanies ; i t i s a woman' s mode , whic h thos e wh o hav e spen t time i n Slavi c culture s wil l probabl y recognize . I recorde d numerou s examples o f litanies , some tragic, some absurd, som e ironic.
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Russian women' s litanie s d o no t necessaril y concer n onl y th e suffer ing o f women ; the y frequentl y addres s an d lamen t th e sufferin g o f th e entire Russia n (o r Soviet ) people , posin g ke y question s abou t Russia n existence: ho w ca n thi s be , wh y ar e w e s o burdened , wh y i s our lif e s o full o f suffering , wh y ar e we such victims , where is our salvation ? One da y I visited a woman i n he r fifties for a n interview . Sh e insiste d on feedin g m e somethin g afte r ou r talk , an d w e wen t int o he r smal l kitchen, wher e sh e mad e som e toas t wit h melte d chees e an d a littl e salad. I sat at her kitchen tabl e as she chopped vegetable s an d spoke ; sh e would no t le t m e help . In th e mids t o f a lon g litan y abou t th e variou s difficulties facin g Russia—shortages , corruption , crime , inefficiency , pollution—she stoppe d cuttin g cabbag e fo r a moment, an d wielding he r knife dramatically , sh e lamented , "Suc h a lif e w e have , a rea l theater , theater o f th e absurd . Th e thing s tha t happe n her e coul d neve r happe n anywhere else , the y coul d neve r happe n i n a civilize d countr y lik e America. D o yo u understan d wha t i t mean s fo r peopl e tha t ther e i s n o aspirin, n o insulin ? Th e las t mea t I sa w wa s nearl y rotte n an d s o over priced a t that, who ca n affor d it ? This motherlan d o f our s i s so unfortu nate, so unfortunate. " This i s a paradigmatic litany , o f th e type reele d of f b y the million s o n any give n da y i n Russia . Othe r litanie s focu s mor e specificall y o n a woman's persona l tribulation s o r those of people in her life. I have hear d litanies abou t famil y member s los t durin g th e war , abou t lif e i n priso n camps i n th e Stali n era , abou t th e genera l povert y o f Russia . I hav e heard other s abou t ho w har d i t i s to ge t apartment s painted , abou t th e rigidness o f schoolteachers , abou t th e torture s tha t bureaucrat s pu t peo ple through. In the years after th e fall o f Communism , th e most commo n litanies hav e concerne d inflation , th e growin g crim e rate , and—th e fa vorite topic—shortages o f basi c commodities . As i n th e exampl e above , women' s litanie s symbolicall y lin k th e individual speake r t o th e Russia n lan d a s a whole, to th e entir e Russia n people, an d t o al l o f Russia n history . Litanie s ofte n begi n i n th e first person singula r wit h a stor y abou t persona l travail , difficulty , o r loss ; then th e speake r switche s int o th e first perso n plural , int o a lamen t about "our " genera l difficulty , th e "our " implyin g Russian , Soviet , o r one o f man y othe r fields o f identification . Throug h th e litany , women' s private travail s ar e incorporate d withi n a collectiv e saga , a sacre d cul tural sag a abou t "th e motherland " an d he r thousan d year s o f suffering and loss .
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There is a subcategory o f litanie s I call "Saints ' Lives." These tales ar e the pinnacl e o f th e litan y genre , indee d o f th e entir e corpu s o f Russia n women's discourses . I n "Saints ' Lives " th e protagonis t (a t time s th e teller herself) endure s hardships o f suc h epi c proportions a s to transcen d mere huma n identity . Th e poe t Ann a Akhmatova , wh o suffere d grea t personal losse s durin g th e Stali n era , i s a public figure whos e enduranc e stands a s a familiar paradig m o f this genre. But I heard numerou s storie s about othe r suc h women , who , thoug h no t famous , ha d endure d terrifi c hardships an d com e through transcendent . The clearest exampl e o f thi s genre of lif e histor y I heard whil e visitin g a Mosco w school . I n th e familia r intonation s o f th e litany , th e vic e principal, Natalia, tol d m e the following stor y ove r te a i n her office . There was a woman, Irena Ivanovna, who was connected to our school through the Veteran's Committee. Before she died in 1987, she had constantly shared her life with our students and especially shared her tales of the war. Irena Ivanovna had tw o son s an d a husband. Afte r he r husban d an d he r elde r so n die d a t th e front, sh e went with he r secon d son , born i n 1925 , to th e occupied territories ; they becam e partisans workin g togethe r agains t th e Nazis. On e da y Iren a Iva novna wa s wounde d an d he r so n carrie d he r fo r thre e week s throug h dens e forests t o safet y behin d th e front . [Her e Natalia' s voic e rise s int o litany. ] Fo r three weeks, he carried her on his back, through woods, over small rivers, he fed her an d tende d he r wounds—until finally, miraculously, the y crossed int o saf e territory. Then , h e wen t bac k t o fight. H e wa s kille d righ t befor e th e en d o f the war. At thi s point , Natali a too k a larg e boo k dow n fro m he r shelf . I t wa s an albu m commemoratin g Iren a Ivanovna' s life , whic h ha d bee n pu t together b y a grou p o f schoolgirls . Elaboratel y embellishe d wit h calli graphic labels , arrows , an d ribbons , i t wa s lik e a sacre d objec t i n Na talia's hands. In the albu m wer e photos o f Iren a Ivanovna' s nata l family , Irena Ivanovn a a s a middle-aged woma n befor e th e war, Iren a Ivanovn a with he r so n durin g th e war , dresse d i n improvise d camouflage . Afte r that cam e map s an d chart s o f th e fron t zone , on e o f the m marke d wit h an arro w an d a ribbo n t o sho w th e plac e wher e th e so n ha d die d (which wa s no w par t o f Poland) . O n th e next page, surrounded b y mor e ribbons, wa s a photographi c cop y o f th e son' s las t letter . A separat e section hel d picture s o f a visit Iren a Ivanovn a mad e i n th e lat e 1950 s t o her son' s grav e i n Poland ; livin g o n meage r means , sh e ha d onl y bee n able t o mak e thi s tri p becaus e sh e studie d Polis h an d place d first i n a regional languag e competition , whos e priz e wa s a four-da y trip . Afte r the war , Iren a Ivanovn a ha d adopte d a n orphane d teenager , an d ther e
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were photograph s o f he r wit h thi s daughter . Th e las t imag e i n the boo k showed Iren a Ivanovn a wit h th e childre n o f th e school , shortl y befor e her death . A s w e looke d a t thi s photograph , Natali a said , wit h trembling voice : Her life was so difficult, s o unimaginably full of tragedy. But if you ever saw her . . . sh e wa s suc h a n energeti c woman , an d s o kind . Sh e love d ou r students . Every year fo r he r son' s birthda y Iren a Ivanovn a bake d one thousand cookies, she bake d cookie s fo r th e whol e school , an d sh e cam e her e an d w e hel d a birthday party. . . . The kids just ate the cookies, as you can understand, but t o Irena Ivanovna they were cookies for her son. This stor y capsulize s th e centra l symboli c an d functiona l element s o f Russian femal e identit y an d sacrifice . Indeed , a s Natalia' s emotio n an d the schoolgirls ' albu m attest , Iren a Ivanovna' s stor y i s a paradigm o f th e kind o f identit y tha t Russia n wome n hono r an d inculcat e in their daugh ters an d femal e students . RUSSIAN W O M E N A T O D D S WIT H THEMSELVE S
The cultural/discursiv e system s tha t Russia n wome n hav e develope d for imagining , creating , valuing , an d sustainin g thei r ow n identitie s (a s individuals, a s women , an d a s Russians ) depen d t o a ver y grea t exten t on ke y constituen t elements : suffering , loss , hardship, th e enduranc e o f outrageous burden s an d th e acceptanc e o f sacrifice s s o enormou s the y enter th e real m o f th e mythic . I d o no t wis h t o impl y tha t ther e i s anything deterministi c abou t thes e systems , tha t the y ar e i n an y wa y inherent t o th e structure o f Russia n culture . Suffering, sacrifice , an d los s have, fo r man y reasons , bee n th e historica l contex t o f women' s live s i n Russia fo r man y centuries . Lik e peopl e everywhere , Russia n wome n have utilize d th e fact s o f thei r socia l context—thei r pain , thei r burdens , their powerlessness—a s th e materia l fo r thei r creatio n o f selfhoo d an d value. In thei r talk , Russia n wome n kee p ancien t valu e an d identit y formations alive ; through th e stories they tell they reproduce bot h them selves and thei r cultur e a s a whole. There i s n o questio n tha t Russia n wome n desir e improvement s i n their live s an d tha t man y people—wome n an d men—ar e tryin g hard t o find way s t o brin g abou t a genera l amelioratio n o f th e condition s unde r which Russia n wome n liv e an d work . Bu t thei r effort s ar e undermine d by th e ver y discourse s the y emplo y fo r talkin g abou t thei r lives , dis courses tha t fetishiz e an d valoriz e women' s hardship s a t th e sam e tim e
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they lamen t an d deplor e them . Th e pragmatic , progressiv e visio n tha t most Russia n wome n share , of a n easier , more secure , more comfortabl e society i s thu s a t odd s wit h th e ancient , mythi c syste m b y whic h the y establish thei r value in society . Russian wome n creat e thei r socia l identit y b y exercisin g thei r powe r of enduranc e agains t th e man y weights , constraints , an d pressure s thei r society pose s fo r them . Lik e athlete s subjectin g themselve s t o arduou s workouts, women develo p the "muscles " o f their socia l identit y throug h interaction wit h a difficul t system . Removin g thos e difficultie s woul d seem to mean removing the very material through whic h Russia n wome n create themselve s a s women . Whe n see n i n thi s light , perhap s i t i s possible t o understan d why , i n Russia , th e idea s an d ideal s o f feminis m are encountered wit h suc h disdain .
NOTES
i. Matushka i s a n affectionat e diminutiv e tha t ca n b e translate d "dea r mother." Sudarynia is a ter m o f addres s denotin g respect . Ditiatko i s a n affectionate diminutiv e meaning "dea r little child." This text is my translation o f a traditional Russia n fol k song . There are several variations of thi s song; I have used that sung by Zhanna Bichevskai a in a 1985 recording. A slightly differen t versio n appear s a s "Matushka, chto vo pole pyl'no," i n Russkaia Pesennaia Lyrika (Moscow: Sovietskaia Rossiia, 1992.), 96. 2. Traditiona l lament s ar e reproduce d i n numerou s Soviet-er a ethnographie s and folklor e collection . See , fo r instance , Goi esi vy dobry molodtsy: Russkoe narodno-poeticheskoe tvorchestvo, eds . P . S . Vykhodtsev a an d E. P. Kholodovoi (Moscow: Molodaia Gvardiia, 1979), 91-134. 3. Christin e Worobe c provide s a fairl y detaile d accoun t o f th e young bride' s situation i n "Victim s o r Actors : Russian Peasan t Women an d Patriarchy, " in Feasant Economy, Culture, and Politics of European Russia, 1800— 1921, ed. Esther Kingston-Mann and Timothy Mixter (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 177-206.
4. Ibid. , 206 .
5. Persona l conversation, Colgate University, September 1993. 6. I n a recen t issu e o f th e libera l pape r Moscow News, th e Russia n write r Viktor Erofee v (wel l know n fo r hi s outrageou s sexua l fiction) draw s a n explicit analogy betwee n feminis m an d Marxism i n a mocking essay abou t Marilyn French' s newes t book , War against Women. B y callin g Frenc h "the lates t Engels " an d makin g othe r snid e reference s t o now-despise d Communist icons , hi s essa y i s designe d t o scar e reader s awa y fro m an y engagement wit h feminis t ideas , which ar e supposedl y nothin g mor e tha n "utopian half-truths," Moskovski e Novosti, March 21, 1993, B-4.
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7. Thi s comment b y Morits was reported b y Francine d u Plessix Gray in Soviet Women: Walking the Tightrope (Ne w York : Doubleday , 1989) . Morits i s a leading poe t an d humanis t writer ; sh e wa s a n outspoke n an d courageou s critic of th e Soviet regime for man y years . 8. Thoug h centra l plannin g insure d tha t ther e wer e man y similaritie s i n th e experiences o f wome n throughou t th e Sovie t Union , ther e ar e als o man y differences i n ideologie s abou t gende r an d gende r role s amon g th e man y cultures o f th e forme r USSR . I want t o specif y tha t thi s paper addresse s th e experiences o f Russia n wome n i n th e Sovie t period an d i n th e year s follow ing th e dissolutio n o f th e USSR , an d doe s no t presum e t o spea k abou t gender relation s i n the other republics . 9. Ali a Sariban , "Th e Sovie t Woman : Suppor t an d Mainsta y o f th e Regime, " in Women and Russia: Feminist Writings from the Soviet Union (Boston : Beacon Press , 1984) . Women and Russia appeare d a s a n undergroun d (samizdat) publicatio n i n the Soviet Union i n 1979 . 10. Se e Gai l Lapidus , Women in Soviet Society: Equality, Development and Social Change (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1978) , 54-94 , fo r a concis e overvie w o f revolutionar y program s t o defin e women' s rol e i n socialist society . 11. Davi d Lane , Soviet Society under Perestroika (Boston : Unwi n Hyman , 1990), 217 . As comparison, Lan e points ou t that th e female labo r participa tion rat e i n th e U.S . an d Britai n stand s a t aroun d sixt y percent . Se e V. G . Kostakov, "Th e Developmen t o f Femal e Employment, " i n Women, Work, and Family in the Soviet Union, ed . Gai l Warshofsk y Lapidu s (Armonk , N.Y.: M . E . Sharpe , 1982) , 33-68 , fo r a summar y o f th e histor y o f femal e labor developmen t i n the USSR . 12. Lane , Soviet Society under Perestroika, 217 . 13. Man y survey s hav e measure d th e respectiv e domesti c contribution s o f me n and wome n i n Sovie t an d post-Sovie t Russia n society . A s Porokhniu k an d Shepeleva report , a surve y i n Odess a i n th e earl y 1970 s showed , fo r exam ple, tha t i n onl y 8. 6 percen t o f familie s di d me n an d wome n shar e house work an d childcar e equally . I n 4 8 percen t o f familie s wome n performe d al l of th e household work . Se e Jo Peers , "Worker s b y Hand an d Womb: Sovie t Women an d th e Demographi c Crisis, " i n Soviet Sisterhood, ed . Barbar a Holland (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) , fo r a star k render ing o f women' s workin g an d domesti c lives . Nataly a Baranskaya' s novel ette, A Week Like Any Other (Seattle : Sea l Press , 1989) , publishe d i n Russian i n th e Sovie t journa l Novy Mir i n 1969 , i s a poignan t literar y representation o f women' s doubl e burden . 14. Sariban , "Sovie t Woman," 208 . 15. Willia m Moskoff , The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the USSR during World War II (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1990) . 16. Th e extrem e scarcit y o f certai n commoditie s tha t coul d eas e th e burde n o f women shoul d b e viewe d a s sign s o f th e degre e o f officia l disregar d fo r women's problem s an d concerns . For example, condoms were alway s scarc e
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and othe r form s o f birt h contro l eve n scarcer ; Russia n wome n wer e thu s forced t o us e abortio n a s a primar y for m o f famil y planning , an d te n o r more abortion s pe r woma n wer e th e norm . Sanitar y supplie s fo r menstrua tion wer e unhear d o f unti l the y wer e introduce d (b y foreig n firms) i n th e late 1980s . 17. O f cours e thi s i s als o tru e o f th e medi a i n th e West , bu t eve n th e mos t conservative Wester n women' s publication s featur e storie s o n nondomesti c themes an d o n othe r women' s concern s suc h a s rape , equa l opportunity , sexual health, an d s o on . 18. Lynn e Attwoo d explore d th e gende r assumption s o f Sovie t socia l scienc e i n detail i n The New Soviet Man and Woman: Sex-Role Socialization in the USSR (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1990) . Fo r revealin g exam ples o f officia l ideologie s concernin g gende r role s an d "femal e duties, " se e E. E . Novikova , V . S . Iazykova , an d Z . A . Iankova , "Women' s Wor k an d the Family, " an d V . Porokhniu k an d M . S . Shepeleva , "Ho w Workin g Women Combin e Wor k an d Househol d Duties, " bot h i n Women, Work and Family in the Soviet Union, ed . Gai l Warshofsk y Lapidu s (Armonk , N.Y.: M . E . Sharpe , 1982) . Se e als o th e interview s b y Mar y Buckle y i n Soviet Social Scientists Talking: An Official Debate about Women (London : Macmillan, 1986) . 19. Fo r a statistica l breakdow n o f wome n i n th e Sovie t labo r force , se e Lane , Soviet Society under Perestroika, 219 . 20. Mikhai l Gorbachev , Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1987) , 117 . 21. Se e Yelen a Khanga , "N o Matryoshka s Nee d Apply, " New York Times, November 25 , 1991. 22. Ther e is a tendency i n Russian politica l thinkin g to asser t commo n solution s for th e entir e populace, tha t is , to enac t law s or desig n socia l programs tha t will affect al l members o f a group equally . This tendency towar d centralize d social engineerin g was , o f course , a marke d featur e o f Communism , bu t i t hardly bega n o r ende d wit h th e Sovie t political system . 23. Ol'g a Lipovskaia , "Ne w Women' s Organizations, " i n Perestroika and Soviet Women, ed . Mar y Buckle y (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1992), 72 . Lipovskai a i s on e o f a handfu l o f activ e feminist s i n Russi a today. He r essa y give s a n excellen t overvie w o f th e kind s o f women' s groups—mostly no t feminis t a t all—tha t develope d durin g perestroika . 24. I n keeping with anthropologica l guidelines , my interview subjects an d infor mants remai n anonymous . 25. Thi s fea r ha s bee n carefull y kindled , i t mus t b e noted , b y a regula r strea m of newspape r essay s an d article s tha t ridicul e th e women' s movemen t vi a the cliche d half-truth s an d misrepresentation s lon g familia r t o feminists . These essay s appeare d wit h suc h regularit y i n th e medi a tha t ther e seem s t o be an organize d campaig n t o kee p an y discussio n o f feminis t issue s at bay . 26. Althoug h th e numbe r o f privat e shop s an d kiosk s ha s grow n durin g th e post-Soviet years , thi s ha s ha d scan t impac t o n th e availabilit y o f th e basi c
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necessities of life . The prices in private (nonstate ) shop s are too high an d th e goods o n sal e ar e mostl y luxur y item s suc h a s importe d liquor , chocolates , cigarettes, garments, an d electronics . 27. A s Colett e Shulma n writes , mos t accurately , I think, "I f I had t o selec t on e satisfaction mos t widel y fel t b y the working woman a t al l levels of society , I would sa y tha t i t i s th e work-collectiv e a s a sourc e o f communit y an d communication an d o f mutua l suppor t i n copin g with th e daily problems o f life." Se e "Th e Individua l an d th e Collective " i n Women in Russia, ed . Dorothy Atkinson , Alexande r Dallin , an d Gai l Warshofsk y Lapidu s (Stan ford, Calif. : Stanfor d Universit y Press , 1977) , 380 . 28. Sandr a Stahl , Literary Folkloristics and the Personal Narrative (Blooming ton: Indian a Universit y Press , 1989) , x. 29. Se e Joanna Hubbs , Mother Russia: The Feminine Myth in Russian Culture (Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press, 1988) , and Vera Sandomirsky Dun ham, "Th e Strong-Woman Motif, " in The Transformation of Russian Society: Aspects of Social Change since 1861, ed . Cyri l Blac k (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , i960) , fo r perspective s o n th e historical evolutio n of feminin e ideal s in Russia . 30. Yevgeni i Yevtushenko , " A Natio n Begin s with It s Women," i n Perestroika: The Crunch Is Now, ed . L . Krishtof f an d Ev a Skelle y (Moscow : Progres s Publishers, 1990) , 318 . 31. Ther e ar e myria d complication s t o thi s topic . Wha t th e Russia n woma n i s giving up b y not buyin g those crave d boot s i s not simpl y "nic e ne w boots. " Dressing, fashion , th e cultivatio n o f whateve r char m o r styl e o r beaut y ca n be create d fro m th e material s a t hand—thi s i s th e Mosco w woman' s art istry, he r poetry , he r motio n picture , he r montage , he r communication , which function s o n man y simultaneou s plane s o f semiosis , say s volume s about th e era , abou t shift s i n politic s o r spirituality , abou t househol d eco nomics an d creativity . I n Russia , a winte r culture , no t t o hav e th e righ t boots i s to b e missin g a crucia l element , a buildin g bloc k fo r th e res t o f th e story o f "self. " Thi s emphasi s o n footwea r ha s a lon g (an d class-based ) history: witnes s th e ol d prover b tha t "th e peasan t wear s bas t [straw ] shoe s so the maste r ca n wea r sof t leathe r boots. " 32. Tatian a Tolstaia , i n a n intervie w wit h Iren a Maryniak , Index on Censorship, No . 9 , 1990 , 29-30 . 33. Nanc y Ries , "Th e Powe r o f Negativ e Thinking : Russia n Tal k an d th e Reproduction o f Mindset , Worldview , an d Society, " i n The Anthropology of East Europe Review 10 : 2 (Autumn 1991) . REFERENCES
Anisimov, V . I. , an d A . A . Tselishchev , eds . 1992 . Russkaia Pesennaia Lyrika. Moscow: Sovietskai a Rossiia . Attwood, Lynne . 1990 . The New Soviet Man and Woman: Sex-Role Socialization in the USSR. Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press .
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Baranskaya, Natalya . 1989 . A Week Like Any Other. Seattle : Seal Press. Buckley, Mary. 1986 . Soviet Social Scientists Talking: An Official Debate about Women. London : Macmillan . Dunham, Ver a Sandomirsky . i960 . "Th e Strong-Woma n Motif. " I n The Transformation of Russian Society: Aspects of Social Change since 1861, edite d b y Cyril Black, 459-82. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press . Erofeev, Viktor . 1993 . Ochen 3 Zhenskoe { Shto Delat'? [ A Very Femal e 'Wha t i s to b e Done?'] Moskovki e Novosti , March 21 , 1993, B4. Gorbachev, Mikhail . 1987 . Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World. Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row . Gray, Francin e d u Plessix . 1989 . Soviet Women: Walking the Tightrope. Ne w York: Doubleday . Hubbs, Joanna. 1988 . Mother Russia: The Feminine Myth in Russian Culture. Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press . Khanga, Yelena . 1991 . "N o Matryoshka s Nee d Apply. " New York Times, November 25 , 1991. Kostakov, V. G . 1982 . "Th e Developmen t o f Femal e Employment. " I n Women, Work and Family in the Soviet Union, edite d b y Gai l Warshofsk y Lapidus , 33-68. Armonk , N.Y. : M. E . Sharpe. Lane, David. 1990 . Soviet Society under Perestroika. Boston : Unwi n Hyman . Lapidus, Gail . 1978 . Women in Soviet Society: Equality, Development, and Social Change. Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press . Lipovskaia, Ol'ga . 1992 . "Ne w Women' s Organizations. " I n Perestroika and Soviet Women, edite d b y Mar y Buckley , 72-82 . Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press . Maryniak, Irena . 1990 . "Th e Huma n Spiri t i s Androgynous." Index on Censorship 9 : 2 9 - 30. Moskoff, William . 1990 . The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the USSR during World War II. Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press . Novikova, E . E., V. S. Iazykova, an d Z . A. Iankova. 1982 . "Women' s Wor k an d the Family. " I n Women, Work, and Family in the Soviet Union, edite d b y Gail Warshofsky Lapidus , 165-90 . Armonk , N.Y. : M. E. Sharpe. Peers, Jo. 1985 . "Worker s b y Han d an d Womb : Sovie t Wome n an d th e Demo graphic Crisis. " I n Soviet Sisterhood, edite d b y Barbar a Holland , 116-44 . Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press . Porokhniuk, V. , an d M . S . Shepeleva . 1982 . "Ho w Workin g Wome n Combin e Work an d Househol d Duties. " I n Women, Work, and Family in the Soviet Union, edite d b y Gai l Warshofsk y Lapidus , 267-76 . Armonk , N.Y. : M. E . Sharpe . Ries, Nancy . 1991 . "Th e Powe r o f Negativ e Thinking : Russia n Tal k an d th e Reproduction o f Mindset , Worldview , an d Society. " The Anthropology of East Europe Review 1 0 (2) : 3 8 - 5 3 . Sariban, Alia . 1984 . "Th e Sovie t Woman : Suppor t an d Mainsta y o f th e Re gime." I n Women and Russia, edite d b y Tatyan a Mamonova , 2 0 5 - 1 3 . Boston: Beaco n Press . Shulman, Colette . 1977 . "Th e Individua l an d th e Collective. " I n Women in
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Russia, edite d b y Dorothy Atkinson , Alexande r Dallin , an d Gai l Warshofsk y Lapidus, 375-84 . Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press . Stahl, Sandra . 1989 . Literary Folkloristics and the Personal Narrative. Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press . Vykhodtseva, P . S., and E . P. Kholodovoi, eds. 1979 . Goi esi vy dobry molodtsy: Russkoe narodno-poeticheskoe tvorchestvo. Moscow : Molodai a Gvardiia . Worobec, Christine . 1991 . "Victim s o r Actors : Russia n Peasan t Wome n an d Patriarchy." I n Peasant Economy, Culture, and Politics of European Russia, 1800—1921, edite d b y Esthe r Kingston-Man n an d Timoth y Mixter , 177 — 206. Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press . Yevtushenko, Yevgenii . 1990 . " A Natio n Begin s wit h It s Women. " I n Perestroika: The Crunch Is Now, edite d b y L. Krishtoff an d Ev a Skelley. Moscow : Progress Publishers .
13. THE WONDERFUL-TERRIBL E BITC H FIGURE I N HARLEQUI N NOVEL S SUSAN OSTRO V WEISSE R "Harriet?" Sharn said, and Caryn felt her heart sink a little. "I can't see what it is you don't like about her." Caryn fell silent. How obtuse men were! But then it always took a woman to read another woman effectively. Me n were influenced b y the veneer, especially if it were a s charming an d polishe d a s that possesse d b y Harriet. An d me n were also easy to deceive when a clever woman set out to exert her charm as Harriet had done . Watchin g he r wit h Sharn , Cary n coul d wel l understan d hi s bein g taken i n b y her , fo r sh e eve n change d he r voic e fo r hi s benefit , purrin g lik e a kitten bein g lovingl y fondled . Sh e used he r beautifu l eye s in a way tha t surel y would hold him spellbound; she could smile like an angel. Her figurewas slender yet voluptuously temptin g becaus e o f th e affecte d manne r i n which sh e would swing her hip s o r ben d suddenly , s o that he r low-cu t necklin e reveale d curve s which brough t ho t colo r surgin g int o Caryn' s cheeks . But Shar n neve r turne d away as she did; no, he, like any other man, would always look his fill. —Anne Hampson, Unwanted Bride
The Bitc h figure , a stapl e o f Harlequi n novel s a s wel l a s othe r popula r romances, i s no t onl y wonderfull y terrible , th e woma n th e reade r love s to hate ; sh e i s als o terribl e because sh e i s wonderful , i n way s tha t th e heroines o f thes e novels most decidedl y ar e not, an d whic h I will sugges t the femal e reade r hersel f migh t lon g to be . This i s why, i n th e quotatio n above, only wome n ar e sai d t o b e abl e to rea d an d correctl y understan d 269
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other women . Th e tw o figures , goo d an d ba d women , constitut e a couple syste m orbitin g aroun d th e mal e a s i f b y nature , exhibitin g an d concealing th e secre t trait s tha t mak e the m "wh o the y reall y are " b y turns. Bu t i n fac t anothe r sor t o f triangl e i s hidde n withi n th e woman man-woman configuratio n o f th e text , namel y th e triangula r relatio n o f the Bitch , th e Heroine , an d th e femal e reader , wh o i s mad e t o contem plate th e consequence s o f ba d an d goo d femal e behavio r i n it s extreme s through thes e two fictional characte r types . It is the nature o f thes e way s of bein g terrible an d wonderfu l tha t thi s essay will attempt t o explore. 1 As can b e seen i n the excerp t fro m a Harlequin nove l above , in whic h we see a Bitch viewed through th e eyes of the good girl, this antiheroine' s effectiveness a s a literar y typ e depend s o n th e devic e o f doubling . No t only i s sh e a n exac t inversio n o f th e heroin e herself , sh e i s als o alway s involved i n a duplicit y o f he r own , i n whic h sh e pretend s t o outd o th e heroine i n sweet , soft , pleasin g ways , whil e deliberatel y manipulatin g the hero t o he r ow n advantage . Sh e is, in othe r words , meant t o b e rea d against th e heroin e a s a nightmar e versio n o f assertive , aggressivel y sexual, an d non-nurturan t womanhood . Thi s i s the literar y analogu e t o what th e psychoanalys t Jessic a Benjami n refer s t o a s th e "splittin g int o complementary forms : subjec t an d object , idealizatio n an d repudiation , good an d bad , doe r an d done-to." 2 However , Benjami n see s th e spli t primarily i n terms o f "gende r opposition, " rathe r tha n betwee n form s o f womanhood. Fo r he r purposes , suc h splittin g i s a n explanatio n o f th e development o f sadomasochisti c femal e sexualit y i n relation t o a power ful male , since , accordin g t o he r theory , th e powe r o f th e fathe r i s th e "gendered proces s o f defensiv e idealization. " B y contrast, I would not e that th e pervasivenes s o f th e Bitc h figure (i n othe r venues , a s well , o f course, suc h a s soa p opera , melodrama , an d everyda y gossip ) suggest s its importance amon g women themselves . While Harlequi n romance s ar e al l abou t th e essentialis m o f mal e an d female, purportin g t o illustrat e thei r inevitabl e oppositio n an d necessar y complementarity, th e excesse s o f th e Bitc h figure sugges t tha t bein g female i s mor e tha n mer e femininit y ca n encompass . Th e heroin e con forms t o a quit e rigi d se t o f condition s (thoug h no t unchangin g i n response t o standard s o f acceptabl e behavior) 3 —for example , sh e n o longer ha s t o b e unwilling to bed the hero befor e marriage , but sh e mus t never slee p wit h a ma n fo r pleasur e only—wherea s th e Bitc h i s bot h fluid in identity an d outrageou s i n her behavior . Becaus e she is willing t o pretend, tha t is , to b e anythin g sh e need s t o be , or ac t i n an y wa y a t al l
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to ge t th e ma n i n question , sh e encompasse s al l thing s wome n ar e capable of—excep t fo r th e Good , a smal l nugge t o f gol d standar d behavior reserve d fo r th e heroine alone . One conventiona l representatio n o f heroinis m i n Wester n literatur e identifies th e domesti c heroin e wit h virginity , i f no t asexuality , bu t a s every reade r o f Harlequi n novel s knows , thei r romanti c heroine s ar e surprisingly passionat e "b y nature " an d ar e describe d a s experiencin g a great deal of desire in explicitly "sensual " language. 4 "Good " an d "bad " women ar e therefore no t s o simply distinguishe d b y the whore/madonn a structure tha t pervade s othe r popula r forms ; th e spli t i s fa r mor e subtl e and interesting . Rather , th e goo d girl , wh o i s define d b y he r fitnes s t o adapt t o th e hero , i s pitte d agains t th e ba d woma n wh o represent s a n element i n th e gendere d univers e that , althoug h capabl e o f chame leonlike disguises , ultimatel y canno t b e transforme d (unlik e th e wil d male wh o ca n b e tame d an d domesticated) , an d s o mus t b e punishe d and finally expunge d fro m th e rang e o f possibilitie s ope n t o th e heroine . In th e en d th e Goo d mus t b e prove n th e onl y wa y t o b e Rea l a s a woman, throug h th e ancien t plo t mechanis m o f a final rewar d i n a n ultimately jus t universe. 5 The devic e of doublin g ca n als o b e foun d i n a typical plot (sometime s separate an d sometime s concurrent ) o f th e popula r romanc e i n whic h the heroin e choose s betwee n tw o contrastiv e men. 6 Thi s narrativ e struc ture has , of course , a long an d distinguishe d pedigre e i n th e convention s of th e traditional Britis h novel—thin k oijane Eyre, Wuthering Heights, Mill on the Floss. Bu t unlike the heroine' s Bitch-rival , the alternat e mal e lover ha s two differen t mode s o f sexuality . H e come s i n basi c an d distinctive types : eithe r to o bruta l t o reform , o r els e dull, dull , dul l nex t to th e hero. The forme r i s simply uncontrollabl e b y the heroine an d ver y frequently i s put i n hi s place b y a sock i n the jaw fro m th e tru e love ; th e latter, th e tedious , bland , stabl e bu t asexua l rejecte d mal e love r (i.e. , The Wimp) , function s primaril y t o underlin e th e heroine' s righ t t o he r sexuality, whic h th e her o alon e evokes . The poin t i s that w e don' t wan t her t o "settle " fo r Mr . Dull . Sh e deserve s more , a s w e know—th e bes t in fact : al l other character s ar e there to revea l eithe r tha t Sh e is the mos t deserving or tha t H e i s the bes t that ca n b e deserved . The heroine's rival , however , i s rarel y anothe r goo d gir l lik e herself , and he r sexualit y i s alway s underlined . Indeed , th e Bitc h figure attract s to hersel f al l th e negativ e aspect s o f sexua l assertion , alignin g i t wit h aggression, "masculine " unemotionalit y i n general, and, significantly , a n
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emphasis o n materialisti c values . Sh e belongs , i n othe r words , ver y much i n th e categor y o f sign s constructe d b y th e tex t a s male. Bu t th e constellation o f trait s identifie d a s allurin g i n a mal e i s the n i n tur n reconstructed a s a kin d o f hyperfemale , "capabl e o f anything " a "woman" migh t do . We migh t speculat e tha t th e exces s o f emotio n an d power lef t ou t o f rea l women' s live s b y th e repressiv e an d limitin g constraints o f bein g "feminine " i n relation t o th e mal e an d t o th e publi c world finds it s wa y int o a n inhuma n an d distorte d versio n o f woman hood tha t i s the heroine's hate d Other , i.e. , the Bitch. 7 This too has a very old literary tradition: Blanch e Ingram in Jane Eyre used he r look s an d socia l statu s t o snee r a t our heroin e Jane while tryin g to catc h he r prize , Mr . Rochester , who m sh e di d not , needles s t o say , "really" love . Th e moder n Bitc h usuall y ha s wha t th e heroin e ough t t o have bu t i s too humbl e t o acquire : beaut y (alway s identifie d a s artificia l and cold) , ego , status , money , materia l goods , me n a t he r feet . Interest ingly, th e Bitc h ofte n ha s " a ca p o f ver y shor t hair, " unlik e th e heroine , whose man e i s much mor e frequentl y lon g an d lustrou s a s a sig n o f he r traditional femininity. 8 A s i n th e tal e o f Cinderella , th e defea t o f th e antiheroine(s) i s as much o f the fun a s catching the boring Prince himself. Here, b y wa y o f illustratio n o f th e Bitc h a s bot h super-feminin e an d dangerously masculine , ar e th e descriptor s o f th e Bitch-Riva l Harrie t i n Anne Hampson' s Unwanted Bride, 9 quote d above : Harriet , w e note , i s "beautiful," lik e th e heroine , bu t unlik e eithe r her o o r heroine , sh e i s blonde, "fai r a s a lily , wit h eye s lik e blu e star s an d th e figure o f a n angel" (30) . He r look s ar e bot h quintessentiall y feminine , define d ac cording t o popula r tradition s a s blonde, blue-eyed, delicate , and angelic , and als o associate d wit h th e moder n equivalen t o f th e nineteenth-cen tury Lad y figure, wit h he r socia l statu s an d conspicuou s consumption . Thus sh e i s sai d t o b e "elegant, " "glamorous, " doin g "littl e beside s make hersel f pretty, " unlik e th e useful , fruga l an d efficien t heroine , Caryn, wh o ha s th e modes t virtue s o f bourgeoi s domesticit y i n he r favor. The rival , Harriet , thoug h physicall y perfec t an d extremel y desirable , like Cary n herself , ha s a n over t sexualit y no t permitte d t o th e heroine , who woul d neve r drea m o f bendin g ove r o n purpos e s o th e her o coul d see dow n he r dress . Significantly , th e femal e sexualit y o f th e Bitch , i n sharp contras t t o tha t o f th e heroin e (whic h expresse s itsel f a s nameless , unfulfilled longing) , i s associate d wit h th e lus t fo r materia l gain , th e "masculine" ethi c o f th e marketplac e i n a capitalis t an d traditionall y
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patriarchal socia l order . Mos t interestingly , w e neve r se e Harriet hersel f as actuall y sexuall y desirou s o f th e hero ; we onl y se e her inviting desire , "tempting" th e hero a s a conscious mean s to a material end . Conversely , the tru e heroine' s (sexual ) desir e i s th e engin e tha t run s th e novel , ye t she is never allowe d t o b e consciou s o f he r ow n powe r t o "ge t wha t sh e wants," muc h les s go after it. 10 The heroine has all the subjectivity, sinc e the novel allow s u s to eavesdrop o n he r thought s an d adop t he r point o f view, while th e Bitc h neve r get s a chanc e t o thin k o r drea m o r eve n fee l in the reader's hearing . She appears ver y much a s men d o to the heroine , which i s to sa y sh e seems al l surface, al l power, al l action. 11 But i n additio n t o epitomizin g femalenes s a s pure objec t o f mal e lust , without desir e o f he r own , th e Bitch-riva l figure als o i s hersel f aligne d with desirabl y "masculine " trait s suc h a s aggression , authoritativeness , self-assertion, autonomy , an d emotiona l aloofness . Oddly , th e sam e ad jectives tha t prais e th e typica l Harlequi n her o i n hi s earl y phas e (i n which h e i s eithe r mistake n b y th e heroin e fo r cold , aloof , o r arrogant , or really is so and therefor e i n need of her reformation throug h romanti c love) ar e applie d wit h grea t derogatio n t o th e Bitch-rival . Harriet , fo r example, i s extremel y aggressiv e verbally , rud e an d unfriendl y i n he r gestures an d remarks : sh e "sneers " a t th e heroine , sh e ha s a "supercil ious" expression , sh e make s suc h "scathin g remarks " tha t th e heroin e may justifiabl y retaliate , t o th e reader' s delight . Thu s "Cary n excuse d her ow n conduc t b y rememberin g ho w ver y bitch y Harrie t ha d alway s been wit h her " ( i n ) . Ver y ofte n th e heroin e hersel f i s quite "bitchy " i n response t o th e rival' s verba l cuts , bu t w e chee r he r on—becaus e th e Bitch went first. The ver y confidence , assertiveness , an d coolnes s tha t mak e th e her o an allurin g an d challengin g figure t o th e young , warm , self-doubtin g heroine ar e th e signatur e vice s o f th e Bitch : thu s Harrie t i s variousl y cited fo r he r "insolence, " he r "lac k o f friendliness, " he r "edg e o f arro gance an d skepticism, " qualitie s tha t i n a good-lookin g an d high-statu s male would hav e th e heroin e pantin g a t his feet. Just a s a hero's eye s ar e frequently sai d i n thes e novel s t o "rak e th e bod y o f th e heroine " (wit h raking a displacemen t fo r visuall y raping), s o Harriet' s eye s "rak e th e clothes" o f th e heroine, insulting her fo r thei r plainness , which o f cours e it turn s ou t th e her o secretl y prefers . Moreover , Harriet' s "tone s rin g with confidence, " sh e i s (a s w e sa w i n th e openin g quotation ) "clever " (with clever use d i n binar y oppositio n t o innocent) an d "sharp, " whic h is contrastiv e t o th e heroine' s feminin e softnes s an d vulnerability . Thi s
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penetrating clevernes s an d sharpnes s steal s som e o f th e hero' s masculin ity an d make s th e Bitc h unrip e fo r hi s ow n penetration ; thoug h h e ma y look dow n he r dress , he will neve r hav e intercours e wit h her . Sh e is to o much hi s double; suc h a union woul d b e homoerotic. Harriet , i n fact , i n contrast t o the soft , meltin g heroine, is even sai d to "si t up stiffly. " The hear t o f th e matter , s o t o speak , i s reache d i n Unwanted Bride when Caryn , ou r heroine , tries to picture th e marriage sh e fears betwee n her Bitch-riva l an d th e man sh e loves. This is her conclusion : Sharn wa s there , helpin g an d leading and giving out instructions. He notice d Caryn, but his glance passed indifferently throug h her. His work was his life, she thought, an d wondere d i f Harrie t woul d eventuall y becom e resigne d t o this . Harriet had declared [not e the self-confident assertio n i n the verb] . .. h e would give mor e wor k t o hi s employee s an d tak e tim e of f himsel f fo r leisure . S o confident th e girl had been, and yet, looking at Sharn as he stood for a moment, his eyes narrowed i n that characteristic way, directing operations, she could not see Harriet—or an y othe r woma n fo r tha t matter— telling him what he must do. (ioo; my emphases) The arrogance , coldness , an d bossines s o f th e Bitch i s therefore no t onl y an effec t o f rivalr y wit h th e heroine o r a measure o f th e heroine's greate r worth; mor e tha n this , i t i s a counte r i n th e powe r gam e wit h men , aligned with th e values of feminis m itself , which champion s assertivenes s and authorit y i n women. Thus while hero Shar n an d heroin e Cary n bot h are sai d t o "lov e ol d things, " namel y th e antiqu e furnitur e an d decora tive knick-knack s o f th e ancestra l mansio n the y jointl y inherite d fro m a distant relative , the Bitc h Harrie t want s t o replac e al l th e old traditiona l furniture wit h ne w an d mak e a grotesqu e additio n t o th e lovel y ol d homestead "i n th e moder n style. " "Th e ver y though t o f thi s addition, " adds th e narrator , "mad e b y a girl wh o ha d n o rea l connectio n wit h th e property whatsoeve r . . . strengthened Caryn' s sens e of possession" (60) . You ar e either i n the nexu s o f patriarchy an d propert y o r you'r e out , th e text i s informing us ; an d th e Bitc h wh o want s t o moderniz e an d tel l he r husband wha t t o d o i s not goin g to possess eithe r lan d o r man . Why, one might well inquire, include a Bitch figure in the romance nove l at all? We might first speculat e that such a triangle allows cultural ambiv alence abou t women' s assertiv e (sexua l an d economic ) sel f t o b e bifur cated an d expresse d i n a gendered negativ e model. Femininity a s the cor e of a novelistic universe that is defined throug h th e permutations o f gende r is itself mad e coherent b y the play of same-sexed/differently-sexe d bodie s
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within a smal l circl e o f "good " an d "bad " socia l traits . These trait s ap pear encode d i n nature, while the natura l i s defined b y the effect o f thes e traits i n th e socia l world : thu s th e Bitc h i s a manlike, unnatural woman , because sh e i s more beautifu l an d excitin g tha n th e goo d girl ; the Wim p is a deformed an d inadequat e "feminine " man , and s o on. By compariso n wit h th e Bitch-Rival , th e heroin e ha s trait s clearl y marked of f an d aligne d wit h on e anothe r a s th e only coheren t for m o f femininity: i.e. , eroti c need s tempere d wit h innocenc e an d self-denial , and assertio n tempere d b y a kin d o f economi c innocenc e tha t clear s he r of th e charg e o f "actin g lik e a man" i n the marketplace . B y comparison , the Bitc h figure i s a kind o f dumpin g groun d fo r anxiet y an d discomfor t in gende r role s an d th e desire s the y d o an d d o no t legitimize . Bot h women intensel y desir e th e hero , bu t th e Bitc h i s neve r "truly " i n lov e and neve r suffer s fo r he r man , sinc e he r reason s fo r wantin g hi m ar e construed a s superficial , materialistic , an d "selfish. " Th e heroine , b y contrast, wh o o f cours e suffer s a grea t deal , woul d neve r simpl y marr y for money , unles s i t i s fo r th e selfles s reaso n o f givin g a hom e t o a n orphaned nephew , o r som e suc h wind y device ; he r desir e i s therefor e legitimated, an d Desir e itsel f foun d natura l an d unproblemati c i n it s "pure" form . The over t subjec t o f th e Harlequi n romanc e i s the "power " o f lov e a s a force ; th e cover t messag e o f th e tex t i s tha t lov e i s a n operatio n o f power a s a n en d i n itself , sinc e i t pit s th e unworth y riva l i n a struggl e against th e underdog heroin e to se e who wield s the greater attractio n fo r the hero . I n th e marketplac e o f desir e i n thes e texts , powe r i s therefor e disguised a s th e natura l rewar d fo r tru e womanhood , rathe r tha n dis played a s the real coi n o f exchang e fo r th e prize of th e covete d male . Romantic love , lik e al l gende r relations , i s essentiall y a field o f pla y for dominatio n an d control , i n whic h al l kind s o f seemingl y goo d bar gains ar e negotiate d an d struck : he r bod y fo r hi s promise , hi s strengt h for he r nurturance , th e renunciatio n o f hi s wildness fo r th e safet y o f he r domesticity, an d s o on . Th e basi c patter n o f th e Harlequi n nove l i s th e humiliation o f powerlessnes s (th e wea k positio n o f th e ba d bargain ) revenged: th e heroin e frequentl y know s sh e i s i n lov e befor e sh e know s her ow n powe r ove r he r lover , s o sh e textuall y "experiences " he r help lessness an d passivit y whil e th e reade r enjoy s th e iron y o f th e certai n ending. Th e much-remarked-upo n certaint y o f th e closur e i s all-im portant here , an d mark s of f th e mass-marke t romanc e nove l fro m othe r genres of romance .
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Humiliation, a s critic s hav e noted , i s a constan t featur e o f th e Harle quin genre . Femal e masochis m i s sometime s cite d t o explai n thi s trou bling aspect o f a tex t tha t i s otherwise assume d t o provide pur e pleasur e and "escape " t o femal e readers. 12 Bu t humiliatio n an d powerlessnes s i s a predominan t them e o f man y women' s lives, an d therefor e represent s an issu e o f som e urgenc y tha t shoul d no t b e surprisin g t o find i n a fantasy abou t short-circuitin g women' s problem s throug h th e efficacy o f romantic love . In the Harlequin novels , the problem o f mal e dominatio n is ver y frequentl y rendere d a s a n effec t o f misreading : th e her o i s mis judged, fo r example , o r th e heroin e assume s he r valu e i s low , wherea s we kno w tha t he r valu e (fo r th e hero , whic h i s t o sa y he r valu e i n th e world) i s ver y hig h an d steadil y increasing . Becaus e o f th e certaint y o f comfort i n th e formulai c closure , I woul d speculate , th e femal e reade r can safel y experienc e tha t whic h i s fearfu l ye t limite d an d controlle d temporally an d textually , th e equivalen t o f a pleasurabl e screa m durin g a rolle r coaste r ride . The comfor t o f Harlequi n novel s i s tha t the y rende r a quic k dos e o f terrible discomfor t withi n a saf e fram e tha t provide s a n expectatio n o f ultimate comfor t an d master y o f anxiety . Th e worl d o f lov e i s terribly , even agonizingly , vexe d an d uncertai n becaus e tha t make s certaint y al l the more gratifying whe n restored . O r anothe r wa y of putting this is that the fear s an d anxietie s o f powerlessnes s ar e allowe d t o surfac e becaus e the genr e create s a secur e an d stabl e spac e i n whic h t o presen t an d frame them . This effect i s accomplished b y several device s that, to use the languag e of romance , hav e "withstoo d th e tes t o f time" : first, th e socia l contex t of a Harlequi n i s strictl y prescribe d b y rigi d convention , delineatin g a narrative worl d tha t appear s immutable , ahistorical , an d universa l i n it s meanings; second , th e clue s t o th e "meaning " o f characters ' languag e and gesture s ar e utterl y predictabl e an d eminentl y interpretable ; an d finally, i f al l els e fails , th e endin g i s absolutely certain—ther e neve r wa s a Harlequi n ye t i n whic h th e heroin e woun d u p poor , unhappy , an d loveless.13 Thus th e reade r i s free t o enjoy th e subject positio n o f humili ation, as well as the object positio n o f iron y a t the expense of the heroin e (and o f th e hero, who wil l himself b e subject t o love). Where a Bitc h figure appear s i n th e text , therefore , sh e provide s a stabilizing effect , lik e the thir d le g of a tripod, b y grounding th e reader' s fears i n a know n target . A s th e disruptiv e element , th e Terribl e Third , she define s an d delineate s "th e problem " i n term s o f th e binar y gende r
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system an d th e romanti c coupl e system . I f sh e ca n b e extruded , al l will be well . Ye t th e unhapp y coupl e forme d b y th e Goo d an d Ba d Wome n are th e secre t subtex t o f femal e sexuality . W e migh t eve n sa y tha t women appea r t o b e a t odd s i n thes e novels , whil e i n fac t the y ar e working differen t side s o f th e sam e street . Trappe d i n thes e stilted , inflexible, an d highl y stylize d representations , thorn s i n eac h other' s sides, define d eac h b y wha t th e othe r doe s no t hav e o r do , th e reade r sees th e Goo d Gir l an d th e Ba d Gir l humiliat e eac h other , depen d o n each other , deplo y strategie s o n eac h other , spen d endles s energ y o n undermining eac h other , bu t neve r understan d eac h other . I t is as if the y were a n ol d marrie d pair , i n fact , perhap s a mirror fo r th e reader' s ow n or feare d marriage . It has bee n frequentl y observe d tha t ther e is an astonishin g amoun t o f violence i n a Harlequi n novel , mos t obviousl y i n th e physica l forceful ness of th e hero, sometimes culminatin g i n rape or near-rape. Most ofte n the heroin e "understands " thi s fiercenes s t o b e a n effec t o f passion , i f not th e sig n o f it s intensit y an d value ; i n thi s wa y th e principle s o f coercion an d dominatio n ar e accommodate d withi n th e narrativ e b y affixing the m t o a natural "force " o f romanti c passion outsid e th e "will " and contro l o f th e protagonists . Th e Bitc h figure fits wel l int o thi s scheme a s a magnet fo r th e instabilit y o f aggressio n tha t floats unname d around th e text . First , mal e aggressio n an d privilege d acces s t o materia l wealth i s displace d ont o a figure tha t ca n b e hate d an d dispose d of , unlike th e necessar y male ; an d secondly , th e reader' s ow n desir e fo r outright pursui t o f and reveng e agains t th e mal e ca n b e projecte d ont o the Bitch . Th e Bitc h i s Who I Am Not , a definin g forc e o f th e heroine' s identity, whic h i s Sh e Who Ca n B e Loved—at th e pric e o f he r absolut e fidelity an d devotio n t o th e hero . Thus i n anothe r Harlequi n novel , Heart on Fire, b y Charlott e Lamb, 14 th e heroine i s insulted an d humiliate d b y the hero mor e tha n b y the Bitch-Riva l wh o w e ar e falsel y le d t o believ e i s hi s lover . Ellis , th e "dynamic hea d o f a n multinationa l corporation, " announce s t o th e heroine Claudia , who m h e hire s a s a temporar y secretary , tha t h e i s going to loc k he r i n his hotel suit e unti l sh e type s a report h e needs. He r response t o thi s mov e i s to b e resentfu l an d flash he r gree n eyes , but sh e does no t see m t o conside r tha t thi s i s i n fac t a n illega l ac t o f physi cal coercion , i f no t outrigh t slavery . He r explanatio n i s tha t "Elli s was a ver y powerfu l man . . . . H e wa s ric h an d use d t o hi s ow n way " (17). H e als o question s he r "insistently " i n th e first moment s o f thei r
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acquaintance a s t o whethe r "sh e wa s marrie d o r ha d a boyfrien d . . . lived alon e o r wit h others " (12) . Bu t sh e is , mysteriously , neithe r "threatened [n]o r alarmed " b y this strangel y intrusiv e behavior . When th e riva l Estell e i s introduce d (not e th e similarit y o f name s between th e mal e priz e an d th e femal e rival) , i t i s clea r tha t sh e to o colludes i n oppressin g th e heroine , treatin g he r rudel y an d emphasizin g her ow n clas s privilege , demanding , "Who' s that ? . . . She's on e o f you r girls [secretaries]! " (22) . . . . "Didn't yo u explai n tha t th e mea l wa s onl y for you r secretary? " (24) . Estelle is , not surprisingly , beautifu l an d sexy , purring "Darling " t o th e her o i n ever y scene , "icy " an d peremptor y ("Tell hi m I want t o talk t o him!") (43) . Yet though he r treatment o f th e heroine i s les s horrendou s tha n tha t o f th e her o Ellis—h e sneers , fo r example, "Ar e you s o stupid tha t yo u can't understan d a simple explana tion?" (29)—th e "dynami c hea d o f th e multinationa l corporation " i s soon forgive n fo r hi s trespasses, whereas Estell e is not . What Elli s does, in fact , t o place himself o n th e side of th e angel s is to make lov e t o th e heroin e immediatel y followin g al l thi s nast y degrada tion. The Bitc h Estell e als o likes to mak e love: "I t was easy to guess ho w Estelle fel t abou t him . Sh e mad e n o secre t o f it , kissin g hi m lingeringly , her arm s claspin g hi s neck , he r bod y leanin g toward s him . . . . Sh e couldn't hav e bee n mor e obviou s i f sh e ha d tried , Claudi a though t sourly" (133) . Bu t th e assertiv e sexualit y o f th e riva l doe s no t mitigat e her aggression , a s i t doe s th e hero's ; o n th e contrary , i t play s th e rol e of definin g th e relatio n betwee n gende r an d sexuality , sinc e i n wome n such behavio r ca n onl y hav e a "bad " intent . Thi s motiv e fo r bot h sexu ality an d aggressio n o n th e par t o f th e Bitc h i s late r identifie d a s "hus band-hunting"—as thoug h th e heroin e hersel f finds on e b y just trippin g over him . The plo t o f th e Harlequi n novel , then, make s goo d us e o f th e sexual ity of differenc e within gender , pitting innocen t se x against knowin g sex , humility agains t (female ) arrogance , col d upper-clas s beauty , taste , an d luxury agains t warm , modest , middle-clas s domesti c uprightness . Th e good heroin e an d he r wonderful/terribl e riva l pus h o r clas h agains t on e another bu t neve r tal k t o eac h othe r abou t thei r situatio n wit h anythin g like interes t o r curiosity , neve r wor k togethe r t o accomplis h a goal , never imagin e fo r eac h othe r th e possibilit y o f a female-femal e relatio n outside a narrative centere d o n a man a s the covete d prize . While the Bitch appear s i n the narrative t o be the obstacle to the heroine's freedom t o choose what she desires, in fact th e rigidity of these roles
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is the unacknowledged sourc e of oppression . I t is not onl y that the shap e they give to desire and to the "feminine" direct s the pleasure to one objec t only, as is frequently remarked ; more subtly than this, these narratives set up categorie s o f identit y tha t shu t of f th e flow o f pleasur e betwee n women, wh o ca n occup y onl y on e oppressiv e positio n a t th e expens e o f the other. 15 Th e only scenari o tha t ca n b e imagine d i s that a reversa l o f positions shoul d occur , i n which th e one-dow n heroin e mus t clim b ove r the body o f th e Bitch to take her place. Furthermore, this exchange mus t transpire without th e heroine ever playing the sex/gender game, since her "natural" goodnes s an d innocenc e presume sh e cannot knowingl y ac t i n her ow n interes t (a s can th e Bitc h an d th e male) . In the en d th e figure o f the Bitch construct s a stable, reassuring picture of a world rigidl y hierar chical yet structured a s a kind o f emotiona l meritocracy : on e (deserving ) wins only a t the loss of the other (allurin g but, fortunately, undeserving) . Bad riddance to good rubbish, says the Harlequin novel . One reaso n wh y th e Bitc h i s hate d i s tha t sh e expose s th e term s o f inequality i n th e world : sh e demand s withou t bein g willin g t o return , striking a goo d bargai n fo r herself , whic h th e heroin e (an d no t unlikel y the reader ) canno t do . A s i n al l fair y tales , it i s the humbl e wh o d o no t ask wh o ar e supposedl y th e mos t rewarded . Th e Bitch , o n th e othe r hand, seem s t o ge t awa y wit h murder , sexuall y o r romanticall y speak ing—until sh e hersel f i s murdere d b y bein g expunge d fro m th e plo t a t the novel' s end . Yo u wil l wan t t o kno w wha t th e fat e o f th e rude , insolent, cold , beautiful , short-haired , sexy , haught y Harrie t o f Unwanted Bride is : sh e i s forced , i n th e final pages , t o si t passivel y o n a sofa, watchin g wit h impotentl y hostil e eyes , a s th e heroin e i s aske d outside o n th e terrac e fo r he r marriag e proposa l fro m th e dominating but-good hero—wh o ha s finally, afte r 18 0 pages , caugh t o n a s t o wh o would really mak e th e bette r wife . Whether sh e sat stiffly o r no t i s not recorded .
NOTES
My thank s t o Pau l Mattick , Jr. , fo r hi s comments , an d fo r stimulatin g conversation on the subject of this paper, i. Th e title of m y paper was suggested b y an essay by Caesara Arbatis , "Th e Ugly-Pretty, Dull-Bright, Weak-Strong Girl in the Gothic Mansion," Journal of Popular Culture 1 3 (1979) : 257-63 , whic h point s t o th e paradoxica l traits that produce the heroine of the Gothic novel.
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2. Jessic a Benjamin , Bonds of Love: Psychoanalysis, Feminism and the Problem of Domination (Ne w York : Pantheo n Press , 1988) . 3. Severa l work s usefull y trac e th e histor y an d variet y o f women' s popula r romances: Kay Mussell, Fantasy and Reconciliation: Contemporary Formulas of Women's Romance Fiction (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1984); Jean Radford, ed., The Progress of Romance: The Politics of Popular Fiction (London : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul , 1986) ; Caro l Thurston , The Romance Revolution: Erotic Novels for Women and the Quest for a New Sexual Identity (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1987) . 4. Th e relatio n betwee n women' s sexualit y an d th e for m o f th e genre i s exam ined b y bot h An n Douglas , "Soft-Por n Culture, " New Republic, 3 0 Augus t 1980, 2 5 - 2 9 ; an d An n Snitow , "Mas s Marke t Romance : Pornograph y fo r Women i s Different, " i n Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, ed . Ann Snitow , Christin e Stansell , an d Sharo n Thompso n (Ne w York : Monthly Revie w Press , 1983) . 5. On e think s o f Samue l Richardson' s Pamela: or, Virtue Rewarded a s th e type of thi s standard plo t i n the British novel , for example . 6. Jea n Kennar d ha s writte n abou t th e "conventio n o f th e tw o suitors " i n th e British nove l i n Victims of Convention (Hamden , Conn. : Archo n Press , 1978), a s has H. M . Daleski , The Divided Heroine: A Recurrent Pattern in Six British Novels (Ne w York : Holme s an d Meier , 1983) . 7. Women' s romanti c fantasie s hav e bee n explore d i n contrastin g way s b y Rosalind Coward , whos e Female Desires (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1985 ) i s interesting an d provocative , an d Janic e Radway , Reading the Romance: Women, Patriarchy and Popular Literature (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1984) . Cowar d point s ou t tha t th e powe r o f me n i s fearfully adore d an d i s marke d b y thei r greate r age , emotional detachment , social status , an d contro l ove r other s (190) . Wher e Radway' s importan t study implie s tha t wome n fantasiz e domesticatin g me n int o nurturin g fig ures a s th e mos t importan t elemen t o f th e plot , Cowar d emphasize s tha t women d o acquir e powe r i n th e novels , renderin g me n "th e helples s slave s of passion, " disciplinin g an d humblin g the m (196) , thoug h a t th e pric e o f ignoring the damag e inflicte d b y patriarchal relations . 8. Loi s Banner' s American Beauty (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1984) studie s th e stereotypica l powe r o f femal e beaut y t o attrac t wealt h and status . 9. Ann e Hampson, Unwanted Bride (Ontario : Harlequin Presents , 1982) . 10. Thi s is a point made a t length by Tania Modleski , Loving with a Vengeance: Mass-Produced Fantasies for Women (Hamden, Conn. : Archo n Books , 1982). 11. Ja n Cohn' s excellen t Women and the Erotics of Property (Durham , N.C. : Duke Universit y Press , 1988 ) see s Harlequin s a s fantasie s o f "power, " which sh e define s rathe r narrowly , i n m y view , a s contro l ove r propert y and authority . Sh e say s disappointingl y littl e abou t th e powe r o f femal e rivals, however . 12. Th e pleasures an d "positive , life-affirming values " o f Harlequin s ar e argue d
The Wonderful-Terrible Bitch Figure in Harlequin Novels 28 1 for i n Jayn e An n Krentz , ed. , Dangerous Men and Adventurous Women: Romance Writers on the Appeal of the Romance (Philadelphia : Universit y of Pennsylvani a Press , 1992.) . Fo r a comple x refutatio n o f th e "escape " theory o f motivation , se e Radway, Reading the Romance. 13. O n th e conventions o f readin g popular genr e fiction, se e Thomas J. Roberts , An Aesthetics of Junk Fiction (Athens : Universit y o f Georgi a Press , 1990) ; Tony Bennett , ed. , Popular Fiction: Technology, Ideology, Production, Reading (London : Routledge , 1990) ; an d Jerr y Palmer , "Readin g a s a Woman," i n Potboilers: Methods, Concepts and Case Studies in Popular Fiction (London : Routledge , 1991) . 14. Charlott e Lamb , Heart on Fire (Toronto: Harlequin Presents , 1992) . 15. Ka y Mussel l note s tha t ver y fe w heroine s i n popula r romance s hav e clos e female friend s thei r ow n age , leavin g wome n dependen t o n me n fo r emo tional suppor t (Fantasy and Reconciliation, 107) . Tani a Modlesk i als o re marks that "thi s fantasy . . . ensures the impossibility o f women eve r getting together (a s women ) t o for m a 'subculture' " (Feminism without Women: Culture and Criticism in a "Postfeminist" Age [London : Routledge, 1991]) . REFERENCES
Arbatis, Caesara . "Th e Ugly-Pretty, Dull-Bright , Weak-Strong Gir l in the Gothi c Mansion." Journal of Popular Culture 1 3 (1979) : 257-63 . Banner, Lois . American Beauty. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1984 . Benjamin, Jessica. Bonds of Love: Psychoanalysis, Feminism and the Problem of Domination. Ne w York : Pantheo n Press , 1988 . Bennett, Tony, ed. Popular Fiction: Technology, Ideology, Production, Reading. London: Routledge , 1990 . Cohn, Jan . Women and the Erotics of Property. Durham : Duk e Universit y Press, 1988 . Coward, Rosalind . Female Desires. Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1985 . Daleski, H. M . The Divided Heroine: A Recurrent Pattern in Six British Novels. New York : Holme s an d Meier , 1983 . Douglas, Ann. "Soft-Por n Culture. " New Republic, 3 0 August 1980 : 25-29 . Hampson, Anne . Unwanted Bride. Toronto : Harlequin Presents , 1982 . Kennard, Jean. Victims of Convention. Hamden , Conn. : Archo n Press , 1978 . Krentz, Jayn e Ann , ed . Dangerous Men and Adventurous Women: Romance Writers on the Appeal of the Romance. Philadelphia : Universit y o f Pennsylva nia Press , 1992 . Lamb, Charlotte. Heart on Fire. Toronto: Harlequi n Presents , 1992 . Modleski, Tania . Feminism without Women: Culture and Criticism in a "Postfeminist" Age. London : Routledge , 1991 . . Loving with a Vengeance: Mass-Produced Fantasies for Women. Ham den, Conn.: Archo n Books , 1982 . Mussell, Kay. Fantasy and Reconciliation: Contemporary Formulas of Women's Romance Fiction. Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1984 .
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Palmer, Jerry. Potboilers: Methods, Concepts and Case Studies in Popular Fiction. London : Routledge , 1991. Radford, Jean , ed . The Progress of Romance: The Politics of Popular Fiction. London: Routledge , 1986 . Radway, Janice. Reading the Romance: Women, Patriarchy and Popular Literature. Chape l Hill : University o f North Carolin a Press , 1984 . Roberts, Thomas J. An Aesthetics of Junk Fiction. Athens : University o f Georgi a Press, 1990 . Snitow, Ann . "Mas s Marke t Romance : Pornograph y fo r Wome n i s Different. " In Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, edite d b y Ann Snitow , Chris tine Stansell , an d Sharo n Thompson . Ne w York : Monthl y Revie w Press , 1983. Thurston, Carol . The Romance Revolution: Erotic Novels for Women and the Quest for a New Sexual Identity. Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1987 .
14. THE PROBLE M O F SPEAKIN G FOR OTHER S LINDA ALCOF F
Consider th e followin g tru e stories : Anne Cameron , a very gifted whit e Canadia n author , writes several semifictiona l accounts o f th e lives of Nativ e Canadia n women . Sh e writes the m i n firs t perso n and assume s a Native identity . A t th e 198 8 Internationa l Feminis t Boo k Fai r i n Montreal, a grou p o f Nativ e Canadia n writer s decide d t o as k Camero n to , i n their words , "mov e over, " o n th e ground s tha t he r writing s ar e disempowerin g for Nativ e authors . She agrees. 1 After th e 198 9 elections in Panama ar e overturned b y Manuel Noriega, Presiden t Bush declare s i n a publi c addres s tha t Noriega' s action s constitut e a n "outra geous fraud " an d tha t "th e voice of th e Panamanian peopl e have spoken. " "Th e Panamanian people, " h e tell s us , "wan t democrac y an d no t tyranny , an d wan t Noriega out. " H e proceeds t o plan th e invasion o f Panama . At a recen t symposiu m a t m y university , a prestigiou s theoris t wa s invite d t o give a lectur e o n th e politica l problem s o f postmodernism . Thos e o f u s i n th e audience, includin g man y whit e wome n an d peopl e o f oppresse d nationalitie s and races , waite d i n eage r anticipatio n fo r wha t h e ha d t o contribut e t o thi s important discussion . T o ou r disappointment , h e introduce d hi s lectur e b y ex plaining tha t h e coul d no t cove r th e assigne d topic , becaus e a s a whit e mal e h e did no t fee l tha t h e coul d spea k fo r th e feminis t an d postcolonia l perspective s that hav e launche d th e critica l interrogatio n o f postmodernism' s politics . H e went o n t o giv e us a lecture o n architecture . 285
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These example s demonstrat e th e rang e o f curren t practice s o f speak ing fo r other s i n ou r society . Th e prerogativ e o f speakin g fo r other s remains unquestione d i n th e citadel s o f colonia l administration , whil e among activist s an d i n th e academ y i t elicit s a growin g uneas e and , i n some communitie s o f discourse , i t i s bein g rejected . Ther e i s a strong , albeit contested , curren t withi n feminis m tha t hold s tha t speakin g fo r others—even fo r othe r women—i s arrogant , vain , unethical, an d politi cally illegitimate . Feminis t scholarshi p ha s a liberator y agend a tha t al most require s tha t wome n scholar s spea k o n behal f o f othe r women , and ye t th e danger s o f speakin g acros s difference s o f race , culture , sexuality, an d powe r ar e becomin g increasingl y clea r t o all . In feminis t magazines suc h a s Sojourner, i t i s common t o find article s an d letter s i n which th e autho r state s tha t sh e ca n onl y spea k fo r herself . In he r important paper , "Dyk e Methods, " Joyc e Trebilco t offer s a philosophi cal articulatio n o f thi s view . Sh e renounce s fo r hersel f th e practic e o f speaking fo r other s withi n a lesbia n feminis t community , an d argue s further tha t sh e "wil l not try to get other wimmin t o accep t my beliefs i n place o f thei r own " o n th e ground s tha t t o d o s o would b e to practic e a kind o f discursiv e coercio n an d eve n a violence. 2 Feminist discours e i s not th e onl y sit e in which th e proble m o f speak ing fo r other s ha s bee n acknowledge d an d addressed , however . In an thropology ther e i s als o muc h discussio n goin g o n abou t whethe r i t i s possible t o adequatel y o r justifiabl y spea k fo r others . Trin h T . Minh-h a explains th e ground s fo r skepticis m whe n sh e say s tha t anthropolog y i s "mainly a conversatio n o f 'us ' wit h 'us ' abou t 'them, ' o f th e whit e ma n with th e whit e ma n abou t th e primitive-natur e ma n . . . i n which 'them ' is silenced. 'Them ' alway s stand s o n th e other sid e of th e hill, naked an d speechless . . . 'them ' i s onl y admitte d amon g 'us, ' th e discussin g sub jects, whe n accompanie d o r introduce d b y a n 'us. ' "3 Give n thi s analy sis, eve n ethnographie s writte n b y progressiv e anthropologist s ar e a priori regressiv e becaus e o f th e structura l feature s o f anthropologica l discursive practice . The recognitio n tha t ther e i s a proble m i n speakin g fo r other s ha s followed fro m th e widesprea d acceptanc e o f tw o claims . First, ther e i s a growing awarenes s tha t wher e on e speak s fro m affect s th e meanin g an d truth o f wha t on e says , an d thu s tha t on e canno t assum e a n abilit y t o transcend one' s location . In othe r words , a speaker' s locatio n (whic h I take her e t o refe r t o thei r social location , o r socia l identity ) ha s a n epistemically significan t impac t o n tha t speaker' s claim s an d ca n serv e
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either t o authoriz e o r disauthoriz e one' s speech . Th e creatio n o f Women's Studie s an d Africa n America n Studie s department s wer e founded o n thi s ver y belief : tha t bot h th e stud y o f an d th e advocac y for th e oppresse d mus t com e t o b e don e principall y b y th e oppresse d themselves, an d tha t w e mus t finall y acknowledg e tha t systemati c diver gences i n socia l locatio n betwee n speaker s an d thos e spoke n fo r wil l have a significan t effec t o n th e conten t o f wha t i s said . Th e unspoke n premise her e i s simply tha t a speaker' s locatio n i s epistemically salient . I shall explor e this issue further i n the next section . The second clai m holds that, not onl y is location epistemicall y salient , but certai n privilege d location s ar e discursivel y dangerous. 4 I n particu lar, th e practic e o f privilege d person s speakin g fo r o r o n behal f o f les s privileged person s ha s actuall y resulte d (i n man y cases ) i n increasin g o r reinforcing th e oppressio n o f th e grou p spoke n for . Thi s was par t o f th e argument mad e agains t Ann e Cameron' s speakin g fo r Nativ e women : Cameron's intention s wer e neve r i n question , bu t th e effect s o f he r writing wer e argue d t o b e counterproductiv e t o th e need s o f Nativ e women becaus e i t i s Camero n wh o wil l b e listene d an d pai d attentio n to. Persons from dominan t group s who spea k for other s are often treate d as authenticatin g presence s tha t confe r legitimac y an d credibilit y o n th e demands o f subjugate d speakers ; suc h speakin g fo r other s doe s nothin g to disrup t th e discursiv e hierarchie s tha t operat e i n publi c spaces . Fo r this reason , th e wor k o f privilege d author s wh o spea k o n behal f o f th e oppressed i s comin g mor e an d mor e unde r criticis m fro m member s o f those oppressed group s themselves. 5 As social theorist s w e ar e authorize d b y virtu e o f ou r academi c posi tions t o develo p theorie s tha t expres s an d encompas s th e ideas , needs , and goal s o f others . However , w e mus t begi n t o as k ourselve s whethe r this i s eve r a legitimat e authority , an d i f so , wha t ar e th e criteri a fo r legitimacy? I n particular , i s i t eve r vali d t o spea k fo r other s wh o ar e unlike me or who ar e less privileged tha n me ? We migh t tr y t o delimi t thi s proble m a s onl y arisin g whe n a mor e privileged perso n speak s fo r a les s privileged one . In this case , we migh t say tha t I shoul d onl y spea k fo r group s o f whic h I a m a member . Bu t this doe s no t tel l u s ho w group s themselve s shoul d b e delimited . Fo r example, ca n a whit e woma n spea k fo r al l wome n simpl y b y virtu e o f being a woman ? I f not , ho w narrowl y shoul d w e dra w th e categories ? The complexit y an d multiplicit y o f grou p identification s coul d resul t i n "communities" compose d o f singl e individuals . Moreover , th e concep t
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of group s assume s speciou s notion s abou t clear-cu t boundarie s an d "pure" identities . I am a Panamanian-America n an d a perso n o f mixe d ethnicity an d race : hal f white/Angl a an d hal f Panamania n mestiza . Th e criterion o f grou p identit y leave s man y unanswere d question s fo r a person suc h a s myself , sinc e I hav e membershi p i n man y conflictin g groups bu t m y membership i n al l of the m i s problematic. O n wha t basi s can w e justify a decisio n t o demarcat e group s an d defin e membershi p i n one way rathe r tha n another ? Fo r al l of these reasons it quickly become s apparent tha t n o eas y solution t o the problem o f speakin g for other s ca n be foun d b y simpl y restrictin g th e practic e t o speakin g fo r group s o f which on e is a member . Adopting th e positio n tha t on e shoul d onl y spea k fo r onesel f raise s similarly difficul t questions . Fo r example , we migh t ask , i f I don't spea k for thos e les s privilege d tha n myself , a m I abandonin g m y politica l responsibility t o spea k ou t agains t oppression , a responsibilit y incurre d by th e ver y fac t o f m y privilege ? I f I shoul d no t spea k fo r others , should I restrict myself t o following thei r lead uncritically? I s my greates t contribution t o move over and get out of the way? An d i f so, what i s the best way t o d o this—to kee p silent or to deconstruc t m y discourse ? The answer s t o thes e question s wil l certainl y diffe r significantl y de pending o n wh o i s askin g them . Whil e som e o f u s ma y wan t t o under mine, fo r example , th e U.S . government' s practic e o f speakin g fo r th e "third world, " w e ma y not wan t t o undermin e someon e suc h a s Rigo berta Menchu' s abilit y t o spea k fo r Guatemala n Indians. 6 S o th e ques tion arise s a s t o whethe r al l instance s o f speakin g fo r shoul d b e con demned and , i f not , ho w w e ca n justif y a position tha t woul d repudiat e some speakers while acceptin g others . In orde r t o answe r thes e question s w e nee d t o becom e cleare r o n th e epistemological an d metaphysica l issue s involve d i n th e articulatio n o f the proble m o f speakin g fo r others , issue s tha t mos t ofte n remai n im plicit. I wil l attemp t t o mak e thes e issue s clear , an d the n I wil l tur n t o discuss som e o f th e possibl e response s t o th e proble m befor e advancin g a provisional , procedura l on e o f m y own . Bu t first I nee d t o explai n further my framing o f th e problem . In th e example s use d above , ther e ma y appea r t o b e a conflatio n between th e issu e of speakin g fo r other s an d th e issue of speakin g abou t others. This conflatio n wa s intentiona l o n my part . Ther e i s an ambigu ity i n th e tw o phrases : whe n on e i s speakin g fo r anothe r on e ma y b e describing thei r situatio n an d thu s als o speakin g abou t them . In fact , i t
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may b e impossibl e t o spea k fo r anothe r withou t simultaneousl y confer ring informatio n abou t them . Similarly , whe n on e i s speakin g abou t another, o r simpl y trying to describ e thei r situatio n o r som e aspec t of it , one ma y als o b e speakin g i n plac e o f them , i.e. , speakin g fo r them . On e may b e speakin g abou t anothe r a s a n advocat e o r a messenge r i f th e person canno t spea k fo r herself . Thu s I woul d maintai n tha t i f th e practice o f speakin g fo r other s i s problematic, s o to o mus t b e th e prac tice of speakin g abou t others , sinc e i t i s difficult t o distinguis h speakin g about fro m speakin g for i n all cases. 7 Moreover, i f we accept the premise stated abov e tha t a speaker' s locatio n ha s a n epistemicall y significan t impact o n tha t speaker' s claims , the n bot h th e practic e o f speakin g fo r and o f speakin g abou t rais e similar issues . I will try to focu s m y remark s in thi s pape r o n th e practic e o f speakin g fo r others , bu t i t wil l b e impossible t o kee p thi s practic e neatl y disentangle d fro m th e practic e o f speaking about . If "speakin g about " i s als o involve d here , however , th e entir e edific e of th e "crisi s o f representation " mus t b e connecte d a s well . I n bot h th e practice o f speakin g fo r a s well a s the practice o f speakin g abou t others , I a m engagin g i n th e ac t o f representin g th e other' s needs , goals , situa tion, an d i n fact, who they are. I am representin g the m as such an d such , or i n post-structuralis t terms , I a m participatin g i n th e constructio n o f their subjec t positions . Thi s ac t o f representatio n canno t b e understoo d as founde d o n a n ac t o f discover y wherei n I discove r thei r tru e selve s and the n simpl y relat e m y discovery . I wil l tak e i t a s a give n tha t such representation s ar e i n ever y cas e mediate d an d th e produc t o f interpretation (whic h i s connected t o th e clai m tha t a speaker' s locatio n has epistemi c salience) . An d i t i s precisel y becaus e o f th e mediate d character o f al l representations tha t some persons have rejected o n political as well a s epistemic grounds th e legitimacy o f speakin g fo r others . And onc e w e pose i t a s a proble m o f representation , w e se e that, no t only ar e speakin g fo r an d speakin g abou t analyticall y close , s o to o ar e the practice s o f speakin g fo r other s an d speakin g fo r myself . For , i n speaking fo r myself , I am als o representin g my sel f i n a certai n way , a s occupying a specifi c subject-position , havin g certai n characteristic s an d not others , and s o on. In speakin g fo r myself , I (momentarily) creat e m y self—just a s muc h a s whe n I spea k fo r other s I creat e thei r selves—i n the sens e tha t I creat e a public , discursiv e self , a sel f whic h i s mor e unified tha n an y subjectiv e experienc e ca n support , an d thi s publi c sel f will i n mos t case s hav e a n effec t o n th e sel f experience d a s interiority .
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The poin t i s that a kind o f representatio n occur s i n al l cases o f speakin g for, whethe r I am speakin g fo r mysel f o r fo r others , that thi s representa tion i s never a simpl e ac t o f discovery , an d tha t i t wil l mos t likel y hav e an impac t o n th e individual s o represented . Although clearly , then , th e issu e o f speakin g fo r other s i s connecte d to th e issu e o f representatio n generally , th e forme r I se e a s a ver y specific subse t o f th e latter . I a m skeptica l tha t genera l account s o f representation ar e adequat e t o th e complexit y an d specificit y o f th e problem o f speakin g for others . Finally, th e wa y I hav e articulate d thi s proble m ma y impl y tha t individuals mak e consciou s choice s abou t thei r discursiv e practic e fre e of ideolog y an d th e constraint s o f materia l reality . Thi s i s no t wha t I wish t o imply . Th e proble m i s a socia l one , th e option s availabl e t o us ar e sociall y constructed , an d th e practice s w e engag e i n canno t b e understood a s simpl y th e result s o f autonomou s individua l choice . Ye t to replac e bot h "I " an d "we " wit h a passiv e voic e tha t erase s agenc y results i n a n erasur e o f responsibilit y an d accountabilit y fo r one' s speech, a n erasur e I would strenuousl y argu e agains t (ther e i s to o littl e responsibility-taking alread y i n Western practice!) . When w e sit down t o write, o r get u p t o speak , w e experienc e ourselve s a s makin g choices . We ma y experienc e hesitatio n fro m fea r o f bein g criticize d o r fro m fea r of exacerbatin g a proble m w e woul d lik e t o remedy , o r w e ma y experi ence a resolv e t o spea k despit e existin g obstacles , bu t w e experienc e i n many case s havin g th e possibilit y t o spea k o r no t t o speak . O n th e on e hand, a theor y tha t explain s thi s experienc e a s involvin g autonomou s choices fre e o f materia l structure s would b e false an d ideological , but o n the othe r hand , i f w e d o no t acknowledg e th e activit y o f choic e an d th e experience o f individua l doubt , w e are denying a reality o f ou r experien tial lives. 8 S o I se e th e argumen t o f thi s pape r a s addressin g tha t smal l space o f discursiv e agenc y w e al l experience , howeve r multilayered , fictional, an d constraine d i t in fact is . The possibility o f speakin g for other s bears crucially on the possibilit y of politica l effectivity . Bot h collectiv e actio n an d coalition s woul d see m to requir e th e possibilit y o f speakin g for . Ye t influentia l postmodernist s such a s Gille s Deleuz e hav e characterize d a s "absolutel y fundamental : the indignit y o f speakin g fo r others," 9 and , a s alread y mentioned , im portant feminis t theorist s suc h a s Joyc e Trebilco t hav e renounce d th e practice fo r themselves , thu s causin g man y peopl e t o questio n it s valid ity. I want t o explor e wha t i s at stak e i n rejectin g o r validatin g speakin g
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for other s a s a discursiv e practice . Bu t first, w e mus t becom e cleare r o n the epistemologica l an d metaphysica l claim s implici t i n th e articulatio n of th e problem . A plethora o f source s hav e argue d i n thi s centur y tha t th e neutralit y o f the theorize r ca n n o longer , ca n neve r again , b e sustained , eve n fo r a moment. Critica l theory , discourse s o f empowerment , psychoanalyti c theory, post-structuralism , feminis t an d anticolonialis t theorie s hav e al l concurred o n thi s point . Wh o i s speakin g t o who m turn s ou t t o b e a s important fo r meanin g an d trut h a s wha t i s said ; i n fac t wha t i s sai d turns ou t t o chang e accordin g t o wh o i s speakin g an d wh o i s listening . Following Foucault , I wil l cal l thes e "ritual s o f speaking " t o identif y discursive practice s o f speakin g o r writin g tha t involv e no t onl y th e tex t or utteranc e bu t thei r positio n withi n a socia l spac e tha t include s th e persons involve d in , actin g upon , and/o r affecte d b y th e words . Tw o elements withi n thes e ritual s wil l deserve ou r attention : th e positionalit y or locatio n o f th e speake r an d th e discursiv e context . W e ca n tak e th e latter t o refe r t o th e connection s an d relation s o f involvemen t betwee n the utterance/tex t an d othe r utterance s an d text s a s wel l a s th e materia l practices i n th e relevan t environment , whic h shoul d no t b e confuse d with a n environment spatiall y adjacen t t o the particular discursiv e event . Rituals o f speakin g ar e constitutiv e o f meaning , th e meanin g o f th e words spoke n a s well a s the meanin g o f th e event. This claim requires u s to shif t th e ontolog y o f meanin g fro m it s locatio n i n a tex t o r utteranc e to a large r space , a spac e tha t include s th e tex t o r utteranc e bu t als o includes th e discursiv e context . An d a n importan t implicatio n o f thi s claim i s that meanin g mus t b e understood a s plural an d shifting , sinc e a single tex t ca n engende r divers e meaning s give n divers e contexts . No t only wha t i s emphasized , noticed , an d ho w i t i s understoo d wil l b e affected b y th e locatio n o f bot h speake r an d hearer , bu t th e truth-valu e or epistemic status will als o b e affected . For example , i n man y situation s whe n a woman speak s th e presump tion i s agains t her ; whe n a ma n speak s h e i s usuall y take n seriousl y (unless hi s speec h pattern s mar k hi m a s sociall y inferio r b y dominan t standards). Whe n writer s fro m oppresse d race s an d nationalitie s hav e insisted tha t al l writin g i s political , th e clai m ha s bee n dismisse d a s foolish o r grounde d i n ressentiment o r i t is simply ignored ; whe n presti gious Europea n philosopher s sa y tha t al l writin g i s political , i t i s take n up a s a ne w an d origina l "truth " (Judit h Wilso n call s thi s "th e intellec -
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tual equivalen t o f th e 'cove r record'"). 10 Th e ritual s o f speakin g tha t involve th e locatio n o f speake r an d listener s affec t whethe r a clai m i s taken a s true , wel l reasoned , a compellin g argument , o r a significan t idea. Thus , ho w wha t i s sai d get s hear d depend s o n wh o say s it , an d who say s it will affec t th e styl e and languag e i n which i t is stated, whic h will i n tur n affec t it s perceive d significanc e (fo r specifi c hearers) . Th e discursive styl e i n whic h som e Europea n post-structuralist s hav e mad e the clai m tha t al l writin g i s political mark s i t a s importan t an d likel y t o be tru e fo r a certai n (powerful ) milieu ; wherea s th e styl e i n whic h African-American writer s mad e th e sam e clai m marke d thei r speec h a s dismissable i n the eyes of th e sam e milieu . This poin t migh t b e concede d b y thos e wh o admi t t o th e politica l mutability o f interpretation, bu t the y migh t continu e t o maintai n tha t truth i s a differen t matte r altogether . An d the y woul d b e righ t tha t th e establishment o f locations ' effec t o n meanin g an d eve n o n whethe r something i s taken a s tru e withi n a particula r discursiv e contex t doe s not entai l tha t th e "actual " trut h o f th e clai m i s contingen t upo n it s context. However , thi s objectio n presuppose s a particular conceptio n o f truth, on e i n whic h th e trut h o f a statemen t ca n b e distinguishe d fro m its interpretation an d it s acceptance. Such a concept woul d requir e trut h to b e independen t o f th e speakers ' o r listeners ' embodie d an d perspecti val location (excep t in the trivial case of a speaker's indexical statements , e.g., " I a m no w sittin g down") . Thus, th e questio n o f whethe r locatio n bear s simpl y o n wha t i s take n to b e tru e o r wha t i s reall y true , an d whethe r suc h a distinctio n ca n b e upheld, involve s th e ver y difficul t proble m o f th e meanin g o f truth . In the histor y o f Wester n philosophy , ther e hav e existe d multiple , compet ing definitions an d ontologies of truth: correspondence , idealist, pragma tist, coherentist , an d consensua l notions . Th e dominan t vie w ha s bee n that trut h represent s a relationship o f correspondenc e betwee n a propo sition an d a n extra-discursiv e reality . O n thi s view , trut h i s abou t a realm completel y independen t o f human action , an d expresse s things "a s they ar e in themselves," tha t is , free o f huma n interpretation . Arguably sinc e Kant , mor e obviousl y sinc e Hegel , i t ha s bee n widel y accepted tha t a n understandin g o f trut h whic h require s i t t o b e fre e o f human interpretatio n lead s inexorabl y t o skepticism , sinc e i t make s truth inaccessibl e b y definition . Thi s create d a n impetu s t o reconfigur e the ontolog y o f truth , o r it s locus, from a place outsid e huma n interpre tation t o on e withi n it . Hegel , fo r example , understoo d trut h a s a n
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"identity i n difference" betwee n subjectiv e an d objectiv e elements . Thus, within th e variet y o f view s workin g i n th e Hegelia n aftermath , so called subjective elements , or th e historically specifi c conditions in whic h human knowledg e occurs , ar e n o longe r rendere d irrelevan t o r eve n obstacles t o truth . On a coherentist accoun t o f truth , fo r example , which i s held b y suc h philosophers a s Rorty , Donal d Davidson , Quine , an d ( I woul d argue ) Gadamer an d Foucault , trut h i s define d a s a n emergen t propert y o f converging discursiv e an d nondiscursiv e elements , whe n ther e exist s a specific for m o f integratio n betwee n thes e element s i n a particular event . Such a view has n o necessar y relationshi p t o idealism , bu t i t allows us t o understand ho w th e socia l locatio n o f th e speaker ca n b e said to bea r o n truth. Th e speaker' s locatio n i s on e o f th e element s tha t converg e t o produce meanin g an d thu s t o determin e epistemi c validity. 11 Let m e retur n no w t o th e formulatio n o f th e problem o f speakin g fo r others. Ther e ar e tw o premise s implie d b y th e articulatio n o f th e prob lem, an d unpackin g thes e shoul d advanc e ou r understandin g o f th e issues involved . Premise i . Th e "ritua l o f speaking" (a s defined above ) in which a n utterance is located, alway s bear s on meanin g and trut h suc h tha t ther e is no possibility of rendering positionality, location, or context irrelevant to content. The phras e "bear s on " her e shoul d indicat e som e variable amoun t o f influence shor t o f determinatio n o r fixing. One importan t implicatio n o f thi s first premis e i s tha t w e ca n n o longer determin e th e validit y o f a give n instanc e o f speakin g fo r other s simply b y askin g whether o r no t th e speake r ha s done sufficient researc h to justif y thei r claims . Adequate researc h wil l b e a necessary bu t insuffi cient criterion o f evaluation . Now le t us look a t the secon d premise . Premise 2 . All contexts and locations are differentially relate d in complex ways to structure s o f oppression . Give n tha t trut h i s connecte d t o politics , thes e political differences betwee n locations will produce epistemic differences a s well. The clai m her e tha t "trut h i s connected t o politics " follow s necessar ily fro m Premis e 1 . Ritual s o f speakin g ar e politicall y constitute d b y power relation s o f domination , exploitation , an d subordination . Wh o i s speaking, who i s spoken of , an d wh o listen s is a result, a s well as an act , of politica l struggle . Simpl y put , th e discursiv e contex t i s a politica l
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arena. T o th e exten t tha t thi s contex t bear s o n meaning , an d meanin g i s in som e sens e th e objec t o f truth , w e canno t mak e a n epistemi c evalua tion of the claim without simultaneousl y assessin g the politics of the situation. According t o th e firs t premise , thoug h w e canno t maintai n a neutra l voice, w e ma y a t leas t al l clai m th e righ t an d legitimac y t o speak . Bu t the secon d premis e suggest s tha t som e voice s ma y b e disauthorize d o n grounds tha t ar e simultaneousl y politica l an d epistemic . Any statemen t will invok e th e structure s o f powe r allie d wit h th e socia l locatio n o f the speaker , asid e fro m th e speaker' s intention s o r attempt s t o avoi d such invocations . The conjunctio n o f Premise s i an d 2 suggest s tha t th e speake r lose s some portio n o f thei r contro l ove r th e meanin g an d trut h o f thei r utter ance. Give n tha t th e contex t o f hearer s i s partiall y determinant , th e speaker i s not th e maste r o r mistres s o f th e situation . Speaker s ma y see k to regain contro l her e by taking into accoun t th e context o f their speech , but they can never know everythin g abou t thi s context, an d wit h writte n and electroni c communicatio n i t i s becomin g increasingl y difficul t t o know anythin g a t al l about th e contex t o f reception . This los s o f contro l ma y b e take n b y som e speaker s t o mea n tha t n o speaker ca n b e hel d accountabl e fo r thei r discursiv e actions . The mean ing o f an y discursiv e even t wil l b e shiftin g an d plural , fragmented , an d even inconsistent . A s it ranges ove r divers e space s an d transform s i n th e mind o f it s recipient s accordin g t o thei r differen t horizon s o f interpreta tion, th e effectiv e contro l o f th e speake r ove r th e meaning s the y pu t i n motion ma y see m negligible . However , a partial los s of contro l doe s no t entail a complete los s o f accountability . An d moreover , th e bette r w e understand th e trajectorie s b y whic h meaning s proliferate , th e mor e likely we can increase , though alway s onl y partially, ou r abilit y t o direc t the interpretation s an d transformation s ou r speec h undergoes . Whe n I acknowledge tha t th e listener' s socia l locatio n wil l affec t th e meanin g of m y words , I ca n mor e effectivel y generat e th e meanin g I intend . Paradoxically, th e vie w tha t hold s th e speake r o r autho r o f a speec h act a s solel y responsibl e fo r it s meaning s ensure s thei r leas t effectiv e determinacy ove r the meanings that ar e produced . We d o no t nee d t o posi t th e existenc e o f full y consciou s act s o r containable, fixed meaning s i n order t o hold tha t speaker s ca n alte r thei r discursive practice s an d b e hel d accountabl e fo r a t leas t som e o f th e effects o f thes e practices . I t i s a fals e dilemm a t o pos e th e choic e her e a s
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one betwee n n o accountabilit y o r complet e causa l power . Th e truth , a s usual, lies somewhere i n between . In th e nex t sectio n I shal l conside r som e possibl e response s t o th e problem o f speakin g fo r others . The first respons e I will conside r i s to argu e tha t th e formulatio n o f th e problem wit h speakin g fo r other s involve s a retrograde , metaphysicall y insupportable essentialis m tha t assume s on e ca n rea d of f th e trut h an d meaning o f what on e say s straigh t fro m th e discursiv e context . Thi s response I wil l cal l th e "Charg e o f Reductionism " response , becaus e i t argues that a sort o f reductionis t theor y o f justificatio n (o r evaluation) i s entailed b y premise s i an d 2 . Suc h a reductionis t theor y might , fo r example, reduc e evaluatio n t o a politica l assessmen t o f th e speaker' s location wher e tha t locatio n i s see n a s a n insurmountabl e essenc e tha t fixes one, as if one's fee t ar e superglued t o a spot o n th e sidewalk . After I vehementl y defende d Barbar a Christian' s article , "Th e Rac e for Theory, " recently , a mal e frien d wh o ha d a differen t evaluatio n o f the piece couldn' t hel p raisin g the possibility o f whethe r a sort o f apolo getics structured m y response, motivated b y a desire to valorize African American writin g agains t al l odds. His questio n i n effec t raise d th e issu e of th e reductionist/essentialist theor y o f justificatio n I just described . I, too, would rejec t reductionis t theorie s o f justificatio n an d essential ist account s o f wha t i t mean s t o hav e a location . T o sa y tha t locatio n bears o n meanin g an d trut h i s no t th e sam e a s sayin g tha t locatio n determines meanin g an d truth . An d locatio n i s not a fixed essenc e abso lutely authorizin g one' s speec h i n th e wa y tha t God' s favo r absolutel y authorized th e speec h o f Moses . Locatio n an d positionalit y shoul d no t be conceive d a s one-dimensiona l o r static , bu t a s multipl e an d wit h varying degree s o f mobility. 12 Wha t i t means , then , t o spea k fro m o r within a grou p and/o r a locatio n i s immensel y complex . T o th e exten t that locatio n i s no t a fixed essence , an d t o th e exten t tha t ther e i s a n uneasy, underdetermined , an d conteste d relationshi p betwee n locatio n on th e on e han d an d meanin g an d trut h o n th e other , w e canno t reduc e evaluation o f meanin g an d trut h t o a simpl e identificatio n o f th e speaker's location . Neither Premis e 1 nor Premis e 2 entai l reductionis m o r essentialism . They argu e fo r th e relevanc e o f location , no t it s singula r powe r o f determination. Sinc e the y d o no t specif y ho w w e ar e t o understan d th e concept o f location , i t can certainl y b e given a nonessentialist meaning .
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While th e "Charg e o f Reductionism " respons e ha s bee n popula r among academi c theorists , a secon d respons e I wil l cal l th e "Retreat " response ha s bee n popula r amon g som e section s o f th e U.S . feminis t movement. This response is simply to retrea t fro m al l practices o f speak ing fo r an d asser t tha t on e ca n onl y kno w one' s ow n narro w individua l experience an d one' s "ow n truth " an d ca n neve r mak e claim s beyon d this. This respons e i s motivated i n part b y th e desir e t o recogniz e differ ence, e.g. , differen t priorities , withou t organizin g thes e difference s int o hierarchies. Now, sometime s I think thi s i s the proper respons e t o th e problem o f speaking fo r others , dependin g o n wh o i s making it . W e certainl y wan t to encourag e a mor e receptiv e listenin g o n th e par t o f th e discursivel y privileged an d discourag e presumptuou s an d oppressiv e practice s o f speaking for . Bu t a retrea t fro m speakin g fo r wil l no t resul t i n a n increase i n receptiv e listenin g i n al l cases ; i t ma y resul t merel y i n a retreat int o a narcissisti c yuppi e lifestyl e i n whic h a privilege d perso n takes n o responsibilit y fo r he r societ y whatsoever . Sh e ma y eve n fee l justified i n exploitin g he r privilege d capacit y fo r persona l happines s a t the expense o f other s o n th e grounds tha t sh e has no alternative . Opting fo r th e "Retreat " response , however , i s no t alway s a thinl y veiled excus e t o avoi d th e difficul t wor k o f politica l resistanc e an d reconstruction. Sometime s it is the result of a desire to engage in politica l work bu t withou t practicin g wha t migh t b e calle d discursiv e imperi alism. The majo r proble m wit h suc h a retrea t i s tha t i t significantl y under cuts th e possibilit y o f politica l effectivity . Ther e ar e numerou s example s of th e practic e o f speakin g fo r other s tha t hav e bee n politicall y effica cious i n advancin g th e need s o f thos e spoke n for , fro m Rigobert a Men chu t o Edwar d Sai d an d Steve n Biko . Menchu' s effort s t o spea k fo r the thirty-thre e India n communitie s facin g genocid e i n Guatemal a hav e helped t o rais e mone y fo r th e revolutio n an d brin g pressur e agains t th e Guatemalan an d U.S . governments, wh o hav e committe d th e massacre s in collusion . Th e poin t i s no t tha t fo r som e speaker s th e dange r o f speaking for other s does not arise , but that in some cases certain politica l effects ca n b e garnered i n no othe r way . Joyce Trebilcot's versio n o f th e retrea t respons e need s to b e looked a t separately becaus e sh e agree s tha t a n absolut e prohibitio n o f speakin g for woul d undermin e politica l effectiveness . Sh e applie s he r prohibitio n
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against th e practic e onl y withi n a lesbia n feminis t community . S o i t might b e argue d tha t th e retrea t fro m speakin g fo r other s ca n b e main tained withou t sacrificin g politica l effectivit y i f it is restricted t o particu lar discursiv e spaces . Why might one advocate such a retreat? Trebilcot holds that speakin g for an d attemptin g t o persuad e other s inflict s a kin d o f discursiv e vio lence o n th e othe r an d he r beliefs . Give n tha t interpretation s an d mean ings ar e discursiv e construction s mad e b y embodie d speakers , Trebilco t worries tha t attemptin g t o persuad e o r spea k fo r anothe r wil l cu t of f that person' s abilit y o r willingnes s t o engag e i n th e constructiv e ac t o f developing meaning . Sinc e no embodie d speake r ca n produce mor e tha n a partia l account , everyone' s accoun t need s t o b e encourage d (tha t is , within a specifie d community , whic h fo r Trebilco t i s th e lesbia n com munity). There i s much i n Trebilcot's discussio n wit h whic h I agree. I certainly agree tha t i n som e instance s speakin g fo r other s constitute s a violenc e and shoul d b e stopped. Bu t ther e remain s a problem wit h th e view that , even within a restricted, supportiv e community , th e practice o f speakin g for other s ca n b e abandoned . This proble m i s tha t Trebilcot' s position , a s wel l a s a mor e genera l retreat position , presume s a n ontologica l configuratio n o f th e discursiv e context tha t simpl y doe s no t obtain . I n particular , i t assume s tha t on e can retrea t int o one' s discret e locatio n an d mak e claim s entirel y an d singularly withi n tha t locatio n tha t d o no t rang e ove r others , tha t on e can disentangl e onesel f fro m th e implicatin g network s betwee n one' s discursive practice s an d others ' locations , situations , an d practices . I n other words , th e clai m tha t I ca n spea k onl y fo r mysel f assume s th e autonomous conceptio n o f th e sel f i n Classica l Libera l theory—tha t I am unconnecte d t o other s i n m y authenti c sel f o r tha t I ca n achiev e a n autonomy fro m other s give n certai n conditions . Bu t ther e i s n o neutra l place t o stan d fre e an d clea r i n whic h one' s word s d o no t prescriptivel y affect o r mediat e th e experienc e o f others , no r i s ther e a wa y t o deci sively demarcate a boundary betwee n one' s location an d al l others. Even a complet e retrea t fro m speec h i s o f cours e no t neutral , sinc e i t allow s the continue d dominanc e o f curren t discourse s an d act s b y omissio n t o reinforce thei r dominance . As m y practice s ar e mad e possibl e b y event s spatiall y fa r fro m m y body, s o to o m y ow n practice s mak e possibl e o r impossibl e practice s o f
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others. The declaratio n tha t I "speak onl y fo r myself " has the sole effec t of allowin g m e t o avoi d responsibilit y an d accountabilit y fo r m y effect s on others ; it cannot literall y erase those effects . Let me offer a n illustratio n o f this. The feminist movemen t i n the U.S. has spawne d man y kind s o f suppor t group s fo r wome n wit h variou s needs: rap e victims , inces t survivors , battere d wives , an d s o forth , an d some o f thes e group s hav e bee n structure d aroun d th e vie w tha t eac h survivor mus t com e t o he r ow n "truth, " whic h range s onl y ove r onesel f and ha s n o bearin g o n others . Thus , on e woman' s experienc e o f sexua l assault, it s effect o n her , an d he r interpretatio n o f i t should no t b e take n as a universa l generalizatio n t o whic h other s mus t subsum e o r confor m their experience . Thi s vie w work s onl y u p t o a point . T o th e exten t i t recognizes irreducibl e difference s i n th e wa y peopl e respon d t o variou s traumas, an d i s sensitive to the genuinely variable ways in which wome n can hea l themselves , i t represent s rea l progres s beyon d th e homoge neous, universalizin g approac h tha t set s ou t on e roa d fo r al l t o follow . However, i t i s a n illusio n t o thin k that , eve n i n th e saf e spac e o f a support group , a membe r o f th e grou p can , fo r example , trivializ e brother-sister inces t a s "se x play" withou t profoundly harmin g someon e else in the group who i s trying to maintai n he r realistic assessment o f he r brother's sexua l activitie s with he r a s a harmful assaul t agains t hi s adul t rationalization tha t "well , fo r m e i t wa s jus t harmles s fun. " Eve n i f th e speaker offer s a doze n caveat s abou t he r view s a s restricte d t o he r location, sh e wil l stil l affec t th e othe r woman' s abilit y t o conceptualiz e and interpre t he r experienc e an d he r respons e t o it . An d thi s i s simpl y because w e canno t neatl y separat e of f ou r mediatin g praxi s tha t inter prets an d construct s ou r experience s fro m th e praxi s o f others . W e ar e collectively caugh t i n a n intricate , delicat e we b i n whic h eac h actio n I take, discursiv e o r otherwise , pull s on , break s off , o r maintain s th e tension in many strand s o f a web in which others find themselves movin g also. Whe n I spea k fo r myself , I a m constructin g a possibl e self , a wa y to b e in the world , and , whethe r I intend t o o r not , I am offerin g tha t t o others, as one possible way t o be . Thus, th e attemp t t o avoi d th e problemati c o f speakin g fo r b y re treating int o a n individualis t real m i s base d o n a n illusion , wel l sup ported i n th e individualis t ideolog y o f th e West, tha t a self i s not consti tuted b y multipl e intersectin g discourse s bu t consist s i n a unifie d whol e capable o f autonom y fro m others . I t i s a n illusio n tha t I ca n separat e from other s t o suc h a n exten t tha t I can avoi d affectin g them . Thi s ma y
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be the intention o f m y speech , an d eve n its meaning i f we take that t o b e the forma l entailment s o f th e sentences , bu t i t wil l no t b e th e effec t o f the speech , an d therefor e canno t captur e th e speec h i n it s realit y a s a discursive practice . When I "spea k fo r myself " I am participatin g i n th e creation an d reproductio n o f discourse s throug h whic h m y ow n an d other selve s are constituted . A furthe r proble m wit h th e "Retreat " respons e i s tha t i t ma y b e motivated b y a desir e t o find a metho d o r practic e immun e fro m criti cism. I f I spea k onl y fo r mysel f i t ma y appea r tha t I a m immun e fro m criticism becaus e I a m no t makin g an y claim s tha t describ e other s o r prescribe action s fo r them . I f I a m onl y speakin g fo r mysel f I hav e n o responsibility fo r bein g true to your experienc e o r needs . But surel y i t is both morall y an d politicall y objectionabl e t o structur e one's action s aroun d th e desir e t o avoi d criticism , especiall y i f thi s outweighs othe r question s o f effectivity . In some cases perhaps th e moti vation i s no t s o muc h t o avoi d criticis m a s t o avoi d errors , an d th e person believe s that th e only way to avoi d error s is to avoi d al l speakin g for others . However , error s ar e unavoidabl e i n theoretica l inquir y a s well a s politica l struggle , an d the y moreove r ofte n mak e contributions . The desir e t o find a n absolut e mean s t o avoi d makin g error s come s perhaps no t fro m a desir e t o advanc e collectiv e goal s bu t a desir e fo r personal mastery , t o establis h a privilege d discursiv e positio n wherei n one canno t b e undermine d o r challenge d an d thu s i s maste r o f th e situation. Fro m suc h a positio n one' s ow n locatio n an d positionalit y would no t requir e constan t interrogatio n an d critica l reflection ; on e would no t hav e t o constantl y engag e i n thi s emotionall y troublesom e endeavor an d woul d b e immun e fro m th e interrogatio n o f others . Suc h a desir e for master y an d immunit y mus t b e resisted . A final respons e t o th e problem tha t I will conside r occur s i n Gayatr i Chakravorty Spivak' s ric h essa y "Ca n th e Subalter n Speak?" 13 In Spivak's essay , th e centra l issu e i s a n essentialist , authenti c conceptio n of th e sel f an d o f experience . Sh e criticizes th e "self-abnegatin g intellec tual" pos e tha t Foucaul t an d Deleuz e adop t whe n the y rejec t speakin g for other s o n th e ground s tha t i t assume s th e oppresse d ca n transpar ently represen t thei r ow n tru e interests . Accordin g t o Spivak , Foucaul t and Deleuze' s positio n serve s onl y t o concea l th e actua l authorizin g power o f th e retreatin g intellectuals , wh o i n thei r ver y retrea t hel p t o consolidate a particula r conceptio n o f experienc e (a s transparen t an d self-knowing). Thus , t o promot e "listenin g to " a s oppose d t o speakin g
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for essentialize s th e oppresse d a s nonideologicall y constructe d subjects . But Spiva k i s als o critica l o f speakin g fo r whic h engage s i n dangerou s representations. I n th e en d Spiva k prefer s a "speakin g to, " i n which th e intellectual neithe r abnegate s hi s o r he r discursiv e rol e no r presume s a n authenticity o f th e oppresse d bu t stil l allow s fo r th e possibilit y tha t th e oppressed wil l produce a "countersentence " tha t ca n then sugges t a ne w historical narrative . This respons e i s th e on e wit h whic h I hav e th e mos t agreement . W e should striv e to creat e wherever possibl e the conditions fo r dialogu e an d the practic e o f speakin g wit h an d t o rathe r tha n speakin g fo r others . If the dangers o f speaking for other s result from th e possibility of misrepre sentation, expandin g one' s ow n authorit y an d privilege , an d a generall y imperialist speakin g ritual , the n speakin g wit h an d t o ca n lesse n thes e dangers. Often th e possibilit y o f dialogu e i s lef t unexplore d o r inadequatel y pursued b y more privileged persons . Spaces i n which i t may see m a s if i t is impossible t o engag e in dialogi c encounters nee d t o b e transformed i n order t o d o so , such a s classrooms, hospitals , workplaces, welfar e agen cies, universities , institution s fo r internationa l developmen t an d aid , and governments . I t ha s lon g bee n note d tha t existin g communicatio n technologies hav e th e potentia l t o produc e thes e kind s o f interactio n even though researc h an d developmen t team s have not foun d i t advanta geous unde r capitalis m t o d o so . Spivak's arguments , however , sugges t tha t th e simpl e solutio n i s no t for th e oppresse d o r les s privilege d t o b e abl e t o spea k fo r themselves , since their speec h wil l no t necessaril y b e either liberator y o r reflectiv e o f their "tru e interests, " i f suc h exist . I woul d agre e wit h he r here , ye t i t can stil l b e argued , a s I thin k sh e hersel f concludes , tha t ignorin g th e subaltern's o r oppresse d person' s speec h i s "t o continu e th e imperialis t project." 14 Bu t if a privileging of th e oppressed's speec h canno t b e mad e on th e ground s tha t it s conten t wil l necessaril y b e liberatory , i t ca n b e made o n th e grounds o f th e very act of speakin g itself, which constitute s a subjec t tha t challenge s an d subvert s th e opposition betwee n th e know ing agen t an d th e objec t o f knowledge , a n oppositio n tha t serve s a s a key playe r i n th e reproductio n o f imperialis t mode s o f discourse . Th e problem wit h speakin g fo r other s exist s i n th e ver y structur e o f discur sive practice, irrespectiv e o f it s content , an d therefor e i t i s this structur e itself tha t need s alteration . However, whil e ther e i s muc h theoretica l an d practica l wor k t o b e
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done t o develo p suc h alternatives , th e practic e o f speakin g fo r other s remains th e bes t optio n i n som e existin g situations . A n absolut e retrea t weakens politica l effectivity , i s base d o n a metaphysica l illusion , an d often effect s onl y a n obscurin g o f th e intellectual' s power . Ther e ca n b e no complet e o r definitiv e solutio n t o th e problem o f speakin g fo r others , but there is a possibility that its dangers can be decreased. The remainde r of this paper wil l try to contribut e towar d developin g that possibility . In rejectin g a genera l retrea t fro m speakin g for , I a m no t advocatin g a return t o a n unself-consciou s appropriatio n o f th e other , bu t rathe r tha t anyone wh o speak s fo r other s shoul d onl y d o s o ou t o f a concret e analysis of th e particular powe r relation s an d discursiv e effects involved . I wan t t o develo p thi s poin t throug h elucidatin g fou r set s o f interroga tory practice s mean t t o hel p evaluat e possibl e an d actua l instance s o f speaking for . I n lis t for m the y ma y appea r t o resembl e a n algorithm , a s if we could plug in an instance o f speakin g for an d facto r ou t a n analysi s and evaluation . However , the y ar e mean t onl y t o sugges t a lis t o f th e questions tha t shoul d b e aske d concernin g an y suc h discursiv e practice . These are by no means original: they have been learned an d practiced b y many activist s an d theorists . i. Th e impetu s t o spea k mus t b e carefull y analyze d and , i n man y cases (certainl y fo r academics!) , fough t against . Thi s ma y see m a n od d way t o begi n discussin g ho w t o spea k for , bu t th e poin t i s tha t th e impetus t o always b e th e speake r an d t o spea k i n al l situation s mus t b e seen for wha t it is: a desire for master y an d domination . I f one's immedi ate impulse i s to teach rathe r tha n liste n t o a less-privileged speaker , on e should resis t tha t impuls e lon g enoug h t o interrogat e i t carefully . Som e of u s hav e bee n taugh t tha t b y righ t o f havin g th e dominan t gender , class, race , letter s afte r ou r name , o r som e othe r criterion , w e ar e mor e likely t o hav e th e truth . Other s hav e bee n taugh t th e opposite , an d wil l speak haltingly , with apologies , if they spea k a t all. 15 At th e sam e time , w e hav e t o acknowledg e tha t th e ver y decisio n t o "move over " o r retrea t ca n occu r onl y fro m a positio n o f privilege . Those wh o ar e no t i n a positio n o f speakin g a t al l canno t retrea t fro m an action the y do not employ. Moreover, makin g the decision for onesel f whether o r no t t o retrea t i s an extensio n o r applicatio n o f privilege , no t an abdicatio n o f it . Still, it is sometimes calle d for . 2. W e mus t als o interrogat e th e bearin g o f ou r locatio n an d contex t on wha t i t i s we ar e saying , an d thi s shoul d b e a n explici t par t o f ever y
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serious discursiv e practic e w e engag e in . Constructin g hypothese s abou t the possibl e connection s betwee n ou r locatio n an d ou r word s i s on e way t o begin . Thi s procedur e woul d b e mos t successfu l i f engage d i n collectively with others , by which aspect s of our locatio n les s highlighte d in our ow n mind s might b e revealed t o us. 16 One deforme d wa y i n whic h thi s i s to o ofte n carrie d ou t i s whe n speakers offe r u p i n th e spiri t o f "honesty " autobiographica l informa tion abou t themselve s usuall y a t th e beginnin g o f thei r discours e a s a kind o f disclaimer . Thi s i s meant t o acknowledg e thei r ow n understand ing tha t the y ar e speakin g fro m a specified , embodie d locatio n withou t pretense t o a transcendenta l truth . Bu t a s Mari a Lugone s an d other s have forcefully argued , suc h a n ac t serves no good en d when i t is used a s a disclaime r agains t one' s ignoranc e o r error s an d i s mad e withou t critical interrogatio n o f the bearing of suc h a n autobiograph y o n what i s about t o b e said. I t leaves for th e listeners al l the real work tha t need s t o be done . Fo r example , i f a middle-clas s whit e ma n wer e t o begi n a speech b y sharin g wit h u s thi s autobiographica l informatio n an d the n using i t a s a kin d o f apologetic s fo r an y limitation s o f hi s speech , thi s would leav e thos e o f u s i n th e audienc e wh o d o no t shar e hi s socia l location t o d o th e wor k b y ourselve s o f translatin g hi s term s int o ou r own, apprisin g th e applicabilit y o f hi s analysi s t o ou r divers e situations , and determinin g th e substantiv e relevanc e o f hi s locatio n o n hi s claims . This i s simpl y wha t less-privilege d person s hav e alway s ha d t o d o fo r ourselves whe n readin g th e histor y o f philosophy , literature , etc. , whic h makes the task o f appropriatin g thes e discourses more difficult an d time consuming (an d alienatio n mor e likel y t o result) . Simpl e unanalyze d disclaimers d o not improve on this familiar situatio n an d may even mak e it worse t o th e exten t tha t b y offering suc h informatio n th e speake r ma y feel eve n mor e authorize d t o spea k an d b e accorde d mor e authorit y b y his peers. 3. Speakin g shoul d alway s carr y wit h i t a n accountabilit y an d re sponsibility fo r wha t one says. To whom one is accountable i s a political/ epistemological choic e contestable , contingent , and , a s Donna Harawa y says, constructe d throug h th e proces s o f discursiv e action . Wha t thi s entails i n practic e i s a seriou s an d sincer e commitmen t t o remai n ope n to criticism an d to attempt actively , attentively, and sensitivel y to "hear " the criticis m (understan d it) . A quic k impuls e t o rejec t criticis m mus t make on e wary . 4. Her e i s m y centra l point . I n orde r t o evaluat e attempt s t o spea k
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for other s i n particula r instances , w e nee d t o analyz e th e probabl e o r actual effect s o f th e word s o n th e discursiv e an d materia l context . On e cannot simpl y loo k a t th e locatio n o f th e speake r o r he r credential s t o speak; no r ca n on e loo k merel y a t th e propositiona l conten t o f th e speech; on e mus t als o loo k a t wher e th e speec h goe s an d wha t i t doe s there. Looking merel y a t th e conten t o f a se t o f claim s withou t lookin g a t their effect s canno t produc e a n adequat e o r eve n meaningfu l evaluatio n of it , an d thi s i s partl y becaus e th e notio n o f a conten t separat e fro m effects doe s no t hol d up . Th e conten t o f th e claim , o r it s meaning , emerges i n interactio n betwee n word s an d hearer s withi n a very specifi c historical situation . Give n this , w e hav e t o pa y carefu l attentio n t o th e discursive arrangemen t i n orde r t o understan d th e ful l meanin g o f an y given discursiv e event . For example , in a situation wher e a well-meanin g first-world perso n i s speakin g fo r a perso n o r grou p i n th e thir d world , the very discursive arrangement ma y reinscribe the "hierarch y o f civiliza tions" vie w wher e th e U.S . lands squarel y a t th e top . Thi s effec t occur s because th e speake r i s positione d a s authoritativ e an d empowered , a s the knowledgeable subject , while the group in the third world i s reduced, merely becaus e o f th e structur e o f th e speakin g practice , t o a n objec t and victi m tha t mus t b e champione d fro m afar , thu s disempowered . Though th e speake r ma y b e trying to materiall y improv e th e situation o f some lesser-privilege d group , on e o f th e effect s o f he r discours e i s t o reinforce racist , imperialis t conception s an d perhap s als o t o furthe r si lence th e lesser-privilege d group' s ow n abilit y t o spea k an d b e heard. 17 This show s u s wh y i t i s s o importan t t o reconceptualiz e discourse , a s Foucault recommends , a s an event, whic h include s speaker, words, hear ers, location, language , an d s o on . All such evaluations produced i n this way will be of necessity indexed. That is , they will obtai n fo r a very specifi c locatio n an d canno t b e take n as universal . Thi s simpl y follow s fro m th e fac t tha t th e evaluation s wil l be base d o n th e specifi c element s o f historica l discursiv e context , loca tion o f speaker s an d hearers , an d s o forth . Whe n an y o f thes e element s is changed, a new evaluatio n i s called for . Our abilit y t o asses s th e effect s o f a give n discursiv e even t i s limited ; our abilit y t o predic t thes e effect s i s even mor e difficult . Whe n meanin g is plural an d deferred , w e can neve r hope t o kno w th e totality o f effects . Still, we ca n kno w som e o f th e effect s ou r speec h generates : I ca n find out, fo r example , tha t th e peopl e I spok e fo r ar e angr y tha t I did s o o r
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appreciative. B y learnin g a s muc h a s possibl e abou t th e contex t o f reception I can increase my ability to discern a t least some of the possible effects. Thi s mandate s incorporatin g a more dialogi c approach t o speak ing, tha t woul d includ e learnin g fro m an d abou t th e domain s o f dis course m y words wil l affect . Let me illustrate th e implications o f this fourth poin t b y applying it t o the example s I gav e a t th e beginning . I n th e cas e o f Ann e Cameron , i f the effects o f her book s ar e truly disempowerin g fo r Nativ e women, the y are counterproductiv e t o Cameron' s ow n state d intentions , an d sh e should indee d "mov e over. " I n th e cas e o f th e whit e mal e theoris t wh o discussed architectur e instea d of the politics of postmodernism, th e effec t of hi s refusa l wa s tha t h e offere d n o contributio n t o a n importan t issu e and al l of u s there los t a n opportunity t o discus s an d explor e it . Now le t me turn t o th e example o f Georg e Bush. When Bus h claime d that Norieg a i s a corrup t dictato r wh o stand s i n th e wa y o f democrac y in Panama , h e repeate d a clai m tha t ha d bee n mad e almos t wor d fo r word b y the opposition movemen t i n Panama . Ye t the effects o f th e tw o statements ar e vastly differen t becaus e th e meanin g o f th e clai m change s radically dependin g o n wh o state s it . Whe n th e Presiden t o f th e Unite d States stand s befor e th e worl d passin g judgmen t o n a third-worl d gov ernment, criticizin g i t o n th e basi s o f corruptio n an d a lac k o f democ racy, th e immediat e effec t o f this statement , a s oppose d t o th e opposi tion's, i s t o reinforc e th e prominen t Angl o vie w tha t Lati n America n corruption i s th e primar y caus e o f th e region' s povert y an d lac k o f democracy, tha t th e U.S . is o n th e sid e o f democrac y i n th e region , an d that th e U.S . opposes corruptio n an d tyranny . Thus , th e effec t o f a U.S. president's speakin g fo r Lati n Americ a i n thi s wa y i s t o reconsolidat e U.S. imperialism b y obscurin g it s true rol e i n the region i n torturing an d murdering hundred s an d thousand s o f peopl e wh o hav e trie d t o brin g democratic an d progressiv e government s int o existence . An d thi s effec t will continu e unti l th e U.S . governmen t admit s it s histor y o f interna tional mas s murder an d radicall y alter s it foreign policy . CONCLUSION
This issue is complicated b y the variable way i n which th e importance o f the source , or locatio n o f th e author , ca n b e understood, a topic allude d to earlier . O n on e view, the autho r o f a text is its "owner " an d "origina tor" credite d wit h creatin g it s idea s an d wit h bein g thei r authoritativ e
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interpreter. O n anothe r view , th e origina l speake r o r write r i s n o mor e privileged tha n an y other perso n wh o articulate s thos e views, and i n fac t the "author " canno t b e identified i n a strict sens e because the concept of author i s a n ideologica l constructio n man y abstraction s remove d fro m the way i n which idea s emerge an d becom e material forces. 18 Now , doe s this latte r positio n mea n tha t th e sourc e o r locatednes s o f th e autho r is irrelevant? It nee d no t entai l thi s conclusion , thoug h i t migh t i n som e formula tions. W e ca n de-privileg e th e "original " autho r an d reconceptualiz e ideas a s traversin g (almost ) freel y i n a discursiv e space , availabl e fro m many locations , an d withou t a clearl y identifiabl e originar y track , an d yet retai n ou r sens e tha t sourc e remain s relevan t t o effect . Ou r meta theory of authorshi p doe s not preclude the material reality that in discur sive space s ther e i s a speake r o r write r credite d a s th e autho r o f thei r utterances, or that fo r exampl e th e feminist appropriatio n o f the concep t "patriarchy" get s tie d t o Kat e Millett , a whit e Angl o feminist , o r tha t the ter m feminis m itsel f ha s bee n an d i s associate d wit h a Wester n origin. Thes e association s hav e a n effect , a n effec t o f producin g distrus t on th e par t o f som e third-worl d nationalists , a n effec t o f reinscribin g semi-conscious imperialis t attitude s o n the part of som e first-world femi nists. These are not th e only possible effects, an d som e of the effects ma y not b e pernicious , bu t al l th e effect s mus t b e take n int o accoun t whe n evaluating th e discours e o f "patriarchy. " The emphasis o n effects shoul d no t imply, therefore, tha t a n examina tion of the speaker's location is any way less crucial. This latter examina tion migh t b e calle d a kin d o f genealogy . I n thi s sens e a genealog y involves askin g ho w a positio n o r vie w i s mediate d an d constitute d through an d withi n th e conjunctio n an d conflic t o f historical , cultural , economic, psychological , an d sexua l practices . Bu t i t seem s t o m e tha t the importanc e o f th e sourc e o f a view , an d th e importanc e o f doin g a genealogy, shoul d b e subsume d withi n a n overal l analysi s o f effects , making th e centra l questio n wha t th e effect s ar e o f th e view o n materia l and discursiv e practice s throug h whic h i t traverse s an d th e particula r configuration o f powe r relation s emergen t fro m these . Source is relevan t only to the extent that i t has a n impact o n effect . A s Gayatri Spiva k like s to say , th e inventio n o f th e telephon e b y a Euro-America n upper-clas s male i n n o wa y preempt s it s bein g pu t t o th e us e o f a n anti-imperialis t revolution. In conclusion , I would stres s tha t th e practic e o f speakin g fo r other s
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is often bor n o f a desir e fo r mastery , t o privilege onesel f a s the on e wh o more correctl y understand s th e truth abou t another' s situatio n o r a s on e who ca n champio n a jus t caus e an d thu s achiev e glor y an d praise . An d the effec t o f th e practic e o f speakin g fo r other s i s often , thoug h no t always, erasur e an d a reinscriptio n o f sexual , national , an d othe r kind s of hierarchies . I hop e tha t thi s analysi s wil l contribut e towar d rathe r than diminis h th e importan t discussio n goin g o n toda y abou t ho w t o develop strategies for a more equitable an d just distribution o f the abilit y to spea k an d b e heard . Bu t thi s developmen t shoul d no t b e take n a s a n absolute disauthorizatio n o f al l practices of speakin g for. I t is not alway s the cas e that whe n other s unlik e me speak fo r m e I have ended u p wors e off, o r tha t whe n w e speak fo r other s the y end up worse off . Sometimes , as Loyce Stewar t ha s argued , w e d o need a "messenger " t o advocat e fo r our needs . Certainly, th e ke y motivatio n o f feminis t scholarshi p ha s bee n pre cisely this : t o provid e a mor e accurat e depictio n tha n wa s eve r give n b y male scholarshi p o f th e live s o f al l women, an d t o advocat e mor e effec tively fo r al l women , thu s enhancin g th e likelihoo d tha t th e rol e o f advocate wil l becom e unnecessary . Clearl y thi s goa l ha s bee n achieve d in at least some instances, even across differences o f power an d privilege . The sourc e o f a clai m o r discursiv e practic e i n suspec t motive s o r maneuvers o r i n privilege d socia l locations , I hav e argued , thoug h i t i s always relevant, canno t b e sufficient t o repudiate it. We must as k furthe r questions abou t it s effects , question s tha t amoun t t o th e following : wil l it enable the empowerment o f oppresse d peoples ?
NOTES
I a m indebte d t o th e followin g fo r thei r substantia l hel p o n thi s paper : Eastern Societ y fo r Wome n i n Philosophy , th e Centra l New Yor k Women Philosopher's Group , Loyce Stewart, Richard Schmitt, Sandra Bartky, Laurence Thomas , Lesli e Bender , Roby n Wiegman , Anit a Canizare s Molina , and Felicity Nussbaum. i. Se e Lee Maracle, "Moving Over," in Trivia 14 (Spring 1989): 9—10. 2. Joyc e Trebilcot , "Dyk e Methods, " Hypatia 3 , no . z (Summe r 1988) : 1 . Trebilcot is explaining here her own reasoning for rejectin g these practices, but sh e i s no t advocatin g tha t othe r wome n joi n he r i n this . Thus , he r argument does not fall into a self-referential incoherence . 3. Trin h T . Minh-ha , Woman, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and
The Problem of Speaking for Others 30 7 Feminism (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1989) , 65, 67. For exam ples o f anthropologist' s concer n wit h thi s issu e se e Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, ed . Jame s Cliffor d an d Georg e E . Marcus (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1986) ; Jame s Clifford , "On Ethnographi c Authority, " Representations 1 , no . 2 (1983) : 118-46 ; Anthropology as Cultural Critique, ed . George Marcus an d Michae l Fische r (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1986) ; Pau l Rabinow , "Discours e and Power : O n th e Limit s o f Ethnographi c Texts, " Dialectical Anthropology 10 , nos. 1 , 2 (July 1985) : 1-14 . 4. T o b e privilege d her e wil l mea n t o b e i n a mor e favorable , mobile , an d dominant positio n vis-a-vi s th e structure s o f power/knowledg e i n a society . Thus privileg e carrie s wit h it , e.g. , presumptio n i n one' s favo r whe n on e speaks. Certai n races , nationalities , genders , sexualities , an d classe s confe r privilege, bu t a singl e individua l (perhap s mos t individuals ) ma y enjo y privilege i n respec t t o som e part s o f thei r identit y an d a lack o f privileg e i n respect t o othe r parts . Therefore , privileg e mus t alway s b e indexe d t o spe cific relationships a s well a s to specifi c locations . The ter m privileg e i s no t mean t t o includ e position s o f discursiv e powe r achieved throug h merit , bu t i n an y cas e thes e ar e rarel y pure . I n othe r words, som e person s ar e accorde d discursiv e authorit y becaus e the y ar e respected leader s o r becaus e the y ar e teacher s i n a classroo m an d kno w more abou t th e materia l a t hand . S o often, o f course , th e authorit y o f suc h persons base d o n thei r meri t combines wit h th e authorit y the y may enjoy b y virtue o f thei r havin g th e dominant gender , race , class, or sexuality . I t is the latter source s o f authorit y tha t I am referrin g t o b y the term "privilege. " 5. Se e als o Mari a Lugone s an d Elizabet h Spelman , "Hav e W e Go t a Theor y for You ! Cultura l Imperialism , Feminis t Theor y an d th e Deman d fo r th e Women's Voice, " Women's Studies International Forum 6, no . 6 (1983) : 573-81. I n thei r pape r Lugone s an d Spelma n explor e th e wa y i n which th e "demand fo r th e women' s voice " disempowere d wome n o f colo r b y no t attending t o th e difference s i n privileg e withi n th e categor y o f women , resulting i n a privilegin g o f whit e women' s voice s only . The y explor e th e effects thi s ha s ha d o n th e makin g o f theor y withi n feminism , an d attemp t to find "way s o f talkin g or bein g talked abou t tha t ar e helpful, illuminating , empowering, respectful " (25) . Thi s essa y take s inspiratio n fro m their s an d is meant t o continu e thei r discussion . 6. Se e he r J . . . Rigoberta Menchu, ed . Elisabet h Burgos-Debray , trans . An n Wright (London : Verso , 1984) . (Th e us e o f th e ter m "Indian " her e follow s Menchu's use. ) 7. E.g. , i f i t i s th e cas e tha t n o "descriptive " discours e i s normative- o r value free, the n n o discours e i s fre e o f som e kin d o f advocacy , an d al l speakin g about wil l involv e speaking fo r someone , ones, or something . 8. Anothe r distinctio n tha t migh t b e mad e i s betwee n differen t materia l prac tices o f speakin g for : givin g a speech , writin g a n essa y o r book , makin g a movie o r televisio n program , a s wel l a s hearing , reading , watching , an d s o
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on. I will no t addres s th e possibl e difference s tha t aris e fro m thes e differen t practices, an d wil l addres s mysel f t o th e (fictional ) "generic " practic e o f speaking for . 9. Deleuze , i n a conversatio n wit h Foucault , "Intellectual s an d Power, " i n Language, Counter-Memory, Practice, ed . Donald Bouchard, trans. Donal d Bouchard an d Sherr y Simo n (Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1977) , 209 . 10. Se e her "Dow n t o th e Crossroads : Th e Ar t o f Aliso n Saar, " Third Text 1 0 (Spring 1990) : 25-44 , fo r a discussion o f this phenomenon i n the art world , espec. 36 . Se e als o Barbar a Christian , "Th e Rac e fo r Theory, " Feminist Studies 14 , no . 1 (Sprin g 1988) : 6 7 - 7 9 ; an< ^ Henr y Loui s Gates , Jr., "Au thority, (White ) Powe r an d th e (Black ) Critic ; It' s Al l Gree k t o Me, " Cultural Critique 7 (Fal l 1987) : 19-46 , espec. 34 . 11. I kno w tha t m y insistenc e o n usin g th e wor d "truth " swim s upstrea m of curren t postmodernis t orthodoxies . Thi s insistenc e i s no t base d o n a commitment t o transparen t account s o f representatio n o r a correspondenc e theory of truth, but on m y belief tha t the demarcation betwee n epistemicall y better an d wors e claim s continue s t o operat e (indeed , i t i s inevitable) , an d that wha t happen s whe n w e esche w al l epistemologica l issue s o f trut h i s that th e term s upo n whic h thos e demarcation s ar e mad e g o unsee n an d uncontested. A ver y radica l revisio n o f wha t w e mea n b y trut h i s i n order , but i f we ignore th e ways i n which ou r discourse s appea l t o som e version o f truth fo r thei r persuasiveness , w e ar e i n dange r o f remainin g blin d t o th e operations o f legitimatio n tha t functio n withi n ou r ow n texts . Th e tas k i s therefore t o explicat e th e relation s betwee n politic s an d knowledg e rathe r than pronounc e th e deat h o f truth . 12. Cf . m y "Cultura l Feminis m versu s Post-Structuralism: Th e Identity Crisi s i n Feminist Theory, " Signs: A Journal of Women in Culture and Society 13 , no. 3 (1988) : 405-36 . Fo r mor e discussion s o n th e multidimensionalit y o f social identity , se e Mari a Lugones , "Playfulness , 'World'-Travelling , an d Loving Perception, " Hypatia 2 , no. 2 , 3-19 , an d Glori a Anzaldua , Borderlands/La Frontera (Sa n Francisco : Spinsters/Aun t Lut e Boo k Company , 1987). 13. Gayatr i Chakravort y Spivak , "Ca n th e Subalter n Speak?, " i n Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed . Car y Nelso n an d Lawrenc e Grossber g (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1988) . 14. Ibid. , 298 . 15. Se e Edwar d Said , "Representin g th e Colonized : Anthropology' s Interlocu tors," Critical Inquiry 15 , no . 2 (Winte r 1989) : 219 , o n thi s point , wher e he shows how th e "dialogue " betwee n Western anthropolog y an d colonize d people ha s bee n nonreciproca l an d support s th e nee d fo r th e Westerners t o begin to stop talking. 16. Se e again ibid. , 212 , where he encourages in particular th e self-interrogatio n of privilege d speakers . Thi s seem s t o b e a runnin g them e i n wha t ar e sometimes calle d "minorit y discourses " thes e days : assertin g th e nee d fo r whites t o stud y whiteness , e.g. , an d fo r male s t o stud y masculinity . Th e need fo r a n interrogatio n o f one' s locatio n exist s with ever y discursive even t
The Problem of Speaking for Others 30 9 by an y speaker , bu t give n th e lopsidednes s o f curren t "dialogues, " i t seem s especially importan t t o pus h fo r thi s amon g th e privileged , wh o sometime s seem t o wan t t o stud y everybody' s socia l an d cultura l constructio n bu t their own . 17. T o argu e fo r th e relevance of effect s fo r evaluatio n doe s not entail that ther e is onl y on e wa y t o d o suc h a n accountin g o r wha t kin d o f effect s wil l b e deemed desirable . How on e evaluates a particular effec t i s left open ; premis e 4 argue s simpl y that effect s mus t alway s b e taken int o account . 18. I like th e wa y Susa n Bord o make s thi s point . I n speakin g abou t theorie s o r ideas tha t gai n prominence , sh e says : "al l cultura l formation s . . . [are ] complexly constructe d ou t o f divers e elements—intellectual , psychological , institutional, an d sociological . Arisin g no t fro m monolithi c desig n bu t fro m an interpla y o f factor s an d forces , i t i s bes t understoo d no t a s a discrete , definable positio n tha t ca n b e adopte d o r rejected , bu t a s a n emergin g coherence whic h i s bein g fe d b y a variet y o f currents , sometime s overlap ping, sometime s quit e distinct. " Se e he r "Feminism , Postmodernism , an d Gender-Skepticism," i n Feminism/Postmodernism, ed . Lind a Nicholso n (New York : Routledge , 1989) , 135 . If ideas aris e in suc h a configuration o f forces, doe s it make sens e to as k fo r a n author ?
15. FEMINISM MEET S P O S T - C O M M U N I S M : THE CAS E O F TH E UNITE D GERMAN Y NANETTE FUN K
The fal l o f th e Berli n Wal l i n Novembe r 1989 , symbolizin g mor e tha n any othe r singl e even t th e en d o f th e Col d Wa r divisio n o f Europ e int o East 1 an d West , ushere d i n contac t betwee n post-Communis t wome n and feminist s fro m Wester n Europ e an d th e Unite d States . In som e instances, there is promise o f fruitfu l interaction ; bu t in the newly unite d Germany, wher e ther e i s a direc t meetin g betwee n Eas t an d West , ten sions have becom e systematic , playing havoc with th e possibility o f join t action an d eve n dialogu e betwee n Eas t an d Wes t Germa n women . Th e bitterness, anger , hostility , an d suspicio n o n bot h side s that explode d t o the surfac e betwee n Germa n wome n canno t b e overestimated . Friend ships tha t survive d year s o f th e Col d Wa r an d th e divide d German y disintegrated rapidl y onc e the Wall cam e down i n November 1989. 2 In th e divide d cit y o f Berlin , Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n wer e a t first eage r an d curiou s t o mee t thei r sister s o n th e othe r side . Quickly , the differences betwee n the m hardene d int o prejudices , provokin g con frontations an d fracturin g meetings , startin g almos t immediatel y wit h conferences i n th e sprin g o f 1990 . Tw o year s later , b y th e tim e o f th e meeting o f wome n a t th e en d o f January 199 1 a t th e Technica l Univer sity i n Berlin , attende d b y wome n philosophers , socia l an d cultura l 310
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scientists, an d literar y theorists , dialogu e wa s straine d an d fraugh t wit h hostility. In May 199 1 at a conference a t Humboldt Universit y i n Berlin, East Germa n wome n i n th e audienc e angril y demande d o f a Wes t Ger man speake r tha t sh e spea k o f he r ow n experiences , rathe r tha n talkin g about Eas t Germa n women . "Wh y d o you tal k abou t u s when yo u don' t even kno w us? " yelle d on e Eas t Germa n woman . A fe w month s later , after a meetin g hel d b y Wes t Germa n wome n politica l scientist s an d t o which Eas t Germa n wome n wer e invited , som e Wes t Germa n wome n vowed neve r to work wit h Eas t German wome n again . In their join t research projec t o n th e differences amon g East an d Wes t German feminists , Ulrik e Helwert h an d Gislind e Schwarz , Wes t an d East Germa n feminis t journalists , respectively, 3 report th e followin g re marks b y a n Eas t Germa n women : "Onc e I lef t a n even t i n tears . A woman fro m th e Wes t ha d tol d m e tha t m y ki d shoul d shu t up . No t only d o the y blam e u s fo r ou r husband s an d children , bu t als o fo r no t being real feminists. " Helwerth an d Schwar z repor t a Wes t Germa n woma n saying : "I' m not reall y sur e wha t kin d o f cras h cours e the y [Eas t Germa n women ] would need . I onl y kno w tha t a lo t o f wha t w e d o i s ove r thei r heads . And whe n the y tal k abou t patriarcha l structure s o r th e patriarchy , I have th e feelin g tha t they'v e jus t foun d ou t abou t that . Ther e ar e onl y one o r tw o wome n i n th e Eas t wit h who m I enjo y talking . I als o can' t stand listenin g to them whin e al l the time." 4 In Berlin, where the confrontation betwee n Eas t and West is so direct , many Easter n wome n d o no t ventur e int o West Berlin, preferring t o sta y behind th e Wall tha t onc e was. West Germa n women , initiall y ope n an d curious, hav e conclude d the y jus t don' t hav e anythin g i n commo n wit h East Germa n wome n wh o continuall y complai n an d tal k abou t their problems. A t th e 199 1 conference , curiosit y turne d int o "boredom, " loss o f interest , an d finall y avoidance . The onl y thin g th e tw o group s o f women coul d agre e o n wa s tha t eac h shoul d g o their ow n way . An d ye t they coul d no t becaus e the y wer e boun d togethe r i n on e country , gov erned b y one set of law s an d unde r on e policy . How di d i t com e t o suc h a pass ? Wha t lie s a t th e roo t o f thes e tensions an d hostilities ? Ho w doe s thi s hostilit y expres s itself ? I s thi s only a situatio n uniqu e t o Germany , wher e th e citizen s o f a Communis t state an d a libera l democrac y wer e unite d int o on e state , bringin g the m face to face with eac h other on a daily basis? An analysis of this situatio n will not onl y help to understand gende r and the unification o f Germany, 5
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as wel l a s th e tension s laten t i n relation s betwee n Easter n an d Wester n women i n general , bu t i t wil l als o hel p t o explor e th e relationshi p between wome n an d th e political . The unification o f German y wa s not onl y the unification o f tw o separat e states bu t o f tw o differen t system s o f mal e dominatio n withi n tw o different system s o f modernizatio n an d rationalization . Th e Germa n Democratic Republi c wa s organize d throug h a state-part y politica l sys tem; th e Federa l Republi c o f German y throug h a democrati c constitu tion an d principle s o f economi c efficienc y an d th e market. 6 Eac h incor porated wome n ver y differentl y an d throug h differen t politica l mechanisms. Fo r instance , women' s "emancipation " an d first trimeste r abortion o n deman d wer e par t o f th e politica l capita l o f th e GDR , touted a s signs of a more progressive society , more committed t o wome n than Wes t Germany . Bu t i n th e GD R a n authoritaria n party-stat e ("fa ther state" ) withou t a publi c sphere , an d withou t muc h meaningfu l women's politica l participation, 7 define d women' s interest s an d intro duced a women' s policy . I n th e West , o n th e contrary , feminism , a collective socia l movemen t tha t wa s par t o f th e developmen t o f th e democratic proces s an d a mor e activ e citizenship , a s wel l a s o f th e expansion o f th e publi c sphere , ha d bee n th e vehicl e fo r expressio n o f women's issue s and demands . Eastern Europ e i s i n genera l bein g incorporate d int o th e Wester n system, mos t clearl y i n th e incorporatio n o f Eas t German y int o Wes t Germany accordin g to Article 2 3 of the Basic Law of West Germany . T o be sure , th e unificatio n o f German y wa s no t predicate d o n a mutua l understanding betwee n Eas t and West Germany, on the basis of dialogu e or o n a substantiv e rationality . I t wa s a proces s o f unificatio n tha t repressed man y concern s fo r justic e an d equality , i n n o wa y mor e evi dent tha n wit h regar d t o women . Th e disinteres t i n th e economi c conse quence o f the transition fo r women , includin g the massive elimination o f women fro m th e labo r marke t a t al l levels , invalidatio n o f women' s job qualification s resultin g i n thei r disqualification , an d th e consequen t removal o f women t o lowe r leve l jobs, are all signifiers o f the instrumen tal rationalit y tha t prevailed. 8 Th e prediction , alread y mad e earl y i n 1990 b y activ e Eas t Germa n feminist s o f th e Independen t Women' s Association (th e Unabhangig e Fraue n Verband)—tha t th e unificatio n would hav e these effects—did no t lea d the primarily mal e West Germa n
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politicians directin g th e unificatio n t o modif y thei r course . In short , the 199 0 unificatio n o f German y wa s structure d b y a n instrumenta l rationality. 9 A s i n th e modernizatio n o f Ne w Yor k Cit y b y Rober t Moses, wh o i n buildin g hi s highway s rod e roughsho d ove r th e culture s and communitie s o f Ne w Yor k City , an d i n doin g so destroyed them , s o the unification o f German y b y Herr Koh l an d compan y rod e over demo cratic processe s an d cultura l an d socia l spheres , especiall y i n Eas t Germany. The German unificatio n als o brought wit h i t a progressive orientatio n to th e future , aki n t o th e fait h i n th e marc h o f histor y towar d a bette r future tha t characterize d th e forme r stat e socialis t system . Thi s attitud e reinforced th e Germa n forgettin g o f th e past , includin g th e Naz i pas t and th e divergin g historica l past s an d experience s o f Eas t an d Wes t Germany. Particularly strikin g is women's differen t standing s an d histor ies i n th e tw o Germanies ; denia l o f thi s becam e operativ e i n distortin g communication an d frustratin g understandin g betwee n Eas t an d Wes t German wome n a t the Berlin conference . The unificatio n o f German y affecte d me n an d wome n differently . There wa s i n genera l a silenc e i n th e unificatio n agreement s abou t th e very spheres wit h whic h wome n wer e especially concerned—th e domes tic, cultural, an d socia l spheres . The very absence o f wome n i n position s of powe r o n eithe r sid e durin g unificatio n le d t o th e inattentio n t o thes e spheres, a s the y wer e no t matter s o f interes t t o thos e mal e politician s with powe r a t th e time . The hostilit y tha t develope d betwee n wome n i n East an d Wes t German y mus t b e understoo d a s roote d i n thi s mal e inattention t o the issues of importanc e t o women . The sudde n unificatio n le d bot h Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n t o make hast y generalization s an d adop t stereotype s o f eac h other , espe cially i n Berli n wher e ther e wa s th e mos t direc t contac t betwee n Eas t and Wes t Germans . Cliche s startin g wit h "Eas t Germa n (Wes t German ) woman ar e . . . ." provide d categorie s wit h whic h eac h grou p o f wome n conceptualized th e othe r an d cope d wit h th e massiv e changes . Forme r GDR wome n wer e stereotype d a s unemancipated , havin g bough t int o sexism, subordinatin g themselve s t o th e famil y an d dependen t o n me n and marriage , oriente d onl y t o children , antifeminis t o r lackin g an y understanding o f feminism , conformist , passive , an d unwillin g t o stan d up fo r themselves . Eas t Germa n wome n bitterl y characterize d Wes t German wome n a s "Besserwessis" : arrogant , ignoran t Westerner s wh o
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claim t o kno w bette r tha n anyon e else , dogmatic , aggressiv e feminist s who though t the y wer e bringin g th e feminis t trut h t o th e heathen , an d women hostil e to childre n an d men . Such antagonism s an d stereotype s ar e no t limite d t o Wes t an d Eas t German women ; simila r i f les s pronounce d version s ca n b e foun d be tween Wester n feminist s an d post-communis t wome n i n general. In fact , discourse betwee n Easter n an d Wester n wome n i s pervade d b y suc h negative stereotypes . Russian , Hungarian , an d wome n o f th e forme r Yugoslavia characteriz e America n an d Wester n feminist s a s "man-hat ers" an d feminis m a s a luxury. They accus e Western feminist s i n genera l of havin g idealize d an d totall y misunderstoo d th e conditio n o f Easter n European wome n unde r stat e socialism. 10 DIFFERENCE, INEQUALITY , POWER , A N D DOMINATIO N
At it s deepes t level , feminis m i n Eas t an d Wes t Germany , a s i n Easter n and Wester n Europe , i s confronting th e issu e of difference , thi s tim e no t only o f rac e an d class , bu t o f politic s a s well . Th e conflict s betwee n Eastern an d Wester n wome n revea l tha t no t onl y i s "ma n a politica l animal" bu t woman a s well. The intens e conflicts betwee n women i n th e now-united German y i n effec t provid e a la b schoo l tha t reveals , i n th e intimacy an d immediac y o f th e contacts , an d wit h a clarit y n o theor y could, jus t ho w deepl y politica l wome n ar e an d ho w dee p their politica l differences run . Thi s raise s th e questio n o f ho w feminis m deal s wit h th e political. Thi s i s a majo r proble m i n post-Communism , exemplifie d b y the growin g nationalis t conflict s an d addin g t o th e cultura l difference s and relation s o f powe r tha t manifes t themselve s i n the conflict s betwee n Eastern an d Wester n women . A n analysi s o f thes e conflict s betwee n German wome n wil l help to she d ligh t on thes e broader problems . Identity
Women ar e no t onl y politica l insofa r a s the y participat e i n parliamen tary, o r eve n extraparliamentar y activities , o r insofa r a s al l relation ships an d institution s ar e political . A woman' s identit y i s partiall y de fined b y th e politica l syste m o f whic h sh e i s a part . On e i s a n Eas t German, a West German , o r a n America n woman , eve n i f on e ha s bee n critical o f one' s political system . On e doe s not chang e political identitie s like clothes ; thi s i s reflecte d i n th e continuin g identificatio n o f Eas t
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Germans a s "Ossis " (slan g fo r "Easterners" ) an d Wes t German s a s "Wessis." Forme r GD R women' s statu s an d self-respec t ar e partiall y dependent o n attitude s towar d thei r pas t politica l system . No w tha t i t has bee n eliminate d an d politicall y demeaned , the y hav e bee n degrade d in the process. Reacting to this, East Germa n wome n defen d tha t syste m when i t is attacked b y West Germa n women , ofte n turnin g to a n illusor y nostalgia fo r tha t system ; thi s in turn annoy s West Germa n women . As becam e apparen t durin g th e conference , Wes t Germa n feminist s often hav e ver y stron g opinion s abou t Eas t Germa n wome n an d ver y definite politica l position s on , an d attitude s toward , "th e othe r Ger many" a s well as about their own system , opinions that had bee n forme d well befor e th e "fal l o f th e wall. " Thi s i s s o becaus e fo r bot h Eas t an d West Germans , in a more obviou s way tha n usual , self-identity ha d bee n defined relationally , i n term s o f th e "other " Germany . Insofa r a s th e integrity an d a hol d o n one' s identit y appea r t o requir e allegianc e t o one's previou s judgment s an d perception s o f tha t "other"—th e othe r person an d th e other system—meeting s betwee n Eas t an d Wes t women , and th e unificatio n itself , challeng e no t onl y politica l perception s an d judgments, bu t eac h woman' s sens e o f integrit y a s well . Thes e crise s o f identity o n bot h sides , whic h hav e resulte d fro m politica l dislocations , underlie th e conflicts betwee n Eas t an d West Germa n women . Perceptions o f th e Othe r tak e extrem e forms . Wes t Germa n wome n who ha d bee n ver y deepl y critica l o f th e GD R a s a n authoritarian , rigid, repressiv e politica l order , ofte n perceiv e forme r GD R wome n a s embodying correlativ e nondemocrati c an d authoritaria n style s and polit ical norms . The y canno t the n suppor t wome n o f who m the y ar e s o deeply critical in such politically fundamenta l ways . Other West Germa n women, especiall y o n th e Left , idealiz e th e Eas t Germa n system , regard ing Eas t Germa n wome n a s havin g ha d i t all—da y care , employment , and abortion—an d fee l jealousy towar d them . East Germa n women , i n contrast , threatene d i n thei r ow n sens e o f self-worth, self-respect , an d identit y b y th e demolitio n o f thei r syste m and it s culture, feel move d t o support thei r past society even though the y had bee n critica l o f i t before . The y retaliat e b y criticizin g Wes t Germa n women an d Wes t Germa n feminis m fo r it s participation in , an d ineffec tive struggle s against , a capitalis t syste m tha t keep s wome n a t a lo w employment level , without adequat e da y care , or a stron g righ t t o abor tion. In meeting s betwee n Eas t an d Wes t women , thes e attack s agains t women als o serv e a s criticism s o f thei r politica l system s themselves ,
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which furthe r provoke s irritation . Accepting "th e Other Woman" i s seen as a n acceptanc e o f "th e Othe r politica l system " (whic h i n man y way s the othe r woma n doe s embody); this in turn threaten s th e first woman' s identity. Similarly , prais e o f th e othe r i n an y wa y (o f th e da y car e available to GD R wome n o r th e space for a woman's movemen t i n West Germany) i s experience d a s dangerousl y clos e t o prais e fo r tha t system , and agai n a threa t t o th e women' s sense s o f identit y an d thei r firmly entrenched, ofte n mutuall y critica l worldviews . Difference i n Experience s an d Interest s
East an d Wes t Germa n wome n had , an d continu e t o have , differen t experiences, and th e two groups o f women hav e different an d sometime s conflicting interests . For forme r GD R wome n th e "Wende"—th e politi cal transitio n o f 1989—mean t radica l autobiographica l ruptures , wit h disorienting experience s o f dislocatio n an d radica l change s i n dail y life , loss of statu s an d self-respect , an d intensifie d stresse s an d demands . Eas t German wome n ar e filled with a sense of insecurity an d uncertainty , an d a profoun d sens e o f th e los s o f meanin g i n thei r lives . Thos e wh o ar e among th e mos t respecte d ofte n hav e t o inser t themselve s i n a worl d with differen t standards , on e tha t play s b y differen t rules , where differ ent skills and know-how ar e called for, an d a world tha t come s complet e with it s ow n entrenche d networks , status , an d powe r hierarchies . On e result ha s bee n th e stron g publi c attack s o n th e literar y merit s o f th e most renowne d Eas t Germa n writers , who wer e mainl y women , includ ing the well-known autho r Christ a Wolf . After th e Wende , Eas t Germa n wome n cam e t o join t East-Wes t women's meeting s wit h urgen t existentia l problem s o f surviva l an d un employment; thos e meeting s wer e a mean s t o integrat e int o th e domi nant system , t o ge t suppor t an d recognitio n o f thei r experience s an d circumstances. The y hope d t o ge t a piec e o f th e pi e o f th e ric h Wester n state. Instead , the y wer e confronte d wit h Wes t Germa n wome n who m they envie d fo r havin g i t s o muc h "easier " tha n the y di d an d wh o di d not see m to grasp their situation . Usually ignoran t o f th e radica l change s Eas t Germa n wome n ar e experiencing daily , West Germa n wome n hav e littl e compassio n o r em pathy fo r them , an d thi s infuriate s Eas t Germa n women . I n contras t West Germa n intellectual s an d feminist s approache d interaction s be tween Easter n an d Wester n wome n wit h curiosity , a desir e t o exten d
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feminism t o th e East , an d a hop e tha t Eas t Germa n wome n woul d provide a n impetu s t o th e muc h subdue d Wes t Germa n feminis t move ment. Whe n th e latte r di d no t happen , the y blame d Eas t Germa n women. West Germa n wome n i n 1989—9 1 tende d t o thin k thei r live s an d identities wer e no t substantiall y change d b y th e "Wende." 1 1 The y hav e since com e t o fea r tha t the y wil l los e fro m th e unification , tha t th e sharing o f th e benefit s o f thei r societ y wit h Eas t German s wil l ris k los s of persona l opportunitie s an d socia l benefits . Wes t Germa n feminist s fear, no t withou t grounds , tha t the y wil l los e fundin g fo r women' s projects an d researc h tha t no w mus t b e share d wit h forme r GD R women. Indeed , Germa n fundin g institution s d o sometime s pi t Eas t an d West Germa n women' s project s agains t eac h other . Moreover , Wes t Germans, includin g women , ar e resentfu l o f highe r taxes , reduced bene fits, higher unemployment , an d growin g righ t win g neo-Naz i groups , al l of whic h the y blam e on Eas t German s an d unification . In fact , bot h Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n se e themselve s i n th e category o f "victim"—a s bein g victimize d b y th e othe r woman . Th e West Germa n wome n fea r tha t th e mor e submissive , conservativ e con formist attitude s the y perceiv e i n forme r GD R wome n wil l resul t i n undermining th e gain s the y hav e made . Th e Eas t Germa n wome n se e themselves a s bein g insulted , criticized , an d exploite d b y Wes t Germa n women. Legally, th e interest s o f Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n als o differ . The unificatio n agreement s fo r German y require d a join t la w t o b e established b y parliament b y the en d o f 199 2 to revise the West Germa n abortion law , Paragrap h 218 . Th e unite d parliamen t i n Augus t 199 2 voted fo r a compromis e law , whic h wa s immediatel y challenge d an d appealed t o th e Suprem e Cour t b y conservatives; the Cour t rejecte d tha t law in May 1993 . Every stage in these legal developments had a differen t meaning fo r Eas t an d Wes t Germa n women . Th e 199 2 propose d com promise la w mean t a los s o f right s fo r forme r GD R women , bu t a gain fo r Wes t women . Sinc e tha t la w woul d hav e impose d obligator y counseling, th e propose d la w woul d hav e mean t Eas t Germa n wome n had los t thei r GD R righ t t o a first trimeste r abortion . Fo r Wes t Germa n women, th e proposed la w mean t tha t fo r th e first time they had th e lega l right t o decid e fo r themselve s whethe r t o have a first trimester abortion . But the effect o f the Supreme Cour t decisio n i n May 1993—sinc e suc h a law was no t constitutional , healt h insuranc e coul d no t pay fo r abortion s
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(although abortion s woul d no t b e criminalized)—wa s t o creat e a two tier syste m tha t negativel y affecte d Eas t Germa n women , wh o ar e mor e likely t o b e poo r an d unabl e t o affor d abortions . Thes e ar e amon g th e differences tha t infor m meeting s and result in resentments an d misunder standings, poisonin g contact s betwee n Eas t an d Wes t Germa n women . Under thes e conditions , constructiv e dialogue , t o th e exten t ther e i s an y such dialogu e betwee n Eas t an d West Germa n women , i s difficult . Power a n d Inequalit y
The meeting s betwee n Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n als o highlighte d the fac t tha t wome n ar e als o i n positions o f power an d dominatio n ove r other women , a s African-American wome n hav e mad e s o clea r t o whit e feminists i n th e U.S . Powe r relationship s betwee n wome n hav e ofte n been a proble m fo r feminism , a movemen t tha t aros e i n par t fro m a n understanding o f wome n a s al l victim s o f mal e domination . Ho w doe s feminism constitut e itsel f i n the fac e o f oppressiv e relationship s betwee n women? A s i n th e cas e o f rac e an d class , difference s o f politica l an d socioeconomic system s mea n tha t interaction s betwee n Eas t an d Wes t German wome n ar e asymmetrica l relationship s o f power , inequality , and domination . Suc h relation s exis t bot h a t th e leve l o f societ y an d a t the level of discourse . Social Inequality and Domination. Wes t Germa n women , comin g fro m the dominan t politica l an d cultura l system , hav e greate r freedo m an d opportunity tha n Eas t Germa n wome n i n th e unite d Germany ; the y have readie r entre e int o tha t syste m an d t o th e powe r tha t come s fro m experience an d entrenchmen t withi n it . Afte r a grea t dea l o f struggl e against sexism , som e Wes t Germa n wome n hav e acquire d position s o f status an d respect . Obviously , non e o f thi s i s tru e fo r Eas t Germa n women, wh o mus t first lear n t o navigat e i n a ne w syste m an d struggl e for an y plac e a t al l i n there . Furthermore , Wes t Germa n wome n eve n hold dominan t position s i n workplace s involve d wit h promotin g th e interests o f Eas t Germa n women , an d the y ma y hav e decision-makin g powers abou t fundin g Eas t Germa n women' s researc h projects . I n ad ministrative position s i n th e easter n hal f o f Germany , i n Office s fo r th e Equality o f Wome n (aki n t o Affirmativ e Actio n office s i n th e U.S.) , i n offices collectin g dat a o n wome n an d th e transitio n i n Germany , Wes t German wome n ofte n outran k an d outnumbe r Eas t Germa n women .
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West women' s qualification s ar e deeme d mor e appropriat e fo r thes e higher positions, bu t Eas t Germa n wome n accus e West women o f insen sitivity t o Eas t Germa n women' s issue s an d se e the m a s uncommitte d to workin g o n behal f o f Eas t Germa n women . Moreover , Wes t Ger man wome n ignor e Eas t Germa n women' s judgments , eve n i n matter s concerning them ; the y ar e i n subordinat e position s an d simpl y no t sought out . Significantly, Wes t Germa n wome n ar e frequentl y oblivious—some times i n th e nam e o f feminism—o r insensitiv e t o al l thes e structura l inequalities. They assum e that , afte r twent y year s of a Western women' s movement, the y kno w bes t th e "rea l women' s issues " o r "wha t i s to b e done" politicall y an d individually . Wes t Germa n wome n hav e tol d for mer GD R wome n wha t feminis m is , tha t the y shouldn' t hav e me n i n their organizations , an d ho w the y shoul d dea l with th e German politica l system. Suc h arroganc e prevent s Wes t Germa n wome n fro m hearin g th e valid criticism s b y Eas t Germa n women . I n on e case , a t a meetin g o f a predominantly Eas t Germa n woman' s group , a forme r GD R woma n voiced doubt s abou t acceptin g governmen t fundin g fo r position s i n a woman's organization , fearin g i t woul d creat e dependenc y o n th e state . Instead o f takin g thi s hesitatio n a s ground s fo r critica l self-reflectio n o n standard Wes t Germa n feminis t practices , a West Germa n woma n a t th e meeting immediatel y dismisse d th e Eas t Germa n woman' s doubt s a s another sig n o f unfamiliarit y wit h th e Wes t Germa n system . Simila r problems, in a less intense way, have surface d i n relations betwee n post Communist wome n an d Wes t Europea n an d America n wome n i n general. Power and Inequality in Discourse. Powe r imbalance s als o exis t a t th e level o f discours e wher e Wester n feminis t discours e i s hegemoni c i n feminism. Thi s threaten s t o suppres s an d distor t post-Communis t women's concerns . In speaking their own language of feminism , Wester n women in general, and West German wome n i n particular, ris k imposin g on Easter n wome n th e standard s o f discourse , provokin g intellectua l and politica l resentment , an d sometime s shatterin g th e possibilitie s o f political cooperation . West Germa n wome n ofte n hav e mor e facilit y wit h an d ar e bette r read i n th e Wester n feminis t discourse , whic h ma y eve n b e accepte d a s the standar d o f discours e b y East Germa n wome n themselves . The Wes t German wome n ar e also often bette r educate d i n the methodology o f th e
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social sciences, which the y may bring to bear o n feminist research . Whe n East Germa n wome n participat e i n thos e discourse s the y ar e simpl y swamped b y th e Wes t Germa n women , wh o se t th e pac e an d directio n of th e discussion . Th e agreemen t o r nonagreemen t o f th e Eas t Germa n women cease s t o b e a relevant consideration . Th e relativ e advantage s o f the Wes t Germa n wome n i n th e discours e lead s the m t o submerg e and ignor e importan t insights , critiques , an d differin g interest s o f Eas t German women , wh o ma y no t ge t a n effectiv e opportunit y t o articulat e them. Moreover , som e o f th e question s tha t Wes t Germa n wome n pos e are inappropriate t o East Germa n women' s concerns . In the unite d Germany , language , a s the articulatio n o f a lifeworld, i s itself a conteste d issue . West Germa n wome n ar e resentfu l an d irritate d by Eas t Germa n women' s us e o f linguisti c form s tha t Wes t Germa n women fough t lon g an d har d t o overcome . A t issu e is the Eas t Germa n woman's us e o f th e mal e grammatica l for m whe n referrin g t o herself , for example , a s a teacher , Lehrer ( a commo n occupatio n o f wome n i n both Eas t an d Wes t Germany) , while th e West Germa n woman' s move ment institute d th e us e o f th e femal e form , Lehrerin. Thi s i s equivalen t to th e America n feminis t fight t o rejec t th e us e o f "he " o r "man " a s a neutral linguisti c form . Oppressive relation s usuall y see n betwee n me n an d wome n exis t between Eas t an d Wes t Germa n women . Iren e Dolling, a long time Eas t Berlin feminis t researcher , note d tha t a t on e meeting , Wes t Germa n women too k o n th e rol e o f me n i n relatio n t o Eas t Germa n women : while East German wome n talke d abou t thei r experiences , West Germa n women "theorized. " Eas t Germa n wome n wer e the objects t o b e studie d (a position, o f course , they resent), while West German s remaine d i n th e role o f subject s wh o conducte d th e study . Bein g represente d a s th e "other" raise s problem s fo r Eas t Germa n women , wh o als o resen t th e ignorance an d lac k o f understandin g Wes t Germa n wome n hav e of thei r lives, thei r dail y problems , thei r present , an d thei r past . The y fee l tha t West Germa n wome n us e categorie s an d concept s tha t d o no t spea k t o their concerns , that ar e no t thei r own , tha t the y d o no t understand , an d in whic h the y canno t recogniz e themselves . Eas t an d Wes t Germa n women, i n effect , hav e no t bee n mutua l partner s i n a dialogu e betwee n feminists; th e issues , problems , an d questions , a s wel l a s answers , ar e often pose d b y Wes t Germa n women , an d Eas t Germa n women—eve n those activ e o n behal f o f women—ar e ofte n discredite d a s no t under standing feminism .
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Competition. Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n compet e fo r th e sam e goods—funding fo r women' s project s an d research , job s i n th e newl y reorganized Eas t Germa n universit y system , i n business , administration , and i n government . Ye t West wome n hav e bette r connection s an d mor e appropriate skills , making them structurall y bette r positione d an d bette r able t o succee d i n tha t competition . Moreover , th e standard s b y whic h women ar e bein g evaluated , bot h politica l an d intellectual , ar e Wester n standards. Eas t Germa n wome n ofte n fee l unwelcom e i n th e universitie s by th e fe w Wes t Germa n wome n there , who m the y regar d a s havin g their ow n close d networks . Ironically , Wes t Germa n wome n themselve s are no t wel l represente d i n Germa n universities , bein g presen t i n muc h smaller percentage s tha n wome n i n th e U.S . Thi s i s du e t o a muc h smaller, mor e hierarchica l universit y syste m an d a women' s movemen t that initiall y focuse d o n "autonomous " extra-institutiona l positions . Their lea n number s mea n that , i n contras t t o U.S . feminis t academi c women, Wes t Germa n wome n an d feminist s hav e develope d weake r academic networks , model s o f behavior , o r institutiona l styles ; thei r style is more likel y to b e an imitatio n o f th e mal e aggressiv e style. Eastern Europea n wome n intellectual s generally , an d forme r GD R women i n particular , experienc e themselve s a s exploite d b y Wester n feminist intellectual s wh o com e t o collec t Easter n Europea n women' s experiences, stories , an d insights , the n tel l the m i n thei r ow n voice , building career s o n thos e storie s an d accounts , sometime s withou t cita tion o r acknowledgment . Thi s provokes resentmen t tha t i s compounde d when th e Wester n woma n beat s th e Easter n woma n t o th e publicatio n or th e job in the West . Culture, Beliefs, Socialization, and Personality. Ther e ar e tremendou s differences i n what Haberma s ha s referre d t o a s the "lifeworld " an d th e stock o f taken-for-grante d unreflecte d belief s an d worldview s tha t Eas t and Wes t Germa n wome n hold . Women' s pre-reflective , philosophica l categories of thought, suc h a s conceptions o f the individual an d equality , and normativ e principles , suc h a s a commitmen t t o equality , ar e al l profoundly political . I n th e meeting s o f Easter n an d Wester n women , and o f Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n i n particular, politica l difference s pervade women' s consciousness , thei r normative , philosophica l presup positions an d categorie s o f though t an d belie f systems . Easter n women , if no t Easter n feminists , ofte n believ e the y ha d equalit y an d tha t the y certainly don' t wan t tha t i n th e future ; som e Western feminist s clai m t o
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want equality , bu t d o no t ye t hav e it . Easter n Europea n wome n se e themselves muc h mor e a s par t o f a totality , whil e Wester n wome n se e themselves i n mor e individualis t ways . I n addition , differen t attitude s toward autonomy , self-development , th e family , an d i n th e understand ing o f emancipatio n an d feminis m itsel f divid e thes e women. Wome n i n state socialis t countries , eve n thos e activ e o n behal f o f women , appea r to b e mor e oriente d tha n Wester n feminist s towar d childre n an d th e family, mor e skeptica l o f th e benefit s o f pai d work , an d hav e differen t attitudes toward men' s o r to women's collectiv e action. In public presen tations o r i n biographie s i n books , intellectua l Eas t Germa n wome n identify themselve s b y ho w man y childre n the y ha d an d whethe r the y were marrie d o r not , a s wel l a s b y thei r professiona l accomplishments ; West Germa n intellectua l wome n usuall y d o no t mentio n thei r chil dren—in fact , generally , much mor e so than American academi c wome n today, they d o not hav e children . Different habit s o f behavio r als o characteriz e th e women. Women (a s well a s men ) i n Eas t German y ar e muc h les s accustome d t o puttin g themselves forward , o r t o bringin g attentio n t o themselve s an d t o wha t is distinctiv e abou t them , tha n ar e Wes t Germans . Bein g differen t wa s not a n asse t i n a n authoritaria n state ; i t wa s destine d t o ge t on e i n trouble, s o on e wa s socialize d agains t self-assertio n o r self-destruction . If on e insiste d nevertheles s o n bein g different , a n "Andersdenken " (on e who think s differently) , th e bes t thing t o d o was t o find a community o f like-minded persons— a niche—an d disappea r int o it . Wes t Germa n attitudes ar e just the reverse . Differences i n dealin g wit h conflict s an d wit h authorit y have , no t surprisingly, emerged . Eas t German s i n general , an d wome n i n particu lar, had littl e experience dealin g with conflicts i n the workplace o r in th e public sphere ; an d afte r unificatio n the y di d no t understan d th e ne w rights an d freedom s the y ha d a s workers an d citizens . Couple d wit h th e fear sinc e 199 0 o f losin g their job s (no t surprisin g give n that wome n ar e two-thirds o f th e Eas t Germa n unemploye d an d abou t 5 0 percen t hav e lost th e job s the y hel d i n 1990) , East Germa n wome n ten d t o withdra w from conflict s wit h employer s o r th e state , eve n whe n thei r right s ar e being violated . Expectation s tha t th e "father-state " woul d d o i t all , th e absence o f a traditio n o f democrati c institution s an d a publi c sphere , and th e fac t tha t the y ar e overwhelme d b y th e dislocation s o f thei r personal live s mean they are unlikely to assert themselves against author -
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ity. Thi s ha s becom e a n issu e betwee n wome n i n th e ongoin g struggl e over abortio n rights : Eas t Germa n reluctanc e t o joi n i n demonstration s for abortio n right s hav e furthe r alienate d Wester n women . Al l this , i n turn, annoy s West Germa n women . In th e fac e o f al l thes e differences, 12 ther e i s a ris k o f Wester n women's moralisti c rejectio n o f post-Communis t cultura l differences . This moralis m ca n b e predicated o n a nonunderstanding o f th e meanin g and origi n o f thes e practices: 13 fo r example , that a family orientatio n i n state socialis m wa s als o a n escap e fro m th e eve n greate r stat e contro l in othe r spheres . Wester n moralis m itsel f risk s provokin g resentment , defensiveness, an d hardene d suspicio n o f Wester n wome n b y Eas t women. Even Wester n standard s o f style , dress , an d cosmetic s hav e bee n imposed o n post-Communis t women : thes e ar e th e standard s tha t East ern wome n aspir e to , o r ar e bein g judge d by . Thi s i s especiall y tru e i n Germany, wher e Eas t Germa n wome n find themselve s newl y self-con scious or resentful . Thu s In a Merkel o f th e former GD R wrote : I suddenl y begi n t o wonde r whethe r I shouldn' t dres s differently , whethe r i t wouldn't be useful fo r me to color my hair, go on a diet, go to a health club, and to reac h deepe r int o m y walle t t o dres s mor e elegantl y o r femininel y o r wh o knows what. . . . New demand s aris e totally anew . In order to successfully sel l oneself, to compete wit h others , on e ha s t o understan d ho w t o trum p an d exclud e th e other, t o char m an d t o mak e onesel f pleasant . Thes e mechanism s wor k i n particular way s on me as a woman. They pressure me to a new externalizatio n and presentation of my sex, which up to now hadn't been expected of me.14 As a n America n woma n a t th e Berli n conference , I was als o sensitiv e to thes e differences , bu t unlik e Eas t Germa n wome n wh o fel t the y ha d to "dres s up " whe n the y went t o West meeting s o r parties, I felt I had t o "dress down" i n meetings with East German women fo r fea r o f flaunting the West . Such Eas t Germa n women' s experience s an d th e storie s other s pas s on structur e futur e interactions , making Eastern women suspiciou s o f al l Western women . Thi s i s no t unlik e th e assumption s black s an d wome n bring t o thei r interaction s wit h white s an d men , respectively . Con strained b y th e nee d t o accommodat e themselve s t o th e ne w hierarchie s into whic h the y ar e plunge d an d t o th e ne w peopl e wit h who m the y must deal , many post-Communist wome n becom e defensive o r resentful .
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Post-Communist wome n i n genera l d o not want t o b e dominated b y the prioritie s o f Wester n wome n o r t o b e swampe d b y th e debate s among Western feminist s tha t d o not resonate fo r them . DIFFERENCE, DIALOGUE , A N D SOLIDARIT Y
How doe s on e recogniz e differenc e an d ye t preserv e solidarity ? Femi nism wa s conceive d a s a syste m o f suppor t amon g "sisters " base d o n sharing a common oppression , an d therefore o n being a "we," an undif ferentiated unite d subject . Bu t the latter wa s readily elide d int o a "uni tary" subject , on e i n whic h ther e wer e n o fundamenta l disagreement s and differences . I n th e Germa n unification , thi s wa s expressed b y earl y conversations betwee n Eas t an d West Germa n women , wh o in listenin g to eac h other' s storie s said , "Yes , it's just lik e tha t fo r us. " But when i t became clea r tha t i t wa s no t "jus t lik e that " fo r Easter n an d Wester n women, tha t ther e ar e importan t differences an d rea l conflicts an d dis agreements, there has been no model fo r how to go forward . In som e ways , wome n hav e no t completel y regarde d eac h othe r a s full subject s wh o ca n b e i n solidarit y bu t stil l b e individuated . Th e problems i n th e meetin g o f Easter n an d Wester n wome n ar e no t onl y sociological problems of differences i n socialization bu t expose the problem o f wha t i t is to b e united wit h thos e wit h who m on e disagrees, and of who m on e has criticism . Ho w ca n ther e b e solidarit y whe n ther e i s criticism an d conflict , whe n th e validit y claim s o f on e threate n th e identity o f th e other , whe n th e integrit y o f on e seem s t o depen d o n criticism o f th e other ? Wha t i s revealed a t th e deepes t leve l i s the nee d for a mode l o f feminis m an d solidarit y tha t doe s no t require agreemen t on al l thing s an d tha t recognize s differences , a feminis t mode l o f con structive disagreement , a model o f solidarity tha t ca n also be constitute d by engagemen t i n dialogu e amon g thos e wh o differ . Workin g throug h the differences, Eas t and West can provide suc h a model. Such a mode l o f collectiv e politica l actio n an d constructiv e disagree ment throug h dialogu e require s a s a first ste p a n acknowledgmen t an d analysis o f th e conflict , i n thi s cas e betwee n Easter n an d Wester n women, an d it s roots . Bu t fo r suc h recognitio n an d dialogu e t o occur , there mus t b e an acknowledgmen t o f th e existence o f power an d domi nation, o f competitio n an d structura l inequality , an d acknowledgmen t of th e fea r o f dialogu e itself . Thos e wh o ente r int o dialogu e wit h eac h other mus t als o expec t tha t ther e wil l b e disagreement , som e o f whic h
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will not b e readily resolved , an d tha t ther e will be misunderstanding an d mistakes. Dialogue s shoul d b e se t u p s o a s t o bes t promot e openness , fairness, an d equalit y i n th e discourse , limite d t o thos e wh o shar e th e goal o f promotin g th e goo d fo r women , women' s mutua l suppor t an d respect, an d t o th e eliminatio n o f prejudices . Th e preconditio n o f tha t dialogue mus t b e a commitmen t t o understan d eac h other , a commit ment t o achiev e mutua l recognition , rathe r tha n a battl e t o prov e th e other wron g an d mak e moralisti c judgments . Ther e mus t b e a commit ment t o discussin g unspoke n assumption s an d resentments , a n opennes s to engag e i n critica l self-reflection , an d a preparedness t o chang e hereto fore unexamine d assumption s i f they canno t withstan d critica l examina tion. Th e proces s o f engagin g i n suc h a difficul t dialogu e wit h th e goal o f mutua l understandin g an d recognitio n itsel f create s a commo n experience an d ca n hel p t o bridg e differences an d disagreements . Dia logues constitute d procedurall y a s interaction s betwee n equal s wil l hel p to creat e a ne w atmospher e an d mor e positiv e experience s betwee n women an d hel p to chang e prejudices tha t pervade present contacts . To thi s end , th e facilitator s o f suc h dialogue s shoul d b e bot h Easter n and Wester n women , i n equa l number s wher e possible , wh o agre e o n the circumstances i n which tha t dialogu e take s place an d th e procedure s it follows . No t onl y mus t i t b e possible fo r eac h t o establis h th e agend a and pos e challenges , bu t enablin g condition s tha t facilitat e forme r GD R women t o exercis e thes e right s effectivel y mus t b e incorporated . Eas t German wome n mus t hav e a centra l rol e i n determinin g wha t thos e enabling condition s are . Th e topic s o f suc h discours e mus t b e no t onl y East Germa n women , bu t Wes t Germa n woma n a s well. Such dialogue s can b e part o f join t political activitie s b y feminist s an d wome n activ e o n behalf o f women. Thos e activitie s mus t b e predicated o n joint leadershi p under condition s mutuall y agree d upon , wit h equa l participatio n b y both Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n an d unde r condition s tha t promot e the possibilities fo r equa l effectiv e participatio n b y both groups . To these ends, several East and West German feminist s hav e propose d meeting i n smal l group s t o exchang e persona l experiences—i n effect , a cross cultura l consciousness-raising , no t onl y t o se e th e way s i n whic h they ar e th e same , bu t als o ho w an d wh y the y differ . Other s ar e at tempting t o wor k togethe r i n mor e sensitive , self-reflectiv e politica l structures. The meetin g o f Eas t an d Wes t Germa n wome n potentiall y create s new opportunitie s fo r critica l feminis t reflectio n o n th e politica l system s
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of which the y ar e and were a part, th e different system s of male domina tion i n East an d West , th e unification o f Easter n an d Western system s of male domination , an d th e significanc e o f th e male-directe d natur e o f th e unification o f German y an d it s willingnes s t o sacrific e women . A femi nist self-understandin g o f thes e phenomen a an d th e rol e o f wome n i n the unificatio n o f German y a s wel l a s o n th e politica l strategie s no w possible coul d b e encouraged b y these interactions. It could als o provid e an opportunit y an d incentiv e fo r a critica l self-reflectio n o f bot h Eas t and Wes t Germa n wome n o n thei r normativ e an d politica l belief s an d worldviews. Fo r Wes t Germa n wome n i t coul d provid e a n opportunit y to reflec t o n thei r conceptio n o f feminism , thei r past focu s o n alternativ e structures tha t lef t man y institutiona l structure s intact . Eas t wome n could reflec t o n th e "patriarcha l emancipation " o f th e stat e socialis t system, o n it s day-care , abortion , an d employmen t policie s fo r women , on wha t i s an d i s no t o f valu e i n tha t past , an d whethe r th e GD R ha d really provide d gende r equality . Finally , suc h a meetin g coul d giv e bot h sides a wa y o f confrontin g th e change d realit y tha t the y bot h hav e t o master t o achiev e individua l lif e plan s an d t o b e able to ac t o n behal f o f women. Th e energ y create d fro m ne w perspectives , ne w possibilities , and ne w insight s coul d invigorat e bot h sides . I t woul d b e a sham e i f missteps up to now create d a permanent impasse .
NOTES
i. Throughou t thi s essay the term "East " o r "Eastern " refer s t o the countries of the former Eastern Bloc and the former Sovie t Union. 2. Ulrik e Helwert h an d Gislind e Schwarz , "Estrange d Sisters : Easter n an d Western Feminists and Their Differences" (unpublishe d manuscript). 3. Ulrik e Helwerth worked for the alternative Berlin newspaper Die Tageszeitung and has als o studied sociology . Gislinde Schwarz is a free-lance jour nalist fro m Eas t Berli n an d previousl y worke d fo r wha t wa s th e onl y women's magazine in the German Democratic Republic, Fur Dich. 4. Helwert h and Schwarz, "Estranged Sisters." 5. Christin e Kulke, "Feme Nahe: Zum Dialog unter Frauen im rationalisierten Einigungsprozess," in Wider Das Schlichte Vergessen. Der deutsch-deutsche Einigungsprozess: Frauen im Dialog, ed . Christin e Kulke , Heid i Kopp Degethoff, and Ulrike Ramming (Berlin: Orlanda Frauenverlag, 1992.), 20. 6. Ibid. , 21.
7. Ther e wa s th e Demokratisch e Frauenbun d Deutschlan d (Democrati c Women's Organization of Germany), the official women' s organization, but like most such organizations in state-socialist countries since the 1950s, they
Feminism Meets Post-Communism 32 7 did not play a n independent rol e representing women, but were much mor e the instrument for the transmission of stat e policy to women. 8. "Instrumenta l rationality " refer s t o emphasis , a t th e exclusio n o f othe r considerations, t o find the mos t efficient mean s to the desired goal—in this case, unification . 9. Kulke , "Fem e Nahe, " 16-30 ; Jurge n Habermas , "Vergangenhei t al s Zu kunft," i n Vergangenheit als Zukunft, ed . Michael Halle r (Zurich : Clause n and Bosse, Leek, 1990) , 56-59 . 10. Olga Toth, "N o Envy , No Pity, " in Gender Politics and Post-Communism: Reflections from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, ed . Nanett e Funk an d Magd a Muelle r (Ne w York : Routledge , 1993) , 213-14 ; Lariss a Lissyutkina, "Sovie t Wome n a t th e Crossroad s o f Perestroika, " i n Gender Politics and Post-Communism, 274-80 , 286 . 11. According t o som e psychologists , Wes t Germa n wome n an d me n repres s feelings o f change , an d other stron g feelings , ou t of a desire not to threate n their self-assured sens e of contro l ove r themselves an d their world. 12. I n Germany th e difference s eve n exten d t o ho w on e take s leav e o f anothe r person. Forme r GD R wome n shak e hands , whic h Wes t Germa n wome n consider unduly formal, a practice they rejected in 1968 , substituting simpl y a verbal acknowledgmen t o f greetin g among friends . 13. Wes t Germa n wome n se e thes e family-oriente d practice s a s th e ver y sam e ones they had rebelled against in 1968 , but they ignore the different cultura l meaning these practices had in state socialism . 14. In a Merkel , . . . und Du, Frau an der Werkbank: Die DDR in den joer Jahren (Berlin: Elephanten Press, 1990) , 7 - 8 .
16. REHABILITATING MAR Y CRAWFORD : MANSFIELD PARK
A N D TH E RELIE F
OF "THROWIN G RIDICULE " EILEEN GILLOOL Y Miss Crawford wa s glad to find a family of such consequence so very near them, and not a t all displeased eithe r a t her sister's early care [i n choosing a husband for her] , o r th e choic e i t ha d falle n o n [To m Bertram] , Matrimon y wa s he r object, provide d sh e coul d marr y well , and havin g see n Mr . Bertra m i n town , she kne w tha t objectio n coul d n o mor e b e mad e t o hi s perso n tha n t o hi s situation i n life . While sh e treated i t a s a joke, therefore, sh e did no t forge t t o think of it seriously. —Mansfield Park (75) 1
No matte r ho w highl y acclaime d i t sometime s is—Lione l Trilling , fo r example, ranke d i t amon g th e greates t o f Englis h novels— Mansfield Park i s famous fo r bein g the leas t well-like d o f Austen' s novels. 2 Domi nated b y th e mora l correctnes s o f Fann y Price , i t generall y leave s it s readers wit h a n impressio n o f earnestnes s an d sobriet y tha t eve n parti sans o f Auste n hav e a t time s foun d har d t o appreciate . A s Claudi a Johnson ha s noted , " J a n e i t e s confesse d an d unconfessed " lamen t it s "ungratifying humorlessness." 3 Mansfield Park, however , i s home no t onl y t o Fann y Pric e bu t Mar y Crawford a s well, whose laughin g comment s an d quic k wi t pervade an d 328
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animate th e novel . No othe r femal e characte r i n Austen , wit h th e possi ble exception o f Elizabet h Bennet , approache s th e comprehensivenes s o f Mary's humorousl y ironi c perspective , an d certainl y n o othe r pose s such a threa t t o th e mora l an d epistemologica l orde r o f th e narrativ e community. Ye t perhaps becaus e sh e i s limited t o a supportin g rol e an d banished fro m th e novel befor e closure , Mary's importanc e a s a compet ing textua l presenc e i s generall y ignored . I f seriousl y considere d a t all , Mary i s judge d t o b e seductiv e bu t superficial , amusin g bu t morall y impoverished, th e "bad " gir l against whom Fanny' s goodnes s i s defined . Narratively pittin g Mar y agains t Fann y i n thi s way—makin g the m "women a t odds, " s o t o speak—force s th e reade r t o choos e betwee n them; an d n o matte r ho w muc h w e may regret having to d o so , we mus t on mora l ground s sid e wit h Fanny . Ye t onc e ou r mora l allegianc e t o Fanny i s assured , th e narrato r i s fre e t o alig n hersel f wit h Mar y i n a number o f othe r ways . He r discourse , fo r example , a t time s uncannil y resembles Mary's , an d despit e her expresse d materna l affectio n fo r "M y Fanny" (446 ) (sh e alone of Austen narrators claim s such singular possession o f he r heroine) , sh e rarel y participate s full y i n Fanny' s opinion s o r perspective.4 O n th e othe r hand , however , th e narrato r share s wit h Mary Crawfor d a n ironi c sens e o f humo r tha t challenge s no t onl y th e morally conservativ e (Fanny-associated ) ton e dominatin g th e novel , bu t cultural value s lik e feminine passivit y an d dutifulnes s tha t ar e embodie d by the heroine an d a t least apparentl y supporte d b y the plot . Narratologically, then , Mary function s a s a counterpart t o Fanny: th e narrator, whil e associate d wit h Fanny' s ethics , nevertheles s share s Mary's epistemolog y an d sensibility . Thi s splittin g o f th e heroine-objec t has particularly significan t consequence s fo r th e dispositio n o f humo r i n Mansfield Park. Fo r despit e Mary' s obviou s lac k o f sisterhood , an d despite whateve r plo t function s he r temperamenta l antagonis m towar d Fanny performs , Mar y Crawford' s presenc e i n th e tex t als o serve s t o disguise (an d t o support ) th e narrator' s ow n subtl e humorou s assault s upon th e patriarcha l constructio n o f nineteenth-centur y femininit y tha t Fanny ha s (s o t o speak ) internalized— a constructio n tha t forcibl y re stricts and reductivel y define s femal e opportunities , identity, an d agency . The "relief " o f "throwin g ridicule " (256 ) is , as I hope t o sugges t i n th e following pages , a tactic equally commo n t o them both . Of al l th e wome n o f Mansfield Park, Mar y Crawfor d clearl y present s the greates t challeng e t o phallocrati c control . Sh e no t onl y display s a
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tremendous sexua l energ y that captivate s eve n an improbable wooer lik e Edmund Bertram , bu t she is completely unintimidated b y authority, and , next t o th e narrator , i s the sharpes t wi t i n th e novel . Sh e frankl y point s out th e hypocrisie s o f others—th e lasciviousnes s o f he r uncl e th e admi ral an d th e dangerou s flirtatio n "o f thos e indefatigabl e rehearsers " (188), Maria Bertra m an d Henr y Crawford—an d laughingl y demystifie s cultural myth s o f bot h gende r an d class . In respons e t o Edmund' s quer y about th e siz e of he r nava l acquaintance , Mar y replies , " 'Among Admi rals, larg e enough ; but, ' wit h a n ai r o f grandeur ; 'w e kno w ver y little of the inferio r ranks . Post captain s ma y b e very goo d sor t o f men , bu t the y do no t belon g t o ws' " (91) . An d i n respons e t o Fanny' s rathe r pietisti c exclamation tha t " a whol e famil y assemblin g regularl y fo r th e purpos e of prayer , i s fine!," Mary , "laughing, " expose s th e paternalisti c result s such evangelica l notion s ofte n breed : "I t mus t d o the heads of the famil y a grea t dea l o f goo d t o forc e al l th e poo r housemaid s an d footme n t o leave business an d pleasure, and sa y their prayers here twice a day, whil e they ar e inventing excuses themselves fo r stayin g away" (115) . She i s particularl y shrew d o n th e subjec t o f marriage , avoidin g it s overromanticization an d acceptin g th e materialis m o f marita l negotia tions a s d e rigueu r amon g th e leisure d middl e class : fo r bot h sexes , marriage simpl y boil s dow n t o " a manoeuvrin g business " (79) . An d while sh e believes that "ever y bod y shoul d marr y a s soon a s they ca n d o it t o advantage " (76 ) an d no t "thro w themselve s away, " he r clas s alle giance i s limited ; sh e i s personall y "no t displeased " wit h he r brothe r Henry's wishin g t o marr y on e who, like Fanny, i s " a littl e beneath him " (296) an d eve n appreciate s it s symboli c feminis t value : "'th e glor y o f fixing on e who ha s bee n sho t a t b y so many; o f havin g it in one's powe r to pay of f th e debt s of one' s sex!' " (358) . Furthermore, Mary i s the onl y character wh o recognize s ho w full y Mari a ha s bee n victimize d b y he r upbringing. While th e others vie w Maria's decisio n t o marry Rushwort h with varyin g degree s o f approbatio n o r apprehension , Mar y suggest s that Mari a ha s littl e rea l sa y i n th e matter , havin g bee n reare d fro m birth b y Si r Thoma s t o b e a sacrificia l lam b a t th e alta r o f Hymen : " 'Don't b e affronted, ' sai d sh e laughing ; 'bu t i t doe s pu t m e in min d o f some o f th e ol d heathe n heroes , wh o afte r performin g exploit s i n a foreign land , offere d sacrifice s t o the gods on thei r saf e return' " (135) . Mary's view s o n feminin e agenc y an d daughterl y dut y ar e a s poten tially radica l a s her view s on marriag e an d class . She holds that financial independence, no t marriage , "i s th e bes t recip e fo r happines s I eve r
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heard of " (226) , an d betray s a decidedl y unfeminin e ambitio n bot h i n becoming "angr y wit h Edmun d fo r adherin g t o hi s ow n notion s an d acting o n the m i n defianc e o f her " (290 ) an d i n wistfull y longin g fo r a more constructiv e activit y tha n flirting: " ' I ofte n thin k o f Mr . Rush worth's propert y an d independence . . . . A man migh t represen t th e county wit h suc h a n estate ; a man migh t escap e a profession an d repre sent th e county ' " (182 ; emphasi s added) . Lik e Maria's , he r sens e o f duty i s unsentimental an d self-intereste d ( " 'I t is every body' s dut y t o d o as wel l fo r themselve s a s the y can ' " [293]) ; ye t unlik e Maria's , i t i s explicitly held an d shamelessl y masculine . Precisely becaus e Mar y Crawfor d i s no t th e heroin e o f Mansfield Park, sh e ha s narrativ e permissio n t o scandaliz e he r fello w characters , and ofte n he r readers , wit h relativ e impunity . Fann y an d Edmun d ma y condemn Mar y fo r he r wea k moralit y an d lac k o f "feminin e loathings " (441), bu t th e narrato r show s considerabl y mor e mercy. 5 Whe n Fann y thinks Mar y undeservin g o f Edmun d an d fear s tha t "hi s wort h woul d finally b e waste d o n her, " th e narrato r come s t o Mary' s defense : "Im partiality would no t have denied to Miss Crawford's nature , that partici pation o f th e genera l natur e o f women , whic h woul d lea d he r t o adop t the opinion s o f th e ma n sh e love d an d respected , a s he r own " (362) . I n other words , Mary' s lov e fo r Edmun d would , i n th e narrator' s opinion , lead to he r behaviora l reformatio n rathe r tha n hi s vitiation . Moreover, n o matte r ho w ethicall y unsoun d i t ma y be , almos t every one finds Mary' s witt y volubilit y irresistible . Th e reade r thank s he r fo r it; Edmund fall s i n love with he r a t least partially becaus e o f it ; and eve n the relentlessl y sombe r Fann y ha s t o admi t t o bein g amused : " ' I lik e t o hear he r talk . Sh e entertains me ' " (94) ; and, wonder o f wonders , " 'Sh e made m e almos t laugh ' " (95) . Mary' s "livel y mind " (95 ) an d "playfu l manner" (412 ) ar e s o appealing , i n fact , tha t i n orde r fo r th e lackluste r Fanny t o ris e t o th e statur e o f romanti c heroin e an d fo r he r mora l severity t o wi n ou r sympath y (i f no t ou r allegiance) , Mar y mus t ulti mately b e exiled from th e novel. As D. A. Miller has noted, Mary, whos e language make s u p "s o muc h o f th e text, " suddenl y "disappear s fro m direct view " i n "th e las t hundre d o r s o pages o f Mansfield Park," bein g "represented onl y b y her letter s t o Fann y an d b y Edmund's repor t o f hi s last meeting with her. " 6 The mos t damnin g evidenc e agains t Mar y fo r immorality , then , con sists o f interpretiv e account s o f he r speec h an d letter s b y Edmun d an d Fanny—two o f th e leas t impartia l o f characte r witnesses . (Wer e he r
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own humorou s reportin g o f th e fact s admitte d a s testimony , w e might , regardless o f ou r bette r judgmen t perhaps , acqui t her. ) Despit e he r de nunciation b y th e Mansfiel d moralists , Mar y i s allowe d t o escap e th e novel not simpl y without punishment, bu t with her charm, though some what tarnished , stil l largel y intact . And , thank s t o th e destabilizing , elusive characte r o f humor , Mar y evade s definitive interpretatio n an d labeling a s well . Thoug h sh e canno t possibl y b e calle d a heroine , Mar y is no villainess either . Indeed, Mar y function s a s nothin g s o muc h a s a narrativ e analogu e to Fanny . Edmun d i s simpl y love-blin d i n assertin g tha t ther e i s "s o much genera l resemblanc e i n true generosity an d natural delicacy " (270 ) between hi s cousi n an d hi s would-b e lover , bu t th e narrator , too , note s that, althoug h som e o f th e differenc e betwee n the m belong s t o "disposi tion an d habi t . . . still mor e migh t b e impute d t o differenc e o f circum stances" (290) . Tha t is , thei r cultura l an d domesti c upbringin g ha s marked the m mor e decidedl y tha n an y disparit y i n temperament ; fo r like Fanny , Mar y ha s "reall y goo d feeling s b y whic h sh e wa s almos t purely governed " (170) . Consequently, a n examinatio n o f "som e point s of interes t [upo n which ] the y wer e exactl y oppose d t o eac h other " — namely, thei r sens e o f propriet y an d appropriat e feminin e conduct — throws int o hig h relie f no t onl y th e natur e o f thei r differences , bu t indeed ho w very far ou r acceptanc e o f Mary an d he r ideas actually goes : point fo r point , w e find th e witty disrupto r o f th e patriarchal statu s qu o more sympatheticall y engagin g than it s ideal woman. 7 Mary's profus e an d sometime s braze n talk , fo r instance , i s consis tently mor e agreeabl e tha n Fanny' s eve n mor e profus e feminin e silenc e (arguably, Fann y speak s demonstrabl y les s than an y othe r Auste n hero ine becaus e sh e has i n Mar y a doubl e wh o speak s s o much). Her failur e to internaliz e a n upper-middle-clas s cod e o f feminin e conduc t expose s Mary t o Edmund' s charg e of unwomanlines s ( a lack o f "feminin e loath ings"), bu t i t doesn' t paralyz e he r a s Fanny' s successfu l internalizatio n does; indeed, Fanny's stric t sense of propriety prohibit s her from directl y expressing desir e o f an y sort , which , amon g othe r things , make s he r hostage t o Henry' s sexua l advances. 8 Furthermore , Mary' s interpreta tion o f Maria' s conduc t a s mer e folly , whic h s o infuriate s Edmund , proceeds fro m a standard o f judgmen t tha t recognize s no gender distinc tion i n mora l culpability : Mar y reasonabl y conclude s tha t Maria , bein g no mor e t o blam e tha n Henr y fo r thei r elopement , deserve s n o severe r labeling or punishment. Fann y react s more to Edmund's liking : "I f ther e
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was a woma n o f characte r i n existence , wh o coul d trea t a s a trifl e thi s sin o f th e first magnitude , wh o coul d tr y t o glos s i t over , an d desir e t o have it unpunished, sh e could believ e Miss Crawfor d t o be the woman! " (429). But the hysterical intensit y o f he r respons e t o the new s of Maria' s elopement—her "sleepless " "misery, " he r "feeling s o f sickness " an d "shudderings o f horror, " he r "ho t fits o f fever " an d "cold " (429) , a s well a s he r feelin g tha t "th e greates t blessin g t o ever y on e o f kindre d with Mrs . Rushwort h woul d b e instan t annihilation " (430)—suggest s that suc h a respons e owe s a s muc h t o Fanny' s intrapsychi c conflicts a s to he r high-minded morality. 9 The sures t sig n o f th e narrativ e object-splittin g tha t operate s wit h regard t o Mar y an d Fann y ca n b e found i n th e presentation o f laughter , for i n Mansfield Park a s i n non e o f Austen' s othe r novels , laughte r an d patriarchal principl e ar e internalize d i n th e tex t a s mutuall y exclusiv e traits. Nowher e els e i n Austen , indeed , doe s a narrato r s o frequentl y gesture t o a character' s suppressio n o f laughter ; i t rival s simila r gestur ing t o Marianne' s violen t suppressio n o f speec h i n Sense and Sensibility.10 Althoug h Fann y come s clos e a t a numbe r o f point s (sh e "almos t laugh[s]" a t Mary [95]; she "coul d hardl y hel p laughing at " To m [145] ; "in spite of herself, she could no t hel p half a smile, but sh e said nothing " [340]; "Fann y coul d no t avoi d a fain t smile , bu t ha d nothin g t o say " [358]), sh e neve r actuall y manage s a n outrigh t sho w o f amusement . Tellingly, he r onl y approac h t o a witticis m i s a temptatio n t o allud e t o Dr. Johnson, th e most famousl y mora l o f wits (385) . Mary, o n th e othe r hand , habituall y incline s t o laughter . I n he r las t dramatized appearanc e i n th e nove l (a s reporte d b y Edmund) , sh e an swers hi s vituperativ e attac k o n he r fo r "fault s o f principle , o f blunte d delicacy an d a corrupted , vitiate d mind " (442 ) wit h " a sor t o f laugh " (444), and sh e exits the scen e with " a sauc y playful smile " that Edmun d interprets a s a sexua l come-on . I n chargin g Mar y wit h bot h sexua l an d gender misconduc t (he r laughter , t o hi s mind , i s no t simpl y femininel y indecorous unde r th e circumstances , bu t lewd) , Edmun d unwittingl y associates he r wit h th e adulterou s Maria . A s Maria' s adulter y trans gresses th e la w governin g mal e ownershi p o f femal e bodies , s o Mary' s irreverent laughte r defie s phallocrati c injunction s agains t femal e speech . Unlike Maria , however , wh o i s castigate d fo r he r crime , Mar y finds sanctuary fro m censur e i n he r doubleness . No t onl y i s sh e "double " t o Fanny (he r functio n a s heroine-counterpart , narratologicall y speaking , prevents he r mora l condemnation) , bu t he r doubl y indecen t laughte r
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(because bot h sexuall y suggestiv e and o f femal e origin ) proceed s fro m her (doubl y determined ) humor . Tha t is , being a n expressio n o f humor , Mary's laughte r evade s fixed meanin g and , i n so doing, she escapes pun ishment. Edmund finds Mary' s "habit " o f mockin g seriou s principl e an d he r "impudence i n wrong " (444 ) s o repugnan t tha t h e refuse s t o admi t having eve r bee n i n lov e with her : "I t ha d bee n th e creatur e o f m y ow n imagination, no t Mis s Crawford, tha t I had bee n too ap t to dwell on" — an observatio n that , give n Edmund' s stuffiness , i s probably correct . Th e narrator, however , judge s Mar y les s harshl y an d fa r les s prejudicially , reproaching no t he r femininel y impertinen t laughter , bu t rathe r he r disingenuous "intention s t o please " (282 ) an d he r near-cynica l insouci ance (whic h i s most clearl y see n i n her cras s joke abou t Tom' s illness). 11 And ye t eve n thes e fault s ar e lightl y rebuke d i n th e narrative , largel y because Mar y i s hel d onl y limitedl y responsibl e fo r them . Despit e thei r differences, Mar y is , like Fanny, a product o f he r upbringing, femininel y educated (lik e th e Bertra m sisters ) i n "manners " bu t no t i n "activ e principle" (448 ) an d morall y abandone d t o the "vicious " example of he r guardian uncle , th e Admira l (74) . He r impoverishe d mora l educatio n consequently grant s he r a n excus e fo r speakin g indecorousl y an d some times insensitively , whic h i n tur n permit s her—s o lon g a s sh e speak s under cove r o f laughter—bot h t o disparag e patriarcha l practice s an d t o challenge, b y he r ow n enormou s appeal , cultura l notion s o f feminin e ideality. Despite he r reserve d disapprova l o f Mary' s mora l character , th e nar rator no t onl y tolerate s Mary' s laughter , bu t actuall y participate s i n i t herself. Fo r whil e sh e ma y ultimatel y judg e accordin g t o th e light s o f Fanny's morality , th e narrator characteristicall y respond s t o the inhabit ants o f Mansfiel d wit h a n ironicall y inflecte d humo r tha t matche s Mary's. Fo r example , whe n Mar y (unlik e Fanny , wh o gravitate s t o Dr . Johnson) quip s o n Si r Thoma s i n a parod y inspire d b y Pope— " 'Bles t Knight! whos e dictatoria l looks dispens e / T o Childre n affluence , t o Rushworth sense ' " (182 ; emphasis added)—sh e merel y concentrate s i n two line s the narrativ e opinio n o f Si r Thomas's closed-fistednes s (an d o f Mr. Rushworth' s intelligence ) tha t i s disperse d throughou t th e tex t i n comments lik e these: [Sir Thomas ] woul d no t hav e wishe d he r [Mar y Crawford ] t o belon g t o him , though her twenty thousand pounds had been forty. (439 ; emphasis added )
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[Mr. Yates ] wa s no t ver y solid ; bu t ther e wa s a hop e o f hi s becomin g les s trifling—of hi s bein g a t leas t tolerabl y domesti c an d quiet ; and , a t an y rate , there wa s comfor t i n findin g hi s estat e rathe r more , an d hi s debt s muc h less , than he had feared.... (447 ) [B]y looking . . . most exceedingly pleased with Sir Thomas's good opinion, and saying scarcely an y thing , he [Mr . Rushworth ] di d hi s best towards preservin g that good opinion a little longer. (202) Similarly, th e narrator' s assessmen t o f Dr . Gran t no t onl y resemble s Mary's, but employ s the sam e tone an d sometime s the same language : [Narrator:] It delighted Mrs. Grant to keep them [the Crawfords] bot h with her, and Dr . Gran t wa s exceedingl y wel l contente d t o hav e i t so ; a talkin g prett y young woma n lik e Mis s Crawford , i s alway s pleasan t societ y t o a n indolent , stay-at-home man [lik e Dr. Grant]; and Mr. Crawford' s bein g his guest was an excuse for drinking claret every day. (80) [Mary:] "And though Dr. Grant is most kind and obliging to me, and though he is reall y a gentleman , an d I dar e sa y a goo d schola r an d clever , an d ofte n preaches goo d sermons , an d i s ver y respectable , I se e hi m t o b e a n indolen t selfish bo n vivan t who mus t have his palate consulte d i n every thing, who will not stir a finger for the convenience of any one, and who, moreover, if the cook makes a blunder, is out of humour with his excellent wife." (137 ) [Narrator:] The y live d togethe r [Mar y an d Mrs . Grant] ; and whe n Dr . Gran t had brought on apoplexy and death, by three great institutionary dinner s in one week, they still lived together. . . . (453) The humor tha t Mar y an d th e narrato r shar e i s as alike in strateg y a s in perspective. Both rel y upo n word-play , italic s (o r emphasis, in Mary' s case), litotes, periphrasis, and occasionall y hyperbole t o give their humo r form, an d bot h fix upo n target s tha t ar e consistently , i f no t exclusively , "feminist": fo r example , Si r Thomas' s oppressivel y paternalisti c treat ment o f Fann y an d hi s daughter s ( " 'Advise ' wa s hi s word , bu t i t wa s the advic e o f absolut e power " [285]) ; th e vitiatin g practice s o f th e marriage marke t (Si r Thoma s wa s "happ y t o secur e a marriag e whic h would brin g hi m suc h a n additio n o f respectabilit y an d influence , an d very happ y t o thin k an y thin g o f hi s daughter' s dispositio n tha t wa s most favourabl e fo r th e purpose " [215]) ; o r th e gender-bia s o f th e dominant cultura l attitud e towar d adultery. 12 O n th e issu e o f sexua l inequality i n the punishment o f adultery , indeed , not onl y is the narrato r at her mos t explicitl y (proto)feminist , bu t her mora l judgmen t i s notabl y closer t o Mary' s tha n a t an y othe r time : "Tha t punishment , th e punish ment o f disgrace , woul d i n a jus t measur e atten d hi s [Henry's ] shar e o f
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the offence , is , we know , no t on e o f th e barrier s whic h societ y give s t o virtue. In thi s world , th e penalt y i s les s equa l tha n coul d b e wished " (45*)Mary an d th e narrator' s humo r i s s o alik e tha t it s mai n distinctio n lies i n thei r preference s fo r particula r rhetorica l strategies . Mar y favor s hyperbole (wha t sh e call s " 'th e never o f conversation ' " [120] ) an d word-play ( " 'Certainly , m y hom e a t my uncle' s brough t m e acquainte d with a circl e o f admirals . O f Rears, an d Vices, I sa w enough . Now , d o not b e suspectin g m e o f a pun , I entreat ' " [91]) . The narrator , o n th e other hand , incline s t o periphrasi s an d litotes. 13 Periphrasis , b y buryin g the targe t o f he r humo r (an d ofte n th e humo r itself ) i n a n exces s o f words, allow s th e narrato r t o mak e he r jok e withou t incurrin g explici t responsibility o r eve n lasting notice. Consider th e following passage : As a genera l reflectio n o n Fanny , Si r Thomas though t nothin g coul d b e mor e unjust [tha n Mrs . Norris' s complain t o f Fanny' s havin g a "littl e spiri t o f . . . independence"], thoug h h e ha d bee n s o latel y expressin g th e sam e sentiment s himself, and h e tried t o turn th e conversation; trie d repeatedly befor e h e could succeed; for Mrs. Norris had not discernment enough to perceive, either now, or at an y other time , to what degre e he thought well of his niece, or how very fa r he was from wishing to have his own children's merits set off by the depreciation of hers. (323) Although easil y overlooke d i n a sentenc e devote d t o Si r Thomas's com pensatory appreciatio n o f Fanny , th e narrativ e comment—tha t "h e ha d been s o latel y expressin g th e sam e sentiment s himself"—clearl y distin guishes th e narrator' s opinio n o f Si r Bertra m fro m Fanny' s hopelessl y idealized version . Fo r lik e Mary Crawford , th e narrator realize s that th e man wh o i s responsibl e fo r Maria' s education—an d indirectl y fo r he r outcome—cannot possibl y be , a s Fann y describe s him , "al l tha t wa s clever an d good " (397) . Litotes , o n th e othe r hand , whic h work s b y negation, permits the narrator t o exercise a linguistic form o f denial that , like denia l i n it s psychoanalytic sense , obliquely confirm s th e validit y o f what i t denies: [Sir Thomas wa s now ] a t leisur e t o find the Grant s reall y wort h visiting ; an d though infinitel y abov e schemin g or contrivin g fo r an y the mos t advantageou s matrimonial establishment that could be among the apparent possibilities of any one most dear to him, and disdaining even as a littleness the being quick-sighted on such points, he could not avoi d perceiving in a grand an d careles s way that Mr. Crawfor d wa s somewha t distinguishin g hi s niece—no r perhap s refrai n (though unconsciously ) fro m givin g a mor e willin g assen t t o invitation s o n that account.
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. . . [He ] began t o think , that an y one in the habit o f suc h idle observation s would have thought that Mr. Crawford wa s the admirer of Fanny Price. (247) As Mary Crawford' s humorou s remark s scandaliz e th e inhabitants o f Mansfield Park , s o th e narrator' s ironi c humo r dialogicall y destabi lizes—through periphrasis—an d "unsays"—throug h litotes—th e dom inant, sobe r discours e o f th e text , whic h consistentl y align s itsel f wit h Fanny's morality . In s o doing , th e narrativ e humo r constitute s a n in stance o f "feminin e lawlessness " (122 ) a s surel y a s doe s Mary' s mor e overt subversio n o f prescribe d feminin e value s an d behaviors . Further more, becaus e laughter—t o whic h th e humor give s rise—has it s origin s and expressio n i n th e prelinguisti c (o r th e Lacania n presymbolic) , i t no t only disrupt s th e symboli c (paternal ) discours e o f th e text , bu t estab lishes an affective , prediscursiv e (maternal ) connectio n betwee n narrato r and reade r a s well— a connectio n tha t essentiall y imitate s th e bon d between th e narrato r an d heroin e o f Mansfield Park. Mor e importantly , however, fro m a narratologica l viewpoint , th e textua l blurrin g o f th e maternal narrator' s humorou s perspectiv e wit h Mar y Crawford' s impli cates Mary—with he r dubiou s ethic s and apparen t lac k o f sisterhood — in th e narrator' s protectiv e attitud e towar d Fanny . Consequently , Mary's humor , whil e i t function s a s a cove r fo r th e narrator's , partici pates a s wel l i n protectin g Fann y whe n i t attack s th e construction s o f femininity tha t constrai n bot h characters . Both Mar y an d th e narrator see k to avoi d a "to o hars h construction " of thei r "playfu l manner " (412)— a detectio n o f thei r "feminin e law lessness"—not onl y b y adoptin g indirec t strategie s o f humor , bu t some times b y simpl y divertin g attentio n fro m thei r ow n humorou s utterance . Like th e narrator , wh o draw s notic e awa y fro m he r mocker y o f Si r Thomas b y thrusting Mrs . Norris befor e us , Mary eithe r abruptl y "turn s the subject " (117 ; 294 ) whe n th e poin t o f he r remark s become s to o apparent o r els e insist s tha t sh e i s "merel y joking " (135) . Unlik e th e narrator, however , Mar y i s onl y partiall y successfu l i n disguisin g th e tendency o f he r wit . Largel y becaus e sh e i s mor e obviousl y gender marked tha n th e narrator—becaus e sh e has a femal e bod y an d nam e a s well a s a n identifiabl e "voice " an d a "laugh " (130)—Mar y i s mor e often cite d an d mor e severel y judge d fo r he r unfeminin e opinion s (b y readers a s wel l a s fello w characters) , eve n whe n thos e opinion s ar e virtually identica l t o those o f th e narrator. 14 Finally, humo r provide s bot h Mar y an d th e narrato r wit h a linguisti c
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outlet fo r th e frustratio n tha t arise s whe n thei r desire s an d opinion s conflict wit h internalize d cultura l definition s o f femininit y an d externa l demands fo r conformity . Althoug h i n th e followin g passag e Mary' s access t o suc h a n outle t i s blocked , th e manne r b y whic h i t i s normall y achieved throughou t th e novel is indicated : [Mary,] startled from th e agreeable fancies she had been previously indulging on the strength o f her brother' s description , n o longer able , in the picture sh e had been forming o f a future Thornton , to shut out the church, sink the clergyman, and see only the respectable, elegant, modernized, and occasional residence of a man of independent fortune—was considerin g Sir Thomas, with decided ill-will, as the destroyer of all this, and suffering th e more from th e involuntary forbear ance whic h hi s characte r an d manne r commanded , an d fro m no t darin g t o relieve herself by a single attempt at throwing ridicule on his cause. (256) By "throwin g ridicule " o n th e patriarcha l organizatio n o f nineteenth century cultur e (it s customs , hypocrisies , an d phallocentrism ) an d o n those who represen t i t (Si r Thomas and , to som e degree, the masculinel y constructed feminin e suc h a s Fann y typifies) , bot h Mar y an d th e narra tor find temporary relie f fro m th e contained aggressio n (th e "involuntar y forbearance") the y suffe r o n it s account. An d b y granting the m a mean s of expressin g frustratio n (provoke d whe n Mary' s desire s ar e thwarte d by he r cultura l limitation s o r whe n th e narrator' s judgmen t conflicts with reignin g practice s o f daughterl y education) , humo r no t onl y allevi ates tha t frustratio n bu t indee d profitabl y transform s i t int o bot h a derivative mean s o f instinctua l gratificatio n and—fo r u s a s readers— a primary sourc e of literar y satisfaction .
NOTES
1. Jan e Austen, Mansfield Park (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966). 2. Se e Lionel Trilling's enormously influentia l essa y "Mansfield Park," in The Opposing Self (New York: Harcourt, 1955) , 181-202. 3. Claudi a L. Johnson, Jane Austen: Women, Politics, and the Novel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 94. 4. Se e Tony Tanner, "Introduction, " i n Mansfield Park, 7-36. Tanne r write s that Fanny "i s never, ever, wrong. Jane Austen, usually so ironic about her heroines, in this instance vindicates Fanny Price without qualification " (8) . As I hope t o demonstrate , this is rather to o strongl y put . Althoug h Fann y may well be treated less ironically than any other Austen heroine, there are moments when eve n she , no matter ho w affectionately , i s made fun o f (a s the undesirin g objec t o f Henry' s romanti c plot , fo r example) . Moreover ,
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Elinor Dashwoo d o f Sense and Sensibility i s ver y seldo m treate d ironicall y either, thoug h bein g a wi t herself , sh e i s implicate d i n th e narrativ e humo r in way s tha t Fann y i s not . O n Austen' s iron y towar d Fanny , se e Marti n Price, Forms of Life: Character and Moral Imagination in the Novel (Ne w Haven: Yal e University Press , 1983) . 5. D . A . Mille r point s ou t i n Narrative and Its Discontents: Problems of Closure in the Traditional Novel (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1981) tha t th e narrator's ambivalen t feeling s towar d Mar y ar e evidenced b y the fac t tha t Mary' s expulsio n fro m th e Mansfiel d Par k communit y i s presented "throug h a character' s narratio n o f it , tha t i t i s fro m a poin t o f view that sh e [th e narrator] ha s never full y embraced " (86) . Similarly, Mar y Poovey, in The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer: Ideology as Style in the Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, and Jane Austen (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1984) , whil e notin g th e powe r o f Mary' s seductive appeal , suggest s tha t th e narrato r no t onl y permit s suc h appea l but i s susceptibl e t o i t herself: Mar y "constantl y threaten s t o escap e narra tive control" (220) . 6. Miller , Narrative and Its Discontents, 77 ; 83 . Miller als o argues that "i f th e categories o f mora l knowledg e ar e t o b e brough t t o bea r o n he r effectively , then th e linguisti c polyvalenc y tha t ha s mad e u p he r empirica l realit y i n th e novel mus t b e forcibl y reduced . Th e closur e tha t Mar y i s subjecte d t o involves a necessar y simplificatio n o f he r discours e an d th e implicatio n i t has sustained " (87) . In othe r words , Mary' s appea l mus t b e neutralized (b y reducing th e instance s o f he r witt y talk ) i n orde r fo r Auste n t o asser t Fanny's mora l authorit y (an d thereb y t o achiev e closure) . I t i s onl y afte r closure i s effectivel y achieve d tha t Mar y i s "allowe d t o recove r (i n th e narrator's final wrap-up ) som e of he r earlie r complexity " (87) . 7. Pau l Pickrel , "Lione l Trillin g an d Mansfield Park" SEL 2 7 (1987) : 6 0 9 21, catalogue s a numbe r o f othe r point s o f compariso n betwee n Fann y an d Mary; bot h wome n ar e reare d i n th e home s o f thei r uncles ; bot h ar e companions t o a brother ; on e i s "spoilt " b y he r upbringing , th e othe r "made" b y hers ; on e ha s th e advantage s o f natur e (Mary) , th e othe r o f nurture; on e i s inspirited b y the city , the othe r b y the country; on e is reare d in domesti c privilege , th e othe r i n inconsequence . W e coul d ad d tha t whil e Fanny i s the slav e to all , Mary i s not eve n "th e slav e of opportunity " (353 ) and tha t wherea s Fann y i s persistentl y asexua l despit e bein g eroticize d b y her mal e admirers , Mary , precociousl y inducte d int o sexualit y (thank s t o her exposur e t o th e Admiral), is overwhelmingly sensual . 8. Poove y point s ou t tha t "Fanny' s embrac e o f propriet y . . . i s intimatel y bound u p wit h he r defens e agains t rejection , an d . . . linke d t o he r idea s about love " (Proper Lady, 217) . I n th e cas e o f Henry , however , Fanny' s propriety expresse s he r gratitud e rathe r tha n he r love . Fanny , wh o i s re pulsed b y Henry' s selfishness , hi s unprinciple d behavior , an d hi s insensitiv ity t o th e feeling s o f others , nevertheles s soften s unde r th e pressur e o f hi s persistent courtin g ("Woul d h e hav e persevered, an d uprightly , Fann y mus t have bee n hi s reward " [451]) , partly i n gratitude fo r hi s considerat e blind -
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ness t o he r Portsmout h family' s gaucheness , partl y a s a consequenc e o f emotional blackmail : "[H] e approache d he r now wit h right s that demande d different treatment . Sh e must b e courteous, an d sh e must b e compassionate . She mus t hav e a sensatio n o f bein g honoured , an d whethe r thinkin g o f herself o r he r brother , sh e mus t hav e a stron g feelin g o f gratitude " (327) . See Poove y (15—30 ) o n th e titillatin g aspec t o f feminin e propriet y (som e men find i t irresistible). 9. Mille r argues in a similar vein (Narrative and Its Discontents, 60). 10. Angel a Leighton , "Sens e an d Silences : Reading Jane Auste n Again, " in Jane Austen: New Perspectives [Women & Literature, n.s. , vol . 3] , ed . Jane t Todd (Ne w York : Holme s & Meier , 1983) , 128—40 , discusses th e suppres sion o f speec h i n Sense and Sensibility, particularl y Marianne's , a s overde termined silence ; th e suppressio n o f laughte r i n Mansfield Park, I wan t t o suggest, may similarl y b e read a s complexly significant . 11. Mar y write s i n a lette r t o Fann y wit h regar d t o th e new s o f Tom' s sudde n illness: "I need not sa y how rejoice d I shall be to hear ther e has been any mistake, but the report i s s o prevalent, tha t I confess I cannot hel p trembling . T o hav e suc h a fine young man cu t of f i n th e flower of hi s days, is most melancholy . Poo r Si r Thomas will feel i t dreadfully. I really a m quite agitate d o n th e subject. Fanny , Fanny, I see you smile, and look cunning, but upon my honour, I never bribed a physician in my life. Poor young man!—If h e is to die, there will be two poor young men less in the world [i.e. , Edmund wil l inheri t Tom' s property a s first son]... . I t will be but th e loss of the Esquire after hi s name. With real affection, Fanny , like mine, more might be overlooked." (423) Miller point s ou t tha t thi s i s th e mos t damnin g evidenc e agains t Mary , largely because , bein g he r ow n text , an d fre e fro m eve n narrativ e commen tary, i t come s t o u s an d ou r judgmen t unfiltere d an d undistorte d b y an other's interpretation . It is worth notin g that thi s epistolary joke of Mary's, though perhap s les s funny, i s not dissimila r i n topi c an d ton e t o som e o f Jane Austen' s joke s i n letters t o he r sister , Cassandra : fo r example , "Mrs . Hall , o f Sherborne , wa s brought t o be d yesterda y o f a dea d child , som e week s befor e sh e expected , owing t o a fright . I suppos e sh e happene d unaware s t o loo k a t he r hus band." I n Jane Austen's Letters to Her Sister Cassandra and Others, ed . R. W. Chapman , 2 d ed. (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1952) , 24 . 12. Other s hav e note d stylisti c similaritie s betwee n Mar y Crawfor d an d th e narrator. Poovey , for example , notes that the narrator's "vitalit y is far close r to Mar y Crawford' s energ y tha n t o Fanny' s passivity " (Proper Lady, 203) , and Mille r finds tha t th e narrato r ofte n sound s lik e Mary , thoug h h e see s the phenomeno n a s a recurrin g aberratio n rathe r tha n a sig n o f essentia l sympathy i n thei r voic e an d perspective : "Th e tone s o f Mary' s self-iron y have onc e mor e [nea r closure ] bee n allowe d t o infiltrat e th e narrator' s discourse about her" (Narrative and Its Discontents, 87) . 13. Th e narrator' s humo r als o relie s heavil y o n linguisti c an d syntacti c repeti -
Rehabilitating Mary Crawford 34 1 tion, emphati c punctuatio n (suc h a s dashes) , apophasis , subjunctiv e con structions, and , a s Louis e Flavi n an d Zeld a Boy d hav e pointe d out , respec tively, fre e indirec t speec h an d moda l auxiliarie s fo r it s expression . Se e Louise Flavin, "Mansfield Park: Fre e Indirect Discours e an d th e Psychologi cal Novel," Studies in the Novel 1 9 (1987) : 137-59 , and Zelda Boyd , " J a n e Austen's 'Must' : Th e Wil l an d th e World, " Nineteenth Century Fiction 3 9 (1984): 127-43 . 14. Mary , lik e the narrator, i s most identifiabl e a s a voice and laugh . Fanny, fo r example, detect s Mary' s unsee n presenc e a t Sotherto n audially : "Gettin g quite impatient , sh e resolve d t o g o i n searc h o f Henr y an d Mary , whe n th e voice an d laug h o f Mis s Crawfor d onc e mor e caugh t he r ear " (130) . Ye t unlike th e narrato r (an d t o he r ow n undoing) , sh e ha s a n obviou s bodil y presence a s well . Se e Clair e Kahane , "Seductio n an d th e Voic e o f th e Text : Heart of Darkness an d The Good Soldier" i n Seduction and Theory: Readings of Gender, Representation and Rhetoric, ed . Diann e Hunte r (Ur bana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1989) , 135-53 , fo r a compellin g discus sion o f th e narrativ e voic e a s "th e presenc e o f th e bod y i n writing , o r tha t which give s th e illusio n o f presenc e i n th e mids t o f absence , a n illusio n which i s the primary pleasur e of th e text" (136) .
REFERENCES
Austen, Jane , jane Austen's Letters to Her Sister Cassandra and Others. Ed . R. W. Chapman . 2 d ed. London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1952 . . Mansfield Park. 1814 . Harmondsworth: Penguin , 1966 . Boyd, Zelda . "Jan e Austen' s 'Must' : Th e Wil l an d th e World. " Nineteenth Century Fiction 3 9 (1984) : 127-43 . Flavin, Louise . "Mansfield Park: Fre e Indirec t Discours e an d th e Psychologica l Novel." Studies in the Novel 1 9 (1987) : 137-59 . Johnson, Claudi a L . ]ane Austen: Women, Politics, and the Novel. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1988 . Kahane, Claire . "Seductio n an d th e Voic e o f th e Text : Heart of Darkness and The Good Soldier." I n Seduction and Theory: Readings of Gender Representation, and Rhetoric, edite d b y Diann e Hunter , 135—53 . Urbana : University o f Illinoi s Press , 1989 . Leighton, Angela . "Sens e an d Silences : Readin g Jan e Auste n Again. " I n ]ane Austen: New Perspectives, edite d b y Jane t Todd , 128-40 . Ne w York : Holmes an d Meier , 1983 . Miller, D . A . Narrative and Its Discontents. Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1981. Pickrel, Paul. "Lione l Trillin g an d Mansfield Park." SEL 2 7 (1987) : 6 0 9 - 2 1 . Poovey, Mary . The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer: Ideology as Style in the Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, and Jane Austen. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1984 .
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Price, Martin. Forms of Life: Character and Moral Imagination in the Novel. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983. Tanner, Tony. "Introduction. " I n Mansfield Park, by Jane Austen, 7-36 . Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966. Trilling, Lionel. "Mansfield Park." In The Opposing Self: Nine Essays in Criticism, 181-202. New York: Harcourt, 1955.
17. LOST I N SPAC E BETWEE N "CENTER " A N D "MARGIN" : S O M E THOUGHT S O N LESBIAN-FEMINIS T DISCOURSE , BISEXUAL W O M E N , A N D SPECULATIVE FICTIO N ROBIN ANN E REI D
In volum e on e o f The History of Sexuality Foucaul t argue s tha t th e "psychological, psychiatric, medical category of homosexuality wa s con stituted . . . less by a type o f sexua l relation s tha n b y a certain qualit y o f sexual sensibility . . . . Th e sodomit e ha d bee n a temporar y aberration ; the homosexua l wa s no w a species " (43). 1 Thus , i n th e nineteent h century, importan t change s occurre d i n th e discourse s o f sexuality , a s the previou s categor y o f homosexua l act s wa s replace d b y th e creatio n of the homosexual individual . The creation o f the homosexual individua l was accompanie d b y a proliferatio n o f discourse s tha t functione d as mechanism s t o analyze , dissect , an d contro l aberran t sexualitie s (42-49). And ye t thi s earlie r proliferatio n o f discourse s abou t sexualitie s ha s been mythologize d a s "repression " b y twentieth-centur y discourse , which ha s constructe d a contemporar y myt h o f persona l an d eroti c liberation b y mean s o f th e confession , ofte n regardin g ou r (essential ) 343
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sexual identity . In ou r curren t myth , discussin g ou r sexua l identitie s i s the primar y mean s o f overcomin g pas t repressio n an d silence . Foucaul t also note s tha t althoug h th e historica l origin s an d developmen t o f th e confessional mod e focuse d o n controllin g sexuality , th e appearanc e o f discourses t o contro l "perversity " di d mak e possibl e "revers e dis courses," o r site s o f resistance . A s a result , "homosexualit y bega n t o speak i n it s ow n behalf , t o deman d tha t it s legitimac y o r 'naturality ' b e acknowledged, ofte n i n th e sam e vocabulary , usin g th e sam e categorie s by which i t was medicall y disqualified " (101) . Strategically speaking , th e constructio n o f "th e homosexual " a s a n essential categor y base d o n it s differenc e fro m th e norm , th e married , heterosexual couple , ca n b e simultaneousl y a sit e o f institutionalize d oppression an d on e o f resistance . Readin g Foucault' s analysi s o f suc h discursive formation s reveal s that underlyin g th e perceived binar y oppo sition of suc h rhetorical structure s a s repression vs. liberation, heterosexual vs. homosexual, an d dominant vs. oppressed ar e complex , intercon nected network s o f power relations . Awareness o f thes e networks mean s that now , durin g th e las t decad e o f th e twentiet h century , fe w individu als o r group s ca n construc t themselve s a s purel y an d simpl y oppressed , if b y oppresse d the y mea n thei r identit y i s alway s tha t o f "victi m o f oppression" an d neve r tha t o f "oppressor. " Constructin g "homosexu als" a s alway s victim s o f oppressio n ignores , amon g othe r things , th e power relation s o f rac e an d clas s hierarchie s i n thi s country ; addition ally, th e way s i n whic h homosexua l discourse s an d institution s hav e excluded o r denie d th e existenc e o f individual s o f othe r "alternat e sexu alities" o r othe r "sexua l minorities " complicate s th e stanc e o f gay s a s always only oppressed . My specifi c focu s i n thi s essa y i s the exclusio n o f bisexua l wome n b y lesbian an d feminis t discourses . This exclusion, which i s often ignore d i n a discours e focuse d primaril y o n th e heterosexual/lesbia n binary , seem s to have , a s it s basis , th e belie f i n a n essentia l "lesbian " identit y an d th e concurrent marginalizatio n o f th e "bisexua l woman. " I woul d argu e instead fo r th e possibilitie s o f reconceptualizin g "sexuality " a s process / oscillation/textualiry, a projec t carrie d ou t wit h som e succes s b y a fe w women writin g speculativ e fiction (SF ) i n th e eighties. 2 Beginnin g t o reconceptualize sexua l identit y i n this manne r woul d ope n u p ne w strat egies fo r relationship s betwee n wome n which , whil e no t attemptin g t o ignore "differences, " would , I hope, undercu t th e belie f tha t differences
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in sexuality, sexual behavior, or sexual choices must be divisive in natur e and thu s someho w b e "policed " i n or b y feminism . Gays and lesbians , in basin g a political movemen t fo r liberatio n upo n the constructio n o f a n essentia l homosexua l sel f o r identity , opposite / opposed t o heterosexuality , hav e reverse d th e dominan t binar y struc ture: homosexualit y i s constructe d a s natura l an d goo d (a s oppose d t o naturally depraved). 3 Bu t tha t reversa l mean s tha t a ne w "center " ha s been created , an d "th e bisexual " ha s bee n marginalize d o r demonized , made t o fit the "evil " positio n tha t "th e homosexual " ha s rejected . Thi s exclusion occur s i n variou s discourses : academi c writing , th e activis t press, an d eve n genera l conversation. 4 I n 1987 , a white , marrie d frien d of min e share d a secre t wit h me : sh e ha d rente d a pos t offic e bo x an d joined a letter-writin g clu b fo r lesbians . Sh e showe d m e th e magazin e that stated , clearly , tha t bisexua l wome n wer e no t encourage d t o joi n the club . Furthermore, an y bisexua l wome n wh o decide d t o joi n despit e this lac k o f encouragemen t ha d t o identif y themselve s beforehand . Wha t with, I wondered , a re d "B " o n ou r foreheads ? M y frien d wa s ope n about he r marriag e t o a man , bu t sinc e sh e di d no t identif y hersel f a s a "bisexual," sh e wa s warml y accepte d a s a membe r and , apparently , a s a "lesbian. " Locating "sexua l identity " i n somethin g othe r tha n specifi c sexua l behavior (m y friend , afte r all , continued t o mak e lov e with he r husban d during thi s time ) i s base d i n ou r curren t historica l an d cultura l matrix . The lesbia n wh o tol d m e tha t sh e woul d rathe r slee p wit h a "marrie d woman" tha n a "bisexua l woman " i s operatin g o n th e sam e assump tions abou t wha t constitute s identit y a s th e lesbia n letter-writin g club : there ar e heterosexua l wome n an d lesbians . Heterosexua l wome n ma y have lesbia n encounters ; lesbian s ma y hav e sexua l encounter s wit h males. Bu t thes e experience s d o no t chang e thei r "essential " identities . And ther e i s nothin g i n between . Suc h essentializin g o f a binar y syste m of identit y i s exclusiv e a t best , oppressiv e a t worst . Fo r i f onl y tw o essential identitie s exist , individual s mus t b e eithe r heterosexua l o r ho mosexual. 5 A s a result , lesbia n discours e ha s bee n tellin g bisexua l women mor e o r les s what th e straigh t worl d ha s bee n tellin g homosexu als: bisexual s really d o no t exist ; or , bisexual s ar e really homosexua l and ar e just "choosing " t o b e difficult abou t it . Beginning t o redefin e identit y a s multiple identities , rathe r tha n stati c or essential , o r t o refigur e identit y a s a process , lead s m e t o complicat e
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my declaratio n tha t I a m a bisexua l woman . M y ski n colo r i s tha t pinkish-tan categorize d a s "white" ; m y ow n ethni c identificatio n i s a s a fourth-generatio n Welsh-America n whos e famil y histor y an d triba l genealogy hav e bee n transmitte d orally . Bor n an d raise d i n norther n Idaho, I rarely mentio n tha t m y hometown i s Moscow sinc e most peopl e react b y commentin g ho w wel l I hav e learne d English . Althoug h ther e are eigh t "Moscows " i n th e worl d tha t I kno w of , mos t peopl e i n America equat e Mosco w wit h Russia . A s a chil d an d adolescent , I benefitted fro m m y father' s middle-clas s incom e an d acces s t o healt h care, bu t a s a n adul t wh o ha s rarel y hel d a jo b tha t include s benefits , I live wit h ulcerativ e colitis , a chroni c illnes s tha t ma y no t b e covere d b y any insuranc e I ma y eventuall y get . Identifyin g a s a Republica n fo r th e first twent y year s o f m y life, I went straigh t t o declarin g mysel f a radica l in m y twentie s withou t eve n a stopove r a s a liberal . Ye t i n my thirtie s I tend t o ge t along much bette r wit h thos e conservatives wh o hav e a sens e of humo r tha n wit h man y liberal s I meet i n the academy . I have a Ph.D . in English , bu t thirt y year s o f readin g S F an d m y involvemen t i n S F fandom ( a subculture tha t relegate s th e res t of th e world t o the statu s o f "mundanes") make s m e a bi t o f a renegad e i n th e "field " o f English , although mos t fan s ar e surprise d t o find a n Englis h teache r i n thei r midst.6 I liv e wit h th e contradictio n o f growin g u p i n th e academi c culture a s a n insider , a facult y bra t whos e fathe r i s a white mal e profes sor; yet , a s a whit e woman , I had t o overcom e stron g feeling s o f exclu sion befor e startin g a Ph.D . progra m i n my thirtie s (althoug h I had n o problems wit h completin g master' s program s i n English) . O n m y lef t shoulder i s a tatto o o f a rose , a souveni r o f a summer spen t studyin g a t Oxford. Al l thes e identitie s overla p wit h an d infor m my "sexuality " which, i n fact , I rarely thin k o f a s a n essentia l o r stati c identity, but a s a series o f attitudes , proclivities , emotions , behaviors , an d choice s tha t have change d throug h tim e an d n o doub t wil l continue to d o so , both i n terms o f th e differen t level s o f energ y involve d an d i n term s o f prefer ences. In 1989 , soon afte r I began wor k o n m y Ph.D., I found mysel f sittin g in a graduat e semina r o n feminis t theorie s an d narrative s listenin g t o white lesbia n separatist s an d whit e heterosexual wome n debat e issue s of sexuality, politics , an d oppressions . "I " neve r coul d ge t a wor d i n a s a bisexual woman. Furthermore , "I " did not exis t in any of the theoretica l or narrativ e text s w e wer e reading . Thes e feminis t text s complicate d "gender" i n a numbe r o f ways , i n term s o f th e intersection s o f gende r
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with ethnicit y an d class. 7 Bu t mos t text s too k th e lesbian/heterosexua l division o f identitie s fo r granted . Lesbia n an d heterosexua l feminist s have ha d a n uneas y relationshi p wit h eac h other , especiall y i n regar d t o feminist organizing , methods, an d goals . But at times both "groups, " or , more accurately , thei r dominan t discursiv e practice s ( I kno w ful l wel l that ethnic , class , religious , an d ag e differences mea n tha t constructin g all lesbian s o r heterosexua l feminist s a s "similar " i s impossible ) hav e operated t o exclude , ignore, or den y th e existenc e of bisexua l women. 8 The variou s rejection s I hav e experience d fro m lesbian s wer e mor e painful tha n th e ignoranc e I have see n exhibite d b y heterosexuals: mos t heterosexuals' respons e t o m y declaratio n o f bisexualit y involve s som e insistence o n percentages. I wa s tol d b y on e woma n tha t I coul d no t claim t o b e a bisexua l unles s I ha d slep t wit h exactl y 5 0 percen t me n and exactl y 5 0 percen t women . Sinc e sh e ha d slep t wit h a fe w wome n during her lif e an d stil l defined hersel f a s heterosexual, he r nee d t o insis t upon som e specific boundar y line s between heterosexuals , bisexuals, an d lesbians wa s clear . Mos t heterosexual s ten d t o clas s "bisexuals " a s "queer" i n th e sam e sens e tha t the y clas s "homosexuals " a s "abnor mal." "Queer " sexua l identit y i s often constructed , b y heterosexuals , a s willed an d specifi c sexua l behaviors , no t a s a n essentia l ("natural" ) identity, a categor y reserve d fo r th e heterosexua l identit y exclusively. 9 While I believe movin g awa y fro m seein g sexualit y a s a n essentia l iden tity could b e strategically useful , I would questio n th e dominant contem porary attitud e tha t sexua l identit y exist s onl y i n individual s wh o ar e sexually activ e i n certai n (sociall y approved ) ways . I also wan t t o avoi d setting u p "bisexual " a s a thir d static/essentia l identity . On e solutio n i s to shif t fro m conceptualizin g sexualit y a s a n essentia l identit y tha t mus t be maintained b y excluding al l deviant "others, " o r limitin g sexuality a s dependent o n specifi c sexua l activity , to considerin g th e idea o f sexualit y as oscillation/process , a s Pamela L . Caughie doe s i n her essay , "Virgini a Woolf's Doubl e Discourse. " Although he r essa y i s primaril y focuse d o n analyzin g a n importan t aspect o f Woolf' s writing , Caughie' s argumen t i s base d o n definin g androgyny a s a process , linkin g i t t o th e th e "doubl e discourse " (Jan e Gallop's term ) o f Woolf' s novel , an d t o playfulness. Androgyn y i s oscillation, ambiguity , a process tha t shoul d b e understood a s "no t s o muc h a psychosexua l categor y a s a rhetorica l strategy , les s a conditio n tha n a motive. Androgyny doe s no t substitute fo r anything." 10 Androgyn y an d bisexuality hav e bee n see n a s tw o separat e an d distinc t categories ; th e
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more readin g an d thinkin g I have done , th e mor e I wonder why . I n m y own experience—personal , social , professional , an d literary—th e tw o concepts ofte n overlap . Caughi e define s androgyn y a s "constructin g lives, histories, identities, and fictions " (42) . Woolf's androgynou s state ment, argue s Caughie , is "no t a metaphysical o r feminis t theory , n o t . . . a resolutio n t o o r a synthesi s o f contrarities , bu t . . . a wa y t o remai n suspended betwee n oppose d beliefs" ; androgyn y i s vacillation, ambigu ity, the "refusa l t o choose" (44) . Redefining sexualit y a s process / oscillation / textuality nee d no t b e limited t o bisexuality ; extendin g thi s defini tion t o al l an d an y sexualitie s woul d overcom e th e difficultie s i n conceptualizing sexualit y a s a n essentia l identity , o r a s predicated upo n overt an d specifi c behaviors . Such an expanded definitio n o f sexua l identitie s may leave more roo m for th e coalition s necessar y i n the er a o f AIDS . Since lesbians hav e allie d with ga y me n t o wor k o n a numbe r o f issues , formin g som e coalition s across gende r an d clas s boundarie s a t leas t ( I am no t awar e o f multira cial coalitions , bu t I assum e thos e als o exist) , I d o no t se e wh y th e possibility o f coalition s wit h bisexual s i s denied ; no r d o I se e tha t m y identifying a s a bisexua l woma n take s anythin g awa y fro m lesbians . Several essay s i n Bi Any Other Name, a n antholog y o f writing s b y bisexuals, argu e tha t bisexual s ca n wor k wit h gay s an d lesbian s unde r the rubri c o f "Quee r Politics, " an d tha t suc h coalition s ar e necessary , especially given the social and cultura l construction s o f AIDS, a phenom enon tha t ha s mad e bisexual s mor e visibl e i n th e media. 11 Currently , bisexuals ar e ofte n blame d a s primaril y responsibl e fo r transmittin g AIDS. Rober t Neveldine , a frien d wh o work s wit h Quee r Theory , note s that bisexua l me n ar e eithe r exclude d fro m categorie s o f queernes s o r are considere d conduit s o f corruptio n an d contagio n betwee n straigh t and ga y people , especiall y i n variou s AID S discourse s wher e bi s ge t represented a s th e rout e o f transmissio n fro m "fags " t o "nic e straights " (usually women). 12 Suc h a constructio n o f bisexua l equate s bisexual s with men ; wome n ar e invisibl e i n thi s discours e (a s ar e lesbians , whe n "homosexual" mean s men) . Tw o othe r friends , Katherin e Cumming s and Lesli e Donovan , hav e informe d m e tha t lesbian s (i n magazine s an d in conversations ) hav e blame d bisexua l wome n fo r carryin g AID S int o the lesbia n community ; th e clai m i s ofte n mad e tha t lesbian s woul d never hav e experience d AID S excep t fo r thos e (bisexual ) wome n wh o sleep wit h me n an d women. 13 Th e straigh t communit y cast s bisexua l men a s th e mean s o f transmittin g AID S fro m th e ga y t o th e straigh t
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community, an d th e lesbia n communit y see s bisexua l wome n a s th e means o f transmittin g AID S from th e straigh t t o th e lesbian community . Both group s ar e fallin g pre y t o th e prejudice s first exhibite d a t th e star t of th e AID S epidemic : blamin g a marginalize d group . Al l th e wor k b y AIDS activist s t o focu s o n specifi c at-ris k behavior s instea d o f demoniz ing a marginalized grou p seem s to hav e bee n ignored . I hav e onl y recentl y learne d o f th e accusation s concernin g AID S transmission; m y previou s experience s concerne d a lesser serie s o f accu sations. For example , a s a bisexual women , I have been accuse d o f bein g wishy-washy, o f sittin g o n th e fence , o f masqueradin g a s a lesbia n jus t to mee t women , o f leavin g lesbia n lover s fo r mal e lovers , an d o f "pass ing" i n th e straigh t worl d t o maintai n m y "heterosexua l privileges. " Stripped o f th e ton e o f accusatio n ofte n use d b y lesbians, som e o f thes e constructions ten d t o critiqu e th e ide a o f essentia l sexua l identity : th e idea o f a "masquerade " undercut s th e ide a o f a n essentia l an d clear-cu t lesbian identit y tha t canno t b e "counterfeited. " I woul d als o questio n why th e practic e o f bisexual s passin g a s straigh t o r ga y i s an y mor e suspect tha n th e practic e o f gay s an d lesbian s passin g a s straight . Whil e being i n closet s i s no t necessaril y a "good " fo r an y numbe r o f reasons , being i n th e close t an d passin g fo r straigh t shoul d b e considere d n o les s acceptable a n optio n fo r bisexual s tha n fo r gay s an d lesbians . I hav e begun t o suspec t tha t bisexual s "passing " a s "homosexual, " a s a num ber apparentl y hav e fo r year s i n variou s ga y an d lesbia n communities , is considere d th e mos t problematic . Th e accusatio n o f "heterosexua l privilege" woul d carr y mor e weigh t wit h m e had feminis m succeede d i n more o f it s goal s fo r al l women : bu t privileg e i n th e materia l sens e i s probably base d mor e o n gender , class , an d racia l statu s tha n som e blanket heterosexua l "privilege. " The nee d t o conside r th e possibilitie s o f coalition s betwee n gays , lesbians, an d bisexual s i s clear , an d I have th e sens e tha t a goo d dea l o f work i s bein g don e i n variou s activis t an d communit y groups . Perhap s the pressur e t o dea l wit h suc h a n overwhelmin g threa t a s AID S serve s as a n incentiv e t o overcom e issue s o f exclusio n amon g heterosexuals , homosexuals, an d bisexuals . M y concern s ar e wit h th e discourse s o f those who ma y no t fac e suc h pressures an d thu s se e any nee d to change . Examining th e paradigm s tha t affec t relation s betwee n wome n i n feminism revea l a pattern o f attempt s t o ignor e o r exclud e differenc e i n the interest s o f reducin g conflict , base d o n th e belie f tha t "women " ar e naturally (i.e. , biologically an d essentially ) nonhierarchica l an d coopera -
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tive. 14 This belief ha s been critiqued an d questione d b y feminists bu t stil l holds swa y i n variou s form s an d strength s (i.e. , man y feminist s believ e women ar e culturall y conditione d t o b e nonhierarchica l an d cooper ative). Handling conflic t b y mean s o f exclusio n o f differenc e i s obviousl y a problem fo r feminism. 15 Ye t on e possibl e strateg y t o dea l wit h thi s problem involve s restructurin g relation s betwee n wome n b y con structing sexualit y differently . Suc h restructuring s o f sexuality , conflict , and resolutio n occup y S F novelists Dian e Duan e an d Lyn n Abbey , wh o publish mostl y i n th e genr e o f fantasy , an d Jane t Kaga n an d Vond a Mclntyre, wh o publis h mostl y i n th e genr e o f scienc e fiction. Keepin g i n mind Caughie' s definitio n tha t link s th e constructio n o f "lives , histories, identities, an d fictions" (42) , I woul d lik e t o discus s briefl y th e way s these text s restructur e relation s betwee n wome n an d ho w feminis t dis course would benefi t b y including some of thos e constructions . Written i n th e eighties , th e text s abov e ar e amon g th e fe w tha t wor k with bot h th e idea s o f androgyn y an d (t o som e extent ) bisexualit y i n unusual ways . The y speculat e o n th e possibilitie s o f androgyny/bisexu ality an d fill th e gap s i n othe r texts . Categorize d a s speculativ e fiction, they creat e differen t worlds—tha t is , differen t cultures . SF , lik e main stream literature , evidence s man y o f th e dominan t culture' s value s an d assumptions; i n fact , sinc e S F in thi s countr y starte d wit h a pul p tradi tion writte n mostl y b y white male s traine d i n the sciences , the genre ca n circulate the worst patriarcha l assumptions . But a subgenr e o f recen t S F novel s explore s th e way s culture s con struct identity , sexual , erotic, and otherwise , an d thos e book s ar e wort h noting fo r thei r constructio n o f th e erotic. 16 Interestingly , mos t o f thes e novels separat e "sex " fro m procreatio n an d th e presenc e o f childre n who mus t b e raised. Ye t others, such a s the one s I analyze here , attemp t to reconstruc t culture s fro m th e "bottom " up , includin g th e eroti c an d social live s o f adul t characters , a s wel l a s familia l structur e an d child rearing practices. Such reconstructions necessaril y result in critiquing th e ways i n whic h femal e identit y i s constructed an d maintained . A s Joanna Russ points ou t i n he r essa y analyzin g th e feminis t Utopia s o f th e seven ties, sexua l permissivenes s i n thos e text s i s ther e "no t t o brea k th e taboos bu t t o separat e sexualit y fro m question s o f ownership , reproduc tion an d socia l structure." 17 Th e earlie r Utopia s separate d child-rearin g from sexualit y b y showing culture s where people other tha n th e biologi cal mothe r ar e responsibl e fo r children , bu t di d no t exclud e childre n
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entirely. Th e novel s I discuss her e ar e no t Utopia n b y design , no r woul d many peopl e labe l the m "feminist " (wit h th e possibl e exceptio n o f Ab bey's trilogy). 18 An d ye t i n presentin g culture s wher e rigi d gende r role s have disappeare d (o r neve r existed) , wher e androgyn y an d bisexualit y are mor e th e nor m tha n th e exception , an d wher e child-rearin g i s in cluded i n th e expectation s fo r adult s o f bot h gender s (whil e no t bein g required b y stat e o r religiou s institution s a s the sol e culturally approve d reason fo r sexua l activit y o r marriage) , thes e writer s star t t o shif t fro m accepting sexual identity as essential to conceptualizing the idea of multi ple sexualitie s an d sexualit y a s process an d t o critiquin g th e rol e cultur e plays i n constructin g identit y an d th e "erotic. " A s a result, relationship s between women , involvin g sexua l lov e an d conflict , becom e exceedingl y complex. These novel s exten d th e possibilitie s fo r eroticis m an d intimac y be yond th e homogeneou s heterosexua l nor m (i n whic h tw o lover s ar e presumed t o b e o f th e sam e species , race , class , an d age) . Women bot h love an d ar e sexuall y involve d wit h othe r women , bu t no t necessaril y exclusively. Duane' s an d Mclntyre' s femal e character s ten d t o b e wha t most peopl e toda y woul d categoriz e a s "bisexual. " In Duane' s novel , The Door into Shadow, peopl e have a committed emotiona l relationshi p with a "loved " o f the same or the opposite gender, but monogamy seem s to b e rare . ( A perso n ma y hav e mor e tha n on e beloved. ) Marriag e i s possible wit h "an y ma n o r woma n o r group " {Shadow, 61) . Child rearing an d livin g arrangement s ar e personal choices . Mclntyre's trilog y has protagonist s wh o ar e i n contracte d marriages . Bu t thes e character s are see n a s old-fashione d b y others : thi s African-Canadia n woman , Japanese-American man , an d Anglo-America n ma n ar e criticized no t fo r their bisexuality , bu t fo r actuall y committin g t o a lega l relationship . Two othe r mai n characters , a n Anglo-America n woma n an d a "diver " (a human bein g genetically modifie d t o liv e underwater wit h th e orcas of Puget Sound) , work wit h an d eventuall y becom e involve d wit h th e mar riage, whic h ca n chang e an d gro w ove r time . Abbey' s trilog y describe s "bisexual" women , althoug h th e protagonis t i n th e thir d nove l i s pri marily "lesbian. " Kagan' s protagonis t i s sexuall y involve d wit h a ma n and finally decide s t o marr y him , bu t on e o f he r primar y emotiona l relationships i s with a woma n who , i t turn s out , i s raising th e protago nists's children . I n fact , eve n usin g th e term s lik e "bisexual " an d "les bian" t o discus s thes e novel s i s difficul t becaus e th e culture s create d b y these writer s d o no t spli t u p an d labe l sexua l identitie s i n thi s way . Th e
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novels emphasiz e th e spectru m o f relationship s possibl e whe n wome n do no t se e themselve s i n competitio n fo r men , o r d o no t nee d t o bas e their identitie s o n excludin g others . Yet significantly , conflict s amon g an d betwee n wome n structur e plo t in man y o f thes e novels . Th e shif t i n cultura l construct s o f gende r and sexualit y allow s fo r muc h mor e comple x plottin g o f conflicts : th e spectrum range s fro m verba l disagreement s al l th e wa y t o physica l vio lence resultin g i n death . Wome n ar e no t i n conflic t wit h othe r wome n over a "scarce " commodity—men—no r wit h eac h othe r ove r som e approved sexuality . Bu t neithe r ar e th e wome n weighe d dow n wit h essentialist traits , suc h a s nurturing , selflessness , o r passivit y a s fa r a s acting on their desire s or needs (a s opposed t o acting to further th e needs of a male figure). In som e ways , constructing sexualit y differentl y open s the way fo r mor e an d differen t kind s of conflic t amon g women, an d als o between wome n an d men . Fo r example , in these cultures , military train ing o r servic e i s no t limite d t o men , no r i s there th e belie f tha t me n ar e "naturally" aggressiv e an d wome n "naturally " pacifistic . Wome n i n these novel s ca n choos e t o b e traine d an d t o defen d themselve s o r thei r country agains t aggression ; no t al l wome n (o r men ) mak e thi s choice , nor i s it required o f the m t o d o so . None o f thes e novelists ar e intereste d in glorifyin g o r eroticizin g physica l violence , o r i n supportin g th e belie f that militar y powe r justifie s action s take n b y a governmen t agains t another nation . The spectru m o f conflict s range s fro m disagreemen t an d debat e t o fighting i n self-defense. Abbey , Mclntyre, an d Kaga n sho w women train ing wit h a variet y o f weapons , fighting i n self-defense , an d disagreein g with eac h othe r ove r variou s course s o f action . In Mclntyre , wome n debate th e questio n o f armin g a spaceshi p an d th e course s o f action s possible onc e th e shi p leave s Earth ; th e reaso n th e spaceshi p i s hijacke d is t o kee p th e U.S . governmen t fro m armin g i t an d makin g i t int o a n orbiting arsenal. Kagan presents discussions of ecological issues. Physical conflict i s mos t notabl e i n manifestation s o f th e goddess : som e ar e shadows perceived a s evil, denying life and presenting death a s seductive. Segnbora fights on e o f thes e goddesse s an d a Nightmar e ( a carnivorou s winged hors e tha t onl y a woman ca n kill), in The Door into Shadow. In these narratives , conflic t demand s resolution , an d mos t o f thes e novel s tend towar d resolvin g conflicts , bu t withou t "totalizing " happ y ending s in which dissentin g voices ar e expelled. 19 These novel s provid e m e wit h a wa y o f conceptualizin g m y lif e an d
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problematizing th e essentia l patter n o f identit y I hav e s o ofte n bee n presented with . Persona l choice s I have made—suc h a s my decisio n no t to marr y o r hav e children—hav e al l bee n one s tha t resul t i n m y feelin g outside th e mainstream o f contemporar y America n society . Yet my earl y involvement wit h S F fandom , whic h categorize s th e res t o f worl d a s "mundanes," kep t m e fro m succumbin g t o th e pressur e t o confor m during m y twenties. 20 Fe n (th e proper plura l o f fan ) o f differen t classes , ideologies, an d philosophie s (i f no t ofte n enough , differen t races ) gener ally bon d aroun d tw o issues : th e mundan e rejectio n o f S F as tras h an d the belie f i n th e superio r intelligenc e o f fen . S F images o f th e alie n giv e that fa n identificatio n a goo d dea l o f scope . Discoverin g i n m y thirtie s novels suc h a s th e one s describe d abov e ha s mad e m e fee l a s i f I hav e come hom e i n way s difficul t t o describe . I onl y kno w tha t I hav e no t found suc h a feelin g i n othe r texts , n o matte r ho w enjoyable , an d hav e been motivate d t o begi n writin g mor e an d differentl y i n orde r t o shar e that particular sens e of community . In writin g abou t thes e texts , I hop e t o exten d knowledg e o f the m beyond th e bounds o f "fandom " (an d to break dow n th e perception tha t an S F novel i s b y definitio n onl y a fu n rea d fo r a n academic' s off-time) . Perhaps thei r tim e i s now : th e pas t fe w year s hav e witnesse d a definit e increase i n the level of bisexua l activis m an d a move toward inclusio n o f bisexuals (an d other s o f "alternat e sexualities" ) i n formerl y gay/lesbia n groups. And recen t resistanc e t o inclusio n o f thos e "others " i n gay prid e marches an d event s indicate s tha t bisexualit y i s finding it s place. SF is in a goo d positio n t o communicat e feminis t view s t o thos e outsid e th e academy. Lookin g a t ne w way s o f constructin g relationship s betwee n women an d dealin g wit h conflic t ca n b e valuable ; beginnin g t o recon struct sexualit y a s oscillation/process ma y addres s som e o f th e problem s I have experience d wit h lesbian-feminis t discourse : specifically , th e mar ginalization, demonization , o r exclusio n o f bisexua l women .
NOTES
i. Miche l Foucault , The History of Sexuality, Volume i: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books, 1990). 2. Th e term "speculativ e fiction," often abbreviate d a s SF, can b e used a s an umbrella term encompassing the subgenres of horror fiction, science fiction, and fantasy . Tw o o f th e writer s I discus s i n thi s essa y writ e primaril y "fantasy," an d two write primarily "scienc e fiction."
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3. Karl a Jay and Allen Young, eds. , Out of the Closets: Voices of Gay Liberation (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1972 ; reprint , 1992) . Th e majority o f essay s ar e base d o n th e spli t betwee n th e heterosexua l an d th e homosexual (world , culture , personality) . A fe w mention s o f bisexualit y o r bisexuals exist : Karl a Jay' s essay , " A Ga y Critiqu e o f Moder n Literar y Criticism," reference s Michelangelo' s bisexualit y a s a n exampl e o f ho w homosexuality i s presented a s a fla w i n a n artist ; John Murphy , i n "Quee r Books," mention s a bisexua l characte r a s bein g "a n acceptabl e partne r i n the eye s of th e libera l straigh t reader " (78) . Thus, bisexuality i s constructe d as really homosexuality, o r a s a way to maintain heterosexua l privilege . The anthology attempt s to deconstruct th e perceived "naturalness " o f sex/gende r roles, and on e editor argue s that th e impulse in the gay liberation movemen t of th e lat e sixtie s an d earl y seventie s t o questio n "natural " categorie s o f homosexual an d heterosexua l wa s los t b y the mid-seventies , when th e idea s reverted t o pre-Stonewal l form : "fixe d identities , determine d earl y i n life (i f not a t birth), but natural, good, and healthy rathe r tha n unnatural , bad , an d sick" (xxvi) . 4. Th e new "discipline " called "Ga y an d Lesbian Studies" still tends to exclud e bisexuals, but m y focu s i n this paper i s elsewhere. 5. And , often , i n a racis t society , "homosexual " mean s "whit e homosexual. " The fals e universalizatio n i n term s suc h a s "American s an d minorities " carries over : th e fac t tha t Anglo-Europea n feminist s rarel y fee l th e nee d t o identify thei r ethnicity , whil e African-American an d othe r feminist s o f colo r do, show s th e wa y th e fals e universalizatio n works . Th e sam e dichotom y seems t o b e operatin g i n th e ga y community : Anglo-Europea n gay s an d lesbians, i n th e text s I have read , d o no t foregroun d thei r ethnicit y a s par t of thei r identity . 6. Onl y recentl y ha s S F started t o b e included i n th e "field " o f literar y studie s since man y academic s onc e dismisse d i t al l a s "trash " unworth y o f seriou s study, a n attitud e I often encountere d a s an undergraduate . 7. I believe that , amon g whit e feminist s a t least , mor e wor k need s t o b e don e on issue s o f generationa l difference s an d ag e discriminatio n (whic h goe s both ways) . 8. Eve n group s tha t foregroun d th e nee d fo r inclusio n an d acceptanc e o f diversity i n thei r organizatio n revea l tha t thi s proble m stil l exists . Whe n I joined th e Nationa l Women' s Studie s Association , I received a registratio n form wit h a lis t o f caucuse s an d tas k force s tha t I coul d join , i f I wished . Although th e variou s group s include d a categor y o f "Lesbia n Women, " various ethni c identifications , an d eve n a categor y fo r "Fa t Oppression, " which intereste d me , there was n o categor y fo r "Bisexua l Women. " I wrote a not e o n th e botto m o f th e for m askin g i f the y woul d conside r formin g such a category . 9. Th e tendenc y t o defin e "ga y sexuality " a s primaril y sexua l behavio r i s clearly see n i n th e rhetori c agains t "gays " i n th e military , whic h denie s th e comparison wit h past exclusion o f African American s b y insisting that bein g gay i s a choic e (an d a n immora l one) , unlik e ski n color . Whil e ther e ar e
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problems wit h comparin g "homosexuals " wit h "blacks " i n civi l right s dis course, th e respons e t o th e analog y b y heterosexual s reveal s thei r belie f i n homosexuality a s chosen behavior , no t identity . 10. Pamel a L . Caughie , "Virgini a Wool f 's Doubl e Discourse, " i n Discontented Discourses: Feminism/ Textual Intervention! Psychoanalysis, ed . Marleen S . Barr (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1989) , 49. 11. Lorain e Hutchins an d Lan i Kaahumanu, eds. , Bi Any Other Name: Bisexual People Speak Out (Boston : Alyso n Publications , 1991) . This antholog y ha s a numbe r o f essay s tha t spea k directl y t o th e issue s o f coalition s betwee n bisexuals an d gay s an d lesbians , an d th e possibilitie s o f th e linguisti c shif t to term s lik e "Quee r Theory " an d group s lik e "Quee r Nation, " sinc e bisex uals ca n identif y a s queer s i n a straigh t world . Whil e th e collectio n assert s an identit y base d o n a share d sexuality , th e mixtur e o f essay s break s dow n any sens e tha t bisexual s ar e identica l (i n term s o f politics , philosophy , life choices) . 12. M y thank s t o Rober t Neveldin e fo r hi s help i n clarifyin g thi s issue . He als o notes tha t severa l writer s i n AIDS analysis/activis m hav e begu n t o critiqu e this representation , especiall y Paul a A . Treichler, Alexi s Danzig , an d Mari ana Valverde . 13. Conversation s i n July 199 2 with Lesli e Donovan an d Katherin e Cummings . 14. Thi s belie f ma y b e stronges t amon g white , middle-clas s women , bu t tha t does no t mea n i t is completely missin g amon g wome n o f color . Th e contra dictory belie f tha t "women " d o compet e fo r th e sexua l attention s o f men , but i n cover t (i.e. , nonmasculine) ways , als o seem s t o b e specificall y down played i n many heterosexua l feminis t group s a s well. 15. M y analysi s of th e discursive formations surroundin g "differences " betwee n women an d ho w thos e difference s (o f race , class , an d sexuality ) operat e appears i n chapter s 1- 3 o f m y doctora l dissertation , A Genealogy of North American Feminism, 1963-1991: Competing Narratives of "Gender/* "Race," and "Ethnicity," Universit y o f Washington . 16. Dian e Duane' s four-volum e novel , The Tale of the Five, with thre e volume s published s o far {The Door into Fire, The Door into Shadow, an d The Door into Sunset), draw s on goddess-base d paga n belief s to create a culture wher e people slee p with (an d marry ) peopl e but monogamy seem s to b e rare. Lyn n Abbey's trilogy , The Chronicles of Tornor, i s no t a s specificall y linke d a s Duane's multivolum e novel . Th e thre e novels , Watchtower, Dancers of Arun, an d The Northern Girl, describ e th e histor y o f a family "line " rathe r than a n individual . Eac h nove l i s se t a t a differen t tim e an d ha s a differen t protagonist: th e first , a male ; th e second , a disable d male ; th e third , a female; bu t al l thre e ar e i n th e sam e famil y line . Jane t Kagan' s Mirabile describes a multiethni c populatio n o f human s wh o ar e "marooned " o n a planet whe n th e computer s i n thei r generation-starshi p crash . Afte r fou r o r five generations o n Mirabile , the colonists have evolved a culture that value s genetic (an d individual ) diversit y ove r all , where child-rearin g i s an honore d profession amon g man y others , an d wher e th e sens e o f onesel f a s a sexua l being an d share d passio n ar e maintaine d wel l int o wha t mainstrea m
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America would cal l "ol d age. " A recent trilogy b y Vonda Mclntyr e (Starfarers, Transition, an d Metaphase) describe s ho w a sola r spaceshi p designe d for researc h an d th e searc h fo r intelligen t lif e mus t b e "hijacked " b y th e academics an d suppor t cre w t o kee p it awa y fro m th e United State s govern ment, which ha s decided t o tur n i t to militar y purposes . 17. I a m indebte d t o Russ' s discussio n o f pornograph y an d erotic a i n Magic Mommas, Trembling Sisters, Puritans, and Perverts (Trumansburg , N.Y. : Crossing Press , 1985 ) an d t o he r essay , "Recen t Feminis t Utopias, " i n Future Females: A Critical Anthology, ed . Marlee n S . Barr (Bowlin g Green , Ohio: Bowlin g Gree n Stat e Universit y Popula r Press , 1981) , 76 , fo r point s made in this paragraph . 18. Whil e th e issu e o f namin g o r labelin g i s a comple x one , dependin g o n different definition s o f "feminist, " thes e book s are , i n general , publishe d primarily a s trade paperbacks b y mainstream S F publishing companies; onl y Abbey's trilog y ha s an y blurb s b y o r reference s t o "feminism, " and , finally, all include males as protagonists an d important characters . Too often "femi nist" i s understoo d t o mea n "lesbian " o r "separatist, " althoug h I hav e argued elsewher e tha t writer s publishin g afte r th e seventie s Utopia s ar e expanding the definitions o f feminism . 19. I d o no t inten d t o celebrat e women' s violenc e i n thes e novels , no r d o I believe thes e novels d o so . The issue s raise d ar e complicate d ones , the mor e so i n a yea r i n whic h th e Nationa l Rifl e Associatio n ha s begu n t o us e th e feminist rhetori c o f "choice " an d "empowerment " t o argu e fo r wome n i n America armin g themselve s wit h guns . Thes e writer s ar e beginnin g t o ex plore question s o f ho w w e ar e traine d t o accep t the limit s o f curren t gende r roles (fo r me n an d women ) i n variou s ways , on e o f whic h i s ho w conflic t and violenc e ar e handled . Showin g wome n abl e t o fight i n self-defens e i s one mean s o f doin g that . 20. I am n o longe r sur e I identify a s a "fan. " No t onl y a m I writing "academic " analyses o f SF , which woul d horrif y man y fen , bu t I dropped ou t o f mos t o f the organize d group s i n fando m whe n I becam e tire d o f th e increasin g professionalization o f wha t ha d bee n a purel y amateu r activit y performe d out o f love .
REFERENCES
Abbey, Lynn. The Dancers ofArun. Ne w York : Berkle y Books, 1979 . . The Northern Girl. Ne w York : Berkley Books, 1980 . . Watchtower. Ne w York : Berkle y Books, 1979 . Caughie, Pamel a L . "Virgini a Woolf' s Doubl e Discourse. " I n Discontented Discourses: Feminism/Textual Intervention/Psychoanalysis, edite d b y Mar leen S . Bar r an d Richar d Goldstein , 4 1 - 5 3 . Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1984 . Duane, Diane. The Door into Fire. 1979 . New York : To r Books , 1985 . . The Door into Shadow. Ne w York : Blueja y Books , 1984 .
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and
"Margin" 35
7
. The Door into Sunset. Ne w York : To r Books , 1992 . Foucault, Michel . The History of Sexuality. Volume One: An Introduction. Translated b y Robert Hurley . New York : Vintag e Books, 1990 . Hutchins, Loraine , an d Lan i Kaahumanu , eds . Bi Any Other Name: Bisexual People Speak Out. Boston : Alyso n Publications , 1991 . Jay, Karla , an d Alle n Young , eds. Out of the Closets: Voices of Gay Liberation. 1972. Reprint. New York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1992 . Kagan, Janet. Mirabile. Ne w York : To r Books , 1991. Mclntyre, Vonda M . Metaphase. Ne w York : Bantam , 1992 . . Starfarers. Ne w York : Ace , 1989 . . Transition. Ne w York : Bantam , 1990 . Russ, Joanna. Magic Mommas, Trembling Sisters, Puritans and Perverts: Feminist Essays. Trumansburg , Ne w York : Crossin g Press , 1985 . . "Recen t Feminis t Utopias. " I n Future Females: A Critical Anthology, edited b y Marlee n S . Barr , 71—85 . Bowlin g Green , Ohio : Bowlin g Gree n State University Popula r Press , 1981.
18. IN TH E Z O N E O F AMBIVALENCE : A JOURNA L O F COMPETITIO N MURIEL DIME N
i. New York City, Sometime at the beginning of April, 1990. Alice Bach asks me to contribute to a feminist issue of the Union Seminary Quarterly Review, which she edits. The issue's topic is to be "competition between women"; authors may write about it in any way they please as long as they also refer to a relevant scriptural text. Since the volume is to be interdisciplinary, Alice says that I, as a psychoanalyst and anthropologist, cover ground others don't. I'm intrigued —J know a lot about competition not only in theory but in practice (what feminist doesn't?); I've even written about it. 1 I feel weird about the religious part. As yo u wil l see , th e "religious, " o r a t leas t spiritual , par t come s t o seem less weird. 2. New York City. May 17, 1990. This morning, I dig out my old King James Version to scan the suggested tales of competition between women meant to provide continuity for this diverse issue of USQR . I'm drawn to the story of Rachel and Leah; their rivalry over fecundity reminds me of my late friendship with (I'l l call her) Linda. 358
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This evening, at the restaurant where Vm eating dinner with (amaz ingly enough ) a date, who should I see striding out from some recess in the dining room with a hurt and angry mien but (als o amazingly enough ) Linda? Her husband, following close behind with a determined step, looks equally distraught. I feel slightly embarrassed for them. When I arrive d hom e tha t night , I began officiall y t o kee p a journal , excerpted an d periodicall y extracte d here , i n a noteboo k purchase d fo r that specia l purpose . 3. New York City. May 18, 1990. This morning, I dream that Linda telephones me. Now that she's turning fifty, she says, she wants to bury the hatchet. I'm moved to agree this is a good idea; an old friendship is worth resuscitating even if you haven't spoken to each other for five years (except when you can't avoid each other at a book party). Then she tells me she's having an affair. "Was that why you looked so, um, worried in the restaurant?" I wanted to know. "No," she replies. My unconscious , havin g turne d th e merel y embarrassin g int o poten tial disaster , a n ordinar y publi c quarre l int o marita l betrayal , was , i t would appear , ou t fo r blood . Now , i t seeme d t o b e saying , I can settl e the score . Now I can ge t even with Lind a fo r wha t sh e got befor e me , a s Leah go t Jacob eve n whe n h e wa s t o hav e bee n Rachel's . I can retaliat e for th e literary grac e an d style , and th e ruthless self-interest , tha t permit ted he r t o borro w som e o f m y les s attractiv e qualitie s an d len d the m t o those od d character s i n he r sardonic , avant-gard e novels . Fo r now , yo u see, I can write a s well a s she, and she , no longer m y friend, i s fair game . I can tel l o n her , mak e he r loo k a s ba d a s I want. Ah . Reveng e i s sweet , not onl y becaus e o f th e mea n thing s sh e said an d di d t o m e in act and i n print, bu t becaus e sh e has a second husban d an d I don't . Not onl y literar y an d sexua l powe r bu t intellectua l productivit y wa s at stak e i n ou r friendship . Whe n my first boo k wa s published , I brough t it t o a part y a t a friend' s hous e i n th e country . I wanted t o sho w i t t o them, i n th e sam e spirit , I suppose , a s yo u woul d sho w of f fo r you r parents, parad e a n accomplishmen t befor e them . I though t my friend s would tak e pleasur e i n m y pleasure , identificator y prid e i n m y achieve ment; I ha d n o consciousnes s o f competin g (whic h doesn' t mea n I wasn't). I can't remembe r i f Lind a sai d i t right ther e an d then , o r waite d unti l we wer e bac k i n Manhattan : " I fee l lik e I hav e t o ea t crow. " I wa s
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stunned. Afte r all , sh e explained , he r manuscrip t ha d jus t bee n rejecte d by he r publisher , whic h mean t tha t I' d finished my boo k first. I hadn' t been aware there'd bee n a race. I think I thought we were sister feminist s together, togethe r lettin g ou r differen t spirit s fly, togethe r makin g ou r separate ascents , sh e climbin g th e literar y ladder , I , th e academi c one . How naive . Still , i t wa s onl y 1977 ; Evely n Fo x Kelle r an d Helen e Moglen wouldn' t publis h thei r articl e o n competitio n amon g feminist s (which wa s th e origina l stimulu s fo r USQR's specia l issue) unti l te n years later. 2 Not to o lon g afterward , a t a feminis t conferenc e we' d bot h partici pated i n organizing , a prestigious America n publishe r approache d Lind a to writ e a ne w boo k base d o n th e pape r she' d delivered . Althoug h th e same hous e (lik e hal f a doze n others ) late r rejecte d m y nex t boo k pro posal, on e commercia l firm di d i n th e en d giv e me a very larg e advance , much larger , indeed , tha n hers . Oddl y enough , Lind a wa s visitin g m e when m y agen t calle d wit h th e news; while her presence was not al l tha t kept m e fro m tastin g m y triumph , m y apprehensio n o f he r inevitabl e and painfu l env y certainl y darkene d m y delight , eve n though, a s my bes t friend, sh e wa s th e on e perso n wit h who m I' d hav e mos t wante d t o share th e moment . Muc h later , sh e read , an d disliked , th e penultimat e draft o f m y book. About a month afte r that , I challenged he r fo r th e first time i n ou r fifteen-year friendship . An d soo n afte r tha t sh e impose d a silence that ha s never bee n officiall y broken . Both m y book s ar e no w ou t o f print . Wheneve r I poke aroun d book stores hoping fo r th e smal l miracle that a copy of on e or th e other migh t still b e o n th e shelves , I a m compelle d t o loo k fo r her s (ther e ar e no w two) an d I alway s find them , stil l i n print , sometime s eve n prominentl y displayed. Have I conveye d t o yo u th e righ t combinatio n o f hur t an d pride , struck th e right note of ambivalenc e betwee n lov e and hate? There seem s no wa y t o writ e abou t thi s matte r o f competitio n betwee n wome n without anxiety , jus t a s ther e i s n o wa y t o thin k abou t i t outsid e th e moral(istic) question : Competitio n betwee n women , i s i t goo d o r i s i t bad? Thi s concer n pervade s Valeri e Mine r an d Hele n Longino' s anthol ogy, Competition: A Feminist Taboo?, i n whic h Kelle r an d Moglen' s "Competition: A Proble m fo r Academi c Women " i s reprinted. 3 Som e contributors thin k competitio n i s a positivel y goo d thin g an d ough t t o be embrace d (e.g. , Lichtenstein , Lindenbaum). 4 Others , lik e Kelle r an d
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Moglen, argu e tha t i t sour s onl y whe n denied ; acknowledged , competi tion ca n b e constructive an d enrichin g fo r women. 5 Stil l others hold tha t competition i s altogether ba d no t onl y fo r women , bu t fo r feminis m an d socialism; either it serves the oppressor b y dividing the oppressed agains t themselves (e.g. , Muse ) or , a s a tainte d means , i t spoil s th e end s (e.g. , Ackelsberg an d Addelson). 6 At an y rate , whateve r thei r position , al l th e author s writ e i n a mora l discourse. For example , Kelle r an d Mogle n sa y that "a s the door s t o th e ivory towe r hav e swun g open , a s position s o f influenc e an d powe r hav e become availabl e to women, we [feminists ] hav e lost both innocenc e an d purity." 7 Th e iron y o f thei r ton e ("Falle n creature s now , w e look a t on e another's nakednes s i n dismay") 8 onl y heighten s th e proble m o f moral ity an d it s slid e int o moralism . Bein g a goo d feminist , the y remin d us , has mean t tha t w e d o no t compete . Kelle r an d Mogle n the n as k th e question lurkin g a t the bac k o f al l our minds : "Bu t what doe s it mean t o be a goo d feminis t i n a rea l worl d wher e rea l power , rea l issue s o f professional survival , an d rea l opportunitie s t o exer t influenc e ar e a t stake. . . ?" 9 Caught , I think , i n th e tra p o f politica l correctness , the y offer, predictabl y an d honorabl y enough , n o satisfyin g answer . The y argue tha t w e must continu e t o b e feminists eve n a s we believ e in "som e standards o f excellence—howeve r drasticall y the y mus t b e revised — . . . a s a necessary sourc e of motivation," 10 an d ac t upon thes e standard s in ou r attemp t t o improv e ou r wor k an d ou r positions . The y as k ho w we ca n d o thi s unde r condition s o f politica l an d economi c inequality , and ho w w e ca n kee p tha t inequalit y fro m disruptin g friendship s an d the feminis t community . The y sugges t w e loo k t o othe r culture s fo r models. 11 Whew! Wha t burden s feminist s loa d ont o thei r backs ! It' s no t onl y that w e hav e t o ru n twic e a s fas t a s me n t o ge t wher e w e ar e an d sta y there. I f me n hav e alway s ha d mor e leewa y t o b e "bad, " wome n hav e always ha d t o b e goo d girls , whic h mean s tha t w e alway s hav e t o b e better tha n w e are. 12 An d her e yo u ca n se e ho w (thoug h no t why ) morality become s moralism : Goo d girl s ar e moral girls , girls who, whe n they becom e goo d women , privatel y guar d th e mora l orde r contravene d by public brutality ; responsibl e fo r th e ligature s o f life , they ar e to mak e sure tha t wha t happen s betwee n peopl e feel s goo d s o tha t peopl e ca n also fee l goo d abou t themselves , an d lif e connect s an d continues . Goo d women ar e th e peopl e Caro l Gilligan' s girl s thin k the y ar e suppose d t o
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become: they rejec t competition , the y want t o mak e sur e everyone wins ; not concerne d wit h Sel f a t th e expens e o f Other , the y ar e s o ofte n concerned wit h Othe r tha t the y forget themselves. 13 A further iron y thu s emerges , unnoticed b y an y o f th e contributor s t o Miner an d Longino' s Competition: A Feminist Taboo? In order to be a good feminist, you must conform to gender stereotype, because feminists are supposed to be good in the way that girls, and women, are supposed to be good. I f yo u wan t t o b e a goo d feminist , the n b e a goo d gir l an d think abou t everyon e bu t yourself . Fre e yoursel f fro m you r chain s b y wrapping the m eve r mor e tightl y aroun d you , trappin g yoursel f i n anxi ety and guilt . No wonde r it' s so hard t o think abou t thi s topic. Anxiety, the psychoanalyst Harr y Stac k Sulliva n i s alleged t o have said, resembles a blow o n the head : i t stop s yo u fro m thinking . Th e sam e i s true o f morality-cum moralism an d th e guilt with which i t burdens you. I'd lik e to suggest on e way t o brea k thes e chains : D o wha t I did las t summer . Forge t abou t it . Drop out . G o to California . 4. Davis, California. August 14, 1990. The first day of summer vacation. I walk my friends' dog. Or, rather, she walks me, which puts me in a most uncompetitive frame of mind. Leashed as much to her will as to her collar, I let my own desire follow hers right out of my usual mind into forgotten expanses of rest and creativity and the "unthoughtknown."14 And, as I bliss out, beginning to leave daily-life cares and woes behind for three weeks, who should pop up in my mind but Janis Joplin singing Oh lord wont you buy me a Mercedes-Benz? My friends all drive Porsches I must make amends. Worked hard all my lifetime No help from my friends Oh lord won't you buy me a Mercedes-Benz?
("Mercedes-Benz," Pearl )
Another friend , wit h who m I' m i n genera l bu t no t direc t competitio n (nothing a t stak e bu t success , two psychoanalyst s i n a field where ther e was a t th e tim e n o institutiona l ladde r fo r feminists , henc e n o specifi c place t o b e wo n o r lost) , openl y an d generousl y admire d m y havin g secured a book contract . In self-deprecation (th e emotional equivalen t of
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spitting thre e time s t o war d of f you r friends ' envy) , I replied , "Oh , I have a Jani s Jopli n complex. " After sh e hear d th e followin g story , sh e concluded, " I guess I don't hav e enough o f one. " According t o th e New York Times, Jani s onc e bough t tw o identica l pairs o f gol d sandals , abou t whic h sh e said , " I lov e wearing gol d shoes , it's lik e a breakthrough . I t demand s a whole kin d o f attitud e fo r a chic k to wear gol d shoes. . . . Maybe only girl s would understand , bu t i t [feels ] almost a s goo d a s singing." 15 Sh e als o tol d he r interviewe r wha t i t fel t like t o brin g tha t "whol e kin d o f attitude " (and , I imagine , he r gol d shoes) bac k hom e to Port Arthur, Texas , where, although sh e had grow n up a n averagel y privilege d middle-clas s person , sh e nevertheles s alway s felt deprive d o f respect , poo r i n esteem : " I read , I painted, I thought. I didn't hat e niggers . Ther e wa s nobod y lik e m e [there] . I t wa s lonely , those feeling s wellin g u p an d nobod y t o tal k to . I wa s jus t 'sill y craz y Janis.' Man , thos e peopl e hur t me . I t make s m e happ y t o kno w I' m making i t an d they'r e bac k there , plumber s jus t lik e the y were. " Now , rich in money and power, sh e could show them : "Peopl e aren't suppose d to b e lik e m e . . . bu t no w they'r e payin g m e $50,00 0 a yea r t o b e like me. " Is tha t wha t i t take s t o mak e it— a Jani s Jopli n complex , a wis h fo r victory emergin g ou t o f friendles s hur t s o dee p i t make s yo u wan t t o kill? Or , a t least , i s tha t bottomles s vengeanc e th e minimum ? An d di d Janis mak e it ? Was th e competition wort h th e candl e she burned a t bot h ends? Was i t worth dyin g for, a s she did the very next year? Sh e left u s a great legacy , didn' t she ? Don' t yo u lov e he r music ? Don' t yo u lov e he r for bein g suc h a ba d gir l an d "makin g it " anyway ? (Or , a t least , suc h a bad white girl , for ther e hav e bee n man y blac k women , lik e Billie Holli day, who , whil e adulated , don' t hol d quit e th e sam e plac e i n main stream—read, "white"—cultura l mytholog y a s Janis, eve n i f the y wer e models fo r he r ar t an d life ; there' s anothe r sor t o f competitio n goin g o n here, and I'l l retur n t o it later on. ) Perhaps th e most strikin g word i n that firs t vers e of "Mercedes-Benz " is "amends, " whic h Webster' s define s a s "paymen t mad e o r satisfactio n given fo r injury , insult , loss , etc. ; as , h e [sic ] mad e amend s fo r hi s rudeness." 16 Ho w puzzling . Yo u migh t thin k tha t amend s i s what yo u have t o mak e afte r yo u win , as , sor t of , damag e control . Ye t thi s son g suggests tha t yo u ca n mak e restitutio n b y competing . Fo r wha t offense , then, woul d keepin g u p wit h th e Jonese s compensate ? It' s temptin g t o psychologize Janis an d sa y sh e felt lik e a ba d perso n fo r bein g a bad gir l
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(or becam e a ba d gir l becaus e sh e fel t s o ba d abou t herself) , an d there fore sh e had t o atone . But not onl y i s she not m y patient, she' s dea d an d can't correc t m e a s livin g patient s can . I' d rathe r liste n fo r th e mor e universal connotation s o f he r vers e an d sugges t tha t th e transgressio n requiring amend s i s one we sp y not onl y i n Janis's lif e bu t i n our own — the offens e o f no t havin g a s muc h a s others , o f therefor e no t bein g a s "much" a s they, an d thus , by comparison, bein g "rude " an d uncivilized . The offens e lie s in the unpleasan t feeling s arouse d i n the "haves " b y th e "have-nots," i n th e emotiona l structur e o f socioeconomi c hierarchy : those wh o hav e les s env y thos e wh o hav e more , who, a t th e sam e time , feel guilt ; hence the "offense " o f homeless people . "Mercedes-Benz" was , o f course , satirizin g th e sor t o f competitiv e society i n whic h havin g les s tha n othe r peopl e feel s like , an d i s eve n regarded as , a n offens e agains t them . Jani s set s i t u p i n tha t hoarse , squeaky voic e o f hers : "I' d lik e to d o a song of grea t socia l an d politica l import." Bu t althoug h sh e make s u s laug h a t th e pain , sh e als o render s this universa l scrambl e fo r dignit y a fa r mor e persona l tha n politica l matter. No r i s i t surprisin g tha t sh e doe s so , fo r he r son g predate s ou r recognition tha t "th e persona l i s political, " a sloga n invente d th e sam e year the articl e about he r appeared. 17 It's to o ba d that , fo r mos t peopl e wh o onc e believe d otherwise , th e political ha s no w dwindle d t o th e personal . Still , th e inherentl y mutua l implication o f personal an d politica l life , which i s how I understand tha t now-famous motto , girds the form an d inform s th e content o f this essay : How, I wan t t o ask , ca n w e understan d competitio n betwee n wome n (between anybody , fo r tha t matter ) a s simultaneously personal an d polit ical, a s a t onc e i n ou r hearts , i n ou r friendships , an d i n th e structur e o f daily life ? Ho w ca n w e char t th e socia l an d economi c force s givin g ris e to an d shapin g competitio n a s w e kno w it , an d als o trac k th e intrapsy chic processes infusing it ? I inten d t o answe r thes e question s b y wha t I sa y an d ho w I sa y it . One centra l disappointmen t o f Kelle r an d Moglen' s otherwis e germina l contribution wa s ho w littl e the y tol d u s abou t thei r relationship . Whe n reading it , yo u reall y d o wan t t o kno w wha t thei r competitio n wa s al l about an d how , o r if , the y resolve d it . Sinc e yo u neve r find out , you'r e never entirel y persuade d tha t th e answe r lie s i n scrutinizin g othe r cul tures. Wh y shoul d w e loo k s o fa r afiel d whe n a t leas t som e answer s might lie rather close r to home, in the personal live s of th e authors, bot h of whom continu e a s successful professional s an d feminists ?
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So I'v e chose n t o tak e a ris k her e an d le t yo u i n o n som e bit s o f th e diary I impulsively bega n onc e I' d take n thi s project on . A s you ca n tell , I'm goin g t o interweav e thos e bit s wit h som e thinkin g I'v e don e abou t the matte r o f competition . I will b e arguing , i n th e main , tha t competi tiveness ha s a n unconsciou s lif e a s wel l a s a socia l reality . I t exist s i n both inne r an d oute r dimensions , equall y a graphi c socia l dram a o f striving, winning , losing , an d livin g t o fight anothe r da y an d a vividl y felt bu t invisibl e psychic dram a o f desire , hate, an d reparation . Lik e an y behavior, competitio n i s shape d doubl y b y emotio n an d politics , whic h is th e reaso n tha t th e twi n demon s o f anxiet y an d politica l correctnes s plague ou r thinkin g abou t it . Thi s doubl e plagu e make s competitio n a prime aren a fo r th e struggl e betwee n lov e an d hate , whic h ca n onl y b e resolved b y ambivalence . To as k ho w w e ca n depic t th e simultaneit y o f min d an d cultur e i s perhaps als o t o ask : Ho w d o w e spea k abou t a n ordinar y experienc e using the disciplinar y language s that , divided , (mis)represen t it ? In thes e deconstructionist days , you migh t us e discours e theor y t o cu t you r wa y out o f disciplinar y prisons . Bu t stil l yo u find yoursel f i n a moral(istic ) hammerlock, becaus e the anxious an d guilty discourse in which competi tion betwee n wome n i s locate d keep s yo u fro m thinkin g straight . I s i t possible t o ste p ou t o f thi s discourse ? O r i s th e onl y wa y ou t t o ge t a s deeply int o i t as you can ? j . Tassajara Zen Mountain Monastery, Jamesburg, California. August 16, 1990. On the afternoon of my first workday at Tassajara, my second day here, twenty-seven hours after my arrival, plagued by hard anger and a headache that began when I arose at five-thirty A.M . to do things I either didn't know how to do (like sitting zazen [meditating ] and raking pebbles into Japanese garden—style order) or felt were beneath me (like cleaning hurricane lamps and toilets), I steamed in the sulfurous steam room, and then, lying naked on the deck, fell unknowingly into a nap. When I woke under the blue sky ringed with leaves, I found myself silently asking, "Is this, no this isn't, France? Greece?" And, then, to my horror, "Who am I? What's my name?" I did not know where I was nor could I remember my name. And that's, I guess, when I remembered why I came. When I went t o Tassajara , I had emerge d fro m tw o year s o f nonsto p competing with clos e feminist friend s an d colleagues , more awar e o f m y
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defeats tha n m y victories, burned out , beat, mistrustful o f those to who m I wa s closest . A t Tassajara , a s I swabbe d toilet s o r mad e bed s stil l smelling o f th e nigh t o r cleane d funk y spinac h i n th e kitchen , I fel t myself losing/givin g u p th e insigni a o f thos e losse s an d triumphs . A s I unwillingly relinquishe d thes e sign s o f myself , I quickl y cam e t o fee l quite humiliatingl y small . T o m y surprise , I foun d mysel f reachin g fo r my accomplishments , my statu s markers—" I hav e a Ph.D., I used t o b e a ful l professo r o f anthropolog y befor e I bravely gave it all up to becom e the psychoanalyst I am now, " etc.—a s i f to remember wh o I was. I'm no t goin g t o say , either , tha t I lef t Tassajar a restored , trusting , and hopeful , o r cleanse d o f desire s fo r prestig e an d power , cure d o f competitiveness an d it s discontents, and certainl y no t o f the desire for it s rewards. Zen, I came to understand, i s (at least in the American context ) about bein g wher e yo u are . An d i f competitio n i s wher e yo u are , the n that's wher e you are . The Ze n teacher , Thic h Nha t Hanh , tell s th e followin g story : Ther e was a young ma n wh o like d t o dra w lotu s flowers , bu t h e di d no t kno w anything abou t drawing . . . . H e wen t t o a master , an d th e maste r too k him t o a lotu s pon d an d aske d hi m t o si t ther e an d loo k a t th e lotu s flowers al l day without doin g anything, just breathing and lookin g at th e lotus flowers. . . . H e di d onl y tha t fo r te n days , an d the n h e wen t bac k to hi s master . Hi s maste r aske d him , "Ar e yo u ready? " H e said , " I wil l try," an d th e brus h an d pain t wer e give n t o him . H e was painting lik e a child, bu t th e lotu s wa s ver y beautiful . H e wa s nothin g bu t a lotu s a t that time , an d th e lotu s cam e out . . . . A t firs t h e wante d t o pain t th e flower bu t finally h e becam e th e flower, an d hi s intentio n t o pain t wa s no longe r there . Tha t i s wh y h e succeede d i n painting . Whe n I firs t read th e story , m y immediat e reactio n was , Well , i f I' m writin g abou t competition betwee n women , d o I have t o become it ? D o I have t o liv e in tha t plac e o f tension , anxiety , and , sometimes , horror ? I don' t want to live there. Then th e obvious becam e new: That i s where I live. Perhaps th e ever-presenc e o f competitio n i n m y lif e ha s somethin g t o do wit h th e interfac e o f biograph y an d history : second-wav e feminis t activists an d scholar s ar e maturin g int o th e pea k o f thei r professions ; i f they a t first engage d politic s with a (no w declining ) vigor , the y currentl y find themselve s a t tha t poin t i n thei r individua l caree r path s wher e the y must secur e thei r position s i f the y ar e t o hav e o r retai n an y influence . Structure an d desire , power an d ambition , propel them into competition .
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Conversely, a s Kelle r an d Mogle n suggest , a s lon g a s feminist s wer e marginal, the y no t onl y believe d competitio n wa s counterproductiv e bu t (naively and/o r ideologically ) imagine d the y were immune t o it. 18 The competitio n w e encounte r wit h shock , recognition , amusement , dismay, exist s no t onl y i n academi a an d politics . Althoug h it' s no t al l there is , it' s everywhere . Competitio n i s th e stuf f o f whic h th e socia l pyramid, it s hierarchies founde d o n scarcity , is made. Look, competitio n appears eve n wher e w e thin k i t can't . Fo r example , Longin o an d Mine r describe themselve s a s "radica l feminist s an d socialist s [who ] thu s hav e two tradition s behin d u s tha t see m antithetica l t o competition." 19 Thei r own volum e constitutin g a rejoinde r i n regar d t o feminism , I need onl y mention Leni n an d Trotsky , o r th e Pragu e Sprin g an d it s consequences , to remind yo u o f socialism' s putativel y noncompetitiv e spirit . Going eve n furthe r bac k (i n cultura l imager y i f no t i n actua l time) , competition i s wher e Rache l an d Leah , no t t o mentio n thei r husband , Jacob, an d thei r father , Laban , liv e too . Indeed , Rache l an d Leah' s rivalry ove r desirabilit y an d fecundit y ha s it s partne r an d backdro p i n the battl e fo r wealt h an d powe r betwee n tw o generation s o f men . Afte r all, since God ha s alread y appointe d Jacob a s the founder o f nations, it' s not s o har d t o understan d wh y th e olde r ma n migh t pla y trick s o n th e younger one . Ho w bette r t o triump h ove r th e ma n wh o i s inevitabl y going t o excee d yo u tha n b y makin g hi m serv e fo r twent y year s t o ge t what h e ough t t o hav e receive d afte r onl y seven ? Th e Oedipa l boy , i t turns out , is right: Not onl y in his guilt-stricken fantasy , bu t in lived life , the ol d man , i n thi s cas e hi s father-in-law , does wan t t o ge t him . Son s often hav e th e opportunit y t o d o wha t thei r father s couldn't ; mutatis mutandis, th e sam e hold s tru e fo r daughter s an d mothers , a s Kelle r an d Moglen s o poignantly remin d u s in thei r recountin g o f intergenerationa l competition amon g feminists . I am sure that, had I remained a t Tassajara an d le t the total institutio n swallow m e righ t u p (indeed , I was tempted) , th e matte r o f competitio n would hav e resurface d i n me , an d betwee n m e an d others , i n th e pore s of m y mind an d i n the spaces of socia l life (i n the short run, fo r example , I might hav e wondere d who , o n a give n day , ha d meditate d mos t "per fectly"—an oxymoron—whil e i n th e lon g run , I might hav e wante d t o rise i n th e monasti c hierarchy) . Competitio n woul d hav e com e bac k u p not onl y becaus e Ze n practic e encourage s th e emergenc e o f al l experi ence bu t becaus e I'v e grow n u p wher e I'v e grow n up , a s hav e mos t o f the monk s there . Yo u can' t b e anythin g bu t racis t i n a racis t society ,
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misogynist i n a patriarcha l one , an d competitiv e i n a hierarchica l one . You ca n dislik e you r attitudes , an d d o battl e wit h them—that' s wha t being antiracist , nonsexist , an d noncompetitiv e involves , strugglin g against tha t whic h contravene s you r values . Bu t you r struggl e doesn' t purge you o f your faults , eve n though i t may help you figur e ou t ways t o ameliorate thei r politica l manifestations , o r to imagine their ultimate un doing. Racism, sexism , competition . Hmm . I see m t o hav e reentere d th e moral domain . I' d lik e t o tak e th e analog y back , bu t I can't . Politica l correctness aside , I think it' s right . S o I'll try , a t least , no t t o b e moralis tic (which , b y th e way , raise s th e questio n o f whethe r i t i s an y longe r possible t o spea k abou t politic s withou t being , feeling, o r bein g accuse d of bein g moralistic , sanctimonious). I f racism i s the mar k o f imperialis m and misogyn y i s th e mar k o f patriarchy , the n competitio n i s th e signa ture o f hierarchy . Competitio n ma y bege t pai n tha t explode s int o great ness, as it led to Janis's energ y an d music , or Billie Holliday's genius . But competitiveness betwee n women , particularl y betwee n feminists , is , I will sa y without anxiety , ofte n horribl y painfu l and , i n that sense , a ba d thing, whic h doesn' t mea n w e shouldn' t engag e i n it . Here' s why . (No , this isn' t a detour ; o r rather , i t is , bu t it' s goin g t o tak e u s bac k t o tha t most interestin g dilemma , whethe r yo u ca n b e a goo d feminis t withou t being a good girl. ) 6. Tassajara. August 19, 1990. How do I hate thee? Let me count the ways. I hate thee to the depth and breadth and height My soul can reach, when feeling out of sight For the ends of Being and ideal Grace. I hate thee to the level of everyday s Most quiet needs, by sun and candlelight. I hate thee freely, as men strive for Right. I hate thee purely, as they turn from Praise. I hate thee with the passion put to use In my old griefs, and with my childhood's faith. I hate thee with a love I seemed to lose With my lost saints—J hate thee with the breath, Smiles, tears, of all the life!—and, if God choose, I shall but hate thee better after death. (after Elizabeth Barrett Browning)
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I canno t den y tha t a hatre d equa l i n dept h t o lov e ha s accompanie d the competition s i n whic h I'v e engage d wit h m y deares t friends . I' d lik e to den y i t because , alway s incline d t o b e a goo d girl , I shrin k fro m feeling suc h aggressio n i n mysel f an d fro m seein g it in othe r women . I' m probably no t alon e i n this . Nowhere i n th e ideolog y o f good-girl-nes s i s there roo m fo r th e leve l o f hatre d tha t Jani s spoute d i n he r interview , which mos t o f u s feel , a t leas t on occasion , bu t would neve r publicize . Still, if we'r e goin g t o tal k abou t competition , I think w e have t o tal k about hat e because , my ow n experienc e convince s me , competition doe s not occu r i n th e absenc e o f thi s passionat e concoctio n o f "resentment , contempt, frustration , envy , [and ] rage." 2 0 A t it s worst , thi s hatre d between m e and m y women/feminist friend s ha s threatened t o unbalanc e me; short o f that, it has, as I have told you, destroyed a friendship. Wha t I wonder , though , i s this : Woul d th e hatre d hav e ha d suc h destructiv e power i f Lind a an d I ha d bee n abl e t o kno w it , singl y an d together , beforehand? Bu t coul d w e hav e know n it ? I s ther e an y wa y t o discus s hatred withou t fallin g int o moralism ? I s there an y wa y t o le t hatre d b e without immediatel y censurin g th e on e wh o hates ? I s i t possibl e tha t politics tend s t o becom e moralisti c whe n i t encounters , withou t accep tance, the passionate an d frightenin g emotio n o f hate ? Let's loo k a t hat e or , rather , th e effect s o f ignorin g i t i n on e stud y o f competition tha t justl y becam e a n instan t classic. 21 Joyc e P . Lin denbaum's psychoanalyti c examinatio n o f competitivenes s an d env y within lesbia n couple s avoid s moralizing , bu t only , i t seem s t o me , b y helping hatre d t o a n earl y death . Somewha t coolly , sh e define s competi tion a s " a constructiv e proces s tha t ca n evolv e whe n a n experienc e o f 'felt difference ' occur s betwee n tw o separat e selve s i n relationship." 22 Lindenbaum arrive s a t thi s definitio n fro m he r psychotherapeuti c treat ment o f lesbia n couple s who , sh e finds, ofte n com e t o he r becaus e the y have stoppe d havin g sex . Thi s ha s happened , sh e argues , becaus e thei r ease with the nonsexual mergin g of selve s leaves them defenseless agains t the unconscious , primal , mother-chil d fusio n that , i n th e extraordinari ness o f sexua l union , permit s ecstasy , but , i n ordinar y life , induce s a terrifying los s o f self . An d thei r comfor t wit h nonsexua l mergin g ha s in par t t o d o wit h thei r inabilit y t o distinguish , intrapsychicall y an d interpersonally, differenc e fro m separateness . Difference , i n thes e rela tionships, ha s com e t o signif y separation , an d separatio n t o signif y th e loss o f th e othe r an d o f th e relationship . Env y emerge s a s a wa y t o
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defend agains t thi s "fel t difference, " wit h it s significatio n o f los s an d abandonment. However , becaus e env y cause s pai n an d threaten s inti macy, th e couple s Lindenbau m treat s attemp t t o eras e i t b y creatin g a "pseudomutuality" o r pseudolikenes s i n which , unfortunately , eac h partner the n feel s sh e ha s sacrifice d to o muc h o f herself . T o minimiz e this hig h price , th e partner s nex t creat e "pseudodifference" : Each , i n order t o reclai m herself , protest s to o muc h he r ow n distinctivenes s an d consequently feel s neithe r rea l nor comfortable , bu t i s more ofte n uneas ily aware o f hatred's seeds , of ange r wit h an d env y of th e other . Lindenbaum's solutio n i s not t o eliminat e bu t to institute competitio n in the relationship a s a means t o imbu e separatenes s an d differenc e wit h a sens e o f safety , an d t o detoxif y env y b y givin g i t "benig n expres sion." 23 I f on e partner envie s the other' s succes s in a particular domain , she is to determin e th e domai n i n which sh e herself wishe s to succeed ; if it's th e sam e a s he r partner's , the n sh e shoul d g o fo r it , tr y t o bea t he r partner. Thi s displacemen t o f aggressio n fro m env y ont o th e jo b o f creating th e desire d qualit y i n onesel f deflect s th e wis h t o hur t th e other. 24 Thu s purified , competitio n become s curativ e an d provide s on e "with th e opportunit y t o becom e competent . I t i s not a n eas y task , no r is it one tha t ca n alway s b e accomplished. Ther e i s still the possibility o f deep disappointment . . . . In undertakin g th e challeng e . . . on e has , a t the very least, the experience of developin g a particular aspec t of the Self and observin g that th e Othe r i s not destroye d b y this success. When On e gets better, th e Othe r doe s not hav e to get worse." 25 Maybe. I f th e competitio n i s about , say , cooking , ther e ar e alway s more meal s t o b e prepare d an d eaten ; i f it' s abou t tennis , the n there' s always nex t year' s Virgini a Slim s tournamen t t o trai n for . Bu t some times, whe n on e perso n win s an d th e othe r loses , that' s it ; th e game' s over an d wil l neve r b e playe d again . I f th e contes t involve s a jo b an d there's onl y on e t o b e had , the n there' s n o secon d chance , a s w e lear n from th e anguishe d case s Kelle r an d Mogle n recount, 26 a s wel l a s fro m those with whic h we'v e ha d persona l contact , eithe r a s winners o r loser s (I've bee n both) . An d withou t a secon d chance , hatre d i s likel y t o hav e its day . Lindenbaum's model , while attentive to the psychosocial constructio n of women' s personality , seem s t o ignor e bot h th e socia l underpinning s and unconsciou s matri x o f competition . It' s tru e tha t peopl e wh o hav e experienced traum a durin g th e first tw o year s o f lif e (Lindenbaum' s thesis employ s thi s preoedipa l model ) ar e likel y t o b e threatene d b y th e
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Other's differenc e an d t o regar d tha t differenc e a s a sig n o f thei r ow n inadequacy, triggerin g retaliative , enviou s fantasie s tha t envisio n th e Other's destruction . An d it' s tru e that , becaus e women' s personalitie s form b y identifyin g with , no t differin g from , (m)others , henc e ar e marked b y permeabl e boundaries , an d ar e thu s suite d t o th e task s o f relatedness, wome n ar e ofte n threatene d b y differenc e i n precisel y thi s 27
way/ 7 But the dram a o f competitio n i s not onl y internal , o r eve n interna l t o couples. Competitio n i s als o a socia l process , an d competitivenes s i s a socially meaningfu l feeling . In our society , the contex t fo r competitio n i s a sociall y constructe d scarcity , a fac t recognize d b y Kelle r an d Moglen , whose fait h i n th e valu e o f competitivenes s i s les s naiv e tha n Lin denbaum's. 28 Unde r thes e circumstances , wher e th e mean s t o wealt h and powe r ar e unequall y distributed , no t onl y competitio n bu t env y i s inevitable. Env y i s a comple x emotio n tha t feed s hatred . I t consists , i n part, o f admiration ; founde d i n processe s o f identification , i t show s u p in th e desir e to emulat e th e other . Bu t i t is also destructive , containin g a wish t o destro y anyon e wh o ha s something , b e it a quality , relationship , object, o r situation , tha t on e long s for , s o tha t on e n o longe r ha s t o remember tha t on e lacks it . At th e sam e time , however, los s has a political dimension . Th e losse s of earl y childhoo d meet , an d fin d echoe s in , th e sociall y constitute d an d unavoidable deprivations , disappointments , an d failure s o f adul t life. 29 When socia l losse s canno t b e reversed , th e disappointmen t the y entai l borrows fro m th e passion s o f earl y life , whe n an y los s seeme d irrevers ible (thin k o f a frustrated toddler) . Not infrequently , thi s helpless disillu sionment find s expressio n i n hatre d o f self , o f others , o f th e Other — other race s an d ethnicities ; women ; th e power s tha t be ; o r thos e who , like Janis , ar e deeme d "weird " becaus e o f thei r sexuality , style , o r be liefs. A s w e hav e see n i n Janis' s ow n life , i t can , unde r th e righ t condi tions, also turn int o self-destructiv e hatre d o f one' s ow n Otherness . The power o f hatre d t o scar e us all and t o threaten socia l orde r i s one reason fo r th e socia l significanc e o f competition . Competitio n rational izes hat e b y institutionalizin g it . A s m y pseudonymou s frien d Nathan , whom I regularl y consul t o n matter s male , tol d me , "W e use d t o jok e that, befor e basketbal l games , we were going to si t in a room an d hav e a hate session. " That' s wh y there' s n o suc h thin g a s "true " competition , as Lindenbaum's positivis m (or , perhaps, romanticism) woul d hav e it; 3 0 neither emotionall y no r politicall y neutral , competitio n ha s cultura l an d
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psychological origin s an d function s specifi c t o th e societ y i n whic h i t is found . In other words, "true " competition i s only an idea in our own society , expressed i n th e familia r cheer , shoute d b y bot h liberal s an d conserva tives: "Ma y th e bes t ma n win! " Ye t w e als o kno w tha t sometime s th e "best man " i s no t th e on e wh o win s th e gam e a s played , bu t th e on e who play s th e gam e b y pullin g strings." 31 Eve n thoug h bein g sociall y and economicall y wel l positione d doesn' t mea n yo u can't b e th e bes t a t what yo u do , i t ca n b e a n awfull y bi g hel p t o th e competen t an d incompetent alike . And thi s socioeconomi c differentia l tend s t o provok e hatred, bot h amon g th e many , wh o env y an d resen t thos e wh o have , and amon g th e few , wh o liv e i n contempt , fear , an d guil t towar d thos e who d o not . Hate seem s t o negat e love ; perhap s that' s on e reaso n goo d girl s eschew it . But , yo u know , I coul d no t hav e hate d m y competitor s s o deeply ha d I no t love d the m well ; a s m y adaptatio n o f Browning' s sonnet suggests , hat e feed s o n lov e a s (an d I will retur n t o thi s though t toward th e en d o f thi s essay ) lov e need s hate . Hat e ca n flouris h onl y where illusion s onc e hel d sway , onl y wher e lov e has blinde d us . And it s very presence tell s of ou r longin g to love once more. So I wish Lindenbau m ha d le t her patients hate eac h othe r fo r a while instead o f tryin g t o finesse th e bad-gir l emotio n o f hatre d b y institutin g competition. Counte r t o m y ow n impulses , I want t o argu e that we hav e got t o brin g hatred , an d al l th e othe r bad-gir l feelings , forward . I f w e don't, w e remain locke d i n the good-girl model of feminism an d feminin ity. In other words, in order to be a good feminist, you have to be a bad girl.32 Yo u hav e go t t o kno w everythin g yo u weren' t suppose d t o kno w when you were supposed t o be a good girl . You have to know everythin g about wha t yo u ca n an d wan t t o be . If you tabo o on e secto r o f passion , you stun t th e rest . In Lindenbaum's final cas e example, a woman envie s her lover' s fam e as a public speaker , a t first relishin g a vicarious success , later wishin g t o be a s skillfu l bu t fearin g th e damag e suc h a n accomplishmen t migh t d o to he r partner . Throug h therapy , however , sh e identifie s an d accom plishes her goal ; she too become s a public speaker , an d no w sh e and he r partner playfull y goa d eac h othe r on , a s par t o f wha t the y regar d a s their benig n competition . I agree with Lindenbaum' s concludin g commen t o n thi s couple , bu t I also thin k i t undermine s he r entir e argument : "Tha t on e woma n envie s
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her partner' s passio n fo r publi c speakin g doe s no t mea n tha t sh e mus t work t o becom e a skille d publi c speake r herself . I t i s the passio n tha t i s envied. Th e capacit y t o b e passionate abou t somethin g i s what mus t b e examined an d developed." 33 If , however , passion , no t competition , i s the point, the n the clinical task become s understandin g wh y this particu lar woma n canno t own , an d thereb y define , he r passion , includin g he r hatred. To institute competitiveness i n the relationship foreclose s inquir y into th e inhibitio n o f he r desire . Writin g abou t blac k adolescen t girls , Daphne Mus e make s a relate d point , contendin g tha t competitivenes s i s particularly damagin g t o the m becaus e i t put s thei r live s "i n a box, " packaging thei r ques t fo r persona l fulfillmen t int o conventiona l goals. 34 Or, a s anothe r aphoris m put s it , "Yo u can' t ge t ric h playin g anothe r man's game. " Or ca n you ? 7. New York City. November 11, 1990. Another dinner date, this time with (let' s cal l him ) Jim. I tell Jim about the article on competition, and its problematic, the moral(istic) discourse from which it's trying to escape. "What's the mystery?" he wants to know. "Competition is nothing more complicated than a good game of tennis." "Well," I suggest, "imagine that you've got an assistant professor in your department [Ji m i s a n eminen t sociologis t o f libera l persuasion] who's a wonderful teacher, but doesn't publish, so, when tenure review comes around, it's not up but out." Jim is silent, indeed, I suspect, uncomfortable. Later, when he tells me that I shouldn't be worrying about competition, I can't figure out whether he's flirting or competing. Speaking o f disillusionmen t an d wantin g t o lov e again , it' s hardl y news tha t it' s i n men' s interes t tha t wome n no t compet e (excep t whe n they ar e battlin g ove r a man) . Afte r all , i f w e did , w e woul d n o longe r be th e goo d girl s the y hav e alway s neede d u s t o b e t o kee p house , raise thei r kids , and , i n general , no t threate n thei r sens e o f thei r ow n competence. Indeed , whe n w e d o sho w an y sig n o f integratin g th e ag gressiveness tha t i s part o f competin g an d tha t ha s traditionall y marke d the moral boundar y betwee n th e sexes, men will tend t o become anxiou s and star t competin g righ t back . No t onl y d o the y hav e t o protec t thei r place in the patriarchy, the y have to defend themselve s against what the y don't wan t t o se e i n themselves : Whe n me n comment , a s som e do , tha t women ar e far mor e vicious than men , they ar e complaining abou t wha t
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they suddenly perceive because it appears where it should not , the hatre d they hav e learne d t o disavo w i n themselve s an d suddenl y catc h sigh t o f in women . In othe r words , me n ar e a s disturbe d a s wome n b y th e hostilit y embedded i n competitiveness . The y simpl y hav e a variet y o f mean s t o disavow thei r distress . On e wa y the y d o s o is to like n al l competitio n t o competitive sports , which , a s ha s ofte n bee n pointe d ou t an d a s Jim' s response t o m e demonstrates , i s th e contex t i n whic h me n lear n t o compete. Th e sport s mode l ha s severa l functions : A s par t o f socia l ideology, i t represent s th e meritocrati c belie f that , i n an y competition , the race goes to the swiftest; conversely , if the winners are , by definition , the best , then , als o b y definition , thos e wh o los e deserv e to . I f yo u believe this , the n yo u don' t hav e t o worr y abou t th e fairnes s o f th e conditions unde r whic h competitio n take s plac e an d yo u can , thereby , invalidate an y socia l criticis m th e defeate d ma y make . Competition , whether i n th e stadium , boardroom , o r lectur e hall , thu s become s a completely self-justifying , moral(istic ) system. 35 The metapho r o f athletic s als o does som e emotional housekeepin g b y clearing away th e ambivalenc e o f competition , i n which you mus t recog nize that, becaus e your gai n i s usually someon e else' s loss, your pleasur e comes a t th e expens e o f someon e else' s pain , an d vic e versa . On e wa y boys lear n t o den y ambivalence , an d thereb y t o remembe r th e pleasur e and forge t th e pain, i s via competitiv e athletics . When the y find ou t tha t "it's onl y a game, " the y minimiz e th e hostilit y o f triump h an d voi d th e shame of defeat , s o that winning contains only pure pleasure, losing only stoic hope . Furthermore , i f it' s nothin g bu t a game , then an y blow s yo u give or tak e don' t reall y hur t becaus e you wer e onl y playing in the sens e of pretending , an d so , onc e it' s over , yo u nee d fee l neithe r remors e fo r beating someone els e nor hatre d o f the one who beat s you . I hear , however , tha t there' s anothe r sid e t o th e story . I hear there' s an intens e experienc e yo u ca n ge t fro m competitiv e athletic s tha t yo u can't ge t anywher e else , an d wha t I'v e hear d make s m e hunge r fo r it . Not tha t I' m likel y t o ge t it ; a t m y age , yo u don' t begi n t o pla y field hockey o r tennis , and , lik e man y othe r wome n wh o ar e mor e comfort able workin g ou t alon e tha n meetin g a n opponen t o r bein g responsibl e to a tea m (an d tea m sports , I know , receiv e shor t shrif t here) , I g o in mor e fo r individua l enduranc e sports , lik e swimmin g o r jogging. 36 Furthermore, sinc e I' m on e o f thos e wome n wh o ha s alway s looke d down o n tea m sport s a s "trivia l . . . orgie s o f violence," 37 I'v e alway s
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found th e interes t wome n friend s tak e i n organize d athletic s slightl y mystifying, amusing , an d suspec t (wha t a wa y t o compet e fo r men , no?).38 I'm beginnin g t o understand , though , tha t ther e ar e fou r secret s women lik e m e hav e neve r bee n le t i n on . On e o f thes e concern s th e relationship betwee n competitio n an d self-esteem . I can' t b e alon e among wome n i n feelin g that , i f I los e th e game , I a m " a loser. " O f course, i f you r narcissis m i s a t stak e ever y tim e yo u pla y a game , yo u can hardl y tak e an y pleasur e i n playing . Rather , unde r thos e circum stances, each game becomes " a life-and-death struggle. " 39 If, i n contrast, you kno w tha t "eac h game is nothing mor e than a game," as "th e mos t accomplished wome n athletes " do , the n th e aphoris m boy s learn , "it' s only a game, " take s o n a ne w meaning : winnin g an d losin g ar e onl y about tha t particula r contest. 40 Th e competitio n i s not, i n othe r words , about you , it' s abou t you r performance , whic h i s not , a s Ze n strive s t o teach, the same thing at all. This distinction , unstabl e though i t may be, is taught to boys explicitly, but hardly at all to girls. In thi s restricte d sense , then , competitiv e sport s is , i n fact , morall y neutral. While I don't believe it's particularly easy to distinguish yourself from th e gam e you playe d o n an y give n day , nevertheles s I can se e tha t competition i n thi s aren a offer s yo u th e opportunit y t o evaluat e wha t you d o withou t judgin g who o r what yo u are . Surely thi s is a great an d valuable lesson , applicabl e t o man y differen t part s o f life . I t might, fo r example, b e exceptionall y usefu l fo r wome n wh o wan t t o resis t th e psychological an d socia l compulsio n t o b e bette r tha n the y are . I f yo u can fee l tha t you r ow n performanc e i s no t a matter o f you r ow n good ness, the n yo u ar e freed fro m th e anxiet y tha t attend s you r attempt s t o improve you r performance : yo u ca n wor k t o improv e wha t yo u d o because you ar e already good , because , a s psychobabble ha s it, "You'r e worth it. " Athletics can' t b e th e onl y rout e t o thi s capacit y fo r dispassionatel y estimating one' s strength s an d weaknesse s ( a goa l Lindenbau m woul d have he r patient s striv e for) . However , i t seem s t o b e th e majo r on e i n our culture . Competitiv e sport s nurture s thi s abilit y b y carvin g ou t a sacred spac e fro m ordinar y life , a spac e i n whic h th e norma l rule s of politenes s ar e temporaril y suspende d an d ambivalenc e i s irrelevant . Defined a s "play, " athletic s rationalize s hostilit y b y splittin g pai n fro m pleasure, as I have suggested. But within the play itself, athletic competition ca n mak e roo m fo r th e irrationa l an d thereb y releas e normall y
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proscribed aspect s o f self , i n particular , aggressio n an d hatred . Play , i n Winnicott's classi c definition , lie s somewher e betwee n ordinar y lif e an d fantasy,41 an d th e pleasur e w e find i n i t depend s o n nearin g th e pole s without settlin g int o on e o r th e other ; "indeed , pla y lose s it s piquanc y when i t settle s int o eithe r realit y o r fantasy , when , fo r example,'th e ni p becomes a bite, ' t o quot e Bateson' s famou s insight." 42 I' m no t ignorin g the commercia l sid e o f sport , th e bi g buck s o f professiona l an d eve n amateur athletics . Bu t I a m sayin g that , withi n th e rule s o f th e game , even when it s frame i s money an d fame , anythin g goes . Thus detoxifie d an d brough t unde r th e swa y o f ambivalence , aggres sion an d hatre d los e thei r powe r t o paralyze , an d wha t happen s nex t i s Zen-like. Once you le t these powerful emotion s be , they let you be ; onc e experienced, the y ca n b e know n an d managed , an d henc e n o longe r dangerous t o yo u o r anyon e else . An d the n i t become s possibl e t o identify aggressivenes s no t onl y betwee n yo u an d you r opponen t bu t within yourself . Th e opportunit y t o experienc e an d revers e one' s self hate i s th e secon d grea t secre t know n b y to p wome n athletes , man y o f whom sa y tha t you r mos t importan t opponen t i s no t you r competito r but "yourself , you r negativ e interna l voices." 43 Successfu l athleti c com petition allows , indeed , demand s tha t yo u own , confront , an d triump h over thos e inne r voices , thos e "ba d objects, " t o us e th e psychoanalyti c jargon. Regardin g thes e ba d object s no t a s a sig n o f you r intrinsi c badness bu t a s obstacles t o your goodness , you ca n subordinat e the m t o your goal , whethe r i t b e a priz e o r a poe m tha t please s yo u mor e tha n the on e yo u wrot e last . B y knowing , accepting , eve n lovin g you r ow n hatred o f sel f an d others , yo u ca n clea r awa y th e obstacle s t o you r ow n competence, the goal that Lindenbau m se t for he r patients. Which bring s u s t o "th e zone. " Th e proces s o f examinin g an d stand ing u p t o you r ow n interna l voice s confer s an d demand s a certai n toughness o f spirit , which , th e expert s argue , is essential t o success . Th e third secre t to which th e most successfu l wome n competitor s ar e privy is that "th e rac e . . . goe s no t t o th e swiftest , bu t t o th e toughest," 44 tha t is, t o thos e wh o concentrate . "[T]h e abilit y t o . . . focu s s o completel y on thi s on e event , momen t b y moment , strok e b y stroke, . . . give s th e athlete th e tin y edg e sh e need s t o bea t a n equall y talente d riva l whos e attention migh t wander . [Chris ] Ever t Lloyd , a Ze n Maste r whe n i t comes t o concentration , alway s cite s thi s qualit y a s th e ke y t o he r game." 4 5 Athleti c competenc e require s wha t i n fac t th e Ze n Buddhist s call "mindfulness, " absolut e concentration o n th e present. 46 Thi s ability ,
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achieved onl y b y sustained har d work , ca n put yo u int o th e altere d stat e of consciousnes s tha t athlete s refe r t o a s "th e zone. " Thi s ecstati c stat e is a seamles s unit y amon g mind , body , an d th e rule s an d tool s o f th e game. Here' s Evely n Ashford , wh o hold s th e worl d recor d i n th e i o o meter dash : "Tim e stand s stil l whe n you'r e racing . . . . Whe n I' m free flowing an d just everything's working, it feels like nothing. It's effortless . You don' t fee l th e track , yo u don' t fee l you r arm s moving , yo u don' t feel th e win d goin g by . It' s jus t nothing . It' s perfect." 47 I n th e zone , there's no t eve n competitio n an y more . And , a s i s wel l known , whe n Evert Lloyd coul d n o longer b e in the zone, she quit playing tennis. Here, then , i s the bigges t secre t o f all : In orde r t o reac h thi s "stat e o f grace," 48 yo u hav e t o travers e th e fullnes s o f yourself , th e entir e spec trum o f you r personality , s o tha t yo u kno w wha t you r capacitie s an d desires are . Thi s mean s tha t yo u hav e t o trave l int o thos e dangerou s sectors o f yourself , th e place s o f badnes s an d pain . Yo u must , i n fact , encounter an d accep t ambivalence : Yo u hav e t o ris k bein g a ba d gir l and hurtin g other s eve n while tryin g t o lov e them. And, i n the servic e of self-regard an d self-love , yo u hav e t o tolerat e bein g hur t yourself , hur t by losing, hurt b y what yo u don' t lik e in yourself. I thin k thi s argumen t hold s no t onl y i n th e athleti c aren a bu t in , fo r example, writin g o r makin g art ; mor e generally , I think i t holds whe n i t comes t o doin g anythin g well . Bu t I als o thin k it' s har d fo r wome n t o recognize thes e requirement s becaus e we'v e learne d that , i f somethin g hurts, i t mean s we'r e doin g somethin g wrong . I don' t thin k we'v e learned wha t boy s ofte n do—eve n i f i t hurt s an d eve n i f you'r e scared , you d o i t anyway. 49 A s psychoanalysi s teache s us , al l growt h entail s anxiety. A s the sport s masters say , "N o pain , n o gain. " Janis, to return t o the heroine of this story, knew al l about that . Whe n she sang , sh e wa s "i n th e zone. " Liste n t o he r onc e again : " I can' t tal k about m y singing . I' m insid e o f it . Ho w ca n yo u describ e somethin g you're insid e of . I can't kno w wha t I' m doing ; i f I knew it , I' d hav e los t it. Whe n I sing, I feel, oh , I feel, well , lik e whe n you'r e first i n love . It' s more tha n sex , I kno w that . It' s tha t poin t tw o peopl e ca n ge t t o the y call love , lik e whe n yo u reall y touc h someon e fo r th e first time , bu t it' s gigantic, multiplie d b y th e whol e audience . I fee l chills , weir d feeling s slipping al l ove r m y body . It' s a supreme emotiona l an d physica l experi ence." An d a spiritual one , too, s o precious tha t thos e who experienc e i t become superstitious . Like Janis, "[most ] ballplayers—ou t o f confusion , or perhaps superstition , maintai n silenc e on th e subjec t o f the zone." 50
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So, yes, you can get rich playing a(nother) man' s game. I do think the traditionally mal e preserve of competitiv e sport s has something to teac h us, an d I think th e girls who no w hav e the chance to compet e wil l hav e a grea t advantag e ove r thos e o f u s who cam e befor e the m an d di d no t (and I env y the m fo r it) . The y wil l lear n somethin g abou t thei r ow n capacities, needs , an d limits . The y wil l hav e reaffirme d i n thei r bodie s the sens e o f empowermen t w e al l first felt a s infant s whe n w e grabbe d our first toy o r too k ou r first step. They wil l fee l powerful , no t onl y i n the sens e o f dominatin g o r bein g dominate d b y others , bu t i n the sens e of bein g able . The y wil l kno w abou t "powe r to " a s wel l a s "powe r over." Yes. Competition is good for women. When the game is over, however, yo u stil l hav e to dea l wit h ambiva lence an d th e eas e wit h which , i n ou r society , "powe r to " slide s int o "power over." 8. New York City. November 12, 1990. Linda reappears in another dream: I pass her in the subway. Her well-fitting white and green sweater-dress suits her curves, which I find as breathtakingly beautiful as ever. I walk quickly by, trying not to let her see me seeing her. But she does see me and, saying "Hi, sweetie," reaches to hug me. Ym just beyond her grasp. Still I turn, belatedly, thinking I should try to respond. "Oh," I say, "you seem upset." "Yes," she replies. "What —" I begin to ask. "No," she declines, hastening down the stairs with a smile that apologizes for her hurry. Yes, i t is indeed surprisin g tha t m y unconscious ha s cooperate d wit h this project by providing me with so much material. At the same time as I'm grateful , however , I' m nettled : ho w com e Lind a enter s m y dream s every time (al l of twice) I have a date? One thing I've learned in the course of reflecting on competitions with my deares t friend s i s tha t wome n hav e preciou s fe w way s t o mak e up . When me n engag e i n sports , the y hav e institutionalize d way s o f re pairing the damage they inflict or receive: They play a game of basketbal l or tennis, one sid e or person wins, the other loses, they go out an d have a beer, slap each other on the backs, and go home. Women, i n contrast, have n o customar y wa y t o sutur e th e wounds , thei r ow n o r anyon e else's. A t th e sam e time , the y giv e eac h othe r thei r hearts . Men , o r a t least heterosexua l men , le t thei r wome n lic k thei r wounds , men d thei r hearts. Women fee d each other, they compete, but they have no ritual of reparation. The y hav e n o ceremon y that , i n acknowledgin g th e nee d t o
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repair th e wounds , transform s hat e int o lov e an d thu s restore s ambiva lence. In othe r words , I' m sayin g tha t ambivalenc e i s a goo d thing . Gener ally used t o mea n th e negative inability t o choose between lov e and hate , "ambivalence" i n fact refer s t o the simultaneity o f positive an d negative , to " a non-dialectica l oppositio n whic h th e subject , sayin g 'yes ' an d 'no ' at th e sam e time , i s incapabl e o f transcending." 51 T o b e capabl e o f ambivalence i s t o b e abl e t o sustai n th e tensio n o f parado x withou t falling permanentl y t o on e pol e o f th e other , t o hol d lov e i n relatio n to hate . To b e sure , whe n initiall y experienced , ambivalenc e i s hellish ; t o recognize, fo r example , tha t yo u ca n hat e th e mothe r yo u love , o r lov e the mothe r yo u hate , hurt s wit h infinit e pai n unti l yo u discove r that , i f love alway s turn s int o hate , hat e jus t a s surel y return s t o love . Withou t ambivalence, however , hat e an d lov e destro y eac h other . Hat e obliter ates th e other , lov e consume s th e self . Whe n yo u hat e only , yo u se e nothing bu t badnes s an d therefor e wis h t o wipe th e other of f th e fac e o f the earth . Whe n yo u lov e an d se e goodnes s only , you can' t mak e mean ing of th e other' s flaws, an d so , wishing t o wip e thos e flaws of f th e fac e of th e earth, you se e only what yo u want t o see , only what yo u ca n love . In a way , whe n yo u lov e withou t hating , yo u se e onl y yourself , neve r the other. 52 If seeing the other a s the other is the trick, then seeing another woma n as the othe r i s even trickier, a t leas t i f you're a woman. Differenc e i s no t neutral; i t i s threatenin g no t onl y becaus e i t intimate s separatio n an d abandonment, bu t becaus e th e othe r ca n b e differen t i n ways yo u don' t like. Women, however , ar e inclined b y their gendere d identificatio n wit h their mother s t o fee l comfor t i n bein g alike , whic h can , unconsciously , make likin g on e anothe r imperative . Thi s intrapsychi c slippag e fro m likeness t o likin g ha s it s socia l counterpar t i n wha t I hav e calle d else where a n "ethi c o f loyalty " betwee n women , which , a t leas t amon g women o f th e sam e age , race , class , sexuality , an d s o on , "hold s tha t women are , in distinctio n t o men , th e sam e and , therefore , peers , equal s whose first obligatio n i s to one another." 53 On e componen t o f thi s ethi c is a n emphasi s o n likenes s an d lov e a t th e expens e o f dis-likenes s an d hate, enforce d b y the tabo o o n women' s ange r an d aggression , o f whic h Keller an d Mogle n mak e much . Indeed , thi s forc e towar d likenes s is on e of th e mai n cause s fo r conflic t betwee n th e women i n th e example s the y offer, o n th e basi s o f whic h the y argu e tha t "th e commo n associatio n
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made betwee n identificatio n an d cooperatio n o n th e on e hand , an d between separatio n an d competitio n o n th e other , i s to o simple . Unde r certain circumstances , cooperatio n ma y actuall y b e facilitate d b y differ entiation an d autonomy." 54 T o m y way o f thinking, however, differenti ation an d autonom y ar e insecur e accomplishment s unles s you ca n toler ate dislikable , a s well a s agreeable , difference , th e difference s tha t ange r as well a s please you; thi s capacity i n turn rest s on th e accessibilit y o f al l your emotions , from lov e to hate . Nor doe s m y drea m tel l how t o achiev e this ambivalence . I t tells onl y of it s possibility . Th e ke y t o th e drea m lie s i n th e multipl e symboli c colors o f Linda' s costume . O n th e on e hand , th e combinatio n o f whit e and gree n ha s neve r appeale d t o me ; I find i t uninterestin g a t bes t an d slightly repellen t a t worst . In th e dream , then , it' s a sig n no t s o much o f difference o r dissimilarit y o r un-likenes s betwee n m e an d Lind a a s o f dislike. I dislik e thi s colo r combinatio n as , i n fact , I dislike d certai n o f Linda's tastes . Not , o f course , tha t I eve r tol d her . No , mos t o f ou r friendship wa s founde d o n bein g alike , no t o n disliking ; o n loving , no t hating. Wit h ou r selve s merged , I (perhap s we ) feare d th e chai n o f signifiers tha t goe s thus: dissimilarity, dis-likeness , hatred . At th e sam e time , thes e color s posses s a persona l meanin g havin g t o do with sex , power, an d competition : whe n I was in high school , I spent quite a bi t o f tim e knittin g a whit e an d gree n scar f fo r my boyfriend , whose colleg e color s the y were . Tha t I consulted m y mothe r frequentl y about thi s fairl y simpl e project—ho w long , fo r example , th e scar f should be—suggest s t o m e now , a s I look back , tha t I was i n consider able doub t abou t whethe r I had th e righ t t o my ow n man . T o interpre t the drea m language : tha t Lind a wear s th e sam e color s register s m y dubiety a s t o m y ow n autonomy , sexuality , aggression , an d power—i n short, abou t m y claim to the phallus (an d how long it should be ) (laugh) . For me , in this dream , Lind a (whic h i s to say , the Linda/mother wh o i s a product o f m y unconscious , no t th e Lind a who m yo u to o ma y know ) i s the phalli c mother , th e Dinnerstei n mothe r wh o ca n starv e a s wel l a s nurture you, 55 th e sexua l mothe r who , my drea m said , ma y fight wit h her husban d an d slee p wit h anothe r man , th e Medus a wit h a coi f o f writhing snake s fro m who m I recoil. I am afrai d o f he r seein g me seein g her because , if she does, that will mean I will be looking directl y int o th e Medusa's fac e an d thu s wil l b e a t ris k o f bein g turne d int o ston e b y th e aggression an d competitivenes s an d hatred , bot h autochthonou s an d reflected, I se e there . I a m afrai d t o loo k straigh t a t he r an d le t he r se e
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my fran k desir e t o acquir e fo r mysel f th e sor t o f sexua l powe r sh e ha s and fo r he r possession o f which I hate her . For he r possessio n o f whic h I love her. Lov e pervades th e drea m too , emotionally, sensually , sexually . I lov e Linda' s curvaceou s bod y eve n though I hate wha t sh e clothe s i t in . An d Lind a love s m e too : sh e call s me b y a n endearmen t m y rea l mothe r migh t hav e used . Sh e love s m e even thoug h I hat e her . I lov e he r eve n thoug h sh e hate s me . Th e Medusa, a terrifyin g imag e o f materna l hatre d an d destructiveness , ca n also b e rea d a s a passionat e an d Utopia n symbo l o f women' s persona l power. Yes , the mother has power, an d "she' s not deadly. She's beautifu l and she' s laughing." 56 A s Susan Suleiman elaborate s Cixous' s argument , "the laughing Medusa become s a trope for women's autonomous subjec tivity," 57 including , I would emphasize , her hatred, aggression , competi tiveness, and love . For her , my , our ambivalence . I hate he r fo r th e sam e reason I love her , th e beautifu l powe r tha t ough t als o t o b e mine , coul d be min e i f I could tolerat e th e ambivalenc e o f lovin g an d hatin g her , th e ambivalence tha t mad e m e embarrassed , bot h dismaye d an d happ y t o see her quarrelin g with he r husband i n public. Life, however , i s no t a dream , an d th e longed-fo r phallu s i s awfull y hard t o com e b y i f you'r e a woman . Accordin g t o Lacania n theory , n o one, no t eve n men , ca n posses s th e phallus , becaus e i t i s bu t a symbo l representing th e impossible , th e desir e t o b e th e objec t o f mother' s desire.58 But , i n m y view , th e phallu s symbolize s more . I t is , i n fact , overdetermined, an d it s condensatio n o f th e persona l an d th e politica l circles back to an underlying project o f this paper, the splicing of interna l and externa l realities . This imag e o f a n erec t penis, said t o represen t th e unconscious, als o stand s fo r patriarchy . A s "th e [discursive ] sit e wher e the socia l i s reproduce d a s th e biological," 59 th e phallu s als o refer s t o masculinity, whic h i s a simultaneousl y cultura l an d psychologica l con struction. The phallus , then , reference s socia l power , whic h som e peopl e d o indeed posses s i n greate r amount s tha n others . Signifyin g th e autono mous subjectivit y tha t i s traditionall y th e propert y o f men , an d thu s representing "masculin e privileg e i n a cultur e o f hierarchy , th e phallu s comes als o t o signif y tha t cultur e itself , th e state . Othe r symbol s o f culture . . . ar e possibl e suc h a s . . . th e femal e jaguar s worshippe d b y the Olmec s wh o live d i n Mexic o i n 120 0 A.D . . . . But whe n th e actua l configuration o f powe r i s mal e ove r female , ric h ma n ove r poo r man , and stat e ove r citizen , onl y th e phallu s wil l do." 6 0 Onl y thos e wh o
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possess th e penis, or posses s someon e wit h a penis, may la y claim t o th e phallus an d al l i t represents . However , jus t becaus e yo u clai m th e priz e doesn't mea n yo u actuall y ge t it . Th e fe w wh o ca n mak e goo d o n thei r claim are those who "reall y do have the sort of power that can determin e the res t o f ou r lives , [thos e who ] contro l th e mone y an d job s th e res t o f us nee d o r . . . , holdin g th e key s t o th e hall s o f state, . . . hav e thei r fingers on the nuclear button s that ca n destroy human lif e itself." 61 The y are th e peopl e wit h th e phallus . An d thei r powe r make s u s want , an d need, to ge t some of i t for ourselves . The phallus is , therefore, wha t w e compet e for . In a culture of hierar chy whose signatur e i s competition, wher e possessin g th e phallus mean s that yo u ca n dominat e othe r people , winning the game is not onl y abou t the ecstas y o f bein g i n th e zone . Within th e rule s o f th e game , a s I hav e argued, competitivenes s ca n b e a rout e t o empowerment , competence , and self-possession . Bu t a s lon g a s th e gam e i s played i n a n econom y o f scarcity, "powe r to " slide s easily int o "powe r over, " an d empowermen t can sli p unde r th e steamrolle r o f domination . Tha t thi s elisio n take s place amon g everyone , including women an d feminists , i s the reaso n w e worry abou t th e capacity o f power an d it s rewards t o destroy feminism . I wan t t o argue , then , tha t competitivenes s canno t safel y procee d among women , especiall y feminists , unles s w e ca n d o somethin g t o prevent "powe r over " fro m steamrollin g "powe r to. " A s useful a s com petition ha s bee n fo r m e an d a s muc h a s I wan t an d inten d t o g o o n competing, I als o know , fro m persona l experience , tha t th e comba t i s deadly; I don' t thin k th e wound s o f losin g hea l unti l yo u finally wi n what yo u want ; and , althoug h losin g ma y hel p yo u t o figure ou t wha t you're goo d a t an d wha t yo u reall y want t o do , the connections betwee n you an d other s ca n b e damaged durin g the time it takes to d o that . What I really want t o argu e seem s naive, jejune, an d "girlish" : Some how, everybod y ha s t o win . Bu t ho w coul d everyon e wi n i n a wa y tha t would no t devalu e th e prizes ? On e wa y woul d b e fo r everyon e t o agre e to use competition onl y to ge t "powe r to, " to enhance their ow n compe tence, sharpe n thei r skills , kno w themselves , an d ge t int o "th e zone. " Yet, i n a n econom y o f scarcity , wha t woul d kee p "powe r to " fro m becoming "powe r over? " Ho w coul d a rul e hol d ou t agains t th e hierar chical structure necessitatin g it? If one person, one woman, one feminist , sets her sight s o n an d make s he r wa y t o th e to p o f th e pyramid, becom ing, say , a medi a o r academi c star , the n th e gam e i s over . "Powe r to " becomes foreve r devalue d i n compariso n t o "powe r over. " Indeed , wh o
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of u s ca n sa y sh e wouldn' t reac h fo r th e gold ring ? I myself woul d lik e this paper to be the volume's standout, even given a place of prominence. (And, a s long a s we're i n a religious mode , shoul d w e no t ask , "Le t she who is without sin. . ."?) In fact, a s long a s we're talking abou t this piece of writing , we migh t look her e a t it s perhap s unavoidabl e participatio n i n certai n competi tions betwee n women. Eac h of it s two mai n springboards, the article by Keller and Moglen an d the biblical stor y of Rache l and Leah, differentl y overlooks th e structures of political power that shape women's relation s to eac h other . Kelle r an d Mogle n acknowledg e th e influenc e o f politi cally base d scarcit y o n competitio n betwee n feminists , bu t the y d o no t investigate th e working s o f clas s an d rac e difference s i n th e conflict s between th e women whos e storie s the y recount ; their theory, locate d i n psychoanalytic discours e an d familial metaphor , weights the psycholog y of materna l an d sorora l intimacies . Th e stor y o f Rache l an d Lea h simi larly focuse s o n experience s o f loss , power , an d env y i n th e familia l domain; insofar a s its protagonists ar e sisters, their socioeconomic posi tions ar e a s identica l a s an y ca n be , an d thu s thei r competitivenes s i s rendered far more in personal tha n political terms. While m y forma l an d theoretica l approac h ha s bee n t o redres s th e balance, s o tha t th e dialogu e betwee n th e persona l an d th e politica l never stops , nevertheles s m y focu s ha s bee n women' s experienc e o f competition i n it s unconsciou s an d socia l contexts , no t th e politica l structures dividin g an d joinin g women . It' s a focu s I choos e no t onl y because I like it , bu t becaus e I think i t lead s t o certai n kind s o f truth telling tha t mor e "objective " approache s preclude ; i t allows , even , I would say , constrain s u s t o loo k a t bot h inne r an d oute r reality . Bu t there ar e othe r kind s o f truth-tellin g a s well , som e o f whic h ma y b e missing here . It' s i n thi s sens e tha t I wonde r ho w muc h th e essay' s textual springboard s hav e se t its discourse : Havin g selecte d th e story o f competing sisters , fo r example , I chose no t t o tal k abou t anothe r sug gested text, the tale of Sara h and Hagar, o f th e mistress an d her darkerskinned slav e wh o becam e a surrogat e mothe r fo r her , whos e politica l positions ar e a s disparat e an d unequa l a s an y ca n be . Indeed , I recal l feeling overwhelmed just thinking about the challenge of analyzin g competition betwee n wome n o f differen t classes , races , sexualities , an d s o on, an d als o meshin g tha t projec t wit h th e other s thi s pape r alread y takes on , th e simultaneou s dialogue s betwee n th e psychological an d the social, the literary and the theoretical.
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One thin g I'v e learne d i n writin g thi s essa y i s that, i n contras t t o th e political sanctimon y t o which w e in feminis m an d o n th e New Lef t hav e become inured , th e Bibl e speak s i n tone s tha t ar e col d an d clear , bu t somehow unjudgmental. 62 Th e narrato r (whos e gender , a currentl y ho t topic, I' m no t qualifie d t o discuss ) looks , sees , an d tell s u s a t lengt h about Rache l an d Leah , bu t doe s no t commen t o n thi s tal e o f love , power, an d arbitrariness . For example , Rachel, it informs us , is beautifu l and young , barre n an d dishonest , and , finally, th e on e who m Jaco b loves. Leah, ugly and older , gets to marry first and bea r her own childre n first, bu t sh e wil l neve r b e th e objec t o f Jacob' s desire . Goo d an d bad , the stor y seem s t o say , cycl e amon g us , alightin g here , alightin g there . No on e deserves , n o on e i s undeserving . Lif e i s difficult , an d lif e i s worth it . Not bad , an d no t fa r fro m Zen , wouldn' t yo u say ? An d yet , als o no t far fro m Zen , th e Bibl e accomplishe s thi s unmoralizin g stanc e b y ignor ing its own political context, thus creating the dilemma we often encoun ter whe n th e politica l meet s th e spiritual . For , i f th e Bibl e doe s no t comment o n equa l o r unequa l justice , neithe r doe s i t remar k th e large r patriarchal an d generall y hierarchica l structur e tha t birthe d i t an d tha t we have inherited. In effect, it s lack of commentary endorse s the authori tarian structur e i n whic h onl y som e me n foun d nations , an d wome n never do . Thi s silenc e constitute s a n unacceptabl e acceptance , no t i n the Zen-lik e sens e o f recognition , bu t i n a mor e complici t sens e o f authorization. I think th e onl y wa y t o ge t beyon d thi s impass e o f tw o necessar y bu t contradictory voice s is not t o fight it , but t o sta y righ t in it , to g o in, as I said a t th e beginning , a s dee p a s you can , t o us e bot h voice s eve n a t th e cost o f confusion . I believ e tha t th e nonmoralizin g voic e ha s t o b e juxtaposed wit h informe d politica l judgment , with , yo u migh t say , mo rality. We have to spea k i n Z^n-like tone s of acceptance , an d we have t o condemn an d tr y t o chang e what w e believe to b e wrong. If you want t o change wha t yo u hate , yo u hav e t o lov e it , whic h doe s no t mea n tha t you d o not struggl e agains t it . Once more , women' s wor k i s neve r done . Bu t instea d o f tryin g t o solve al l th e problem s I'v e suddenl y stirre d u p her e a t th e en d o f thi s work, I' d lik e t o mak e a modes t Utopia n suggestio n applicabl e t o a limited secto r o f reality , no t a s a solution , bu t a s a stimulant . An d I' m going t o reac h fo r a favorit e Wester n visio n o f Utopia , anothe r culture . Although contemporar y colleg e students regar d anthropologist s a s intel-
In the Zone of Ambivalence: A Journal of Competition 38
5
lectual colonialist s fo r usin g Wester n image s o f othe r culture s t o under stand th e West itself, to searc h fo r "th e primitive" i n order t o recove r o r even inven t a par t o f ourselves, 63 I nevertheless thin k it' s worth th e ris k of politica l incorrectnes s t o tak e u p Kelle r an d Moglen' s suggestio n tha t we let ourselves b e influenced b y what w e see in the Other . What I hav e i n min d i s a syste m o f powe r i n which , i n orde r t o ge t power, yo u hav e t o giv e i t away . On e famou s exampl e i s th e potlatc h practiced b y th e Kwakiut l an d othe r people s o f th e northwes t coas t o f North America. 64 Th e potlatch i s a multipurpose ceremon y tha t individ uals hol d t o mar k momentou s event s i n thei r lives , such a s marriages o r deaths, a s wel l a s t o stak e a clai m t o socia l position . A s practice d before Europea n tradin g systems undermined an d distorte d th e Kwakiut l foraging economy , th e potlatc h als o ha d th e socia l functio n o f reducin g disparities o f wealt h withi n and , sometimes , betwee n communities . I n anticipation o f th e ceremony , a n individua l ma n o r woma n woul d accu mulate a variet y o f good s acquire d o r create d i n th e cours e o f hunting , fishing, an d trading , which , a t the ceremony , sh e or he would giv e awa y to th e assemble d guests . A s a resul t o f thi s largess , th e dono r woul d initiate o r continu e a clim b throug h th e Kwakiut l rankin g system , whil e the recipien t migh t inaugurat e o r ad d t o a stockpil e tha t woul d permi t him o r he r t o d o th e same . The mor e peopl e gav e away , th e greate r th e prestige the y woul d obtain ; hoarding , indeed , woul d reduc e th e publi c esteem the y merited . I n effect , then , th e syste m b y whic h prestig e wa s acquired encourage d peopl e t o outd o on e anothe r b y givin g awa y mor e than the y received . The mora l o f thi s ethnographi c stor y i s that , i n som e cultures , on e strength canno t b e converte d int o another , bu t onl y exchange d fo r an other. Powe r ma y b e said to exis t in different domain s i n each culture — economic, political, social , representational , personal . I am arguin g tha t the "mor e difficul t i t i s fo r powe r t o b e translate d fro m on e domai n t o another, th e les s powe r an y on e individua l ca n hav e ove r another." 65 Among th e Kwakiut l an d othe r peoples , powe r in , fo r example , th e material domai n canno t b e bot h retaine d an d transforme d int o politica l or symboli c power . In othe r words , i n orde r t o clim b i n rank , th e Kwakiutl ha d t o conver t th e materia l basi s fo r powe r int o prestige , which i n effect mean t the y were underwriting thei r ow n competitors . As I said , a Utopia n suggestion . I' m no t proposin g w e follo w suc h a model; i t wouldn' t wor k i n a societ y whos e hierarch y i s base d o n scar city an d privat e property . I' m proposin g w e thin k abou t it , thin k abou t
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a wa y i n whic h w e migh t b e abl e t o recycl e powe r s o tha t on e strengt h could no t b e converte d int o another . Suppose , fo r example , that , i n on e very smal l grou p o f feminists , someon e wh o wo n th e competitio n fo r "power over " couldn' t kee p th e prestig e (o r money ) i t conferre d o n he r unless i t wer e exchange d fo r somethin g lik e "powe r with " (an d thereb y became collective) ? Suppos e w e ha d a ceremon y i n whic h th e exchang e took place ? Suppose , in the ceremony, unevennesses coul d be smoothed ? Reparations fo r th e wound s o f inequit y coul d b e made ? Lov e coul d reunite with hate ? An d women coul d mak e up ? I can't imagin e it. Can you ? 9. Sag Harbor, New York. August 18, 1991. A few days ago, I found, in that last batch of forwarded mail, a letter from Linda asking whether we might try to reconnect during her upcoming trip to the States. The penny dropped today: she's just about to turn fifty. Ym not sure I have the same desire, but I'll meet her to clear the air, and then see where we go from there. I mak e n o clai m t o propheti c dreams . Bu t wha t I tell yo u trul y hap pened.
NOTES
1. Murie l Dimen , Surviving Sexual Contradictions: A Startling and Different Look at a Day in the Life of a Contemporary Professional Woman (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1986), 154—60. 2. Evely n Fox Keller and Helene Moglen, "Competition : A Problem fo r Academic Women," in Valerie Miner and Helen Longino, eds., Competition: A Feminist Taboo? (New York: Feminist Press, 1987), 21—37 . 3. Mine r and Longino, eds., ibid. 4. Grac e Lichtenstein , "Competitio n i n Women' s Athletics, " ibid. , 48-56 ; Joyce P . Lindenbaum , "Th e Shatterin g o f a n Illusion : Th e Proble m o f Competition in Lesbian Relationships," ibid., 195-208. 5. Kelle r an d Moglen , "Competition : A Proble m fo r Academi c Women?, " ibid., 21-37. 6. Daphn e Muse , "Hig h Stakes , Meage r Yields : Competitio n amon g Blac k Girls," ibid., 152—60 ; Martha A . Ackelsberg and Kathry n Pyn e Addelson, "Anarchist Alternatives to Competition," ibid., 221-33. 7. Kelle r and Moglen, "Competition," ibid., 22. 8. Ibid . 9. Ibid. , 35. 10. Ibid .
In the Zone of Ambivalence: A Journal of Competition 38 7 i i . Ibid. , 37 . 12. Elle n Willis , "Radica l Feminis m an d Feminis t Radicalism, " i n Sohny a Sayres, Anders Stephanson, Stanle y Aronowitz , an d Frederic Jameson, eds., The Sixties without Apology (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Pres s [in cooperation with Social Text], 1984) , 99. 13. Caro l Gilligan , In a Different Voice: Women's Conceptions of Self and Morality (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1982) . 14. Thi s phrase, "th e unthought-known," come s fro m Christophe r Bollas , The Unthought-Known (Ne w York : Columbia University Press, 1988) . 15. Michae l Lydon , "Th e Janis Joplin Philosophy : Ever y Moment Sh e I s What She Feels," New York Times Magazine, Februar y 23 , 1969 , 37 . 16. Webster's New World Dictionary of the American Language (Ne w York : World Publishing Company , 1956) . 17. Caro l Hanisch , "Th e Persona l I s Political," i n Notes from the Second Year (New York : Radica l Feminists , 1969) , 76-78 ; reprinte d in Redstockings o f the Women's Liberatio n Movement , eds. , Feminist Revolution (Ne w York : Random House, 1978) , 204-5 . 18. Kelle r and Moglen, "Competition, " in Miner and Longino, 22 . 19. Hele n E. Longino an d Valerie Miner, " A Feminist Taboo?" ibid., 1 . 20. Judit h Levine , My Enemy, My Love: Man-hating and Ambivalence in the Nineties (Ne w York : Doubleday, 1991) . 21. Murie l Dimen, review of Competition: A Feminist Taboo?, edite d by Valerie Miner an d Hele n Longino , New York Times Book Review, Octobe r 27 , 1987. 22. Lindenbaum , "Shatterin g of an Illusion," in Miner and Longino, 204 . 23. Ibid. , 205 . 24. Ibid . 25. Ibid. , 206 . 26. Kelle r and Moglen, "Competition, " ibid., 35 . 27. Nanc y Chodorow , The Reproduction of Mothering: Psychoanalysis and the Sociology of Gender (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1978) ; Jean Baker Miller, Toward a New Psychology of Women (Boston : Beacon Press, 1976). 28. Kelle r and Moglen, "Competition, " in Miner and Longino, 35 . 29. Murie l Dimen , "Power , Sexuality , an d Intimacy, " i n Aliso n Jagga r an d Susan Bordo , eds. , Gender/Body/Knowledge: Feminist Reconstructions of Being and Knowing (Ne w Brunswick : Rutger s University Press, 1989) , 42. 30. Lindenbaum , "Shatterin g of a n Illusion," in Miner and Longino, 206 . 31. Ackelsber g and Addelson, "Anarchis t Alternatives," ibid., 223. 32. Alic e Echols , Daring to Be Bad (Ne w York : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul , 1987). 33. Lindenbaum , "Shatterin g of a n Illusion," in Miner and Longino, 206 . 34. Muse , "Hig h Stakes," ibid., 157 . 35. Se e Adrienn e Harris , "Women , Baseball , an d Words, " PsychCritique 1 (1985): 35-54 . 36. Ibid .
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37. Jennife r Ring , "Perfectio n o n th e Wing," i n Miner an d Longino , 60 . 38. Lichtenstein , "Competitio n i n Women's Athletics, " ibid., 53 . 39. Ibid . 40. Ibid . 41. D . W. Winnicott, Playing and Reality (Ne w York : Penguin , 1971) . 42. Murie l Dimen , "Deconstructin g Difference : Gender , Splitting , an d Transi tional Space, " Psychoanalytic Dialogues: A Journal of Relational Perspectives 3 (1991): 335-52 . 43. Lichtenstein , "Competition, " i n Miner an d Longino , 53. 44. Ibid . 45. Ibid. , 54 . 46. A t Tassajara, th e ritua l schedul e ensure d mindfulness ; fo r example , kitche n work wa s regularl y punctuate d no t onl y b y ceremonia l chanting , bu t b y a bell tha t commande d a thirty-second respit e fro m whateve r yo u wer e doin g so yo u coul d brin g you r min d bac k fro m whereve r i t ha d wandere d t o where you were . 47. Ring , "Perfection, " 65 . 48. Lawrenc e Shainberg , "Findin g 'th e Zone," ' New York Times Magazine, April 9 , 1989 , 35 . 49. Dimen , Surviving Sexual Contradictions, 130 . 50. Shainberg , "Findin g 'th e Zone," ' 38 . 51. J . LaPlanch e an d J.-B. Pontalis, The Language of Psycho-Analysis, trans . D . Nicholson-Smith (Ne w York : W . W. Norton, 1973) , 28. 52. Th e discussio n o f hate , love , reparation , an d ambivalenc e originates , o f course, in Freud, bu t reall y begin s i n Melanie Klei n an d Joan Riviere , Love, Hate and Reparation (Ne w York : W . W . Norton , 1964 ) an d continue s i n D. W . Winnicott ; fo r example , "Hat e i n th e Counter-Transference, " i n Collected Papers: Through Paediatrics to Psycho-Analysis (Ne w York : Ba sic Books , 1958) , i n whic h h e argue s tha t th e analys t mus t tolerat e hatin g that patient , a s th e mothe r mus t tolerat e he r norma l hatre d o f he r baby ; only in this way ca n th e patient/infant gro w t o b e a separate person . 53. Dimen , Surviving Sexual Contradictions, 170 . 54. Kelle r an d Moglen , "Competition, " 27 . 55. Doroth y Dinnerstein , The Mermaid and the Minotaur: Sexual Arrangements and Human Malaise (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1976) . 56. Helen e Cixous , quote d i n Susa n Suleiman , Subversive Intent: Gender, Politics, and the Avant-Garde (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1990) , 167. 57. Suleiman , ibid., 168 . $8, Julie t Mitchell , "Introduction—I, " i n Julie t Mitchel l an d Jacquelin e Rose , eds., Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and the ecole freudienne, trans . Jacqueline Ros e (Ne w York: W . W. Norton, 1982) , 1-26 ; Jacquelin e Rose , "Introduction—II," i n idem, 27-58 . 59. Adrienn e Harris , "Bringin g Artemi s t o Life : Th e Rol e o f Militanc e an d Aggression i n Women' s Psychi c Lif e an d i n Feminis t Peac e Politics, " i n
In the Zone of Ambivalence: A Journal of Competition 38 9 Adrienne Harri s an d Ynestr a King , eds., Rocking the Ship of State: Toward a Feminist Peace Politics (Boulder , Colo. : Westview Press , 1989) , 114 . 60. Dimen , Surviving Sexual Contradictions, 131 . 61. Ibid. , 131-32 . 62. A t leas t i n th e translatio n I used , th e ne w editio n pu t ou t b y th e Jewis h Publication Society , Tanakh: The Holy Scriptures (Ne w York , 1988) , an d recommended t o m e by Alice Bach. 63. Stanle y Diamond , In Search of the Primitive (Ne w York : Transactio n Books, 1974) . 64. Th e classi c accoun t o f th e potlatc h i s foun d i n Rut h Benedict , Patterns of Culture (Ne w York : Houghto n Mifflin , 1934) . A later, ecologica l interpre tation, rectifyin g Benedict' s misunderstandin g o f th e later, post-contact pot latches in which good s were not only given away but destroyed, is by Wayne Suttles, "Affina l Ties , Subsistence , an d Prestig e amon g th e Coas t Salish, " American Anthropologist 6 2 (1964) : 296-305 . 65. Murie l Dimen-Schein , The Anthropological Imagination (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill, 1977) , 212 .
REFERENCES
Ackelsberg, Marth a A. , an d Kathry n Pyn e Addelson. "Anarchis t Alternative s t o Competition." I n Competition: A Feminist Taboo? edite d b y Valeri e Mine r and Hele n Longino , 221-33 . New York : Feminis t Press, 1987 . Benedict, Ruth . Patterns of Culture. Ne w York : Houghto n Mifflin , 1934 . Bollas, Christopher . The Unthought-known. Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press, 1988 . Chodorow, Nancy . The Reproduction of Mothering: Psychoanalysis and the Sociology of Gender. Berkeley : University o f Californi a Press , 1978 . Diamond, Stanley . In Search of the Primitive. Ne w York : Transactio n Books , 1974. Dimen, Muriel . "Deconstructin g Difference : Gender , Splitting , an d Transitiona l Space." Psychoanalytic Dialogues: A Journal of Relational Perspectives 3 (1991): 335-52 . . "Power , Sexuality , an d Intimacy. " I n Gender/Body/Knowledge: Feminist Reconstructions of Being and Knowing, edite d b y Aliso n Jagga r an d Susan Bordo, 34—51 . New Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s University Press , 1989 . . Revie w o f Competition: A Feminist Taboo f edite d b y Hele n Longin o and Valeri e Miner . New York Times Sunday Book Review, Octobe r 27 , 1987. . Surviving Sexual Contradictions: A Startling and Different Look at a Day in the Life of a Contemporary Professional Woman. Ne w York : Macmillan, 1986 . Dimen-Schein, Muriel . The Anthropological Imagination. Ne w York : McGraw Hill, 1977 .
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Dinnerstein, Dorothy . The Mermaid and the Minotaur: Sexual Arrangements and Human Malaise, Ne w York : Harper and Row, 1976 . Echols, Alice. Daring to Be Bad. New York : Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987 . Gilligan, Carol . "I n a Differen t Voice : Women' s Conception s o f Sel f an d o f Morality." In The Future of Difference, edite d by Hester Eisenstein and Alice Jardine, 274—317. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1980 . . In a Different Voice: Women's Conceptions of Self and Morality. Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1982. Goffman, Erving . Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. Garde n City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1961 . Hanh, Thich Nhat. "Th e Flute of th e Buddha: Art, Practice, and Everyday Life. " Inquiring Mind j (1990) : 1 . Hanisch, Carol . "Th e Persona l I s Political." Notes from the Second Year, 7 6 78. Ne w York : Radica l Feminists , 1969 . Reprinte d i n Feminist Revolution, An Abridged Edition with Additional Writings, edite d by Redstockings of the Women's Liberation Movement. New York : Random House, 1978 , 204-5 . Harris, Adrienne. "Bringin g Artemis to Life : The Rol e of Militanc e an d Aggression in Women's Psychi c Life an d in Feminist Peace Politics." In Rocking the Ship of State: Toward a Feminist Peace Politics, edite d b y Adrienn e Harri s and Ynestra King, 93-114. Boulder , Colo.: Westview Press, 1989 . . "Women , Baseball, and Words." PsychCritique 1 (1985): 35-54 . Keller, Evelyn Fox, and Helene Moglen. "Competition : A Problem for Academic Women." I n Competition: A Feminist Taboo? edite d b y Valeri e Mine r an d Helen Longino, 21—37 . New York : Feminist Press, 1987 . Klein, Melanie , an d Joa n Riviere . Love, Hate and Reparation. Ne w York : W. W. Norton, 1964 . LaPlanche, J. , an d J.-B . Pontalis . The Language of Psychoanalysis. Trans . D . Nicholson-Smith. Ne w York : W. W. Norton, 1973 . Levine, Judith . My Enemy, My Love: Man-hating and Ambivalence in the Nineties. Ne w York : Doubleday, 1991 . Lichtenstein, Grace . "Competitio n i n Women' s Athletics. " I n Competition: A Feminist Taboo* edite d b y Valeri e Mine r an d Hele n Longino , 48-56 . Ne w York: Feminist Press, 1987 . Lindenbaum, Joyce P. "Th e Shattering o f a n Illusion: The Proble m o f Competi tion in Lesbian Relationships." In Competition: A Feminist Taboo? edite d by Valerie Mine r an d Hele n Longino , 195-208 . Ne w York : Feminis t Press , 1987. Longino, Hele n E. , and Valerie Miner. " A Feminist Taboo?" In Competition: A Feminist Taboo? edite d b y Valeri e Mine r an d Hele n Longino , 1-7 . Ne w York: Feminist Press, 1987 . Lydon, Michael. "Th e Janis Joplin Philosophy : Ever y Moment Sh e Is What She Feels." New York Times Magazine, Februar y 23 , 1969 , 37 . Miller, Jea n Baker . Toward a New Psychology of Women. Boston : Beaco n Press, 1976 . Miner, Valerie, an d Helen Longino , eds. Competition: A Feminist Taboo? Ne w York: Feminist Press, 1987 .
In the Zone of Ambivalence: A Journal of Competition 39 1 Mitchell, Juliet. "Introductio n - I. " Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and the Ecole Freudienne, edite d b y Juliet Mitchel l an d Jacquelin e Rose , 1-26 . Ne w York: W. W. Norton, 1982 . Muse, Daphne. "Hig h Stakes , Meager Yields : Competition amon g Blac k Girls. " In Competition: A Feminist Taboo? edite d b y Valeri e Mine r an d Hele n Longino, 152-60 . Ne w York : Feminis t Press , 1987 . Ring, Jennifer . "Perfectio n o n th e Wing. " I n Competition: A Feminist Taboo? edited b y Valeri e Mine r an d Hele n Longino , 57-69 . Ne w York : Feminis t Press, 1987 . Rose, Jacqueline. "Introductio n - II. " In Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and the Ecole Freudienne, edite d b y Juliet Mitchel l an d Jacquelin e Rose , 27—58 . New York : W . W. Norton, 1982 . Shainberg, Lawrence . "Findin g th e Zone. " New York Times Magazine, Apri l 9 , 1989, 34 . Suleiman, Susan . Subversive Intent: Gender, Politics, and the Avant-Garde. Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1990 . Suttles, Wayne. "Affina l Ties , Subsistence, and Prestige among "the Coast Salish. " American Anthropologist 6 2 (1964) : 296-305 . Tanakh: The Holy Scriptures. Th e New JPS Translation Accordin g t o th e Tradi tional Hebre w Text . New York : Jewish Publicatio n Society , 5748/1988 . Webster's New World Dictionary of the American Language. Ne w York : World Publishing Company , 1956 . Willis, Ellen. "Radica l Feminis m an d Feminis t Radicalism. " I n The Sixties without Apology, edite d b y Sohny a Sayres , Ander s Stephanson , Stanle y Arono witz, an d Frederi c Jameson, 91-118 . Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Press, 1984 . Winnicott, D . W . "Hat e i n th e Counter-transference. " I n hi s Collected Papers: Through Paediatrics to Psycho-analysis. Ne w York : Basic Books, 1958 . . Playing and Reality. Ne w York : Penguin , 1971 .
CONTRIBUTORS
Linda Alcoff i s Assistant Professo r o f Philosoph y a t Syracus e University . Her paper s hav e appeare d i n SIGNS, Hypatia, Cultural Critique, an d numerous anthologies . She is coeditor o f Feminist Epistemologies (forth coming, Routledge) . Tuzyline Jit a Alla n i s Assistan t Professo r o f Englis h a t Baruc h College , the Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York . Sh e i s th e autho r o f severa l essay s on African , African-American , an d Englis h literature . He r manuscript , Feminist and Womanist Aesthetics (forthcoming , Ohi o University Press) , won th e 199 3 NEML A Boo k Award . Sh e recentl y contribute d th e afterword t o a n editio n o f Am a At a Aidoo' s Changes (Feminis t Press , 1993)Judith R . Baski n i s Chai r o f th e Departmen t o f Judai c Studie s a t th e State University o f Ne w Yor k a t Albany . Sh e is the autho r o f Pharoah's Counsellors: Job, Jethro and Balaam in Rabbinic and Patristic Tradition (Scholars Press , 1983 ) an d Midrashic Woman (Holme s an d Meier , 1993), an d th e edito r o f Jewish Women in Historical Perspective (De troit: Wayn e Stat e Universit y Press , 1991) . Sh e ha s writte n numerou s articles on Jewish wome n i n late antiquity an d th e Middle Ages. Rosaria Champagn e i s Assistan t Professo r o f Englis h a t Syracus e Uni versity. He r book , Crimes of Reading: Incest and Censorship in Mary 393
394 Contributors Shelley's Early Novels, i s forthcomin g fro m NY U Press . Sh e ha s pub lished severa l article s o n feminis m an d postmodernism ; he r curren t re search i s on th e relation s betwee n "high " theor y an d th e feminis t recov ery movement . Muriel Dimen , Clinica l Professo r o f Psycholog y a t th e Postdoctora l Pro gram i n Psychotherap y an d Psychoanalysi s a t Ne w Yor k University , i s the autho r o f Surviving Sexual Contradictions: A Startling and Different Look at a Day in the Life of a Contemporary Professional Woman (New York : Macmillan , 1986 ) an d The Anthropological Imagination (New York : McGraw-Hill , 1977) , an d i s coedito r wit h Ernestin e Fried l of Regional Variations in Modern Greece and Cyprus: Toward an Ethnography of Greece (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Academ y o f Sciences , An nals no . 263 , 1976) . Sh e i s a boo k revie w edito r o f Psychoanalytic Dialogues: A Journal of Relational Perspectives, an d ha s writte n widel y on theoretica l an d cultura l issue s i n psychoanalysis , feminism , an d an thropology. Sh e is a Fellow a t th e Ne w Yor k Universit y Institut e fo r th e Humanities, i s o n th e facult y o f th e Derne r Institut e i n Psychotherap y and Psychoanalysi s a t Adelph i University , an d i s a forme r Professo r o f Anthropology a t Lehma n College , the Cit y University o f New York . Sh e also maintain s a privat e practic e i n clinica l psychoanalysi s i n Man hattan. Jennifer Fleischne r is Assistant Professo r o f Englis h a t the State Univer sity of Ne w Yor k a t Albany. She is also a special candidate i n training a t Columbia University , Cente r fo r Psychoanalyti c Trainin g an d Research . She has publishe d article s o n Scott , Hawthorne, femal e identity , slavery , and narrative . Sh e ha s writte n an d edite d numerou s book s fo r childre n and i s currently writin g a boo k title d Mastering Slavery: Trauma, Writing, and Identity in Women's Slave Narratives (forthcoming , NY U Press). Sh e wa s a 1993—9 4 Mello n Facult y Fello w i n Afro-America n Studies at Harvard University . Nanette Fun k is Associate Professo r o f Philosoph y a t Brookly n College , the Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York . Sh e ha s publishe d essay s i n Dissent, Telos, Social Text, an d philosophica l journal s o n politica l an d socia l philosophy, o n recen t development s i n Germany , an d o n th e Germa n philosopher an d socia l theoris t Jurge n Habermas . Sh e i s editor o f Gender Politics and Post-Communism: Reflections from Eastern European
Contributors 39
5
and Soviet Women (Routledge , 1993) , an d fo r th e las t tw o year s ha s been doin g researc h abou t wome n i n th e forme r Germa n Democrati c Republic. Sh e i s currentl y organizin g a conferenc e o n Eas t Germa n women t o b e sponsored b y the Goethe Institute in Spring 1993 , and is a member of the Network o f East-West Women. Eileen Gillool y i s Visitin g Assistan t Professo r o f Englis h a t Columbi a University, wher e sh e i s currentl y coordinato r o f it s cor e curriculu m program. Sh e i s th e autho r o f essay s o n humo r an d gende r i n Feminist Studies an d ELH an d o f boo k review s fo r a numbe r o f publications , including th e New York Times Book Review. Sh e i s currentl y complet ing a book-lengt h stud y o n feminin e humorou s discours e i n novel s b y Austen, Gaskell, Eliot, and Wharton. E. An n Kapla n i s Professo r o f Englis h an d Comparativ e Studie s an d Director of the Humanities Institute at the State University of New Yor k at Ston y Brook . Sh e i s th e autho r o f five book s o n film, includin g Women and Film: Both Sides of the Camera (Methuen , 1983) ; Rocking around the Clock: Music Television, Postmodernism and Consumer Culture (Routledge , 1987) ; an d Motherhood and Representation: The Mother in Popular Culture and Melodrama (Routledge , 1992) . Sh e i s editor o f fou r collections : Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Routledge , 1990); Postmodernism and Its Discontents: Theories/Practices (Verso , 1988); Regarding Television: A Critical Anthology (America n Film Institute, 1983) ; an d Women in Film Noir: An Anthology (Britis h Fil m Institute, 1978) . Sh e has als o publishe d ove r fifty articles o n film, femi nism, an d psychoanalysis. Kapla n i s currently workin g o n a book title d Legacies of Slaves and Mistresses: Minority Maternal Discourse in Select Hollywood Film. Devoney Loose r i s Assistan t Professo r o f Englis h a t Indian a Stat e Uni versity. He r article s hav e appeare d i n Rhetoric Review, European Romantic Review, an d Style, an d sh e ha s publishe d a boo k chapte r i n Misogyny in Literature: An Essay Collection, edite d by Katherine Ackley (Garland Press , 1992) . Sh e i s currentl y a t work o n a feminist investiga tion of genre in eighteenth-century women' s writings. Linda C - McClai n i s Associat e Professo r o f La w a t Hofstr a University , where sh e specializes i n feminist lega l theory , property, an d the law an d
396 Contributors the welfare state . In addition, she has a master's degree from th e Divinit y School o f th e Universit y o f Chicago . Th e autho r o f severa l articles , McClain recentl y completed a n essay called "Explicatin g Circumstances : Romance an d Representation, " whic h sh e presente d a s a tal k a t th e Feminism an d Lega l Theor y Summe r Conferenc e (Jun e 1992 ) a t th e Columbia Universit y Schoo l o f Law . Daphne Pata i i s Professor o f Women' s Studie s an d o f Portugues e a t th e University o f Massachusett s a t Amherst . I n additio n t o article s i n th e fields of ora l history , sh e is the autho r o f Myth and Ideology in Contemporary Brazilian Fiction (Fairleig h Dickinso n Universit y Press , 1983) ; The Orwell Mystique: A Study in Male Ideology (Universit y o f Massa chusetts Press , 1984) ; an d Brazilian Women Speak: Contemporary Life Stories (Rutger s Universit y Press , 1988) . Sh e i s coedito r o f Women's Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History (Routledge , 1991 ) an d o f Forgotten Radicals: British Women Writers, 1889—1939 (Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1993) . She is currently coauthorin g (wit h Norett a Koertge) a boo k o n th e problems o f contemporar y feminism , forthcom ing fro m Basi c Books . Sh e has bee n th e recipien t o f severa l fellowships , among the m a Guggenhei m Foundatio n Fellowshi p an d a Nationa l En dowment fo r th e Humanitie s Fellowship . Sh e has als o bee n a Fello w a t the Nationa l Humanitie s Cente r i n Nort h Carolin a an d th e Institut e fo r Advanced Stud y a t Indian a University . Robin Ann e Rei d i s Assistan t Professo r o f Englis h a t Eas t Texa s Stat e University. Sh e ha s publishe d poetr y an d revie w essay s o n fiction an d poetry i n numerou s smal l journal s an d ha s presente d paper s o n scienc e fiction an d popula r culture . Nancy Rie s i s Assistan t Professo r o f Anthropolog y a t Colgat e Univer sity. Rie s wa s on e o f th e first American s t o d o ethnographi c field re search i n contemporary urba n Russia ; she spent nine months in Mosco w in 198 9 an d 1990 . Sh e develope d clos e connection s wit h Russia n femi nists, too k par t i n th e first feminis t conferenc e eve r hel d i n Mosco w (in 1990) , an d appeare d o n th e popula r televisio n sho w Vzglad, i n a conversation abou t feminis m wit h a leadin g Russia n feminis t philos opher. Jennifer Shaddoc k i s Assistant Professo r o f Englis h a t th e University o f Wisconsin, Eau-Claire . Sh e receive d he r Ph.D . i n 199 3 fro m Rutger s
Contributors 39
7
University fo r he r work , "Cultur e throug h Anarchy : Britis h Representa tions o f Anarchism , 1840—1907, " an d edite d a reprin t o f Hele n an d Olivia Rossetti' s A Girl among the Anarchists, Sh e ha s als o taugh t extensively i n feminis t theor y an d Nativ e America n literature , an d sh e has publishe d o n suc h disparat e topic s a s th e politic s o f namin g i n Conrad, th e Female Gothic in popular film, and th e construction o f Joh n Stuart Mill in his Autobiography. Manisha Sinh a wa s a 1992-199 4 fello w a t the W.E.B. Du Bois Institut e for Afro-America n Research , Harvar d University . Sh e recentl y com pleted he r dissertatio n entitled , "Th e Counter-Revolutio n o f Slavery : Class, Politic s an d Ideolog y i n Antebellu m Sout h Carolina, " whic h wa s nominated fo r th e Bancrof t Prize , a t Columbi a University . Sh e has als o been th e recipien t o f a Whiting fellowshi p an d a National Talen t Schol arship fro m th e Governmen t o f India . Sh e i s currentl y workin g o n the politic s o f secessio n an d th e politica l ideolog y o f slaver y i n th e Old South . William Thompso n i s Assistan t Professo r o f Frenc h a t Memphi s Stat e University. H e ha s writte n article s o n Jea n Genet , th e contemporar y French novel , an d feminis m an d post-feminism . H e is currently editin g a collection o f essay s entitle d The Contemporary Novel in France, a s wel l as tw o othe r collections : on e o f critica l essay s on Baudelaire' s Les fleurs du mal; th e other o n Genet . Susan Ostro v Weisse r i s Associat e Professo r o f Englis h a t Adelph i University. Sh e has published article s o n nineteenth-centur y Britis h nov els and women' s narratives . Her book , A Craving Vacancy: Women and Sexual Love in the British Novel, i s forthcomin g fro m Macmillia n an d NYU Press .
INDEX
Abbey, Lynn, 350-52, 35 5 n.1 6 abortion, 8 , 10 , 160-88 ; Bray v. Alexan dria, 161 , 162, 170 ; NOW, 161-63 , 171, 18 3 nn.8, 17 ; Operation Rescue , 161, 162,171 ; prolife feminists , 8 , 10 , 159-88; psychologica l effect s of , 168 ; rights, 159-88 , 237; rights, in post Communist Germany , 312 , 315, 3 1 7 18, 323, 326; rights, in Russia , 26 4 n.1 6 aggression, 112-13 , 2 7 1 - 7 3, 278, 352, 3 6 9 - 7 1 , 373-74 , 376, 379-80; an d hu mor, 338 ; and sisterhood , 130-35 , 138 . See also oppression ; victims , women as ; violence AIDS, 348-49, 355 n.1 2 antifeminism: i n Russia n press , 263 n.6 , 265 n.25 ; of women, 5-7, 10 , 6 4 - 6 5, 73-76, 9 5 , 1 5 9 - 8 8 , 2 2 5 - 4 1 antislavery. See women, an d slaver y Applewhite, Harriet B. , 235 Armstrong, Nancy , 108 , 11 9 Astell, Mary, 4 4 - 4 6, 50 , 52, 57 Atwood, Margaret , 192 , 223 n.1 8 Austen, Jane, 1 0 - 1 1 , 328-4 2 Awkward, Michael , 88-8 9 Baby M , miniseries, 196-20 3 Bal, Mieke, 22 0 Bass, Ellen, 1 4 6 - 4 7 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 6 n. 5
backlash agains t feminism , 5 , 237. See also antifeminism beauty, 4 7 - 4 9, 96 , 131 , 213, 2 5 3 - 4, 266 n.31 , 272 , 278, 32 3 Behn, Aphra, 4 4 Bell, Susan Groag , 5 2 Benjamin, Jessica , 27 0 Bible, 8-9, 11 ; class conflict betwee n women in , 216-19; gende r role s in , 2 1 0 - 1 1 ; ideolog y of, 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 222 , 223 n . l l ; justification s o f slaver y in , 6 7 - 6 8 ; representation s o f wome n in , 209-24; sexua l relation s in, 215; surrogacy in, 192,196 , 214-19, 359 , 367, 383-84 bitch figure, 1 1 , 1 9 6 - 2 0 0 , 2 6 9 - 8 2 body, the, 97, 147 , 150 ; female, 2 , 4, 1 5 16,168,171,175,177-78,192,198, 202, 241 n.14 , 2 7 4 - 7 5, 333, 337, 341 n.14; racialized, 48, 9 1 - 9 2 , 1 2 5 - 7 , 129-31,139 n.6 , 218 Bordo, Susan, 309 n.1 8 Bourne, Jenny, 3 7 Butler, Judith, 5 7 Callahan, Sidney , 170 , 175 , 18 2 n.4 , 184n.l9 Cameron, Anne , 285, 287, 30 4 Carey, Henry, 6 6 - 6 7 399
400 Index Casey, Joan Frances , 143 , 149-5 5 Castle, Terry, 55—56 Caughie, Pamela, 347-48, 35 0 Chanfrault-Duchet, Marie-Fran^oise , 3 5 Chapline, Carmel , 75 Chesnut, Mar y Boykin , 65 Child, Lydia Maria , 1 2 6 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 7 - 3 8 Chodorow, Nancy , 142 , 15 7 n.1 2 Christian, Barbara , 29 5 Christianity an d race , 110-14 , 125 . See also Bible ; women an d slaver y Cixous, Helene, 120 , 38 1 class conflict betwee n women , 1 , 9, 2 1 - 4 3 , 194, 197 , 200-202, 230 , 232, 278, 330, 372, 383 . See also Bible , colonialism , surrogacy, women, an d slaver y colonialism, 5, 4 4 - 6 1, 299-300 , 3 0 3 - 5 , 368,384-85 Daniels, Arlene Kaplan , 2 8 daughters, 1 3 4 - 3 5 , 1 4 3 - 4 4 , 1 5 3 - 5 5 , 330 , 335. See also family ; incest ; mother s Davis, Angela Y. , 1 7 Davis, Laura, 146-47 , 154 , 15 6 n. 5 De Beauvoir, Simone , 8 , 106- 7 Deleuze, Gilles, 290, 29 9 Delmar, Rosalind , 235-3 6 Dew, Thomas R. , 7 3 Dinnerstein, Dorothy , 38 0 domesticity, 7 , 63, 7 2 , 1 3 4 - 3 5, 197-98 , 215-16, 2 2 7 - 2 8 , 2 3 1 , 2 4 5 - 5 0 , 2 5 4 - 5 5 , 258, 26 4 n.13 , 272, 275, 278, 332. See also family ; femininity ; gende r roles ; marriage; wome n Duane, Diane, 3 5 0 - 5 1, 35 5 n.1 6 Elfenbein, Ann e Shannon , 12 7 Equal Right s Amendment, 16 7 equality, 22 ; an d abortion , 159 , 164 , 174 , 177-78, 180 ; and Frenc h Revolution , 234, 2 3 6 - 3 8; an d Germa n unification , 312, 321 . See also gender , roles ; inequality Erdrich, Louise, 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 0 6 - 2 1 essentialism, 3 , 5-6, 65, 72-76 , 178 , 245, 248-49, 251-52 , 255, 257, 259, 2 7 0 71, 275 , 279, 295, 299, 331, 3 4 3 - 4 5, 347-49, 352 , 354 n.3 . See also feminis t theory; sisterhood , idealized ; "Woman "
family, 3 , 1 2 - 1 4 , 9 3 , 1 9 0 - 9 1 , 203, 207, 322-23, 32 7 n.13, 350; and slavery , 128,131, 138 ; and surrogacy , 1 9 0 - 9 1 ; and work , 169 , 173 , 180; in Hebre w Bible, 210, 2 2 0 - 2 1; i n Russia, 2 4 6 - 4 7 , 249, 250 , 254, 258-59. See also gende r roles; marriag e familial metaphor , 3 , 13-14 , 233 , 383 "family romance" . See Freud, Sigmun d feminine, powe r of , 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 1 5 - 1 8 femininity, 329-30 , 332-34, 3 3 7 - 3 8. See also beauty ; essentialism ; wome n an d passivity feminism, 1-16 , 382 ; black feminis t cri tique of , 4 , 15 , 17 n.5, 89-90; cultura l vs. radical, 161-63 , 170 ; defined, 2 2 23, 37 , 226, 2 3 4 - 3 8, 319, 322, 324 , 345, 350 , 356 n.18 ; and difference , 1-6 , 9, 13 , 15-16, 203 ; in eighteenth cen tury, 44; and Nativ e America n women , 3 2 - 3 3 , 1 0 6 - 2 1 , 2 8 5 - 8 7 ; in nineteent h century, 13 , 7 2 - 7 3, 127 , 129, 161 , 165, 176—77; in post-Communist Germany , 310-27; an d post-feminism, 225-26 , 235-39; an d psychoanalyti c theory , 3 7 0 - 7 1 , 383; i n Russia , 245, 251, 263, 263 n.6 , 265 n.23 ; second wave , 4 4 - 4 5, 366; an d socialism , 367 ; stereotypes o f Western, 314 ; and Thir d Worl d women , 2 1 - 6 1 , 288 , 303, 305; in U.S., 296, 298, 305; i n West Germany , 316-19 . See also feminists; wome n an d oppression ; women, an d identity ; feminis t theor y feminist academics , U.S., 2 1 - 4 3, 119-2 0 feminist criticism , 44—61 feminist discourse , 285-309, 319-20 , 32 5 feminist historiography , 6 2 - 6 3 feminist research , interviewin g practices , 2 1 - 4 3 ; exploitative , 2 1, 24, 3 3 - 3 4, 3 6 37 feminist theory , 2 - 3 , 15 , 89; film, 200 ; lesbian, 286, 296-97, 343-57 ; an d prac tice, 285-309; of reproduction , 159-88 . See also Feminism ; Wome n an d expe rience Feminists fo r Lif e o f America. See abor tion, prolif e feminist s Foucault, Michel , 89-90 , 291 , 299, 303, 343-44
Index 40 Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth, 63-64 , 75, 139 n.9,17 4 France, Anatole, 3 1 Freud, Sigmund, 128 , 133, 137-38, 146 , 156 n. 7 Friday, Nancy , 14 2 friendship. See women an d friendshi p Frymer-Kinsky, Tikva , 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 22 0 Fuss, Diana, 1 7 gender: blac k nationalis t ideolog y of , 95 ; differences, 34 , 332, 337; identity over riding class and race , 5 1, 127, 286; ideologies of, 8 - 9 , 1 4 , 248-49 , 259 , 265 n.18 ; politics, 45, 58; roles, 7, 163 , 198,210-11, 2 2 7 - 2 8 , 231, 233-34, 236, 239, 2 4 4 - 4 5, 248-50, 252 , 2 5 4 55, 257, 259 , 264 nn.8 , 13 , 275, 313, 332, 351 , 362. See also men ; wome n Gilligan, Carol , 170 , 18 1 n.l, 361-6 2 Ginsberg, Rut h Bader , 18 1 n . l, 18 3 n. 9 Godineau, Dominique , 235—36 Gordon, Linda , 196 , 203, 204 n. 3 Grundy, Isobel , 5 1 - 5 2 Habermas, Jurgen, 32 1 Halsband, Robert , 45 , 49 Hammond, Jame s Henry , 66 Hankiss, Agness, 3 4 Haraway, Donna , 30 2 Harlequin novels . See narrative, romanc e Hebrew Bible . See Bible Hegel, G.W.F., 292-9 3 Hentoff,Nat, 18 3 n.l 6 Herman, Judith, 147 , 151-5 2 Hewitt, Nancy , 6 2 Hirsch, Marianne, 1 6 hooks, bell, 15 , 17 , 88, 10 3 Hufstader, Alic e Anderson, 4 5 husbands, 4 8 - 4 9, 198 , 255-59. See also family; wive s identity: an d difference , 8 , 126-40 , 2 8 7 89, 299; a s mothers, 190 , 195 , 2 0 2 - 3 ; as women, 30 , 108 , 119 , 168 , 177 , 184 n.19, 211, 251-52, 254 , 259, 2 6 2 63, 270 , 274, 277, 279, 314-16, 322 , 324, 329-30, 337 , 3 7 0 - 7 1; sexual ,
1
3 4 3 - 5 3 , 35 4 n.3 , 354 n.8 . See also body; clas s conflict betwee n women ; feminism; gender ; rac e identity politics , 5, 15 , 37 imperialism. See colonialis m incest, 4, 298; and abortion , 174 ; father daughter, 99 , 143 , 149-50, 155 ; father' s complicity, 147-48 ; mother-daughter in cest narratives, 142-5 8 incestuousness an d slavery , 130-3 1 individualism, 3 2 , 1 4 3 , 290, 296, 298-99 , 322 inequality, 6 , 30, 32, 3 6 - 3 7, 62 , 64, 279, 361, 385 ; and abortio n rights , 160,171 , 173-76; i n eighteenth-century France , 226, 239; among women, 318-19 . See also clas s conflict betwee n women ; colo nialism; equality ; race ; women, an d slavery Irigaray, Luce , 2 Jacobs, Harriet, 126 , 14 0 n.l 3 Jay, Karla , 35 4 n. 3 Johnson, Claudia , 32 8 Joplin, Janis, 363-64, 368-69 , 371 , 377 Joseph, Glori a L. , 9 4 Kagan, Janet, 350-52, 35 5 n.l 6 Kane, Elizabeth, 190 , 19 3 Kant, Immanuel , 29 2 Keller, Evelyn Fox , 16 , 3 6 0 - 6 1, 364 , 367 , 370-71,379-80,383-85 Kelly, Joan, 6 2 Kennedy, Liz , 3 4 Kingston, Maxin e Hong , 12 0 Klein, Melanie, 131 , 139 n.8 , 388 n.5 2 Kristeva, Julia, 15 6 n. 6 Lacan, Jacques, 146 , 151 , 337, 38 1 Landes, Joan, 232-3 4 LeGuin, Ursula, 12 0 lesbian-feminism, 343-57 . See also femi nist theor y lesbianism, 34 , 88 , 95, 143 , 148-49. See also sexualit y lesbians an d competition , 369-70 , 3 7 2 73. See also women , an d competitio n Levy, Darlene Gay , 23 5 Lew, Joseph, 45 , 5 1, 54, 5 7
402 Index Lindenbaum, Joyce, 369-73, 375-7 6 Longino, Helen, 16 , 360, 362, 36 7 Lorde, Audre, 90, 94, 12 0 Lowe, Lisa, 45, 51, 5 4 Lowenthal, Cynthia, 45, 50, 54, 57 Lugones, Maria, 35, 302, 307 n. 5 Luker, Kristin, 16 3 MacKinnon, Catharine, 1 6 1 - 6 2 , 1 7 1 - 7 2 , 181 n.l , 183n.l 4 marriage, 274, 277, 344 , 351; in Harlequin novels, 270, 274-75, 277 , 279 ; in Mansfield Park, 328 , 330; in Russia, 242-44, 255-59 . See also domesticity ; husbands: narrative, romance; wives Martineau, Harriet, 7 3 masculinity, 90 , 99 , 103 , 130 , 198 , 273, 338,381 masochism, 109 , 113 , 118 , 27 6 masquerade, 3, 48, 53-56, 34 9 maternalism: in Mansfield Park, 329 , 337 ; in Uncle Tom's Cabin, 134-38 ; in Russia, 257-5 9 Mbilinyi, Marjorie , 3 5 McCord, Louisa Susanna, 6 2 - 8 7 Mclntyre, Vonda, 350-52, 35 5 n.1 6 McVeagh, John, 45 Medusa, 380-8 1 melodrama, 195-203 , 204 n.3 . See also narrative, romance; splitting memory, 144-46 , 148 , 150 , 154 , 15 5 n. 3 men: in The Color Purple, 95-97 , 99, 101-2; i n romance forms, 128-29 , 131-33,270-71,277-79,330-38; southern white slaveholding, 64 . See also equality; gender, differences; husbands ; masculinity; patriarchy Menchu, Rigoberta , 29 6 Michie, Helena, 1 6 Miller, Alice, 14 9 Miller, D. A., 331, 339 n.5 , 340 n.9 , 340n.ll,340n.l2 Millett, Kate , 30 5 Miner, Valerie, 16 , 360, 362, 36 7 Minh-ha, Trinh T., 28 6 Mitchell, Juliet, 5 2 Modleski, Tania , 3, 280 n.10 , 28 1 n.1 5 Moglen, Helen, 3 6 0 - 6 1, 364, 367, 3 7 0 71, 379-80 , 383 , 385 Montagu, Lad y Mary Wortley, 10 , 44-6 1
Morrison, Toni, 96 , 12 0 motherhood, 3 , 99, 243-44, 248 , 251, 259, 383 ; and abolitionism, 125-40 ; and abuse, 142—58 ; in Hebrew Bible, 212-19; idealization of, 4 8 , 1 2 9 - 1 3 0 , 134-40, 145 , 149 , 155 ; as natural, 6 , 57-58, 168,173 , 178 , 234; in speculative fiction, 3 5 0 - 5 1; surrogate, 1 8 9 205. See also domesticity ; essentialism ; incest; oppression; surrogacy; women, as nurturing mother-in-law, 11 , 212, 2 2 0 - 2 1, 24 4 mothers: and daughters, 4, 13 , 153 , 155 , 262; phallic, 153 , 380; preoedipal, 130 , 134-45,137-38,370-71,379, 388 n.52 ; slave, 1 2 9 - 3 0 , 1 3 4 - 4 0; un married, 9 8 multiple personality disorde r (MPD) , 1 4 2 58 Muse, Daphne, 37 3 narrative, 5, 8 , 32, 46, 54, 101-2 , 108 , 341 n.14 ; and authority, 106-21 , 287 , 295, 299-300, 302-6 , 30 7 n.4 ; antislavery, 126-40 ; in Austen, 329; heroines in, 126-27 , 252-53 , 329, 331-32, 337 , 338 n.4 ; oral, 107-8 , 118 , 120 , 2 5 3 54; personal, 3 2 - 3 3 , 1 7 6, 252-62 , 266 n.38 , 302 , 346, 350, 358-91; popular, 189-205; ritualized, 119 , 242-45 ; romance, 126-34,143 , 269-82 , 339 n.8 . (See also women, an d romantic love); speculative fiction, 350-57 , 355 n.16 , 35 6 n.18 ; surrogacy, 1 8 9 205; true crime, 142-58 . See also Bibl e narrator: in Austen, 8, 329—33, 335—38, 339 n.5 , 33 9 n.6 , 34 0 n.12 , 340 n.13 , 341 n.14 ; and authority, 33, 120 , 3 0 4 6; in Russian litanies, 253—54, 260 nation. See women an d nation Naylor, Gloria , 94, 9 6 Niditch, Susan, 21 1 Noriega, Manuel , 285, 30 4 Nudelman, Franny, 12 8 Oakley, Ann, 2 8 - 2 9 objectification, 24 , 30, 34, 11 4 oppressed, advocac y for , 287, 300 , 30 6 oppression, 1-16 , 24 , 31, 36-37, 53 , 62, 88, 226, 228, 234, 238-39, 278-79 ,
Index 40 317, 321 , 323, 344; women's collusio n in their own, 7 , 1 1 - 1 2 , 1 5 , 91 , 94, 96, 103, 151 , 278; women's internalized , 106-7, 109 , 111 , 114,119, 332 . See also patriarchy; women, a s victims oral history, 32-37. See also narrative , oral Orientalism, 45, 5 0 - 5 1, 5 3 - 5 4, 57 "Other", 28, 30, 53, 56, 107 , 272, 291, 301, 315-16 , 320 , 347, 3 7 0 - 7 1, 379, 385 patriarchy, 7 , 11 , 14, 75, 8 9 - 9 1, 101,103 , 119,171,199, 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 222, 233, 2 3 5 36,239,243-44,251-52,256-57, 272-75, 28 0 n.7, 305, 311-12, 318 , 322, 326, 329-30, 332-34 , 338 , 368 , 373,381,384 patrilineal culture , 211-1 2 Plaisant, Michele, 4 9 political correctness , 361, 365, 368, 3 8 4 85 Poovey, Mary , 339 n.8 , 34 0 n.1 2 popular culture, 8 , 1 1 - 1 2; fandom , 343 , 354 n.6; media, 175 , 189,194-96 , 201 , 203, 20 4 n.l , 26 5 n.17 , 26 5 n.25 , 348 ; in nineteenth century, 196-97 ; romance , 11, 269—82 . See also narrative, romanc e postmodernism, 304 , 308 n . l l power relations, 1—16 ; and "ritual s of speaking", 291-94, 301 , 303; among black women, 88-105 . See also gende r roles; women an d power "Queer theory", 348, 355 n . l l race, 1 , 9, 11 , 13, 15 ; and "otherness" , 92, 125-40; an d research practices, 2 1 - 4 3; and slavery, 6 7 - 7 2 , 1 2 5 - 2 8. See also feminism, black , feminis t critiqu e of ; "Other"; womanis m racial caste , 62, 12 7 racial mixing: Native American, 106-21 ; quadroon figure, 125-4 1 racialism, 5 7 - 5 8, 67-68 , 7 1 , 1 0 9 - 1 1 , 125-26,129 rape, 91, 99, 102 , 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 2 2 , 1 3 3 - 3 4 , 149-50,154, 238 , 265 n.17 , 273 , 277, 298; an d abortion, 165 , 172 , 174 ; and feminist politics, 11 9
3
readers, women as, 4 6 , 1 2 7 - 2 8, 269-70 , 328,331,337-38,353 representation, 8-9 , 11,16,199 , 202 , 279 , 289-90; an d truth, 291-97, 300 , 302, 306, 30 8 n . l l reproduction. See abortion; feminist theory, reproductive; surrogac y reproductive technology, 190—92 , 196, 203, 20 4 n.2. See also surrogac y Rich, Adrienne, 97, 120 , 17 2 Riley, Denise, 1 7 rivalry, sexual, 4 , 1 1 - 1 2, 9 7 - 1 0 1 , 1 2 8 29,131,198-200,212-19,269-82, 329, 332 . See also women, an d competition Rogers, Katharine, 4 9 - 5 0, 5 3 Rogers, Pat, 45 Roiphe, Katie , 11 9 romance novel. See narrative, romanc e romantic love. See women an d romanti c love Rosier, Martha, 200-203, 204 n. 4 Rowe, Elizabeth Singer, 4 7 Russ, Joanna, 350, 356 n.1 7 Said, Edward, 45, 51,29 6 Sanger, Margaret, 18 4 n.l 8 Sawicki, Jana, 8 9 - 9 0 science fiction. See Narrative, speculativ e fiction sexuality, 9 , 5 3 - 5 4 , 2 7 0 - 7 5 , 2 7 7 - 7 9 , 280 n.4 ; and apdrogyny, 347-48; i n The Color Purple, 9 5 - 9 8 ; construction s of bisexuality , 343-57; an d heterosexual privilege, 9 5 , 1 4 3 , 1 5 5, 349 , 351, 354 n.3 ; homosexuality, 343-44 , 3 4 6 47, 349 , 354 n.5, 35 4 n.9, 35 5 nn.14 , 15; in Mansfield Park, 330 , 332-34 , 339; an d reproduction, 168 , 181 , 184 n.19; an d textuality, 276 , 344 , 348 . See also bod y Shelley, Mary, 15 6 n . l l Shreiber, Flora Rheta, 142-4 9 Silko, Leslie, 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 0 6 - 2 1 sisterhood, 1-16 , 33 , 36-37, 88 , 324, 383; in Austen, 329, 337; among black women, 89 ; eighteenth century First World-Third World, 4 4 - 6 1; idealized, 3 - 4 , 30-36 , 94 ; interracial, 125-40 ; in nineteenth century , 3; and slavery, 72;
4 0 4 Index sisterhood (Continued) and surrogacy , 195-196 , 203 . See also feminism; feminis t theor y sisters, 131 , 190, 210-16, 358 , 367, 38384 slavery, 9—10 ; and democrac y i n South , 66, 69 ; in Hebrew Bible , 212, 214, 2 1 6 19, 383; in Lad y Montagu's "Turkis h Letters", 47, 49, 52; and politica l econ omy i n South, 6 6 - 6 7 ; proslavery ideol ogy, 65-66; an d Souther n slaveholdin g women, 62-87 . See also Bible, justifica tions fo r slaver y in ; women an d slaver y Smith, Margaret , 14 7 Snitow, Ann, 1 6 Society o f Revolutionar y Republica n Women, 225-4 1 Spelman, Elizabeth , 1 , 9, 17 , 35, 307 n. 5 Spender, Dale , 4 5 Spitzack, Carol e J., 3 0 Spivak, Gayatri C , 299-300 , 30 5 splitting: image s o f women i n narrative , 24, 6 3 , 1 2 6 - 3 9 , 1 9 6 - 2 0 0 , 2 7 0 - 7 1 , 277 , 329, 3 3 2 - 3 3 , 339 n.7 ; maternal, 131, 135-36,143-44,149,151,152-55, 196-200; psychological , 133 , 146, 151, 156 n.5, 368-73, 375 , 379. See also melodrama; narrative , romanc e Stacey, Judith, 29 , 23 7 Stahl, Sandra, 253-5 4 Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , 165 , 167 , 183n.l7 Stewart, W . Maria, 12 6 Stowe, Harriet Beecher , 7 0 - 7 2 , 1 2 5, 1 3 4 38, 1 4 0 n . l 3 Sullivan, Harry Stack , 36 2 Sullivan, Susan , 38 1 surrogacy: an d rac e and class , 192 , 194— 9 5 , 1 9 8 - 9 9 , 2 0 1 - 3 ; i n Hebrew Bible , 214, 216-18, 383; narratives, 189-205 ; psychological consequences , 193-94 , 2 0 2 - 3 . See also motherhoo d Tanner, Tony , 33 8 n. 4 therapists, women as , 12 , 143 , 149, 151— 55, 15 6 n . l l Tolstaia, T., 258-5 9 Trebilcot, Joyce, 286, 290, 296-97 , 306 n. 2
trauma, 1 4 5 - 4 8 , 1 5 1 - 5 3 , 37 0 Turin, Maureen, 2 0 1 - 2 victims, women as , 12 , 15 , 63, 106 , 119 , 151, 228, 277, 317-18, 330. See also aggression; oppression ; violenc e violence: abortio n as , 160 , 164 , 172 , 179 ; domestic, 18 2 n.5; and women , 99-102 , 130-34, 136,13 9 n . 9 , 1 4 8 - 5 0 , 1 6 5 , 182 n.4, 229-30, 233 , 238, 298, 356 n.19 . See also aggression ; oppres sion; rape ; victims, women a s voyeurism, 14 8 Walker, Alice , 11, 88-10 5 Walters, Suzanne Danuta, 237-3 8 Washington, Mar y Helen , 9 4 Webber, Gail , 2 2 West, Robin, 161-62 , 170 , 18 1 n. l White, E. B., 24 Whitehead, Mar y Beth , 190 , 194 , 196 , 198-203 Winnicott, D . W., 13 9 n . l l, 376, 38 8 n.5 2 wives: in Hebrew Bible , 2 1 1 - 1 5, 223 n . l l ; in Revolutionar y France , 225, 230, 234 . See also domesticity ; family ; husbands ; mothers; motherhoo d Wolf, Christa , 31 6 Wollstonecraft, Mary , 7 , 4 4 "Woman", 2 , 14 , 46, 58, 259. See also essentialism; sisterhoo d womanhood, cul t of true , 73-74, 127 , 275. See also domesticity ; essentialism ; femininity; "Woman" ; motherhoo d womanism, 11 , 88-105. See also femi nism, black feminis t critiqu e of women: an d competition , 7 , 14 , 88, 190 n.13, 193,196,199-200, 212 , 215-19, 248 , 269-82, 321 , 323, 324, 352, 355 n.14 , 3 5 8 - 9 1; an d difference , 1-16, 36 , 51, 210 , 278, 286, 324, 3 4 4 45, 349 , 355 n.15 ; and economi c depri vation, 2 5 - 2 7, 31 , 247, 2 5 0 - 5 1, 254 , 256, 260, 262, 264 n.16 , 265 n.26 , 266 n.31 , 316, 318; and experience , 6 , 12, 14 , 16 , 30, 33, 62, 264 n.8 , 276, 316, 3 2 0 - 2 1 , 323 , 325, 3S3; and friend ship, 33, 97, 358-62, 364-66 , 369 , 372, 378, 3 8 0 - 8 1 , 386 ; and humor , 328-42 ;
Index 40 and law , 160 , 176,190 , 192-93,199 , 217-18; a s masculine, 75, 95 , 99-100 , 148, 232, 251-52, 2 7 2 , 2 7 4 - 7 5, 3 2 0 21, 3 3 0 - 3 1 ; an d morality , 328-34, 336 , 339 n.5 , 339 n.6 , 361-62, 365 , 368-69, 373-74; an d nation, 45, 211-12, 2 1 8 21, 228-34 , 238, 2 6 0 - 6 1, 26 6 n.30 , 312, 315-16 , 322 , 326; as nurturing , 30, 9 2 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 4 , 1 6 6 , 1 6 8 - 6 9 , 210 , 249, 275 ; and passivity , 118 , 130 , 133, 136-37, 13 9 n.9 , 171 , 329, 340 n.12 ; and politica l action , 64 , 225-40, 290 , 312, 314 , 3 2 4 - 2 5, 353; and power , 7 , 15, 36, 210, 215, 217, 258, 273, 275, 280 nn.7,11 , 318 , 366-67, 378 , 3 8 0 82, 385-86; an d romanti c love , 2 6 9 82; an d self-denial , 110,130 , 133 , 1 9 5 96, 273, 254-56, 332 ; and slavery , 4 8 -
5
49, 6 2 - 8 7 , 1 2 5 - 4 1 ; an d spirituality , 110-18,259, 3 5 8 , 3 6 5 - 6 7 , 3 7 5 - 7 7 , 384, 388 n.46 ; and suffering , 1 2 - 1 3 , 120, 127 , 130 , 133 , 136, 179 , 213, 228, 242-68, 275 , 338; and work , 168 , 237, 245-52, 26 4 n . l l , 26 5 n.19 , 266 n.27 , 312, 316, 318-19, 321-22 . See also class conflict betwee n women ; daugh ters; feminism ; lesbianism ; mothers ; wives; womanhood, cul t o f tru e women's sphere . See domesticity; woman hood, cul t of tru e women's voices . See narrative; narrator ; women, an d experienc e Woolf, Virginia, 347-4 8 Yevtushenko, Y., 254-5 5