Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East: On the Influence of History on Gender Psychology 9811614121, 9789811614125

Citation preview

Ahmed A. Karim Radwa Khalil Ahmed Moustafa Editors

Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East On the Influence of History on Gender Psychology

Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East

Ahmed A. Karim · Radwa Khalil · Ahmed Moustafa Editors

Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East On the Influence of History on Gender Psychology

Editors Ahmed A. Karim University of Tübingen Tübingen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany

Radwa Khalil Jacobs University Bremen Bremen, Germany

Ahmed Moustafa Western Sydney University Sydney, NSW, Australia

ISBN 978-981-16-1412-5 ISBN 978-981-16-1413-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover picture of Dr. Maryam Mirzakhani courtesy of Dr. Jan Vondrak This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface: Does History Matter in Gender Psychology?

According to UNESCO, only 29.3% of people engaged in scientific research worldwide are women (UIS 2019). Even in regions with strong scientific infrastructure such as North America and Western Europe, a deep abyss of gender still persists. Moreover, it is not unusual that the names of female scientists are less well known to the public. If asked about female pioneers in science, you might recall a few female Western scientists such as the physicist Lise Meitner or Marie Curie, who won the Nobel Prize twice; but do you know any Eastern female pioneer? Have you ever heard of the Ancient Egyptian Physician Merit-Ptah or female pioneers from the Islamic Golden Age such as the tenth-century female astronomer Maryam Al-Astrulabi or Fatima Al-Fihri, who founded one of the world’s oldest Universities in Morocco? This book addresses this crucial knowledge gap and highlights the contributions of Eastern female pioneers from Ancient Egypt to modern times. Studies on gender psychology reveal that a gender role is a set of societal norms dictating what types of behaviors are considered desirable or appropriate for a person based on their sex (for a review, see Khalil et al. 2017). However, socially constructed gender roles can lead not only to equal rights between genders but also to severe disadvantages and discrimination with a remarkable variety between different countries. Gender statistics reveal that women in the Arab region are on average more disadvantaged economically, politically, and socially than women in other regions (Moghadam 2004, UNICEF 2011). Based on psychological studies on social learning, we argue that profound knowledge of the historical contributions of Eastern female pioneers in science, politics, and arts can improve today’s gender role in Middle Eastern countries and can even inspire young women living in Western Societies with Eastern migration background. According to Bandura’s social learning theory, individuals are more likely to adopt a modeled behavior if the model is similar to the observer and has admired status (Bandura 1977). Therefore, referring to female Western pioneers in Middle Eastern schools or in the media will certainly not have the same impact as referring to models within the same culture. Furthermore, the knowledge of female contributions in Ancient Egypt and historical female pioneers from the Middle East might also improve female self-efficacy since models are important sources of social learning and inspiration (Bandura 1977, Burr 2001, Khalil et al. 2017). v

vi

Preface: Does History Matter in Gender Psychology?

This book provides therefore an overview of the gender role of women in Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, outlining their prominence, influence, and admiration, and investigates the possible psychological and social impact of this knowledge on today’s gender role. Remarkable examples of female role models from different cultural and religious backgrounds are discussed in 12 chapters. Chapter 1 highlights the gender role and participation of women in astrophysics and medicine in Ancient Egypt. Remarkably, women in Ancient Egypt received a larger number of opportunities compared to women in Ancient Greece or Rome. For example, Ancient Egyptian women who were educated could study any domain they chose, thus becoming experts in a chosen field (e.g., artists, researchers, and physicians). Chapter 2 describes the legacy of the third-century queen Zenobia, who ruled the Palmyrene Empire in Syria and is most known in today’s Arabic Culture for her powerful response to the Roman emperor, Aurelian, who conquered her land: “There is a difference between the power of civilization and the civilization of power”. With this statement, she emphasizes that although she has no military superiority (civilization of power) like the Roman Empire, her land is nevertheless based on a millenniumold high culture that contains art, medicine, and science and goes back to the ancient Egyptians (power of civilization). Chapter 3 highlights the role of female pioneers in the Islamic Middle Age and discusses the impact of this knowledge on today’s gender role in the Middle East and the Western perception of women with migration backgrounds from Islamic countries. Chapter 4 outlines the breakthroughs of Egyptian women’s development in education and science, from the nineteenth century to the present. Chapter 5 discusses the role of female pioneers in Physics and shows a remarkable negative correlation between the Global Gender Gap Index and the percentage of women studying STEM subjects (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics). Chapters 6 and 7 report the bibliography of two flourishing Egyptian women of modern time on Arabic media and literature: First, Nelly, a Christian Egyptian of Armenian descent, who is best known throughout the Arab World for her “Fawazir Ramadan” (translates as Ramadan puzzles), a set of TV comedy shows with music and dancing establishing her as an iconic all-round entertainer in the Arab World and second, Suhair al-Qalamawi, who became a female role model in Arabic literature. Chapter 8 displays the role of pioneer women and the history of gender in Sudan. Chapter 9 discusses the role of women in political life in the MENA region (the Middle East and North Africa) in the twenty-first century. Chapters 10 and 11 focus on Muslim women and the influence of media nowadays. Lastly, Chap. 12 illustrates the visibility of women as a model of success in German universities. Since several other female pioneers from the Middle East could have also been mentioned in this book, we would like to emphasize that these chosen chapters are an initial and humble attempt at beginning to address the role of female pioneers from the Middle East on Gender Psychology. Future studies should empirically evaluate the impact of providing positive female models from the Middle East in school and in the media and investigate the modulating effects of psychological and sociocultural factors. These findings would have

Preface: Does History Matter in Gender Psychology?

vii

crucial implications for politicians and media campaigns aiming to combat gender inequality and discrimination. Tübingen, Germany Bremen, Germany Sydney, Australia

Ahmed A. Karim Radwa Khalil Ahmed Moustafa

References Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. New York, NY: General Learning Press. Burr, S. (2001). Television and societal effects: an analysis of media images of African-Americans in historical context. J. Gend. Race Justice 4, 171–181. Khalil, R., Moustafa, A., Moftah, M. Z., Karim, A. A. (2017). How knowledge of ancient Egyptian women can influence today’s gender role: Does history matter in gender psychology? Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 2053. Moghadam, V. M. (2004). Towards gender equality in the Arab/Middle East Region. United Nations Development Programme. Background Paper for HDR 2004. New York: Human Development Report Office. UIS (2019). Fact sheet no 55 by the UNESCO Institute for Statistics. FS/2019/SCI/55. Available at: http://uis.unesco.org/sites/default/files/documents/fs55-women-in-science-2019-en.pdf UNICEF (2011). MENA gender equality profile: Status of girls and women in the Middle East and North Africa. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/gender/files/Egypt-Gender-Eqaulity-Profile2011.pdf

Contents

1

2

3

4

Gender Role and Contributions of Women to Astronomy and Medicine in Ancient Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Peter L. M. Kerkhof

1

Septimia Zenobia: The Inspiring Queen of the Palmyrene Empire in Syria (240–c. 274 AD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Radwa Khalil and Ahmed A. Karim

21

Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages: A Theological and Psychological Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ahmed A. Karim, Huda Al-Jundi, and Radwa Khalil

29

Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress in Education and Science from the Nineteenth Century to the Present . . . . . . . . . . Radwa Khalil, Ahmed A. Karim, and Ahmed A. Moustafa

47

5

Female Pioneers in Physics from Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hazem A. Karim and Ahmed A. Karim

6

Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater and Television Musicals in Egypt and the Middle East . . . . . . . . . . . . Nihad Ibrahim

7

Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon Who Drew the Image of the Arabic Cultural Renaissance Throughout the Twentieth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nihad Ibrahim

61

69

95

8

The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History of Gender in Sudan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Mawahib Ahmed Bakr

9

The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric and Action in the MENA Region: A Case Study of Yemen and Libya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Moosa Elayah, Wafa Al-Daily, and Maryam Alkubati ix

x

Contents

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack: An Observational and Media Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Mahsheed Ansari and Mirela Cufurovic 11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Mahmoud Abdelhamid M. A. Khalifa 12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example of German Universities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 Angela Bittner-Fesseler

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Ahmed A. Karim, Ph.D. is Professor of Psychology and Neuroscience at the Jacobs University in Bremen, Germany, and head of the research group “Neuroplasticity and Learning” at the Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany. He is also Associate Professor for Health Psychology and Neurorehabilitation at the SRH Mobile University in Riedlingen, Germany. With his research group, he published over 90 scientific papers and received several national and international awards such as the 2013 Young Investigator Award of the European Brain and Behavioral Society and the nationwide Lecturer of the Year Award in Germany in 2021 (Tutor des Jahres 2021). Together with the German Ministry for Migration and Integration, he launched several projects to promote integration and health psychology of refugees and citizens with migration background in Germany. Radwa Khalil, Ph.D. is a research scientist at the Department of Psychology and Methods, Jacobs University Bremen, Bremen, Germany. Her research is interdisciplinary spanning neuroscience, psychology, and history. In 2020, she received the DAAD Award from the German Academic Exchange Service for outstanding academic achievement as well as social and intercultural commitment. Ahmed Moustafa, Ph.D. is a Senior Lecturer in Cognitive and Behavioral Neuroscience at Marcs Institute for Brain and Behavior, School of Social Sciences and Psychology, Western Sydney University. He is also a research associate at the VA hospital in East Orange, New Jersey. He has published over 150 papers in highranking journals including Science, PNAS, Journal of Neuroscience, Brain, Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews and Nature. His research is interdisciplinary spanning computational, neuropsychological, genetic, and animal studies of brain disorders.

xi

xii

Editors and Contributors

Contributors Wafa Al-Daily Global Initiatives, Outreach and International Affairs, Virginia Tech University, Blacksburg, USA Huda Al-Jundi Department of Islamic Spiritual Care, Mannheim Institute for Integration and Interreligious Dialogue, Mannheim, Germany Maryam Alkubati University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba, Japan Mahsheed Ansari Centre for Islamic Studies & Civilisation (CISAC), Charles Sturt University, Sydney, Australia Mawahib Ahmed Bakr Hamad Bin Khalifa University Qatar, Ar-Rayyan, Qatar Angela Bittner-Fesseler SRH Mobile University, Riedlingen, Germany Mirela Cufurovic Centre for Islamic Studies & Civilisation (CISAC), Charles Sturt University, Sydney, Australia Moosa Elayah Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Doha, Qatar Nihad Ibrahim Freelancer Film, Theater and Literature Critic, Cairo, Egypt Ahmed A. Karim Department of Psychology and Methods, Jacobs University Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany; Department of Neurorehabilitation and Health Psychology, SRH Mobile University, Riedlingen, Germany Hazem A. Karim Department of Mathematics, Phorms Education, Berlin, Germany; Department of Physics, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt Peter L. M. Kerkhof Amsterdam Cardiovascular Sciences, Department of Radiology and Nuclear Medicine, Amsterdam University Medical Centers, Amsterdam, The Netherlands Mahmoud Abdelhamid M. A. Khalifa Faculty of Al-Alsun, South Valley University, Hurghada, Egypt; Department of Languages and Translation, Taibah University, Medina, Saudi Arabia Radwa Khalil Department of Psychology and Methods, Jacobs University Bremen, Bremen, Germany Ahmed A. Moustafa School of Psychology & Marcs Institute for Brain and Behaviour, Western Sydney University, Sydney, Australia

Chapter 1

Gender Role and Contributions of Women to Astronomy and Medicine in Ancient Egypt Peter L. M. Kerkhof

Introduction By such eating of the Tree of Knowledge, the eyes become open, and the man is as a god. He makes “the divinest conquest of the human intellect.” A. Wilder (1823–1908). Gender research often concentrates on the analysis of (biological) sex differences, within-sex variability, and gender-specific roles (Stewart & McDermott, 1986). Since gender codetermines behaviour, it is clear that patterns have changed with the evolution of society, being embedded in evolving power relationships and concomitant struggles. Such gender-linked interactions may be partly sex-specific and also result from any socio-economic powers recognized in a particular society. Interestingly, the troublesome aspect of this intricate trajectory has also been coined “The longest war” (Tavris & Wade, 1984). It is worth mentioning that besides the pejorative connotation of a suggested unavoidable and endless fight, also more incidental components may contribute: fortune, unique opportunities gradually becoming manifest, individual perseverance, unexpected support as well as the ability to set clear goals in life. The net outcome of the complex interplay among all these forces and constraints results in the specific position attained by an individual at a certain point in time. Against the background of gender roles and specific societal structures, this survey reports on major characteristics as well as the scientific impact of women contributing to the fields of astronomy and medicine in ancient Egypt.

P. L. M. Kerkhof (B) Amsterdam Cardiovascular Sciences, Department of Radiology and Nuclear Medicine, Amsterdam University Medical Centers, location VUmc, Amsterdam, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_1

1

2

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Ancient Times: Living in Duality The oldest Dynasty (with founder-king Menes) in the region determined by the combination of Upper Egypt (near Assuan) and the Nile Delta (Lower Egypt) dates back to around 3100 BCE. Dynasties 3 through 6 developed a centralized state with cultural, political, and economic structures. The location of the capital of the successive dynasties varied and included Sakkara, Gizeh, and Memphis, the latter with a temple for the soul (“ka”) of god Pta. During the Saïs period, referring to the name of the capital at that time, Greek writers such as Hecataeus of Miletus (550–490) and the poet/politician Solon (640–560) were deeply impressed by the Egyptian archives and recorded history (Herodotus, 1989). For travellers, a visit to Egypt was an experience like going back in time, offering resources facilitating retrieval of documents reporting on political, social, economic, geographic, religious, as well as scientific affairs and practices (Grafton et al., 2010).

Time Patterns and Survival As in many early societies, nature is the primary and universal source of interest, providing daily food, occasional shelter, challenges to explore time-related cyclic patterns, and inspiration for a wide range of discoveries including areas such as astronomy and herbal medicine. The study of celestial bodies finds practical application in timekeeping and navigation, especially at sea with sailing positions affected by winds. Mastering the basic concepts behind cyclic patterns in time allows for planning a sowing period, followed by harvest-related activities. Note that seasonal variations based on 4 periods are less relevant in this subtropical climate, where the year is rather divided into 3 episodes: flooding (inundation), agricultural efforts followed by persistent dryness (Pannekoek, 1989). The necessity for planned regulation of water supply and artificial irrigation lead to the creation of a central government and practical land surveyors (Pannekoek, 1989). Survival over the years strongly depended on the skills of officials who were responsible for calculating the required supply for storehouses. This logistics system operated on the basis of precise inventories and careful planning over a number of years (Jetter, 1992). The practice of permanent recording data and making administrative calculations may have facilitated similar activities contributing to progress in astronomy and realization of spectacular projects such as the construction of pyramids.

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

3

Natural and Supernatural The advantages of being highly organized at various levels create a contrast with those affairs which cannot be mastered by counting and subsequent analysis. As a consequence of this pronounced duality, all matters that could not be explained by reasoning were readily attributed to the power of the gods. These higher powers were created by mortals at a rate and glory as circumstances demanded. Therefore, tactics of invoked divine actors were liable to fashion and personal preferences expressed by kings and priests. In general, gods were expected to have a say in controlling the basal needs concerning health, food, peace, and prosperity, while also governing immortality. Isis, a sort of primal earth-mother, was worshipped as a healing goddess. Her name features on the firmament (Fig. 1.1), and her iconic impact created inspiration for a major theosophical work published almost 150 years ago (Blavatsky, 1877). The Isis cult persisted for many centuries, and temples dedicated to her healing powers were still being established at the time that temples to Asclepios appeared in the Greek world. A brother of Isis was Osiris/Sarapis, being a personification of the Nile. Another brother, Seth, dismembered him. Then Isis restored her brother Osiris and subsequently conceived of their son Horus (Lyons & Petrucelli, 1987). The mysteries of Isis and Osiris spread throughout the ancient world the ritual experience of proximity to god and hope for immortality (Grafton et al., 2010). Sooner or later most gods were associated with the field of medicine, notably Thoth and Imhotep (Lyons & Petrucelli, 1987). Priests formed a hierarchical layer immediately under the pharaoh who himself was thought to be god-like (Dobek, 2004). The next level were officers in the civil service and soldiers (Jetter, 1992).

Fig. 1.1 Left: The holy trinity of deities in ancient Egypt, forming a Pythagorean triangle, and symbolizing harmony. The sides of the triangle are 3,√4, and 5 units, where the number 5 makes a connection with the golden ratio, i.e., ϕ = 0.5 (1 + 5) = 1.6180327… With some fantasy, the fiveness of ϕ has been declared to characterize the design of pyramids (see Fig. 1.7). Right: Winter triangle showing celestial representations of Isis (also called Sothis), Osiris, and their son Horus

4

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Upper and Lower Egypt What we nowadays call Egypt was by the local population in older times referred to as Kemet (“black land”, named after the dark-coloured soil), with a division between upper and lower parts of the country. The concept of duality is a recurring feature of Egyptian civilization and is also reflected in the pairing of gods and goddesses to represent upper and lower Egypt, respectively. The population was polytheistic and the religious system pretty complex, in that respect not being much different from the situation in ancient Greece. Many deities share characteristics at different periods. For example, Sekhmet (the lion goddess of Memphis), Mut, Tefnut, and Hathor are all honoured by the title “the Eye of Ra” and charged with the task of protecting the Sun god (called Ra). This pattern is not surprising given that the civilization survived for over 3,000 years, and that the religious system was constantly evolving with the preferences of the ruling pharaoh, along with the variable location of his capital city.

Divine Pairs of Opposite Sex God and goddess often formed a trinity along with their child (Jetter, 1992). One divine group stands out and has dominated religious tradition in Egypt: Isis and Osiris in connection with their son Horus (Fig. 1.1, left). The holy trinity has been associated with the {3, 4, and 5 units} triangle reflecting the Pythagorean theorem (Kerkhof et al., 2018, 2019). In a practical sense, this triangle was applied to construct angles of 90° using a rope with 12 equidistant knots. More symbolically, the “perfect” triangle represents the male (standing, corresponding with the spiritual aspect) and female (sitting, connected with the material component), in unison with their child (the ideal and resulting product). The three celestial equivalents are located in the winter triangle (Fig. 1.1, right). Interestingly, such graphical illustrations preceded visual representations in the field of medicine for many centuries (Jardine & Fay, 2014).

Two Faces of a River Weather and local geographical conditions largely determined the annual dual nature of the 1300 km long Egyptian section of the river Nile (with total length > 6600 km), including not only the gift of fertility to the land (Herodotus, 1989) but also the threads of flooding (Forshaw, 1999). Facing frequent epidemics, overcoming sufferings from hard work or poor nutrition, and dealing with resulting physical limitations constituted a heavy burden to society. The associated wide variety of debilitating and life-threatening diseases required medical interventions. The healing approach similarly manifested a dual character: partly based on traditional experience, but for

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

5

the remaining portion founded on the belief in supernatural powers. To meet such bimodal requirements, all physicians also functioned as priests, permitting them to operate on two complementary levels (Forshaw, 1999) simultaneously. As a further manifestation of duality, life and afterlife were associated with different banks of the Nile: the east bank was the territory of the living people, while the west part was reserved for the graves of the kings, queens, and higher officials (Hagen & Hagen, 2005). Finally, life itself had a dual character, where preparation for the afterlife and the care for the deceased were equally crucial as day-to-day survival during regular life. It is within the context of the abovementioned dualities and the superimposed background of a hierarchical society with fixed rules, strong beliefs in divine powers, and the volatility of events in the natural environment that we portray the impact of astronomy and medicine, with particular attention to the role of women.

An Impression of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt In ancient Egypt, various issues around health were a permanent concern, with life as crucial as the afterlife (Veiga, 2009). The combination of the latter two components explains the unison of science and magic into a single concept, called heka (Schobbe, 2007). Life was short, with an average expectancy of 25 years during the Roman period (Veiga, 2009). Therefore, getting well-prepared for the post-life phase was of nearly everyday importance. In fact, during every period of the year, the fate of humans (and animals) was determined by the dual powers of the Nile, not only offering fertility to the land (Herodotus, 1989) but also posing threads in terms of flooding and contamination with associated diseases (Forshaw, 1999). Along the river valley, cows were used for pulling ploughs, and they also formed a source of meat consumption, but initially not of milk as humans were not yet adapted to lactose (Hall, 2013; Klein et al., 2018). Gradually, Egyptian cattle became so important that many Egyptian gods featured their image. Our knowledge about daily life is derived from hieroglyphs, papyri, ostraca, letters, and diaries as compiled by travellers, as well as based on architectural remains. Starting around the 1970s, the new field of bioegyptology generated further details, founded on the alliance of archaeology, forensic anthropology, and botanic and related biosciences (Veiga, 2009). Therefore, a substantial portion of that what we know now about ancient Egypt is of relatively recent date. Until the 1920s, the fields of literature and linguistics were the main themes, later followed by religion and the study of material located in museums worldwide. In fact, the famous historical novel (Fig. 1.2) by the prolific Finnish writer Mika Waltari (1908–1979) provides a fascinating look at hierarchical structures and common practices in daily life in Egyptian antiquity, by depicting the fictive character Sinuhe, a royal physician, during the reign of pharaoh Akhenaten during the 18th Dynasty. Sinuhe is the archetypal marginal man, whose insistence on questioning tradition marks him as an outsider in his own culture. With his life partner Merit, he had a son. The boy

6

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Fig. 1.2 Cover of the first edition of the book by Waltari (1945), describing the fictive life of a royal physician in ancient Egypt

was named after Thoth, the ibis-headed deity associated with the moon, also being a patron of the writers and advisor in medical matters (Lyons & Petrucelli, 1987). The novel is known for its high-level historical accuracy of the life and culture of the period that is framed up. In that respect, the work is very similar to the harrowing scenes captured a century earlier by Gustave Flaubert (1821–1880). In his Salammbô (Fig. 1.3), this French writer took to our imagination the turbulence in the Carthage region around 240 BCE, shortly after the first Punic war against the Romans. With relevance to the present chapter, both books also provide insight into very personal and even exclusively intimate man-woman relationships. Likely, these imaginations are enriched with a flavour of fantasy, but yet with fascinating accounts picturing intimate human connections within a specific historical background. The essence of the interactions described hint at the “cherchez la femme” theme, notably in Sinuhe, although this angle is possibly inspired to connect with contemporary allurement. A possibly severe limitation for investigating gender-associated aspects dating back to older times stems from our current ideas concerning “gendered” phenomena which may substantially deviate from conventions applicable during the time frame that we are studying in a retrospective manner. Theoretically, part of what we consider essential in our days and society may have been totally irrelevant in older times. This limiting factor may extend beyond interpersonal interaction, and even apply to the subject of science, interwoven with supernatural components that we nowadays instead refer to the field of esoteric thinking (i.e., magical) or similar heights. It is to be expected that the role of women was mainly influenced by the traditional division of work, duties, and rights among men and women. Thus, a first step addresses the

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

7

Fig. 1.3 Salammbô (1896), painted by Alfonse Mucha and described in the novel (1862) by Gustave Flaubert. Source https://commons.wik imedia.org/wiki/File:Alfons_ Mucha_-_1896_-_Sal ammb%C3%B4.jpg

exploration of details regarding daily life in ancient Egypt. Next, we identify the specific areas of astronomy and healing arts within the contours of the society under study. While the realm of astronomy primarily served practical purposes (related to, e.g., a manageable clock system, intra-seasonal variation of weather, and geographic navigation), it is almost inevitable that in older times the scientific basis of medical practice was obscured by superstitious elements and the monopoly of priests. Additionally, models about the course of celestial bodies can independently and repeatedly be verified by observations and subsequent calculations, while in contrast healthrestoring power due to “iatrogenic” intervention may either be subjective, totally absent by solid standards or a process benefiting from spontaneous recovery, if not altogether promoted by a strong belief in magical powers induced in the afflicted individual. As we learned, life and afterlife almost constitute a continuum for ancient Egyptians (Fig. 1.4). The mysteries of Isis and Osiris appealed to propinquity to god and hope for immortality. This divine proximity was explored by the magical component in astronomy, while the magical aspect of medicine was manifest in preparations for the afterlife and the care for the deceased.

8

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Fig. 1.4 Schematic survey of components governing daily life and the preparation for the afterlife. Scientific and magical (“heka”) contributions are mostly complementary and mutually supportive

Highest Priest as Mediator Between Gods and the People The ancient Egyptians had a god for everything that they could not readily explain (Dobek, 2004). The world order was created by the gods, while the people were supposed to cooperate and maintain a stable structure directed by a central cultural value, ma’at (reflecting harmony and balance). The latter was sustained by the magical component, coined heka (Schobbe, 2007). The priests primarily served gods, not people. The responsibility of the clergy was to care for the god in the temple. They did not preach, interpret scripture, or conduct regular services. Women were more often priestesses of female deities, and they were ranked equally as their male counterparts. The king, by definition, is the highest priest, acted as the mediator between the gods and the population. Therefore, the king had not only political but also religious authority, although the priesthood would gradually counterbalance his position by acquiring wealth and power. As a consequence, the king and the clergy constituted a dynamic system, compressed between the inscrutable gods and the subordinate people (Fig. 1.4). The hierarchy in the priesthood covered a wide range. The lower ranks carried out simple household tasks, acted as singers, or prepared festivals. Intermediate levels were taken by hour-priests (equivalent to devoted astronomers) who kept the calendar, determined lucky and unlucky days, and were experts in prognostication and oneiromancy (Frazer, 1922). The development of a practically useful calendar was critically connected to advances in observational astronomy such as the recognition

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

9

of lunar phases. Such keen registrations resulted in defining a year as a period of 365 days, as we still do today. Priest-doctors were paid by a family to perform the daily offerings at the tomb of the deceased. Other priests conducted funeral services, acted as embalmers who mummified the corpse, and were responsible for formulations guaranteeing eternal life to the deceased. Priests(esses) would serve the temple 1 month in every 4 months. While in service, they lived in the temple complex, were expected to be ritually pure, and bathe several times a day. When their period of being on duty was complete, they returned to regular jobs, usually of medium-level bureaucrats. It was the shrine room where the statue of the god resided. Only the high priest could enter this inner sanctum because it was believed that the god(dess) lived in the statue. The high priest was considered sanctified enough to share the presence of the god, but no one else was allowed. The priest would wash and dress the statue, and then those of lesser rank would provide food and drink. When it was thought the god had supernaturally absorbed these offerings, the remainders were removed from the room. People came to the temple begging for help with medical, financial, and emotional needs, as well as to request protection against evil spirits or ghosts. In gratitude for prayers answered, they would bring offerings to the temple (Fig. 1.5). Medico-magical practices were exercised by priests, exorcists, doctors-magicians, and active practitioners of magic (Veiga, 2009). Temple physicians, possibly of lower social standing, were available to all, and they visited patients’ homes as well. Army doctors accompanied military expeditions and gave service to soldiers in the barracks. In the absence of a monetary system (gold as a medium of exchange was introduced only in the New Kingdom, c. 1570–1069), physicians were usually paid with goods

Fig. 1.5 Painting by John Reinhard Weguelin (1849–1927), showing a priestess making offerings for the ka (meaning soul) of a cat. Source https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:John_Rein hard_Weguelin_%E2%80%93_The_Obsequies_of_an_Egyptian_Cat_(1886).jpg

10

P. L. M. Kerkhof

or services. Generally, they were well rewarded. In the temple, however, physicians probably were salaried by the system, ministering to the populace without a fee. Whether paid with fees or salaries, physicians charged for dispensing medications (Lyons & Petrucelli, 1987). The gradually increased power of priests, mentioned before, formed a major contributing factor to the collapse of the central government at the end of the Old Kingdom. Exposed to high pressure at that time, the pharaoh had exempted the priesthood from paying taxes. Additionally, the priests not only received offerings but also profited from the land they owned. These changes altered the dynamics displayed in Fig. 1.4.

Position of Women Within the Family and the Society at Large As illustrated in the previous paragraph, women occupied “privileged” positions as priests, without reported exceptions. The category of priests formed an established component of the afterlife-associated system summarized in Fig. 1.4. What then were the options for those motivated rather to join scientific endeavours that could improve standards of actual life? In the next paragraphs, we will probe if women were allowed to function as healers and scholars quite similar to men and if there were any dictated regulatory restrictions. Before exploring such specific areas, we want to learn how tasks, rights, and responsibilities were shared in practical everyday family life, along with options for women to widen their horizons. The logical division of labour and responsibilities determines who is doing what. Familiarity with particular technical methods, access to associated tools, and their applications depend on the exposure and need to use them regularly. Several professions require fundamental knowledge about particular techniques to realize the intended goals optimally. Since business activities performed by sailors, traders, and those in the military typically refer to men, it may be anticipated that the specific skillfulness required for these jobs was not the subject of daily exposure to average women. Nevertheless, in the upper classes, where women enjoyed assistance running the household, those interested in further activities may have had opportunities to explore a broader horizon. Interestingly, woman slaves were occasionally valued higher than their male counterparts and sold at double prices (Hagen & Hagen, 2005). Regardless of the specific society under consideration, “gender” is often supposed to describe a set of power relationships with contrasting characteristics pointing to men and women (Stewart & McDermott, 1986). While this approach may be valid for a majority of selected studies, it is also essential to acknowledge that, even without implying gender, many power-based systems are universally present, ranging from innocent plays in kindergarten to world leaders involved in global politics. In extremis, the power concept may refer to the rivalry interaction between any two living creatures, not just human individuals: the one up, and the one down model.

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

11

Remarkably, social dignity in Ancient Egypt was not based on gender, but rather on social status. This means that many women held important and influential positions. Those women typically also enjoyed the legal and economic rights given to the men within their respective social class (Khalil et al., 2017). Women were not subservient to men, but were allowed to select their partner for marriage, and could file for divorce (Russo, 2004). Also, they were permitted to own land, and there were arrangements to inherit property. It would take Europe (west of the line Saint-Petersburg to Trieste) until the thirteenth century to institute comparable benefits for women (Kerkhof & Osto, 2018). It was believed that harmony between husband and wife could be accomplished according to the guidelines of Ma’at, the symbol of truth (Schobbe, 2007). In line with these concepts, many of the principal deities of the Egyptian Pantheon were female. We have learned about the typical contrasts created by upper and lower Nile, and the associated cyclic periods of fertile soil versus disasters by flooding, the dual concerns about life and afterlife, and the remote role of the gods in contrast to the immediate power of the pharaohs. Interestingly, the many dual aspects that profoundly characterized ancient Egypt were not reflected in the average man-woman relationships at that time. Instead, we notice that both genders were considered equal to the extent that even today it is not manifest everywhere on this planet. These unique favourable circumstances in ancient Egypt obviously may have promoted the exploitation of advanced careers, also attainable for women. In the next paragraphs we will explore if, beyond the equality of women and men in average daily life, there was indeed additional room for women to be involved in the art of medicine and sciences related to mathematics and astronomy. Unfortunately, the profitable balanced situation where women enjoyed nearly equal rights and standing disappeared in later times, and had to be regained in modern society. An updated description has recently been presented, showing that over the last century, with the exception of the poor and in rural areas, women are increasingly participating in public life (Sullivan, 1986), with current details available at https:// egypt.unwomen.org/en.

The Scope of Astronomy in Ancient Egypt It is true that Egyptians were pondering the skies, but just as assuredly, the Egyptians were pondering death. N. D. Fustel de Coulanges, cited by Sellers (1992) p. 336. Astronomy in ancient Egypt was essentially the study of celestial bodies seen above the earth and mostly associated with (astral) religion and mythology (Dobek, 2004). The study of the ebb and tide of the Nile provided keys to understanding cyclic patterns in time, such as the lunar phases (Boorstin, 1991). Much speculation exists about the array of temples and pyramids, with suggestions that their alignments refer to passages and orbits of stars, sun, and moon. Until recently, there was no evidence

12

P. L. M. Kerkhof

that their insight into these matters matched the level of surrounding nations at that time. However, with the further study of historical material, the real contributions gradually become clear (Ossendrijver & Winkler, 2018). The close connection between the importance of deities and the changing celestial panorama at night is beautifully described by the passionate American astronomer and Egyptologist Jane Sellers (1926–2017) (Sellers, 1992). The full scope concerning scientific accomplishments is not known yet, but progress is being made (Neugebauer, 1955). From earlier hieroglyphic inscriptions (c. 3200 BCE) it can be deduced that the Egyptians at that time conceived the universe as a rectangular box with the sky at each corner supported by pillars, being arms and legs of the arched goddess Nut (Dobek, 2004). The Book of Nut (being a collection of ancient Egyptian astronomical texts) covers the subject of the decans (Egyptian: bakiu) which are 36 groups of stars used in ancient Egyptian astronomy. The decans served to define a “star-based clock” for use at night. Additionally, since 1500 BCE the sundial was employed during daytime (McCready, 2001), better known as the “shadow clock” (Richards, 1998). As measures of time, the rising and setting of decans marked “hours” and groups of 10 days which together comprised a year, i.e., 36 × 10 = 360 days (plus 5 added days to compose the full solar-based year). The rising of each decan marked the beginning of an “hour” of the night and were used as a star clock since 2,100 BCE. The sequence of these star patterns began with Sirius (personified by the goddess IsisSothis, Fig. 1.1), and each decan contained a set of stars and corresponding divinities (Dobek, 2004). The decans provided insight into the origin of the 12 divisions of both night and daytime, resulting in the concept of a 24 h circadian cycle (Sethe, 1920), as still in use. All decans are invisible for 70 days (Neugebauer, 1955). The heliacal rising of the bright morning star Sirius marks the annual flooding of the Nile, corresponding with the “dog days”. Decans were also thought to be associated with certain manifestations, for example, with various diseases. The decans make their appearance in drawings and texts on the inner side of coffin lids of the tenth Dynasty (around 2100 BCE). Here we find 36 constellations arranged in 36 columns of 12 lines each in a diagonal pattern of which the scheme (Table 1.1) represents the right upper corner (the columns proceed from right to left, as is customary in Egyptian inscriptions). The constellation “S” is the 36 decans. Among them figure Sirius and Orion (Fig. 1.1), which, except for the Big Dipper (Ursa Table 1.1 Time derived from 12 divisions and based on risings and settings of stars (S1, S2, S3, etc.), as found on a coffin lid and explained in the book of Nut (Neugebauer, 1955). Any decan has a heliacal appearance every 10 days (hence the sequence of day 1, 11, and 21) on the eastern sky at dawn, after a period of being dominated by the light of the sun Decans scheme (2100 BCE) Day 21

Day 11

Day 1

S3

S2

S1

Hour 1

S3

S2

Hour 2

S3

Hour 3

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

13

Major), are the only two identifiable asterisms of the Egyptian sky (Neugebauer, 1955). Since day and night each had 12 h, the length of individual hours varied with the seasons, e.g., daylight hours swelled in duration during the summer (McCready, 2001). Therefore, a more practical system was much wanted. The later invention of the clepshydra (“waterclock”) met this much-wanted goal (Richards, 1998; Sellers, 1992). Astronomers (hour-priests) kept the calendar, determined lucky and unlucky days, and were experts in prognostication and oneiromancy, with the latter categories clearly referring to astrology. The Egyptian pyramids were carefully aligned towards the pole star, and the temple of Amun-Re at Karnak was aligned on the rising of the midwinter sun. Astronomy played a considerable part in fixing the dates of religious festivals (Frazer, 1922), and determining the hours of the night. Temple astrologers were especially adept at watching the stars and observing the conjunctions and risings of the sun, moon, and planets, as well as the lunar phases. In 1999, the American historian of astronomy Alexander Jones proved that some Egyptian astrologers writing in Greek used Babylonian methods, e.g., for Mercury. Thus far, only little was known about the computational methods of the native Egyptian astrologers. In 1972, the Dutch mathematician Bartel van der Waerden (1903–1996) proved that Babylonian methods were used in order to determine the positions of Mars and Jupiter in a single Demotic text (i.e., a late stage of ancient Egyptian language). Recent research from Berlin and Oxford reveals that Egyptian astronomers computed the course of Mercury using modified Babylonian methods (Fig. 1.6). The study of two hitherto unpublished Egyptian instructional texts from the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford) was carried out by Mathieu Ossendrijver, historian of ancient science at the Humboldt University Berlin and by Andreas Winkler,

Fig. 1.6 Demotic ostracon O.Ashm.Dem. 483 (Ashmolean Museum Oxford) with instructions for computing the motion of Mercury following a Babylonian algorithm, as clarified by Ossendrijver and Winkler (2018)

14

P. L. M. Kerkhof

egyptologist at the Oriental Institute (Oxford University). The texts are dated to 1– 50 AD and are written on two ostraca in the Demotic language. Indeed, the ostraca employ the newer mathematical formulation whose existence had been suspected by historians of astronomy. They prove the competence of native Egyptian scholars and suggest an important role for them in the transmission of Babylonian astronomy to Greco-Roman Egypt (Ossendrijver & Winkler, 2018). The Egyptian deities had their exponents on the nightly firmament (Fig. 1.1), thus connecting religion with astronomy (Sellers, 1992). As far as medicine contained the component of magic, it can be noted that astronomy was also interwoven with religion. Therefore, both “scientific” disciplines were to some extent connected with supernatural values as influenced by culture, mythology, and accepted views on the universe.

The Scope of Medicine in Ancient Egypt Carlyle has said: “The profession of the human healer is radically a sacred one, and connected with the higher priesthood; or rather, is itself the outcome and acme of all priesthoods, and divinest conquests of the human intellect here below—as will appear one day.” In: History of medicineby A. Wilder (1823–1908). Physicians were often specialized, e.g., in dentistry, ophthalmology, or venereal diseases (Lindeboom, 1979). While the art of medicine was pervaded by sorcery, it is yet evident that physicians had access to a wide range of empirical knowledge. For example, diabetes was recognized by the observation that spoiled urine of these patients attracted bees, while pregnancy was confirmed when noticing germination of grain as facilitated by the urine of the expectant mother (Lindeboom, 1979). An annotated survey on reported diseases and remedies has been published elsewhere (Veiga, 2009). This inventory documents that a Schistosoma parasite-based type of gallbladder cancer was prevalent, making up some 30% of all malignancies in the region adjacent to the river (Veiga, 2009). Egyptian physicians made use of a wide variety of medicinal plants, and their pharmacopoeia was vast, but the most numerous remedies were purgatives and emetics. Women’s diseases are often documented in writings; healing substances were introduced into the vagina by tampons or via fumigation (Lyons & Petrucelli, 1987). Besides being an admired architect, the famous Imhotep (c. 2800 BCE) was also a physician-magician to the pharaoh, and later even became half-god and was sometimes equated to Thoth. The balsam procedure was carried out by a caste of experts who were positioned at a lower level than regular physicians (Herodotus, 1989). The embalmed remains found in mummies often reveal patterns of diseases as well as causes of death, including arteriosclerosis, arthrosis deformans, spondylitis tuberculosa, and schistosomiasis.

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

15

Role of Women as Astronomers Aglaonike was the first woman astronomer (Thessaly c. 400 BCE) mentioned in western history. She indeed studied in Mesopotamia since she was perfectly familiar with the Saros cycle (i.e., a period of approximately 223 synodic months being 18 years, 11 days, 8 h) as studied by the Chaldeans. This knowledge allowed the prediction of eclipses and gave her an important rank in a society influenced by the fear for unusual celestial peculiarities such as eclipses of sun and moon (Varela Perez, 2009). The famous Hypatia (c. 355–415/6 CE) was the daughter of the Egyptian mathematician Theon. She was born in Alexandria and belonged to the tradition of Neoplatonism with main interests in astronomy and mathematics. Alongside her father, they developed “Arithmetica”, “Almagest”, and “Components”. Additionally, Hypatia was believed to have composed “The Astronomical Canon” in which she created the plane astrolabe, used to measure the positions of stars and planets (Khalil et al., 2017). She was influenced by Plotinus, Aristotle, and Plato, while she had an impact on Synesius de Cyrene and Socrates Scholasticus. In her own home, she taught disciples. Among them were Christians, including her favourite Synesius, Bishop of Ptolemais, from a rich and powerful family, who maintained a great friendship with her. He produced much-written information on Hypatia, and it is through these reports (partly copied elsewhere) that we know of her works, although none of his original documents survived. Her disciples formed a close-knit group of both pagan and Christian aristocrats, some of whom held high office (Dzielska, 1995; Varela Perez, 2009). Her tragic death has been the subject of much speculation (Dzielska, 1995; Justice, 2012). Until recently most accounts on Hypatia followed the tradition of Edward Gibbon. Relying chiefly on the legend (Gibbon, 1776), those appear to subjectively report on her scientific achievements and tragic death in 415 CE within the context of the transition to a Christian state. Over the years, the tragic event fueled political struggles. Almost 15 centuries later, the Anglican Charles Kingsley (1819–1875) would use the story again to provoke Catholics (Justice, 2012; MacCullogh, 2009; Russo, 2004). Recently, Dzielska (1995) undertook a major and wider effort and focused on Hypatia herself, rather than on the legend. It now seems most likely that Hypatia became the unfortunate victim of political intrigues with several quarrelling parties and rebellious mobs involved (Justice, 2012). Elsewhere, another famous woman astronomer (around 2350 BCE) was En Hedu’Anna, the daughter of Sargon (of Akkad) who established the Sargonian Dynasty in Babylon some 4000 years ago (Varela Perez, 2009). Furthermore, Fatima Al-Fihri (c. 800–880) founded one of the world’s oldest scientific institutions in Morocco, namely the University of Al Quaraouiyine, in Fes in 859 CE. Additionally, Maryam Al-Astrulabi was a tenth-century female astronomer and maker of astrolabes in Aleppo, now northern Syria. Women continue to excel in astronomy, with a recent prominent role by the Argentinian scientist Amina Helmi who is partly of Egyptian descent, now active in Groningen, the Netherlands (Helmi et al., 2018). Also, interest in pyramids (beyond

16

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Fig. 1.7 Spectra of the extinction and scattering cross sections for the Pyramid located in free space and irradiated by a linear-polarized electromagnetic plane wave propagating along the vector k directed opposite (a) and along (b) the z-axis (see the insets). The electromagnetic wave is polarized along the x-axis and reproduced with permission, from Balezin et al. (2018)

the level of tourists) is on the rise (Fig. 1.7), with physicists applying linear-polarized electromagnetic waves to study the first multipole resonances and energy concentration of the Great Pyramid (Balezin et al., 2018). It was shown that basically, the Pyramid scatters the electromagnetic waves and focuses them into the substrate region.

Role of Women as Physicians Throughout the ancient history of Egypt, there were more than 100 noteworthy female specialists recorded in every domain of medicine (Khalil et al., 2017). These women were very educated and highly regarded in their specialization, with pictures showing up on tombs and hieroglyphics. Among the most imperative female doctors was Peseshet (Hall, 2013; Harer & El-Dawakhly, 1989; Pahor, 1992), known as an “administrator of specialists”. Besides, Peseshet was a doctor in her specialization and the executive to a group of female doctors. Zipporah, 1500 BCE, is also listed. Therefore, this position led to Egyptian women being among the most regarded doctors of their time. Another significant female doctor was Merit-Ptah (2700 BCE); she was the firstever named doctor and the first woman in the historical backdrop of the pharmaceutical field. In this context, she rehearsed pharmaceutical science almost 7000 years

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

17

ago, and was deified by her child on her tomb as “The boss doctor”. Another remarkable Ancient Egyptian woman made her print on the field of obstetrics and gynaecology, in the second century CE, a doctor named Cleopatra (not the long-dead previous Queen). This Cleopatra wrote widely about pregnancy, labour, and women’s well-being. Her writings were consulted and examined for more than 1000 years afterwards (Khalil et al., 2017). The arguable historical figure of Agnodike (fourth century BCE) was famous not only in the field of medicine and obstetrics, but also for having led one of the first feminine rebellions in Greece (Varela Perez, 2009). Not allowed to be educated as a physician in her home country, she travelled to Egypt and studied medicine under Herophilos in Alexandria, where Egyptian women were trained. She returned to Athens to practice while disguised as a man. Similar stories have been reported later in England and the USA (Kerkhof & Osto, 2018). Queen Hatshepsut (1479–1458 BCE) founded medical schools and encouraged women to pursue a career in medicine. Males and females were nurses who assisted the doctors in procedures. Nurses also played an essential role in the life of the king; the royal nurse was an important person, being so close to the king. Nurses also seem to have been held in high regard by the non-royal elite, as they are shown in private tomb chapels. The wet nurse had an incredibly important role, considering the high mortality rate of women in childbirth. Legal documents establish agreements between women and expectant parents to care for the newborn should the mother die (Mark, 2017).

Back to the Future In ancient times, Egyptians faced a world characterized by duality related to the alternating nature of the Nile, the bimodal medico-magical healthcare system, the contrasts of life and afterlife, the mathematical predictability of the calendar versus the ominous signals derived from the course of celestial bodies, as well as the powers exerted by heavenly deities and an earthly leader (Frazer, 1992). Despite these bipolar forces, it appears that the relationship between men and women was harmonious and founded on equality, as also reflected by the divine example (Fig. 1.1). Once the process of thinking about sex-specific contrasts creates an issue, there are certain options to consider. “Gendered” phenomena are defined by being different, on average, between men and women, in a way reflecting gender role and health psychology (Stewart & McDermott, 1986). In our current view, Egyptian women of ancient times were privileged, as they were able to seek their dreams, strengthen their family life, entertain a study under the supervision of an established expert, and achieve progress in their work. Women continued to exercise authority in medicine and the sciences until the fourth century CE. The most apparent evidence is seen in the life of Hypatia of Alexandria, the philosopher who instructed her (mostly) male students in philosophy and science. It would take more than a millennium to raise standards in Western Europe to a comparable level (Kerkhof & Osto, 2018).

18

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Woman scientist and physician names may be mostly missing from Egypt’s historical record, but this same can be said for most of recorded history. Unlike the histories of most other cultures, however, it is clear that women in Egypt could hold positions of importance and respect. The fact that men and women were considered nearly equal may imply that there was simply no relevance to specify individual sex-specific involvement explicitly. Cross-cultural studies on gender equality reveal that the more gender-egalitarian the society is, the less prevalent explicit gender stereotypes are. Thus, societal gender egalitarianism reduces the women-are-wonderful effect (Krys et al., 2018). Analysis of a half-century of research on women and gender revealed considerable dissemination of research findings beyond gender-speciality journals into a wide range of other journals, including psychology’s core review and theory journals, as well as in its coverage in introductory psychology textbooks. In this formidable body of research, psychological science has reflected the profound changes in the status of women during this more recent period (Eagly et al., 2012). Unfortunately, this glory did not concern all countries. History took its course, and over centuries local panoramas regressed. A study conducted 35 years ago concerning recent changes in Egyptian society reported remarkable social changes, accompanied by the rapid growth of the densely packed population. The most common trend in the survey results was a conservatism among men, the lower class or less educated, or the rural lower classes. For example, most women wanted 2 children, while those with traditional views valued male children and questioned the rights of women to be educated, to work outside the home, and to use contraception. The study revealed a consensus towards egalitarian values, along with distinct discord between the classes and sexes, and conflict between modern development and traditional roles for women (Lesch & Sullivan, 1986). Our times await full recognition of admirable examples originating from its own past. History does matter (Khalil et al., 2017), especially when learning how to reshape society. Recent superb quality publications signal fascinating advancements initiated by women in many areas, including those that contributed to render ancient Egypt famous, i.e., the pyramid projects (Balezin et al., 2018) and the field of astronomy (Helmi et al., 2018).

Summary and Perspective Although, as emphasized, many aspects of ancient society and ideas about the organization of the universe were characterized by duality, it is remarkable that in Kemet such a typical bifurcation had not pervaded into men-women relationships. In unison, men and women of ancient Egypt demonstrated to excel in establishing a balanced life. The study of celestial bodies permitted the organization of daily activities while ensuring food supply and thus health for the population. The society connected basic knowledge about elementary medicine with preparations for the afterlife, managed teamwork of formidable proportions, advanced astronomy and kept track of time, and conducted peaceful daily life with nearly

1 Gender Role and Contributions of Women …

19

equal rights for both sexes. Gods and goddesses had their equally valued positions, symbolically corresponding with physicians and stars, thus illustrating the impact of medicine and astronomy on men and women alike. It is expected that over time many of the admirable achievements and precious values as observed in the past will be fully restored, with a prominent position for women following the ancient tradition.

References Balezin, M., Baryshnikova, K. V., Kapitanova, P., & Evlyukhin, A. (2018). Electromagnetic properties of the Great Pyramid: First multipole resonances and energy concentration featured. Journal of Applied Physics, 124, 034903. https://doi.org/10.1063/1.5026556 Blavatsky, H. P. (1877). Isis unveiled: A master-key to the mysteries of ancient and modern science and theology. New York NY. Boorstin, D. J. (1991). The discoveries. Harry N. Abrams Publishers Inc. Dobek, G. O. (2004). Ancient Egyptian astronomy. Traverse City, MI. https://www.academia.edu/ 19522790/ANCIENT_EGYPTIAN_ASTRONOMY. Accessed 1 Nov 2018 Dzielska, M. (1995). Hypatia of Alexandria. Harvard University Press. Eagly, A. H., Eaton, A., Rose, S. M., Riger, S., & McHugh, M. C. (2012). Feminism and psychology: Analysis of a half-century of research on women and gender. American Psychologist, 67, 211–230. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0027260 Flaubert, G. (1862). Salammbô. G. Charpentier. Forshaw, R. (1999). Healing practices in ancient Egypt. Oxbow. Frazer, J. G. (1922). The golden bough: A study in magic and religion. Macmillan. Gibbon, E. (1776–1788). The history of the decline and fall of the roman empire. London, UK: Strahan & Cadell. Grafton, A., Most, G. W., & Settis, S. (2010). The classical tradition. Belknap Press of Harvard University. Hagen, R. M., & Hagen, R. (2005). Aegypten. Taschen GmbH. Hall, T. (2013). History of medicine. Hodder & Stoughton Ltd. Harer, W.B. Jr, & el-Dawakhly, Z. (1989). Peseshet: the first female physician? Obstet Gynecol. 74(6), 960–961. Helmi, A., Babusiaux, C., Koppelman, H. H., Massari, D., Veljanoski, J., & Brown, A. G. A. (2018). The merger that led to the formation of the Milky Way’s inner stellar halo and thick disk. Nature, 563, 85–88 Helmi, A. https://www.astro.rug.nl/ahelmi/ Herodotus . (1989). The histories. Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press. Jardine, N., & Fay, I. (2014). Observing the world through images; diagrams and figures in the early-modern arts and sciences. Brill. Jetter, D. (1992). Geschichte der Medizin. Georg Thieme Verlag. Justice, F. L. (2012). Hypatia, her life and times. ISBN 147915735X. https://faithjustice.com Kerkhof, P. L., Mérillon, J. P., Yoo, B. W., Peace, R. A., Parry, G., Heyndrickx, G. R., Kuznetsova, T., Meijboom, L. J., Sprengers, R. W., Park, H. K., & Handly, N. (2018). The Pythagorean theorem reveals the inherent companion of cardiac ejection fraction. International Journal of Cardiology, 270, 237–243 Kerkhof, P. L. M., & Osto, E. (2018). Women and men in the history of western cardiology: some notes on their position as patients, role as investigational study subjects, and impact as professionals. Advances in Experimental Medicine and Biology, 1065, 1–30. https://doi.org/10. 1007/978-3-319-77932-4_1

20

P. L. M. Kerkhof

Kerkhof, P. L. M., Peace, R. A., & Handly, N. (2019). Ratiology and a complementary class of metrics for cardiovascular investigations. Physiology (Bethesda), 34, 250–263. https://doi.org/ 10.1152/physiol.00056.2018 Khalil, R., Moustafa, A. A., Moftah, M. Z., & Karim, A. A. (2017). How knowledge of ancient egyptian women can influence today’s gender role: Does history matter in gender psychology? Front Psychology, 7, 2053. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.02053 Klein, L.D., Huang, J., Quinn, E.A., Martin, M.A., Breakey, A.A., & Gurven, M. et al. (2018). Variation among populations in the immune protein composition of mother’s milk reflects subsistence pattern. Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health, 1, 230–245. https://doi.org/10.1093/emph/ eoy031 Krys, K., Capaldi, C. A., van Tilburg, W., Ahmed, R. A. (2018). Catching up with wonderful women: The women-are-wonderful effect is smaller in more gender egalitarian societies. International Journal of Psychology, 53(Suppl 1), 21–26. doi: https://doi.org/10.1002/ijop.12420. Lesch, A. M., & Sullivan, E. L. (1986). Women in Egypt: New roles and realities. UFSI Rep., 22, 1–9 Lindeboom, G. A. (1979). Inleiding tot de geschiedenis der geneeskunde. (3rd ed.). Rodopi. (in Dutch). Lyons, A. S., & Petrucelli, R. J. (1987). Medicine illustrated. Abradale Press. MacCullogh, D. A. (2009). History of christianity. Allen Lane. Mark, J. J. (2017). Clergy, priests & priestesses in ancient Egypt. https://www.ancient.eu/article/ 1026/clergy-priests--priestesses-in-ancient-egypt/. Accessed 28 Oct 2018. McCready, S. (Ed.). (2001). The discovery of time. Sourcebooks Inc. Neugebauer, O. (1955). The Egyptian “decans” in: Vistas in astronomy I. New York, NY: Pergamon Press. Ossendrijver, M., & Winkler, A. (2018). Chaldeans on the Nile: Two Egyptian astronomical procedure texts with Babylonian systems A1 and A2 for mercury. In C. J. Crisostomo, E. A. Escobar, T. Tanaka, & N. Veldhuis (Eds.), The scaffolding of our thoughts: Essays on assyriology and the history of science in honor of Francesca Rochberg. (pp. 382–419). Leiden, The Netherlands. Pahor, A. L. (1992). First among women. BMJ, 304(6836), 1249–1250 Pannekoek, A. (1989). A history of astronomy. Dover Publications Inc. Richards, E. G. (1998). Mapping time, the calender and its history. Oxford University Press. Russo, L. (2004). The forgotten revolution. Springer. Schobbe, F. (2007). Ma’at, normen, waarden, monumenten in het oude Egypte. Christofoor. (in Dutch). Sethe, K. (1920). Die Zeitrechnung der alten Aegypter. Naehr. d. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Goettingen, Philol.-hist. Kl. Sellers, J. B. (1992). The death of gods in ancient Egypt. Penguin Books USA Inc. Stewart, A. J., & McDermott, C. (1986). Gender in psychology. Annual Review of Psychology, 55, 519–544 Sullivan, E. L. (1986). Women in Egyptian public life. Syracuse University Press. Tavris, C., & Wade, C. (1984). The longest war: Sex differences in perspective. (2nd ed.). Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Inc. Varela Perez, A. M. (2009). Instituto de Astrofísica de Canarias. See: https://www.cosmos.esa. int/documents/13611/404110/040609_Varela.pdf/299a93c6-9166-475d-a97c-e16ec0d40a0e. Accessed 31 Oct 2018 Veiga, P.A. da Silva. (2009). Health and medicine in ancient Egypt: magic and science. BAR International Series 1967. Oxford, U.K.: Archaeopress Waltari, M. (1945). Sinuhe Egyptiläinen. WSOY. Wilder, A. (1904) History of medicine. A brief outline of medical history and sects of physicians, from the earliest historic period. Augusta, ME: Maine Farmer Publ. Co

Chapter 2

Septimia Zenobia: The Inspiring Queen of the Palmyrene Empire in Syria (240–c. 274 AD) Radwa Khalil and Ahmed A. Karim

Designation and Origin The historians Dodgeon and Lieu described Zenobia in their documentary as a woman with great spirit, strength, and incredible beauty (Bivar, 1994). Her wisdom, vision, pride, and intelligence inspired historians, artists, and novelists. Zenobia was born in c. 240–241 AD (Southern, 2009). Her surname was Septimia (Scheidel, 2007), and her native Palmyrene name was Bat-Zabbai (an Aramaic name meaning “daughter of Zabbai”) (Stoneman, 1994). Wilhelm Dittenberger assumed that the name “Bat Zabbai” endured a twist, resulting in the name Zenobia (Fine & Macurdy, 1938). In Palmyra, designations such as Zabeida, Zabdila, Zabbai, and Zabda were frequently converted into “Zenobios” (masculine) and “Zenobia” (feminine) once inscribed in Greek (Kaizer, 2006). No existing statues of Zenobia have been found in Palmyra or elsewhere, only inscriptions on statue bases survive, indicating representations of Zenobia are the idealized portraits of her found on her coins (Southern, 2009). Palmyrene sculptures were usually neutral, contrasting Roman and Greek ones. Therefore, a statue of Zenobia would have set an idea of her general style in dress and jewelry rather than her authentic appearance (Southern, 2009). Diverse ancient sources documented Zenobia’s life in addition to the archeological evidence, but many are inconsistent or fictional. For example, the Augustan History (a late-Roman collection of biographies), which is an essential source for this era, is unreliable as the authors of the Augustan History developed many occasions and literature accredited to Zenobia despite the lack of contemporary sources (Stoneman, 1994). R. Khalil (B) · A. A. Karim Department of Psychology and Methods, Jacobs University Bremen, Bremen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] A. A. Karim Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_2

21

22

R. Khalil and A. A. Karim

Family and Early Life Palmyrene society was a mixture of Semitic tribes (mostly Aramean and Arab); however, Zenobia had neither Aramean nor Arab ethnic origins (Southern, 2009). Information about Zenobia’s descent and direct family connections are rare and contradictory (Bryce, 2014), and there is a debate about her mother, and her father’s identity (Southern, 2009). Nevertheless, the Augustan History holds details of Zenobia’s early life, though their credibility is doubtful (Stoneman, 1994). According to the Augustan History, the queen’s interest as a youngster was hunting (Stoneman, 1994), and, besides her Palmyrene Aramaic mother tongue, Zenobia was fluent in other languages such as Egyptian and Greek (Bivar, 1994; Millar, 2000). Around age 14, Zenobia became the second wife of Odaenathus, who was the lord of Palmyra (Southern, 2009; Stoneman, 1994). Zenobia supposed to be a descendant of Cleopatra and claimed ancestry from the Ptolemies (Kaizer, 2006). Zenobia’s unproven claim of a connection to Cleopatra appeared to have been politically inspired; subsequently, it would have given her an assembly with Egypt and made her an authentic inheritor to the Ptolemies’ throne (Southern, 2009). However, an association between Zenobia and the Ptolemies is doubtful, and efforts by conventional foundations to trace the queen’s descent to the Ptolemies through the Seleucids are mythical (Bryce, 2014; Millar, 2000).

Queen of Palmyra and Consolidation of Power After Odaenathus’ murder, the transfer of power from the assassination to the army handing the crown to Zenobia took a single day (Southern, 2009). The historical records agreed that Zenobia did not fight for reign. Also, she never requested to rule in her own right and acted as a regent for her son (Southern, 2009); however, Zenobia seized the wheels of power in the kingdom (Bryce, 2014; Stoneman, 1994). The Palmyrene kingdom was unique, whereas loyalty to Odaenathus was the base of faithfulness; thus, the transfer of power to an inheritor was more laborious than in comparison to any other established empire (Watson, 2004). Odaenathus strained to guarantee the dynasty’s future by crowning his eldest son as a co-king; nevertheless, both were assassinated (Watson, 2004). Then, Zenobia left to secure the Palmyrene succession, recall this loyalty back, and emphasize the continuity between her late husband and his inheritor (her son) (Watson, 2004). Vaballathus, with Zenobia, orchestrated the process, assumed Odaenathus’ royal titles instantly, and his initial acknowledged legend recorded him as “King of Kings” (Southern, 2009; Watson, 2004). Odaenathus’ assassination destined that the Palmyrene rulers’ authority and position had to be clarified, which led to a conflict over their interpretation (Ando, 2012). The Roman court regarded Odaenathus as a chosen Roman official; nevertheless, the Palmyrene court considered his position as inherited (Ando, 2012). This battle was the initiator of war between Rome and Palmyra (Ando, 2012).

2 Septimia Zenobia: The Inspiring Queen …

23

Early Supremacy, Expansion, Governance, and Administration During Zenobia’s first Regency, she concentrated on safeguarding the borders with Persia and peacemaking with the Tanukhids in Hauran (Bryce, 2014). To guard the Persian borders, the queen encouraged several expenditures on the Euphrates (including the citadels of Halabiye) (Southern, 2009). Zenobia was strengthening her power, which made Roman officials in the East deceived between keeping loyalty to the emperor and Zenobia’s accumulative strains for faithfulness (Watson, 2004). The timing and reasoning of the queen’s decision to use military force to strengthen her authority in the East are uncertain (Watson, 2004). Scholar Gary K. Young proposed that Roman officials declined to identify Palmyrene’s power, and envisioned Zenobia’s missions to sustain Palmyrene’s supremacy (Young, 2001). Zenobia chose to maintain stability in the East by control of the region directly due to the weakness of Roman central power and its corresponding incapability to protect the provinces (Young, 2001). Syrian defeat prerequisites less struggle because Zenobia had considerable provision there, particularly in Antioch (Syria’s traditional capital) (Nakamura, 1993; Watson, 2004). The Arabian marks accessible the Palmyrene king as a Roman ruler and leader (Southern, 2009). During this time, Zenobia was a representative of the emperor, i.e., safeguarding the eastern lands of the kingdom, while the Roman monarch was inattentive with fights in Europe. The war with Persia censored the trade route to the Euphrates, which enforce Zenobia to occupy Egypt aiming at providing an alternative trade route (Smith II, 2013); however, the Euphrates route was only partially disrupted (Watson, 2004). Zenobia ruled an empire of diverse nations; as a Palmyrene, she was familiar with interacting and communicating with a multilingual and multicultural variety (Southern, 2009). Nevertheless, two zones, eastern-Semitic and Hellenistic, ethnically separated the queen’s kingdom; therefore, Zenobia succeeded in making peace between the region’s cultural, ethnic, and governmental groups (Watson, 2004). Zenobia proposed an image of a Syrian ruler (i.e., a Hellenistic queen) and a Roman empress to gain broader support (Nakamura, 1993). Zenobia converted her court into a center of learning during her supremacy (Andrade, 2013). Longinus was the best-recognized court philosopher, who arrived during Odaenathus’ rule and became her tutor in aristocratic education (Andrade, 2013; Southern, 2009). Many historians accused Longinus of influencing her to conflict with Rome (Bowersock, 2000; Southern, 2009). This opinion presents the queen as flexible, but, her actions “cannot be laid entirely at Longinus’ door” (Southern, 2009). She expended the greatest of her rule in Antioch, Syria’s administrative capital (Kaizer, 2006; Nakamura, 1993). Earlier, Palmyra had the organization of a Greek city (i.e., polis) and was ruled by a committee that was in charge of most public activities (Smith II, 2013). Zenobia opened the doors of her rule to Eastern superiority (Southern, 2009). Her most essential counselors were Septimius Zabdas and Septimius Zabbai, both of whom were generals under Odaenathus and

24

R. Khalil and A. A. Karim

received the surname “Septimius” from him (Elliott, 2007; Southern, 2009). Odaenathus valued the Roman emperor’s honor of employing regional rulers, and Zenobia sustained this policy during her early supremacy (Ando, 2012; Southern, 2009). During the revolution, Zenobia kept Roman forms of administration but selected the governors herself (most notably in Egypt) (Southern, 2009).

Titles, Agreement with Rome, and Collapse A legend on a landmark on the way between Palmyra and Emesa, dated to Zenobia’s initial supremacy, referring to her as “illustrious queen, mother of the king of kings,” was the first label giving her an authorized position (Ando, 2012; Millar, 1993; Stoneman, 1994). Then, Zabdas and Zabbai verified her as queen in Palmyra as she was called “most illustrious and pious queen” (Bivar, 1994; Stoneman, 1994). Furthermore, a landmark near Byblos described Zenobia as entitled Sebaste (Southern, 2009). Remarkably, she was never recognized as a solitary ruler in Palmyra, even though she was the actual independent leader of the kingdom (Stoneman, 1994). She was always linked to her husband or son in legends, except in Egypt, whereas some coins issued her name alone (Stoneman, 1994). She assumed the title of Augusta (Empress) in 272 and governed under the regnal name Septimia Zenobia Augusta (Fine & Macurdy, 1938; Watson, 2004). The acknowledgment of Zenobia as a loyal companion in the eastern half of the empire initiated after she extended her land (Southern, 2009; Watson, 2004). In late 270, she issued currency posture for the depictions of Aurelian (titled as “emperor”) and Vaballathus (titled as “king”) (Watson, 2004). The emperor’s dedication to Palmyrene’s power has been questioned; Aurelian’s acceptance of Palmyrene’s rule in Egypt may be concluded from the Oxyrhynchus papyri, which are dated by the regnal years of Aurelien and Vaballathus (Ando, 2012; Southern, 2009; Watson, 2004). There is no evidence about the existence of a formal agreement, and the indication is grounded exclusively on the joint coinage- and papyri-courting (Southern, 2009). Aurelian consumed the winter of 271–272 in Byzantium and possibly crossed the Bosporus to Asia Minor in April 272 (Southern, 2001, 2009). Galatia fell effortlessly; the Palmyrene military base was deceptively reserved, and the regional capital of Ancyra was reclaimed without a struggle (Watson, 2004). All the cities in Asia Minor unlocked their gates to the Roman ruler, with only Tyana putting up some battle before compromising; this vacated the route for Aurelian to attack Syria (the Palmyrene hub) (Watson, 2004). An immediate expedition reached Egypt in May 272; by early June, Alexandria was invaded by the Romans, trailed by the other Egyptian cities by the third week of June (Watson, 2004). Zenobia withdrew the maximum of her militaries from Egypt to support Syria—which, if lost, would have destined the termination of the Palmyra civilization (Southern, 2009). In May 272, Aurelian moved toward Antioch (Hartmann, 2001). There, he conquered the Palmyrene armed forces (led by the military leader Zabdas) at the

2 Septimia Zenobia: The Inspiring Queen …

25

Battle of Immae (Hartmann, 2001; Watson, 2004). As a result, Zenobia, who paused in Antioch during the battle, withdrew with her military to Emesa (Watson, 2004). To obscure the tragedy, she spread rumors about the arrest of Aurelian; Zabdas found a man who resembled Aurelian and marched him over Antioch (Southern, 2009). The subsequent day, Aurelian entered the city before parading to the south (Watson, 2004). After conquering a Palmyrene military base (south of Antioch), he sustained his march to encounter Zenobia (Watson, 2004).

Captivity and Fate Before Zenobia could cross the Euphrates to Persia, Aurelian sent a reliant that arrested her (Southern, 2009). Shortly after, the bulletin of Zenobia’s captivity, Palmyra, surrendered in August 272 (Hartmann, 2001; Watson, 2004). Then, Aurelian sent her and her son to Emesa trailed by most of Palmyra’s court leading (including Longinus) (Southern, 2009). Zenobia held the responsibility of her actions on her counselors; nevertheless, no current sources are unfolding the trial except hostile Roman ones, which appeared later (Southern, 2009). She reported weakness in overthrow due to Aurelian’s propaganda as it profited the emperor to shade Zenobia as egotistic and disloyal, dispiriting the Palmyrenes from addressing her as a leading actor (Southern, 2009). Despite the execution of most of the Aurelian prisoners, he secured the queen and her son to display her in his planned victory (Watson, 2004). Zenobia’s destiny after Emesa was indeterminate as earliest historians reported contradictory opinions (Southern, 2009). For example, Zosimus was the only source that inscribed her death either by illness or starving to death before passage through the Bosporus on her path to Rome; therefore, his account is debatable (Southern, 2009). On the other hand, the majority of ancient historians and contemporary scholars approved the exhibition of Zenobia in Aurelian’s 274 victories (Watson, 2004).

Evaluation, Legacy, and Myth Queen Zenobia has inspired generations of authors, politicians, musicians, and artists (Watson, 2004). Figure 2.1 illustrates a romantic picture of Queen Zenobia painted by the British artist Herbert Gustave Schmalz in 1888. Her fame has remained in the West and is ultimate in the Middle East (Southern, 2009). The queen’s myth twisted her into an idol that has been perceived as a freedom fighter (i.e., a hero of the burdened and a national figure) (Southern, 2009). Remarkably, also Catherine the Great of Russia (1729–1796 CE) liked to relate herself to Zenobia as a woman who shaped the military force and an intellectual court (Stoneman, 1994; Yildiz 2001). Moreover, during the 1930s, Zenobia was considered as an icon of a powerful, reliable, and nationalistic female leader for

26

R. Khalil and A. A. Karim

Fig. 2.1 Queen Zenobia’s Last Look upon Palmyra. A picture painted by Herbert Gustave Schmalz in 1888. Public Domain

women’s-magazine readers during the Arabic-speaking world event (Booth, 2012). Zenobia became a figure representing Syrian nationalists, and in 1871 journalist Salim al-Bustani wrote a novel entitled “Zenobia malikat Tadmor”, which means Zenobia Queen of Palmyra, (Choueiri, 2013). Three years later, the Syrian nationalist Ilyas Matarwas fascinated by Zenobia indicated her in his book (Choueiri, 2013; Iggers, 2016). Jurji Yanni wrote another history of Syria in 1881, in which Yanni called Zenobia a “daughter of the fatherland”, and longed for her “glorious past” (Choueiri, 2013; Hinnebusch & Pipes, 1991). He also labeled Aurelian as a dictator

2 Septimia Zenobia: The Inspiring Queen …

27

who deprived Syria of its contentment, peace, and freedom by arresting its queen (Zenobia) (Choueiri, 2013). In contemporary Syria, Zenobia is viewed as a loyal symbol; her portrait appeared on banknotes, and in 1997 she was the theme of a television series called Al-Ababeed (The Anarchy), which was viewed by millions in the Arabic-speaking world (Sahner, 2014; Southern, 2009). Also, Mustafa Tlass (Syria’s former minister of defense and one of the country’s most prominent figures) considered her as a subject of an extraordinary biography (Sahner, 2014). Harold Mattingly referred to her as “one of the most romantic figures in history” (Watson, 2004); she has been the topic of passionate and ideologically motivated profiles by earliest and recent novelists (Scheidel, 2007; Southern, 2009). The Augustan History is the most persuasive model of a philosophical interpretation of Zenobia’s life (Southern, 2009). Gallienus was feeble because he allowed a woman to rule part of the empire, and Zenobia was a brighter independent than the emperor (Southern, 2009). The author of the Augustan History emphasized Zenobia’s “faithful” beauty attributed to her feminine fearfulness and changeability (Watson, 2004). William Ware, captivated by Zenobia, wrote a fictional version of her life, also, novelists such as Haley Elizabeth Garwood and playwrights such as Nick Dear inscribed about her (Southern, 2009). In 1997 she was the subject of the television series Al-Ababeed (The Anarchy), which was aired during the Islamic holy month Ramadan that year. The series was watched by millions in the Arabic-speaking world (Southern, 2009) and celebrated her legendary response to the Roman emperor, Aurelian, who conquered her land by saying: “There is a difference between the power of civilization and the civilization of power”. With this statement, she emphasized that although she has no military superiority (civilization of power) like the Roman Empire, her land is nevertheless based on a millennium-old high culture that contains art, medicine, and science and goes back to the ancient Egyptians (power of civilization). In today’s Arabic Culture, she is most known for this quote. Queen Zenobia is also depicted on a 1998 Syrian ₤S500 banknote (cf. Fig. 2.2).

Fig. 2.2 Queen Zenobia on a 1998 Syrian ₤S500 banknote

28

R. Khalil and A. A. Karim

References Ando, C. (2012). Imperial Rome AD 193 to 284: The critical century (The Edinburgh history of Ancient Rome), Imperial Rome AD 193 to 284: The Critical Century. Edinburgh University Press. Andrade, N. J. (2013). Syrian identity in the greco-Roman world. Syrian Identity in the GrecoRoman World. Cambridge University Press. Bivar, A. D. H. (1994). Michael H. Dodgeon and Samuel N. C. Lieu: The roman eastern frontìer and the persian wars A.D. 226–363: A documentary history. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 57, 236–236 Booth, M. (2012). Constructions of Syrian identity in the women’s press in Egypt. Histories, Pioneers and Identity. Bowersock, G. W. (2000). Eugenia equini schneider, septimia zenobia sebaste. Zeitschrift Fur Antikes Christentum, 4, 387–388 Bryce, T. (2014). Ancient Syria: A three thousand year history. Choice Reviews Online, 52, . Choueiri, Y. (2013). Modern arab historiography: Historical discourse and the nation-state. Routledge. Elliott, T. (2007). The roman empire at bay: A.D. 180–395. Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada, 7, 58–64 Fine, J. V. A., & Macurdy, G. H. (1938). Vassal-queens and some contemporary women in the roman empire. Classical Weekly, 31, 77 Hartmann, U. (2001). Das palmyrenische teilreich, (2nd edn.), Oriens et Occidens 2. Franz Steiner Verlag. Hinnebusch, R. A., & Pipes, D. (1991). Greater Syria: The history of an ambition. The American Historical Review, 96, 1589 Iggers, G. (2016) A Global History of Modern Historiography, A Global History of Modern Historiography. Routledge, Seond edition. | New York, NY : Routledge. Khalil, R., Moustafa, A., Moftah, M. Z., & Karim, A. A. (2017). How knowledge of Ancient Egyptian women can influence today’s gender role: Does history matter in gender psychology? Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 2053 Kaizer, T. (2006). A journey to palmyra: Collected essays to remember Delbert R. Hillers. (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 22.). Classical Revolution, 56, 477–478 Mark, J. (2014). Zenobia. Ancient history encclopedia. Retrieved from https://www.ancient.eu/zen obia/. Millar, F. (1993). The Roman Near East, 31 B. C.—A. D. 337. Carl Newell Jackson Lect. Millar, F. (2000). W. Ball, Rome in the east: The transformation of an empire, 2000. Topoi OrientOccident, 10, 485–492 Nakamura, B. (1993). Palmyra and the roman east: Greek. Roman Byzantine Studies, 34, 133–150 Sahner, C. (2014). Among the Ruins: Syria past and present. Oxford University Press. Scheidel, W. (2007). The middle east under rome: By Maurice Sartre. Translated by Catherine Porter and Elizabeth Rawlings with Jeannine Routier-Pucci. Cambridge, MA and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 2005, pp. xviii, 665. The Journal of Economic History 67, 236–237. Smith, A. M., II. (2013). Roman palmyra: Identity, community, and state formation. Oxford University Press. Southern, P. (2001). The roman empire from severus to constantine. Routledge. Southern, P. (2009). Empress zenobia: Palmyra’s rebel queen. A&C Black. Stoneman, R. (1994). Palmyra and its empire: zenobia’s revolt against rome.The American Historical Review. Watson, A. (2004). Aurelian and the third century. Aurelian and the Third Century. Yildiz, N. (2001). Women artists in history: From antiquity to the present. Kadin/woman, 2, 127–130 Young, G. K. (2001). Rome’s eastern trade: International commerce and imperial policy, 31 BC-AD 305. Routledge.

Chapter 3

Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages: A Theological and Psychological Perspective Ahmed A. Karim, Huda Al-Jundi, and Radwa Khalil

Introduction Studies on gender psychology have revealed that social learning and cultural factors affect crucially gender role and gender behaviour (Cahill 1986; Hacking 1999; Francis 2000; Zosuls et al. 2011). The term ‘gender role’ was first coined by Money et al. (1955) and describes a set of societal norms dictating what types of behaviours are generally considered acceptable, appropriate, or desirable for a person based on their gender. From birth, children learn gender roles from their parents and their sociocultural environment (Khalil et al. 2017). However, socially constructed gender roles can lead to equal rights between genders but also to severe disadvantages and discrimination with a remarkable variety between different countries. Social indicators and gender statistics reveal that women in the Arab region are on average more disadvantaged economically, politically, and socially than are women in other regions (Moghadam 2004; UNICEF 2011). Remarkably, in public and media perception of Western countries, the religion of Islam has often been associated with discrimination against women (Said 1997; Henning 2016). Moreover, some scholars even argue that Islamic countries have the world’s highest gender gap in education (Donno and Russett 2004; Fish 2002). According to the 2012 Global Gender Gap Report, 17 out of 18 worst performing nations are members of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) (Hausmann et al. 2012). However, the 2015 UNESCO Science Report reveals that “at 37%, the share of female researchers in Arab states compares well A. A. Karim (B) Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] A. A. Karim · R. Khalil Department of Psychology and Methods, Jacobs University Bremen, Bremen, Germany H. Al-Jundi Department of Islamic Spiritual Care, Mannheim Institute for Integration and Interreligious Dialogue, Mannheim, Germany © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_3

29

30

A. A. Karim et al.

with other regions “(UNESCO 2015, p. 96). In Turkey, the proportion of female university researchers with a ratio of 36% is even higher than the average for the 27-member European Union, which had a ratio of only 33% in 2012 (European Commission 2013). In Iran, women account for over 60% of university students (Bahramitash 2013) and at the University of Jordan 65% of students were female in 2013 (Tarawneh 2013). Intriguingly, a UNESCO Fact Sheet from 2019 shows a large variation between different Islamic countries concerning the participation of female researchers. Whereas in Chad only 4.8% of researchers are women, the portion of female researchers in Egypt is 45.1% and in Tunisia 55.4% which are both even higher than the portion of female researchers in North America and Western Europe (32.7%; cf. UIS 2019). Also concerning other aspects of discrimination against women in Islamic countries such as female genital mutilation (FGM) a stunning variation between different countries can be observed. According to UNICEF (2014), twenty-six of the twenty-nine countries in which FGM is classified as ‘concentrated’ are in sub-Saharan Africa, but there isn’t a single record of FGM in non-African OIC member states such as in Turkey, Emirates, or in Malaysia. Moreover, several Islamic scholars have emphasized that FGM notedly contradicts the sayings of the Quran and that the Islamic Prophet Muhammed didn’t subject any of his daughters to this ritual (Gomaa 2013; Inter-African Committee 1998; Jawad 1998). Thus, the origins of FGM are not Islamic but were a pre-Islamic African rite that was falsely assimilated to the tradition of some African Muslim countries (cf. Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Permanent Observer Mission to the United Nations 2016). We argue therefore that there is a problematic confoundation between cultural traditions on the one hand and Islamic faith on the other hand. Due to knowledge deficits of Islamic theology, philosophy and Islamic history, Muslims and non-Muslims in many countries tend to intermingle traditional habits with Islamic theology although in many cases they are diametrically opposed. The aim of this chapter is therefore to clarify several crucial misconceptions about women’s rights in Islam by differentiating between (pre-Islamic) cultural traditions in different countries and Islamic theology based on the Quran and the Hadith (sayings of the Prophet) which were revealed in the seventh Century. Based on the historical biography of several remarkable female pioneers, we will highlight their contributions as female role-models in the Islamic Middle Ages and discuss the psychological impact of this knowledge for today’s gender role.

Gender Role in Islamic Theology and History Muslims constitute the world’s second largest religious group with 1.8 billion adherents, making up about 24.1% of the world population (Pew Research Centre 2017). To understand the reasons for the variety of women’s rights in different Islamic countries, it is crucial to know the sources that influence Islamic faith and their relation to cultural traditions in different countries.

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

31

There are principally four sources that influence Islamic Theology. The first two, the Quran and Hadith, are considered primary sources, while the other two are secondary and can vary between various Muslim sects and schools of Islamic jurisprudence. Whereas the Quran is the central religious text of Islam, which Muslims believe to be a revelation of God to the Islamic Prophet Muhammad, the Hadith rather refers to what Muslims believe to be a record of words, actions, and silent approval of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad. The secondary sources of influence include ijma (consensus or agreement of Islamic scholars) and qiyas (the process of deductive analogy in which the teachings of the hadith and the Qur’an on previous circumstances are compared to new circumstances to conclude new judgments). Based on these sources, a mufti (an Islamic jurist), who usually has a governmental licence, can issue a fatwa (a legal opinion) on a specific topic. Thus, a fatwa of a mufti in one country is not necessarily accepted by Islamic scholars of another country. Also concerning the first two sources, the Quran and the Hadith, it is important to note that although the Quranic narrative is identical in all Islamic countries, there is still a wide variety of interpretations of Quranic verses between different Islamic scholars. Moreover, there is also a controversial discussion among Islamic scholars on which Hadith are authentic and even among the Hadith that most Muslim clerics classify as sahih (authentic), there can exist different interpretations of these Hadith. Intriguingly, several scholars have therefore argued that not Islam per se, but rather specific interpretations of Quran verses or Hadith can be problematic for gender equality (Henning 2016; Gomaa 2013; Syed 2008; Ahmed and Suleman 2018). From a historical perspective, it is crucial to note that the Islamic Prophet Muhammad, who was born in the sixth century, grew up in the pagan society of the Arabian Peninsula, in which human rights in general and women’s rights specifically were suppressed (Syed 2008). One of the worst pre-Islamic practices of the Arabian Peninsula of that time was female infanticide, which has been condemned in the Quran with the following verses: When the infant girl, is buried alive, is questioned, for what crime she was killed (Quran 8: 8-9). You shall not kill your children for fear of want. We will provide for them and for you. To kill them is a grievous sin (Quran 17: 31).

Moreover, according to a Hadith Prophet Muhammad has said: Whosoever has a daughter does not burry her alive, does not insult her, does not favour his son over her, Allah will enter him into Paradise (Ibn Hanbal, No. 1957).

Nevertheless, in some Muslim-majority countries, female sex-selective abortion still exists, partly as a result of the patriarchal nature of their traditions (Klasen 1994; The Economist 2013; UNFPA 2012). Female infanticide and female foeticide (the selective abortion of girls in the womb) is also a significant issue in non-Islamic societies e.g. in India and in China, although the governments of these countries officially prohibit such practices.

32

A. A. Karim et al.

A further barbaric pre-Islamic ritual, which is sadly still applied in some Islamic societies is female genital mutilation (FGM). Remarkably, there is no mention of FGM in the Quran. Moreover, there is no Hadith that the Prophet subjected any of his daughters to this practice. Notwithstanding these facts, some Muslims—particularly in African countries— believe that female circumcision is religiously justified by the existence of a handful of Hadith which allegedly recommend it. However, these Hadith are generally regarded by Islamic scholars as inauthentic and unreliable and therefore shouldn’t be applied (Jawad 1998; Gomaa 2013). Sheikh Mahmud Shaltut, the former mufti of the Al-Azhar University in Cairo, which is one of the most important religious institutions in Sunni Islam, stated that female circumcision has no basis in Islamic theology (Jawad 1998). Further scholars have even emphasized that FGM directly contradicts Islam’s sacred text: “The Koran, contrary to Christianity […] permits and recommends that the woman be given physical and psychological pleasure, pleasure found by both partners during the act of love. Forcibly split, torn, and severed tissues are neither conducive to sensuality nor to the blessed feeling given and shared when participating in the quest for pleasure and the escape from pain” (Jawad 1998, p. 128). Moreover, several high-ranking religious officers within the OIC have demanded the cessation and punishment of all forms of FGM (Gomaa 2013; Inter-African Committee 1998; Trust Law 2012). Several scholars have, therefore, argued that the origins of FGM is not Islamic but was a pre-Islamic African rite that was falsely assimilated to the tradition of some African Muslim countries (Jawad 1998; Gomaa 2013). Remarkably, FGM is also practiced in non-Islamic African societies and does not exist in Asian Islamic countries like Iran, Turkey, or even Saudi Arabia (UNICEF 2014). Gender inequality regarding educational opportunities for men and women is a further criticism wrongly attributed to Islamic faith. Some scholars have argued that Islamic nations have the world’s highest gender gap in education (Fish 2002; Donno and Russett 2004). But is Islamic theology the real reason for this disparity? The interest of Muh.ammad in female education is already manifested by the observation that he himself used to teach women along with men (Jawad 1998). Islamic theology was widely sought by both sexes, and accordingly at the time of his death it was reported that there were many female scholars of Islamic theology (Al-Hassani 2006; Jawad 1998; Nadwi 2007). Many of Muh.ammad’s companions and followers learned the Quran, Hadith, and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), e.g., from Muhammed’s wife Aisha (Jawad 1998). One of the most influential female Islamic scholars and jurists at that time was Aisha bint Sa’ad bin Abi Waqqas. She was the daughter of one of the most eminent companions of the Prophet, Sa’ad bin Abi Waqqas, who not only taught his daughter reading and writing but also spent a lot of effort in training her to be one of the most influential female Islamic scholars of her time. Remarkably, even Imam Malik bin Anas, the founder of one of the four main schools of Islamic jurisprudence in the eighth century, was a student of Aisha bint Sa’ad (Akhmetova 2016; Brockopp 2017). The Maliki school has been till today the normative rite for the Sunni practice of much of North Africa, Islamic Spain, and some parts of Syria, Yemen, Sudan, and Iraq. Further famous Islamic scholars

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

33

who were students of Aisha bint Sa’ad include Hakim ibn Utaybah and Ayyub as Sakhtiyani (Akhmetova 2016). Does that mean that in Islamic Middle Ages, even during the life time of the Prophet’s companions, women were not only allowed to obtain education but even taught male Islamic scholars? Yes, and exactly these historical records, which are crucial for gender role in Islamic societies, are usually ignored in schools and in the media in Islamic and non-Islamic countries. Moreover, also in the perception of Islamic theology, the pioneering role of women is often neglected. Who knows, e.g., that even the pilgrimage to Mecca, which is for every Muslim one of the five pillars of Islam, is partly based on the role-model of a woman? According to Islamic theology, H¯ajar, the wife of Prophet Abraham and the mother of the Islamic Prophet Ismael, couldn’t find water in the desert of Paran and ran between the two nearby hills, Al-Safa and Al-Marwah, repeatedly in search for water (cf. Firestone 1992). Muslims believe that after her seventh run, an angel appeared over the location of the Zamzam and caused a well to spring out of the ground proving water for H¯ajar and her Baby Ismael. This well is called the Zamzam Well and is located a few metres from the Kaaba in Mecca. Prophet Muhammad included the memorial of this incident in the Islamic pilgrimage and till today, part of the pilgrimage is to run seven times between the two hills, Al-Safa and Al-Marwah, in commemoration of H¯ajar’s courage and faith in God. To complete this ritual, Muslims also drink from the Zamzam Well and take some of the water back home from pilgrimage in memory of H¯ajar (cf. Delaney 1990; Lings 2008, 2009). Moreover, religious equality between men and women can be derived, e.g., from the following Quranic verse1 : Verily, the Muslims: men and women, the believers: men and women, the Qanit: men and the women, the men and women who are truthful, the men and the women who are patient, the Khashi‘: men and the women, the men and the women who give Sadaqat, the men and the women who fast, the men and the women who guard their chastity and the men and the women who remember Allah much with their hearts and tongues, Allah has prepared for them forgiveness and a great reward (Quran, 33:25).

It is amazing, how many times in this verse both genders are explicitly mentioned. Several scholars have emphasized that education and seeking knowledge is mandatory for every Muslim, both for men and women (Jawad 1998; Badawi 1995; Syed 2008). Intriguingly, the first revealed word of the Quran commanded the believers to “Read!” (Quran, 96:1). And this commandment did not distinguish between male and female believers. Indeed, throughout history, many Muslim women were involved in the founding of educational institutions. Most notable of these is Fatima al-Fihri, who established the University of Al-Karaouine in 859 CE in Fes, Morocco. This university remains, according to UNESCO (1981) and the Guinness World Records (2020), the oldest continually running university in the world. 1 Translation

and interpretation according to Tafsir ibn Kathir. Available at: http://www.quran4u. com/Tafsir%20Ibn%20Kathir/033%20Ahzab.htm.

34

A. A. Karim et al.

In the following, we will highlight the contributions of some remarkable female pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages and discuss the psychological impact of this knowledge on today’s gender role.

Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages Fatima Al-Samarqandi—Islamic Scholar and Jurist We live in a time when Muslim women have largely taken a back seat to male scholars. When it comes to questions about Islamic jurisprudence, women mostly have to turn to men these days, but this has not always been the case. One of the greatest Hanafi jurists and Islamic scholars was a woman who lived in the twelfth century (cf. Alqirshi 1993; Kahale 2008; Alzarkashi 2010). Fatima al-Samarqandi was born in Samakand, the third largest city in Uzbekistan. She was the daughter of the influential scholar Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Samarqandi. Fatima received an excellent education from an early age on and was taught in all areas by her father. She became an expert on Islamic law, the Quran, Hadith, and calligraphy. People believed that her father did not issue a “fatwa” Islamic legal opinion until his daughter read it, gave her opinion, and signed it. Many kings, princes, and more influential people asked for her hand. However, Fatima and her father rejected them all. When Alaa ad-din al-Kasani, a talented student of her father, tried to approach her, instead of asking for money as her dower, Fatima wanted him to write a book. Al-Kasani then wrote his famous title “Al-bada’i as-Sana’s” (The wonderful of useful things). Fatima and her father were so excited that she could marry him. Even after Fatima got married, she was more than just a hommaker. She moved to Aleppo with her husband and taught at the Umayyad Mosque. Despite his knowledge, he was aware of Fatima’s greater intellect and asked her countless times for her point of view on specific questions. King Nur al-Din Mahmud also wanted her advice in private matters. Furthermore, Sultan Mahmoud Al-Din Zenki recognized her statues and asked for legal advice regarding his inner state. She additionally became his personal advisor. However, Fatima expressed many times her wish to return to Samarkand. When her husband wanted to fulfill her wish, King Nur al-Din Mahmoud found out about it and asked her to stay in Aleppo. The King’s reaction shows how important he considered her contribution. Ultimately, she stayed there until her death. Fatima alSamarqandi was buried in the Ibrahim al-Khalil mosque in Aleppo. It is reported that her husband visited her grave every night for the following 6 years until he died and was buried next to her (cf. Alqirshi 1993; Kahale 2008; Alzarkashi 2010).

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

35

Sayyida Al Hurra—Queen of Tetouan and Notorious Pirate Queen Sayyida al-Hurra Queen, defender of the coastal state of Tetouan in Morocco, was a woman with many identities. Her name, which is her title, means “the free, independent lady”. In Andalusian-Moroccan tales she is celebrated as a heroine. For her critics, she was a pirate queen (cf. Dawoud 1959; Alfasi 2009). Her life was largely shaped by crises, starting in 1492 with the dramatic expulsion of Muslims and Jews, including her family, from Granada in Al-Andalus (now southern Spain) by the Catholic Spanish armed forces of Ferdinand and Isabella, which also meant the end of almost eight centuries of Muslim rule in Spain. Al-Hurra, whose likely maiden name was Aisha, was born between 1485 and 1495. She was the daughter of the respected Ali ibn Rashid and Lalla (lady) Zohra Fernandez, a Christian from Portugal who converted to Islam. The Rashids were a family that descended from the Prophet Muhammad through Idris the First (founder of Morocco’s first Muslim dynasty). After their expulsion, they settled in the Rif Mountains southeast of Tangier, where Ali founded and governed the city-state of Chefchaouen, in which he also granted refuge to Andalusian refugees. As a young girl, Aisha, like her brothers, received first-class education. She was fluent in many languages including Castilian, Portuguese and Spanish. She was also taught in theology. One of her many teachers was the famous Moroccan scholar Abdallah al-Ghazwani. In 1510, she married Abu Hassan Al-Mandari the governor of Tetouan. Historians disagreed whether it was the father or whether it was a younger family member. In any case, the marriage was a smart move. Aisha became the co-regent of Tetouan. Together with their brother Ibrahim, who was appointed Wezir (minister), they formed a unit against the powers of Spain and Portugal. When Al-Mandari died around 1519, Aisha became the only ruler of Tetouan. At that point, she also took on the title Sayyida Al-Hurra (the free, independent lady). By the time Al-Hurra ruled Tetouan, the city had reached unprecedented levels of prosperity, most of which was evidently from attacks on Spanish and Portuguese ships loaded with gold and other treasures. Sayyida Al-Hurra took the famous pirate Oruc Reis, also known as Barbarossa as an ally. Together they dominated the Mediterranean. They raided ships and cities and took Christian prisoners for whom they negotiated ransom. During this time, Spanish and Portuguese colonial masters called her the pirate queen. At that time, however, Morocco had no navy and it was up to “privateers” to defend the coast. Many of these privateers were Andalusians led by Al-Hurra, who helped fend off the aggressive Iberians who colonized Morocco and enslaved most sections of the population. For comparison, English pirates intercepted Spanish galleys that came from the United States. These, in turn, were important sources of income for the government under Queen Elizabeth the first. It is up to the viewer‘s perspective whether Sayyida Al-Hurra should be defined as a pirate.

36

A. A. Karim et al.

After her power grew, Ahmed al-Wattasi offered her to be an ally and her husband. She accepted the offer but refused to travel to Fez for the wedding and insisted on holding the wedding in Tetouan. It was also the first time in Morocco’s history that a sultan married outside the capital. In 1542 she was overthrown by her son-in-law, after ruling Tetouan for 30 years. She accepted her fate and lived in Chefchouan for the rest of her life, where she died in 1561. According to historians, Aisha bint Ali ibn Rashid was the last Muslim ruler to be awarded the title Al-Hurra. Her story shows that Muslim women did have a selfdetermined place in society. They were heads of state, queens, advisors, courageous military commanders, and confident women (for a review on further female Islamic scholars and leaders in the Middle Ages see Nadwi 2007).

Female Pioneers in Science and Medicine One of the most influential researchers in this field is Salim Al-Hassani, who is Emeritus Professor of Mechanical Engineering and currently an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Manchester. He is also the Chief Editor of the 1001 Inventions.2 Through his eminent publications and initiatives, Prof. Salim Al-Hassani and his colleagues investigated and promoted the historical roots of Science especially that of the Muslim Civilization. He has authored and edited more than 300 publications on Muslim Heritage, including the book 1001 Inventions: Muslim Heritage in our World (Al-Hassani 2006). He noticed that while several publications mention the role of Muslim women in jurisprudence and literature, only few sources mention the role of Muslim women in Science. He, therefore, provides a superb overview on this topic, from which we would like to highlight and discuss some of the mentioned female pioneers (cf. Al-Hassani 2020). Remarkably, already during the life time of Prophet Muhammad historical records of female nurses and medical practitioners can be found. The first historically mentioned Islamic nurse was Rufayda Bint Saad Al Aslamiyya. Rufayda obtained most of her medical knowledge by assisting her father, Saad Al Aslamy, who was a physician. She practiced her skills in field hospitals in her tent during many battles, such as the famous battle of Badr on 13 March 624. The Prophet used to order all casualties to be carried to her tent so that she might treat them with her medical expertise (Al-Hassani 2020; Jan 1996; Rassool 2000). Moreover, the companion AlShifa bint Abduallah al Qurashiyah was a renowned female nurse and medical practitioner during the life time of the Prophet. Her real name was Laila, however she became among Muslims famous under the name “Al-Shifa”, which means “the healing”, due to her medical expertise. She was literate at a time of common illiteracy at the Arabic Peninsula. Intriguingly, Al-Shifa developed a preventative treatment against ant bites and the Prophet approved of her method and requested her to train 2 https://www.1001inventions.com/.

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

37

other Muslim women as well (Al-Hassani 2020; Ahmed and Suleman 2018; Akhmetova 2016). This reaction of Prophet Muhammad is interesting in that, despite being considered as a Prophet, he had no problem in accepting advice from medical experts, including women. It also important to note, that the Prophet instructed Muslims to take Medication if they were ill instead of only praying. According to the following Hadith he said: “There is no disease that Allah has created, except that He also has created its treatment.” (Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith Nr. 56783 ). Moreover, he also advocated that only trained medical experts should practice medicine. It has been recorded that he said: “Whoever practices medicine when he is not known for that, he is liable.” (Sunan An-Nasa’I, Nr. 48344 ). Considering these high requirements and responsibilities for medical practitioner, it is quite remarkable that already at the inception of the Islamic civilization in the seventh century AD women were allowed to learn medicine and even work as medical experts. In the field of science, names of female scholars featured in Islamic history such as Sutaita Al-Mahamli from Baghdad and Lubana of Cordoba, both from the tenth century. Sutaita was taught and guided by several scholars including her father. She didn’t specialize in only one subject but excelled in many fields such as Hadith, jurisprudence, Arabic literature, and mathematics. It is said that she was an expert in hisab (arithmetics) and fara’idh (successoral calculations), both being practical branches of mathematics, which were well developed in her time. Moreover, she invented solutions to equations which have been cited by other mathematicians, which denote aptitude in algebra (cf. Al-Hassani 2020; Nizamoglu and Yassir-Deane 2020). Lubana of Cordoba was one of the few Islamic female mathematicians known by name. She was an Andalusian intellectual and mathematician of the second half of the tenth century famous for her writings and her poetry. In the library of Córdoba, she was in charge of writing and translating many manuscripts. Her expertise with general literature obtained her the important employment of private secretary to the Umayyad Caliph of Islamic Spain, al-Hakam II (Scott 1904; Fletcher 1993; Al-Hassani 2020). Moreover, in the tenth century, the first known female astronomer was Maryam Al-Jiliya Al-Astrulabi. She lived in Aleppo (Syria) and was like her father a member of a rich family tradition of engineers and astronomical instrument makers. It is said that she pioneered in the development of astrolabs, a complex medieval device with several functions, including navigation, identification of stars and planets and for mathematical computations such as triangulation (Robert 2013; Thomas et al. 2005; Al-Hassani 2012, 2020). In the 2010 movie “1001 Inventions and the Library of Secrets” (starring Oscarwinning actor Sir Ben Kingsley) Maryam Al-Astrulabi is featured holding in her hand an astrolab (see Fig. 3.1). In the movie, Sir Ben takes on the role of a mysterious librarian who takes a group of school children on an enlightening journey to meet pioneering scientists from the history of Muslim civilization. This short movie has

3 Hadith 4 Hadith

can be retrieved at: https://sunnah.com/bukhari/76. can be retrieved at: https://sunnah.com/nasai/45/125.

38

A. A. Karim et al.

Fig. 3.1 A screenshot form the movie “1001 Inventions and the Library of Secrets” showing Maryam Al-Astrulabi on the right side

won more than twenty awards including the Gold Award for the Best Education Film during the Cannes Film Festival in 2010.5 All these examples clearly demonstrate that women have played an integral part in the pursuit of knowledge and the advancement of science since the inception of the Islamic civilization in the seventh century AD. Having these records of Islamic history and theology in mind, it is annoying to see how today’s extremist religious groups such as the terrorist organization Boko Haram in Nigeria (which literally means “education is forbidden”) or the Taliban in Pakistan tries to forbid female education (William 2014). On October 9, 2012, a Taliban group stopped a school bus on the way home and shot at the 15 years old Malala Yousafzai. She was seriously injured by gunshots in the head and neck and had to be operated in a military hospital in Peshawar. Fortunately, Malala Yousafzai became worldwide famous as a Pakistani activist for female education and received at the age of 17 the Nobel Prize rendering her the youngest-ever Nobel Prize laureate and a female role-model for future generations (Johnson and Shahzad 2018; Rowell 2014). In the following section, we will discuss the psychological impact of having profound knowledge of the gender role in Islamic theology and history and the inspiring power of female role-models on today’s gender role.

5 cf.

https://www.1001inventions.com/libraryofsecrets.

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

39

Psychological Aspects During psychotherapeutic sessions and couple therapy, Dr. Karim (the first author of this book chapter) has encountered some Muslim men who had very superficial knowledge of Islamic theology and history and believe that male superiority over women can be derived from the Quran. They translate, e.g., the (controversial) Quranic verse 4:34 simply as “men rule over women”. However, an etymological investigation of the original Arabic narratives and their possible interpretations will reveal a wide variety in understanding this verse. Such investigations are possible in online data banks such as https://quran.com: The original Arabic words are the following: The English Transliteration is: “Arrijalu qawwamoona AAala annisa”. Pikthall translates this verse as: “Men are in charge of women”. Abul Ala translates this verse as: “Men are the protectors and maintainers of women”. And Abdul Haleem translates this verse as: “Husbands should take good care of their wives”. This example illustrates that from the same Arabic narrative, different interpretations are possible. From a psychological perspective, it is interesting to investigate, why people prefer a specific interpretation (e.g., a problematic one) over another (less problematic) one. Remarkably, it can also be observed that some people tend to justify their behaviour by a Hadith and believe that this Hadith is authentic, even if there is a consensus among Islamic scholars that this specific Hadith is not authentic. That means, the motivation to prefer specific religious narratives and specific interpretations is less based on knowledge of Islamic theology but is rather influenced by personal preferences. This behaviour is known in cognitive psychology as the confirmation bias (the tendency to search for, interpret, favour, and recall information in a way that confirms one’s prior personal beliefs). For a review on such types of cognitive bias see, e.g., Plous (1993). Since religious assumptions can significantly affect behaviour and cognition, addressing and reflecting these assumptions with patients can be indicated within psychotherapeutic sessions (e.g. if patients prefer religious rites instead of taking psychiatric medication, or if psychotic patients and their family members attribute the psychotic symptoms to demons and are not aware that, e.g., drug consumption can induce psychotic symptoms, or if patients try to justify dysfunctional behaviour such as aggression or violence by specific religious narratives). As part of a culture-sensitive psychotherapy with Muslim patients, we recommend reflecting with the patient the original Quranic narrative first, which the patients assume to support their dysfunctional thoughts, secondly to discuss the different interpretations of this narrative by several Islamic scholars. And finally, to help patients in obtaining reasonable conclusions and critically reflecting why they prefer a specific interpretation over another one. Psychotherapists should help patients to find out, which biographical and social learning conditions made them to develop their specific mindset. We argue that there is a reciprocal relation between personality

40

A. A. Karim et al.

features and religious faith, i.e., people who are already social and altruistic will tend to interpret their religion also in a social and altruistic manner. Whereas, people who tend to be aggressive or egocentric will also tend to interpret their religion in an aggressive manner, independently from the specific religion (or ideology) they follow. According to the confirmation bias, they will prefer only sources (e.g., books and religious scholars) and religious narratives and interpretations of these narratives that confirm their mindset and will neglect and will not remember other sources, narratives and interpretations that contradicts their mindset. These selectively chosen aspects from their religious narratives will reinforce their previous mindsets resulting in a reciprocal relation between personality features and religious faith. We, therefore, argue that instead of blaming a specific religion for antisocial behaviour to understand which sociobiographical learning experiences (such as parenting styles, cultural traditions, media influence, etc.) affected the development of antisocial personality features which led to selective problematic perception of a specific religion. Intriguingly, in the case of the Islamic religion both Islamic extremists and rightwing hate preachers prefer to mention only the worst possible interpretation of religious narratives, many times completely ignoring the historical context of the religious narratives and neglecting all other possible interpretations. It is, therefore, a challenge for everybody who is in the middle of our society, whether Muslims or nonMuslims, to distance themselves from these two forms of hate preachers. Figure 3.2 illustrates the proposed model. Recent studies show that not only biological factors (such as hormones, brain-activity, and genes) can affect personality features, but also learning experience and biological factors can influence each other, inter alia through

Fig. 3.2 The reciprocal relation between personality features and religious faith

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

41

neuroplasticity and epigenetic mechanisms (for a review see, e.g., Khalil et al. 2018; Krippl and Karim 2011; Kripp et al. 2015; Bird 2007). Based on this model, it can be explained why, e.g., in some African Muslim countries female genital mutilation (FGM) was falsely assimilated to their tradition. Although there is a consensus among most Islamic scholars that the Hadith which allegedly recommend FGM is unauthentic and that this rite crucially contradicts several Quran verses and authentic Hadith, still some Muslims will tend to ignore these facts and would prefer specific information sources (even if they are unreliable) only to confirm their previous mindsets. Similarly, right-wing hate preachers who promote racism against Muslims would willingly share in social media any hatred news even if it turns out to be fake. We believe that the information provided in this chapter regarding the gender role in Islamic theology and history can help both Muslims and non-Muslims with inappropriate mindsets to critically reflect their thoughts and instead of sticking to their assumptions to find out which factors in their biography led them to develop these mindsets. Moreover, based on psychological studies on social learning, we argue that profound knowledge of the historical contributions of female pioneers in science, politics, and arts can improve today’s gender role in Middle Eastern countries and can also inspire young women living in Western Societies with Eastern migration background. According to Bandura’s social learning theory, individuals are more likely to adopt a modelled behaviour if the model is similar to the observer and has admired status (Bandura 1977). Therefore, referring to female Western pioneers in Middle Eastern schools or in the media will certainly not have the same impact as referring to models within the same culture. Furthermore, the knowledge of female contributions in Ancient Egypt and historical female pioneers from the Middle East might also improve female self-efficacy since models are important sources of social learning and inspiration (Bandura 1977; Burr 2001; Khalil et al. 2017). In this context, we would like to refer to the following very inspiring true story. Figure 3.3, panel B depicts Dr. Mae Jeamison, who became the first Afro-American woman to travel into space as a NASA astronaut. When she was asked how she developed her goal to be the first Afro-American female Astronaut, she responded that when she was a small girl she saw the television show Star Trek with the Afro-American actress Nichelle Nichols as Lieutenant Uhura. This role-model inspired her as a child and stoked her interest in space (Katz 1996; Jackson 2013). As predicted by Bandura’s social learning theory, a character like Captain Kirk, who was also in Star Trek, couldn’t serve as an inspiring role-model for a girl like Mae Jeamison, due to the lack of similarities between the observer and the model. Therefore, we recommend promoting female pioneers form the Middle East in schools and in the media to provide inspiring role-models for young girls with a similar cultural background in all fields of science, education and politics (Karim 2014). In 2006, Anousheh Ansari, an Iranian American engineer became the first Muslim woman in space (El-Maghraby 2010). Further remarkable female role models from the Middle East include the Nobel Prize laureates Malala Yousafzai from Pakistan, Shirin Ebaidi from Iran, Tawakel Karman from Yemen, or Maryam Mirzakhani from Iran, who became not only the first Iranian to be

42

A. A. Karim et al.

Fig. 3.3 a Nichelle Nichols as Lieutenant Uhura in the television show Star Trek, b Dr. Mae Jemison, the first Afro-American woman to travel to space, c Anousheh Ansari, the first Iranian and Muslim woman to travel to space

honoured with Fields Medal (the most prestigious award in mathematics, often also referred to as the mathematician’s Nobel Prize) but is also to date the only woman to receive this award. She made several pioneering contributions to the theory of moduli spaces of Riemann surfaces. Moreover, her research included hyperbolic geometry, ergodic theory, symplectic geometry and Teichmüller theory (for a review see Chang 2017; Barcelo and Kennedy 2018).

Conclusion and Recommendations Gender-based discrimination can peril education and the right to participate in a society. Based on numerous psychotherapeutic sessions with Muslim patients we agree with scholars emphasizing that not Islam per se, but rather specific interpretations of religious narratives can be problematic for gender-based attitudes and social behaviour. Our proposed psychological model on the reciprocal relation between personality features and religious faith can be used to reveal why people prefer a specific (problematic) interpretation over another (less problematic) interpretation of religious narratives. Psychotherapeutic sessions and social training programs should inform their clients about the psychological effects of the confirmation bias in processing information. We further recommend that clients should critically reflect their biographical learning experience to understand why they developed specific dysfunctional attitudes. Our proposed model can also help unraveling the problematic confoundation between traditional habits, which people got accustomed to in their societies and Islamic theology. Considering the proud history of female pioneers since the inception of the Islamic civilization in the seventh century AD, it is annoying to see how today’s extremist religious groups such as the terrorist organization Boko Haram in Nigeria or the Taliban in Pakistan tries to forbid female education.

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

43

Based on Banduras social learning theory, we recommend promoting female pioneers from the Middle East (Muslims and non-Muslims) in schools and in the media to provide inspiring role-models for young girls with similar cultural backgrounds (Karim 2014). Such campaigns could also have positive effects on decreasing racism against Muslim women living in Western societies. Future studies should, therefore, empirically evaluate the impact of providing positive female models from the Middle East in school and in the media and investigate the modulating effects of psychological and sociocultural factors in different countries. These findings would have crucial implications for politicians and media campaigns aiming to combat gender discrimination.

References Ahmed, A., & Suleman, M. (2018). Gender and women’s rights in Islam. Atlantic Council, 1–5. Akhmetova, E. (2016). Women in Islamic civilisation: Their rights and contributions. Islam and Civilisational Renewal. IAIS Malaysia. Alfasi, S. (2009). Marat almahasen. Arabic book. https://archive.org/details/Miraat_ Almahaasen/page/n349/mode/2up. Al-Hassani, S. (2006). 1001 inventions: Muslim heritage in our world. Foundation for Science Technology and Civilisation (FSTC). Al-Hassani, S. (2012). 1001 inventions: The enduring legacy of Muslim civilization. Washington, D.C.: National Geographic. Al-Hassani, S. (2020). Women’s contribution to classical Islamic civilisation: Science, medicine and politics. http://www.muslimheritage.com/article/womens-contribution#sec_6. Alqirshi, A. (1993). Aljawaher almadiye fi tabaqat alhanifa (pp. 244, 328). Arabic book. https://waqfeya.com/book.php?bid=885. Alzarkashi, B. A. (2010). Albahr almuhit fi Usul alfiqh (p. 359). Arabic book. http://www.islamicbook.ws/asol/albhr-almhit-fi-aswl-alfqh-.pdf. Badawi, J. (1995). Gender equity in Islam: Basic principles. Plainfield, IN: American Trust Publications. Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. New York, NY: General Learning Press. Bahramitash, R. (2013). Iran. The Oxford encyclopedia of Islam and women. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Barcelo, H., & Kennedy, S. (2018). Maryam Mirzakhani: 1977–2017. Notices of the AMS, 65(10), 1221–1247. https://www.ams.org/journals/notices/201810/rnoti-p1221.pdf. Bird, A. (2007). Perceptions of epigenetics. Nature, 447(7143), 396–398. Brockopp, J. E. (2017). Muhammad’s Heirs. The rise of muslim scholarly communities, 622–950. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-10666-6. S. 105. Burr, S. (2001). Television and societal effects: Analysis of media images of African-Americans in historical context. The Journal of Gender, Race & Justice, 4, 171–181. Cahill, S. E. (1986). Language practices and self-definition: The case of gender identity acquisition. The Sociological Quarterly, 27(3), 295–311. Dawoud, M. (1959). ( ) Tarikh Tetouan. Arabic book. https://archive.org/details/Tarikhttouan-1/mode/2up. Chang, K. (2017). Maryam Mirzakhani, only woman to win a Fields Medal, dies at 40. The New York Times. 16 July 2017. Delaney, C. (1990). The hajj: Sacred and secular. American Ethnologist, 17(3), 515.

44

A. A. Karim et al.

Donno, D., & Russett, B. (2004). Islam, authoritarianism, and female empowerment. World Politics, 56(04), 582–607. El-Maghrabi, T. (2010). Nine Muslims in space. The Brunei Times. European Commission. (2013). Gender in research and innovation. She figures 2012. http://ec.eur opa.eu/research/science-society/document_library/pdf_06/she-figures-2012_en.pdf. Firestone, R. (1992). Ibr¯ah¯ım’s journey to Mecca in Islamic exegesis: A form-critical study of a tradition. Studia Islamica, 76, 15–18. Fish, M. S. (2002). Islam and authoritarianism. World Politics, 55, 4–37. Fletcher, R. (1993). Moorish Spain. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Francis, B. (2000) Is gender a social construct or a biological imperative? In Family Futures: Issues in Research and Policy 7th Australian Institute of Family Studies Conference. http://www.aifs. gov.au/conferences/aifs7/francis.html. Gomaa, Ali. (2013). The Islamic view on female circumcision. African Journal of Urology, 19(3), 123–126. Guinness World Records. (2020). Oldest university. https://www.guinnessworldrecords.com/worldrecords/oldest-university. Hacking, I. (1999). The social construction of what? Harvard University Press. Hausmann, R., et al. (2012). The global gender gap report 2012. World Economic Forum, Henning, K. (2016). Gender and women’s rights in Islam. KfW Development Research, 22. Inter-African Committee. (1998). Female genital mutilation and Islam. International Network to analyze, communicate and transform the campaign against FGM/C. Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ). Jackson, C. (2013). The Legacy of Lt. Uhura: Astronaut Mae Jemison on race in space. Duke Today. https://today.duke.edu/2013/10/maejemison. Jan, R. (1996). Rufaida Al-Asalmiy, The first Muslim nurse. The Journal of Nursing Scholarship, 28(3), 267–268. Jawad, Haifaa. (1998). The rights of women in Islam: An authentic approach. London, England: Palgrave Macmillan. Johnson, K. & Shahzad, A. (2018). Nobel winner Malala in tears on emotional return to Pakistan. Reuter’s. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-pakistan-malala/nobel-winner-malala-intears-on-emotional-return-to-pakistan-idUSKBN1H503U. Kahale, O. R. (2008). Alam Alnisaa fi alami alarab wa al islam (pp. 94–95). Arabic book. https://www.cia.gov/ library/abbottabad-compound/93/93DCFC6BA5E239EF5A1CEF978F7B59BE_alaamn1.pdf. Karim, A. A. (2014) Migrants as idols: Insights from media- and learning psychology. In: Stabstelle für Integration und Gleichstellung der Universitätsstadt Tübingen (Hrsg.) Tübinger Talente. Kirchentellinsfurt: Artur Verlag. Katz, J. (1996). Shooting star: Former Astronaut Mae Jemison brings her message down to earth. Stanford Today. https://web.stanford.edu/dept/news/stanfordtoday/ed/9607/pdf/ST9607 mjemison.pdf. Khalil, R., Moustafa, A., Moftah, M. Z., & Karim, A. A. (2017). How knowledge of Ancient Egyptian women can influence today’s gender role: Does history matter in gender psychology? Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 2053. Khalil, R., Tindle, R., Boraud, T., Moustafa, A., & Karim, A. A. (2018). Social decision making in autism: On the impact of mirror neurons, motor control, and imitative behaviors. CNS Neuroscience & Therapeutics, 24(8), 669–676. Klasen, S. (1994). “Missing women” reconsidered. World Development, 22(7), 1061–1071. Krippl, M., & Karim, A. A. (2011). “Theory of mind” and its neuronal correlates in forensically relevant disorders. Der Nervenarzt, 82(7), 843–852. Krippl, M., Karim, A. A., & Brechmann, A. (2015). Neuronal correlates of voluntary facial movements. Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 9, 598. Lings, M. (2008). Muhammad: His life based on the earliest sources. Cambridge, UK: The Islamic Texts Society (ITS).

3 Female Pioneers in Islamic Middle Ages …

45

Lings, M. (2009). Circling the house of god: Reflections on Hajj with Martin Lings. www.matmed ia.org. Moghadam, V. M. (2004). Towards gender equality in the Arab/Middle East Region. United Nations Development Programme. Background paper for HDR 2004. Money, J., Hampson, J. G., & Hampson, J. (1955). An examination of some basic sexual concepts: The evidence of human hermaphroditism. Bull. Johns Hopkins Hosp. (Johns Hopkins University), 97(4), 301–319. Nadwi, M. (2007). Al-Muhaddithat: The women scholars in Islam. Oxford: Interface Publications. Nizamoglu, C., & Yassir-Deane, S. (2020). International women’s day. http://www.muslimheritage. com/article/international-womens-day. Organisation of Islamic Cooperation: Permanent Observer Mission to the UN. (2016). US-OIC roundtable at the UN seeks ways to eradicate FGM/C. Organization of Islamic Cooperation Permanent Observer Mission to the United Nations. https://web.archive.org/web/201603302 11129/, http://www.oicun.org/9/20160213110524453.html. Pew Research Centre. (2017). https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/04/06/why-muslimsare-the-worlds-fastest-growing-religious-group/. Plous, S. (1993). The psychology of judgment and decision making. McGraw-Hill. Rassool, G. H. (2000). The Crescent and Islam: Healing, nursing and the spiritual dimension. Some considerations towards an understanding of the Islamic perspectives on caring. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 32(6), 1476–1484. Robert, G. M. (2013). Islamic astronomy. In D. C. Lindberg & M. H. Shank (Eds.), The Cambridge history of science. 2, Medieval science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rowell, R. (2014). Malala Yousafzai: Education Activist. ABDO Publishing Company. Scott, S. P. (1904). The history of the Moorish Empire in Europe (Vol. 3, p. 447). Philadelphia & London: J.B. Lippincott Company. Said, E. (1997). Covering Islam: How the media and the experts determine how we see the rest of the world. New York, NY: Vintage Books. Syed, K. T. (2008). Misconceptions about human rights and women’s rights in Islam. Interchange, 38(2), 245–257. Tarawneh, E. (2013). 65% of UJ students are females. The Jordan Times. The Economist. (2013). Sex-selective abortion: Gendercide in the Caucasus. https://www.econom ist.com/europe/2013/09/21/gendercide-in-the-caucasus. Thomas, G., et al. (Eds.). (2005). Medieval science, technology, and medicine: An encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. Trust Law. (2012). OIC chief calls for abolition of female genital mutilation. Thomson Reuters Foundation News. UNESCO. (1981). Medina of Fez. UNESCO World Heritage Centre. UNESCO. https://whc.une sco.org/en/list/170. UNESCO. (2015). UNESCO science report: towards 2030 (p. 96). UNESCO. UNFPA. (2012). Sex imbalance at birth: Current trends, consequences and policy implications. UNFPA Asia and the Pacific Regional Office. Thailand: United Nations Building. UNICEF. (2011). MENA gender equality profile: Status of girls and women in the Middle East and North Africa. http://www.unicef.org/gender/files/Egypt-Gender-Eqaulity-Profile-2011.pdf. UNICEF. (2014). The state of the world’s children 2015: Executive summary (pp. 84–89). United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). UIS. (2019). Fact sheet no 55 by the UNESCO Institute for Statistics. FS/2019/SCI/55. http://uis. unesco.org/sites/default/files/documents/fs55-women-in-science-2019-en.pdf. William, F. S. M. (2014). “Breaking Down ‘Boko Haram’”. cognoscenti. https://www.wbur.org/ cognoscenti/2014/05/09/nigeria-schoolgirls-kidnapping-william-f-s-miles. Zosuls, K., Miller, C., Ruble, D., Martin, C., & Fabes, R. (2011). Gender development research in sex roles: Historical trends and future directions. Sex Roles, 64, 826–842.

Chapter 4

Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress in Education and Science from the Nineteenth Century to the Present Radwa Khalil, Ahmed A. Karim, and Ahmed A. Moustafa

Introduction This chapter first highlights progress in science, education, and gender equality in Egypt during the Mohamed Ali era. Here, we discuss roles played by crucial Egyptian male figures, including Rifa’a al-Tahtawi and Qassem Ameen and female figures, including Hoda Sha’rawi (see Fig. 4.1, Panel a). We also discuss Egyptian women’s roles during and after British occupation and creating an Egyptian feminist party. In the second section, we provide a statement on similarities and differences in the evolution of gender equality among both Egyptian and European women. Before modern times, few European women were allowed formal education, as their male family members gave female training. This section considers women’s schools opened at Oxford and Cambridge in the nineteenth century and other educational places in different European countries, including France, Switzerland, Sweden, and Denmark. Lastly, we shed light on key female European scientists’ achievements, including Marie Curie and her daughter Irene Joliot-Curie. Finally, in the third section, we provide some key figures of Egyptian women who made significant contributions to science during the twentieth century.

R. Khalil (B) · A. A. Karim Department of Psychology and Methods, Jacobs University Bremen, Bremen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] A. A. Karim Department of Neurorehabilitation and Health Psychology, SRH Mobile University, Riedlingen, Germany A. A. Moustafa School of Psychology & Marcs Institute for Brain and Behaviour, Western Sydney University, Sydney, Australia © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_4

47

48

R. Khalil et al.

Egyptian Women During Mohamed Ali Time (1805–1848) In this section, we describe the stories of women, both with the ascent of the advanced state under Mohammed Ali’s rule as the enlightened part of the rise of Egyptian women. As Mohammed Ali began to establish the frameworks for a developed state, Egyptian women were called for modernizing the general public to serve this end, including the requirement for them to be well trained (Biger 1978). The cuttingedge advancement of Egyptian women over a large portion of a century has been connected with various societal issues, necessitating modernizing Egypt (Quirin and Hunter 1986; Ochs et al. 1989). The so-called Arab Renaissance was a cultural movement that flourished in Arabic-speaking regions of the Ottoman Empire, notably in Egypt, Lebanon and Syria, during the second half of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century (Sheehi 2004). The Egyptian scholar Rifa’a al-Tahtawi (1801–1873) is widely seen as the pioneering figure of this Arab Renaissance movement (Gelvin 2005). He was sent to Paris in 1826 by Muhammad Ali’s government to study Western sciences and educational methods. After returning to Egypt he initiated an extensive campaign to translate important scientific and cultural works into Arabic. Most importantly, he and other influential persons like the Egyptian jurist Qassem Ameen were advocating for the modernization of women’s education. In 1832, Muhammad Ali established the first School of Medicine for women in modern Egypt. Princess Nazli Fazil (1853– 1913; see Fig. 4.1, Panel b) from the dynasty of Muhammad Ali was one of the first women to revive the tradition of the literary salon in the Arab world (Ashour et al. 2008). In 1872, Rifa’ah Tahtawi firmly pushed for instructing women (i.e., allowing them to advance in their education). A year later, in 1873, the first governmental school “All-Siofiyya” for young women was built to start with a selected 286 female students. In reaction to raise women’s instruction and education, Princess Fatima (the Khedive Ismail’s daughter) pioneered this support. She gave 6 ha (a hectare equivalent to feddan and is equal to 4200 km2 ) of her property to build up a private college (currently, the University of Cairo). It is notwithstanding her valuable adornments to devote to such developmental works and blessing 674 feddans to take care of the venture costs. Subsequently, in 1892, the first woman magazine, situated in Alexandria, serving as a mouthpiece for women’s rights, was inaugurated under the name of AlFatah. In the mid-1900s, several Egyptian women framed the first administrations NGO, Mohammed Ali’s Charity, representing the Intellectual League of Egyptian Women. These embryonic developments initiated the steady-state activity for Egyptian women’s great additional interest to openly participate in various societal roles. Thus, the consequential years represented witness endeavors by modern Egyptian women to build and participate in charities, deliberate, and intellectual social orders. Furthermore, they established a vital expanding part in national issues, with women taking to the boulevards in mass showing challenge against the British occupation

4 Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress …

49

and partaking in the 1919 Revolution. Amazingly and without precedent for the historical backdrop of advanced modern Egypt, women arranged particular exhibits. As a revolution price, two women were shot dead by the British occupation powers (Hopkins 1986). In the following year, 1920, Hoda Sha’rawi was elected as the head of Al-Wafd Central Women’s Committee under the authority of Saad Zaghloul. Three years later, the 1923 Constitution was issued without giving women their political rights, thus prompting raised requiring women’s entrance to further rights. Consequently, Hoda Sha’rawi drove the first Arab woman assignment to a worldwide gathering in Rome, Italy, in the same year. In 1924, The Arab Women’s Association was founded. A woman activist movement was then initiated, and the Egyptian Woman’s Party was shaped one year later. As a result, in 1928, several pioneer women enrolled in one Egyptian college. Fortunately, 1942 witnessed the Women’s National Party’s conception, which battled to have women engaged in all state positions since creating the first women’s political gathering under the Egyptian Feminist Party’s name. The Egyptian Women’s Associate brought in 1947 to change the appointive law to give women the privilege to vote on an equal footing with men to access neighborhood and agent chambers. In 1949, the Bent el-Nil (Daughter of the Nile) Party was formed, with backing from the British Embassy. Amid a women’s gathering hung on February 19th, 1951, a women’s exhibit droned trademarks calling for equal rights for Egyptian women. With the July 1952 Revolution episode, the idea of women’s investment in all fields of the exercise was rooted. The 1956 Constitution then followed after provoking and conceded full political rights to Egyptian women. In this year, Egyptian women were offered access to the privileges of vote and candidature. At that point, Egyptian women had the right to join the parliament and the bureau (occupied with divided, exchange union, expert syndicate, and NGOs’ exercises) and occupy top administration positions as a judge. Accordingly, there was an overwhelming acknowledgement to give up women’s rights, which was in a clash with the guidelines of the vast majority of Egyptian rules’ system. Likewise, Egyptian women made their default as an individual from the parliament in the vote of the 1957’ decisions. Egyptian ‘women’s voting rights were approved as the beginning stage for the engagement of diverse rights. As a practical constraint on equal balance with men, the arrangement of the first woman serving in Egypt was prompted in 1962. Since then, the act of assigning modern Egyptian women to rural posts in the Egyptian cupboards has been pursued afterwards, and their representation in other authoritative, legal and political organizations have increased. In 1982, the nursing school had secured shaping a core for Egyptian women to take off family unit occupations.

50

R. Khalil et al.

Egyptian Women of Modern Time as Compared to Western Women Similar to Mohamed Ali’s time in Egypt, training women was evolving in Europe. Six women’s schools were opened at Oxford and Cambridge from 1869 through 1893 (Cuno and Daly 2001). On the other hand, Italian colleges (universities), which had stopped enrolling women around 1800, started giving them access again amid the 1870s. France, Switzerland, Sweden, and Denmark, all started to open female college undergraduate studies within the second half of the century. Nevertheless, in Russia, the administration’s dismissal of 1867 appealed to permit Russian women into colleges. Educational institutions expected to be essential in the 1700s and 1800s in expanding open gates and doors for women in science, and in other domains as well. European female students had to oppose their choices and to persevere in the accomplishment of their objectives. After thirty years of rapidly growing open doors, inflexibility was established concerning women’s parts in science after 1910. At this time, European Women were, for the most part, low-paid lab collaborators and allocated undertakings of a particular and monotonous subtle element. Moreover, European Women were prohibited from entering mines because it was thought that they might bring misfortune. Furthermore, they were not permitted to utilize galactic observatories to avoid being far from home during the evening. Regardless of the possibility that European women had the equivalent work taken by men, they got a significantly lower pay. Moreover, women’s universities supplanted females with males, fearing the loss of their repute; most European male analysts declined to work with European women. This unfortunate fact reduced women’s opportunities to attain career distinctions. Consequently, European women were frequently not able to get their particular award provisions or the lessened instructing loads that would empower them freely to make critical commitments to science, research, and education. Altogether, the estimation of European women’s experimental work has been thought to be less due to the conditionalized ceiling that had been created by society at this time. Therefore, individuals for a considerable length of time have reasoned that they are by nature, less competent than men in logical attempts (Ritvo and Gates 2000; Brickhouse and Lottero-Perdue 2003; Terrall 2005). An exemption to the achievement of European women is Lise Meitner, who was another woman inspired by Marie Curie. By 1910, she had distributed important papers as a sole creator and as a team with Otto Hahn. In 1939, she wrote with her nephew Otto Frisch the first paper about atomic parting (i.e., the uranium particles). Twenty-seven years later (in 1966), she twisted into the first woman to win a Fermi Award from the Atomic Energy Commission. Since there was such a diversity of female researchers in the twentieth century, we will only mention some of these stunting researchers who followed Madame Curie (Poston 2007).

4 Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress …

51

For decades, European women yearning to experimental professions inconspicuously acquired it utilizing the “Madame Curie technique” of conscious overcapability. Sadly, European women were regularly prompted not to overcome generalizations, but rather to adjust to them, being thankful for any occupation remotely identified with science. Remarkably, Madame Curie had an intense impact as a prime example to overcome this generalization. Furthermore, her young daughter Irene Joliot-Curie detected simulated radioactivity in 1934 with her spouse Frederic, and they were compensated with a Nobel Prize in 1935. Then, their kids, Helene and Pierre, proceeded with the custom of being recognized researchers working with mates. Notably, throughout the nineteenth -century, women in Europe and the United States, as well, were effectively battling for the privilege of the same instruction as men, and some prominent pioneers succeeded. For instance, Maria Goeppert-Mayer was born in 1906, originated from a group of six persistent eras of German college teachers. She gained a Ph.D. (doctorate) degree from the University of Gottingen at the age of twenty-four; at that year, she wedded a scientific expert, Joseph Mayer. Her next step turned into a volunteer exploration partner, a code word for an unemployed or underemployed individual in Baltimore (Berge and Rossiter 1983; Green et al. 1997). This step was trailed by a low-maintenance school showing full-time weapons improvement work in New York in World War II. Later in Chicago, on a half-time examination work, she formed a shell model for nuclear cores (Berge and Rossiter 1983). In 1963, she got Nobel Prize for her 1948 work, making her the second woman with a Nobel Prize in physical science and the leading female Nobel laureate in science. Furthermore, she was selected by the National Academy of Science in 1956; nevertheless, she was not a full-time educator, and not paid as supposed to be, until 1960 when she moved to the University of California in San Diego. Forty years back, specifically during the 1920s, the United States hosted nepotism standards, denying personal positions to several women at the colleges that engaged their spouses. Through World War II, these principles were not debilitated, even though there was an interest in prepared researchers. In 1970, seventy-five percent of the area award universities colleges had collected strategies limiting the occupation of relatives. Therefore, for both Europe and the United States, the second half of the twentieth century has been a period of positive changes for women in various domains. Various written works and numerous associations have served to realize these progressions; Women have expected more initiative parts, conflicting with the generalizations that had blocked them for so long (Gomez-Perez 2012). Until later times, few women were granted admission to formal instruction and education. Since their training was given by fathers, siblings, spouses, and male partners, women’s revelations were effortlessly appropriated by or credited to those men in their lives. A few women had low self-esteem and disparaged the significance they could call their unique thoughts, mirroring the estimations of society. Other women, for reasons of legitimacy, did not look for or need credit for their work. For instance, in the 1972 version of Asimov’s Biographical Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, Fort and Varney discovered postings for five women out of 1195 life stories. “I needed to experience the whole book page by page, totally the women

52

R. Khalil et al.

because there are no file sections for a female, woman, or some other equivalent word. Checking the 1982 version at the library, the authors discovered 308 more men and seven more women contrasted with the release distributed ten years before” (Long and Schiebinger 1991; Terrall 2005). In conclusion, we have realized that for no less than 5000 years, women have made commitments to science. Elusive elements of a couple of women’s lives have been exhibited to enlighten the example of female curiosity and passion for science. All the chosen women made proficient commitments, yet they were not picked on the premise of the consequences of their work. Instead, they were decided to expand comprehension of clear and undercover parting and besides duty to value. However, women are still bound by meeting customarily male criteria for expert achievement, particularly in science, while being relied upon to fit generally female methods of individual conduct. The outcome is that numerous young women decided to maintain a strategic distance from this argument by avoiding exploratory professions. Thus, it is not merely young women that need to change, but a careful evaluation is required for instructing techniques, contracting, and advancing females (Lebell and Keller 1987; Fort and Varney 1989).

Egyptian Women from 1900s till 2000s Several examples have been indicated to be of significance in young women’s choices to learn science, mainly when the classical view of a woman considered her only as a housewife (Lebell and Keller 1987). Here, we shed light on remarkable examples1 of female pioneers in science, education, and art from the early 1900s until the 2000s in Egypt.

Hilana Sedarous (1904–1998) Dr. Hilana Sedarous was the first Egyptian woman to be become a medical doctor in modern Egypt see Fig. 4.1, Panel c). She was born in 1904, in Tanta, Egypt. she joined the “Siniyyah” school in Cairo after her primary education, followed by the teacher’s college. At the end of the second year of college, she went to London in 1922 to specialize in Mathematics as she was passionate about science. There, she joined the London Medical School with five female Egyptians and became a qualified physician in 1930. After accomplished her education, she returned to Egypt to work in Kitchener hospital. She opened her private clinic and performed surgical operations in the Coptic hospital. Until her seventies, she continued to work, then she retired

1

See also Chap. 7 which discusses the contributions of Suhayr al-Qalamai (1911–1997) in Arabic literature.

4 Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress …

53

but dedicated herself to translating children’s books until she passed away by 1998 (Raphael 2021).

Sameera Moussa (1917–1952) Dr. Samira Moussa was the first Egyptian nuclear scientist (see Fig. 4.1, Panel d). At the Banat al-Ashraf High School, she ranked first countrywide in the secondary school exam of 1935. She graduated with honors from the Faculty of Science, Fuad I University (which is today the Cairo University) and, with the support of Dr. Mostafa Mousharafa, who was the dean of the faculty, became its first female Egyptian faculty member. After obtaining her master’s degree in gas thermal convection, she traveled to the UK to receive her Ph.D. in atomic radiation. Affording the medical use of nuclear technology to the public was her goal. Moussa is credited with her remarkable saying, “I will make nuclear treatment as available and as cheap as Aspirin.” Moussa sorted out nuclear vitality for peace gathering. She promoted the peaceful use of nuclear technology and organized the Atomic Energy for Peace Conference in the U.S. Moussa became the first noncitizen to visit U.S. atomic facilities, which triggered a security controversy. Although she was offered the opportunity to have a position in the U.S., Moussa preferred to return to Egypt after accomplishing her nuclear research. As a pioneer in nuclear energy; she was respected and recompensed post-mortem by the Egyptian Army and previous President Anwar El Sadat. In 1952 she died in California in a car accident (Decou 2021; El Dorghamy 2021).

Umm Kulthum (1898–1975) In the field of Arts (i.e., film and music), Egypt had several remarkable female role models, however, the most iconic one was definitely Umm Kulthum. She was an Egyptian singer, songwriter, and film actress who is best known in the Arab world as ‘Star of the East’) and “Egypt’s fourth pyramid” (Faber Kawkab al-Sharq ( 2020; Mekky 2018). She recorded about 300 songs over a 60-year career and sold over 80 million records worldwide, making her one of the best-selling Middle Eastern singers of all time, after the Lebanese female singer Fairouz who has sold over 150 million records (Faber 2020; Danielson 1996; Contonou 2019). Umm Kulthum grew up with two siblings in a poor family in a small village in the governorate of ad-Daqahliyya in Egypt. Their father was an imam of the local mosque. To increase the family income, her father sang at religious celebrations accompanied by a small ensemble and his son. When Umm Kulthum was about five years old, she began to secretly imitate her father. When he heard her voice, he allowed her to join his ensemble, which gained increasing regional fame, not

54

R. Khalil et al.

least through Umm Kulthum’s singing, and traveled large parts of the Nile Delta (Danielson 2008). Due to her unique talent she gained nationwide fame and In 1944, King Farouk I of Egypt decorated her with the highest level of orders (nishan el kamal), a decoration reserved exclusively to members of the royal family and politicians (Danielson 1996, 2008). Also after the Egyptian Revolution in 1952 President Gamal Abdel Nasser was a prominent admirer of her talent and visited her concerts several times. For her part, she sang in support of Nasser and donated millions of dollars to the military (Danielson 1996, 2008). Umm Kulthum’s concerts were renowned for their ability to clear the streets of some of the Arab world’s most populous cities as people rushed home to hear her on the radio or later from the 1960s in television. Her songs deal mostly with the universal themes of love, longing and loss and contained also political rhetoric. She is one of the most prominent musical representatives of classical Arabic music. Umm Kulthum was a contralto (Faber 2020), the lowest type for a female voice and had enormous power. She was known to be able to improvise, and it is said that she wouldn’t sing a line the same way twice (Faber 2020; Mekky 2018). “She acted like a preacher who becomes inspired by his congregation,” the Egyptian novelist and Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz once said. “Her goal was to induce in her listeners tarab, a state of rapturous enchantment, where time and self dissolve in the music” (Faber 2020). Umm Kulthum died on February 3, 1975 from kidney failure. Her funeral procession became a national event, with around 4 million bereaved Egyptians lining the streets to catch a glimpse of her funeral cortège (Faber 2020; Mekky 2018). In 2001, the Egyptian government opened the Kawkab al-Sharq (Star of the East) Museum in the singer’s memory (Rakha and El-Aref 2018).

Nagwa Abdel Meguid Dr. Nagwa Abdel Meguid is an Egyptian geneticist and was the first Arab laureate for the L’Oréal Awards for Women in Science. Her research has investigated genetic mutations that cause syndromes such as the fragile X syndrome and Autism (Hassan 2005). In 1994, she presented another administration ahead of schedule intercession in the hereditary qualities’ division in Cairo. Children, particularly those with Down syndrome, are assessed, and their advancement is followed and observed with PCsupported strategies planned by her group. Accordingly, reasonable changes in intellectual and engine abilities have been accomplished along these lines, enhancing a few Children’s general personal satisfaction. She received several prestigious awards for her research in genetics such as the National Award for Scientific Excellence (2009), the National Research Centre Appreciation Prize in Medical Sciences (2011), and the Distinctive Arab Female Scientist Prize (Grace 2015).

4 Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress …

55

Mona Mostafa Mohamed Dr. Mona Mostafa Mohamed is a Professor of Cell Biology and the Head of the Cancer Biology Research Laboratory at the Cairo University in Egypt. In 2007 she was awarded a start-up fund from the Avon Foundation and the Cairo University to establish the first specified breast cancer biology laboratory in Egypt. She has taught sub-atomic science at the Cairo University for more than 20 years. Her research interest is studying the interactions in breast cancer among inflammatory cells, their associated cytokines, signaling molecules, and proteolytic enzymes. She published several pioneering studies shedding light on the cellular and molecular mechanisms of breast cancer progression and identifying novel targets for drug development (cf. Mohamed and Sloane 2006; Mohamed et al. 2019). In 2012, she was selected for the Women in Science Hall of Fame for her scientific accomplishment.

Eman Khedr Dr. Eman Khedr is an Egyptian professor of Neurology and the head of the department of Neuropsychiatry at the Assiut University in Egypt. In addition to her clinical work, she is a pioneer in applying novel transcranial brain stimulation techniques in neurorehabilitation. Dr. Khedr’s lab investigates methods of non-invasive brain stimulation such as transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) and transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) to augment rehabilitation of patients after stroke. These methods are currently under intense study worldwide since they offer the opportunity to harness the plasticity of the brain to improve responses to therapy after CNS damage. They rely on the fact that the methods may increase the excitability of underactive systems, allowing greater scope for improvement than would otherwise be the case. Moreover, she investigates also the effects of transcranial brain stimulation in understanding the pathophysiology of psychiatric disorders and offering novel treatment methods for neuropsychiatric patients (Khedr et al. 2014b; Abdelrahman et al. 2021). She has over 100 publications in international high impact factor journals (e.g. Khedr et al. 2005, Neurology; Khedr et al. 2014a, Neurorehabilitation and Neural Repair; Khedr et al. 2017, Brain Stimulation) and over 6000 citations. In September 2019, she received the Nile and State Appreciation Award from the Egyptian President for her pioneering research in Neuropsychiatry.

Marie Moftah Dr. Moftah belongs to the female Christian Coptic pioneers in Egypt. She initiated capacity building European projects in Alexandria, Egypt in 2007 to ensure that the

56

R. Khalil et al.

Egyptian universities’ research labs are at a similar level as international research centers abroad through upgrading facilities and qualities. Consequently, undergraduates and graduates would not be a prerequisite to travel away to advance their research; then, social and financial obstacles would not hinder them from achieving their dreams. Enhancing scientific research in Egypt and creating the first neuroscience lab in a science faculty was the ultimate goal of Moftah. She also organized the first neuroscience conference in 2010, in the world’s first library (Bibliotheca Alexandrina). Moftah was also the founder and first female vice-president and president of the Mediterranean Neuroscience Society (MNS) that gathered neuroscience labs from the south and north Mediterranean regions (Moftah and Boussaoud 2009). Furthermore, her name was suggested in December 2011 to become the minister of scientific research in Egypt, but the political situation was unstable. The continuous challenge that she had to overcome all the time and for long was the discrimination. She was always the “young,” “Christian,” “woman” who was “smart” and “courageous” to change the status quo, no matter who would agree or who would help. Moreover, “what does not kill you make you stronger” is one of her preferred quotes that motivated the first author of this book chapter to overcome the challenges when she was one of her formal graduate students in Egypt. Currently, she is a professor of neurobiology at the Zoology Department, Faculty of Science, Alexandria University. Despite the limitation in methodological tools and resources, she published more than thirty-five academic peer-reviewed papers in international journals such as developmental biology, BMC neuroscience, PLoS One, European journal of neuroscience, methods in molecular biology, frontiers in cellular neuroscience and frontiers in behavioral neuroscience. Her beginning of research in neuroscience, after her Ph.D., was oriented toward investigating the neurogenesis process after spinal cord injury under the effect of FGF-2 (a type of fibroblast growth factor). Her actual research of interest is about neural plasticity process using experimental and computational tools. In parallel, she is extremely concerned, and history and how meaningful the past can inspire the future. Ancient Egyptian women’s storytelling developed her inner inspiration to benefit young women to recognize their value and grasp their full potential (Moftah 2021). One of her pioneer achievements was creating elearning programs as she was the first Egyptian woman to execute two online master’s degrees (French and bilingual) for accreditation. Both Masters were in collaboration with several European, Asiatic and North African universities. Impressively, she succeeded in getting involved in a sequential number of competitive European international projects to sustain the Egyptian neuroscience research and e-learning from 2004 till 2018 (Moftah 2021). In brief, Moftah inner passion, vision, and motivation were the hidden drives beyond her intensive hard working on grant applications to allow the undergraduates to seize the opportunities to gain internships abroad. However, it was not a comfortable journey for her. It was full of struggles and restrictions; nevertheless, she proved that intelligence and the beautiful mind are the dominant winners when determined vision and strong-will exist.

4 Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress …

57

Conclusion Over seven centuries, the ancient Egyptian civilization roots offered those build-ups beginning with which humankind controlled its human legacy to the unfathomable decency, the center of men and women with no gender discrimination (Khalil et al. 2017). Tragically, following seven centuries of the augmentation of the Pharaonic Egyptian human progress with the extension of their civilization roots, the role and the impact of Egyptian women declined again due to the conflict and the mixed-up beliefs which continued until Mohamed Ali’s era. Within his time (modern times), the contribution of Egyptian women of modern times began to thrive again in all the domains. However, this extraordinary correspondence ended up being quiet afterward by the middle of the 1900s. It turned out to be extremely hard to perceive a surprising experimental advancement accomplished by Egyptian women rather than men. Accordingly, it was essential to go back to history and highlight the ignored accomplishments that the Egyptian woman made through several decades in numerous fields. For less than 5000 years, Egyptian women had made commitments to science. Subtle elements of a few women’s lives have been exhibited to enlighten the figure of female passion in science and research. All the women discussed here made proficient commitments, yet they were not picked on the premise of their work’s influence; instead, they decided to expand comprehension of a vibrant and extraordinary role. However, they are still bound by meeting customarily male criteria for expert achievement, particularly in science, while being relied upon to fit generally female approaches of individual conduct. The outcome is that numerous young women decide to maintain a strategic distance from this contention by evading exploratory professions. Therefore, it is neither simple nor easy that young women could change their attitudes based on this fact. Hence, thoughtful evaluation is required for approaching techniques of instructing, contracting, and advancing women in science (i.e., the inconspicuous components of the minority of them who dedicated their lives for the display to edify the case of female enthusiasm for science). Although all women have chosen capable duties, they have not singled out the reason for their work’s reputation. As a result, various young women preferred to keep up a vital separation from this discord by avoiding exploratory callings. Therefore, considerable assessment is critically required for the methods of educating, contracting, and propelling women. In stories of individuals’ lives and incompletions of preparing investigation studies, exceptional cases are of enormous importance for women’s decisions, from an early age, to learn science, particularly when the traditional perspective for women limiting them to household duties. Altogether necessitates we are shedding light on the late fruitful Egyptian women in the early and late 1990s and 2000s, hoping that more female Egyptian researchers will prosper again as it was in old times or amid Mohamed Ali’s time. Consequently, it was discriminating to perceive that science and further change expect an essential part intending of the world’s most challenging

58

R. Khalil et al.

Fig. 4.1 Remarkable examples of female pioneers in science, education and art from the nineteenth to the twentieth century in Egypt. The Egyptian feminist leader Hoda Sha’rawi in the early 1900s (a); Princess Nazli Fazil (b), one of the first women to revive the tradition of the literary salon in the Arab world in 1880s; Dr. Hilana Sedarous (c) the first female medical doctor in modern Egypt in 1930; Dr. Sameera Moussa (d), the first Egyptian nuclear scientist. She died in 1952. Funeral procession for Umm Kulthum (e) on February 3, 1975 in Cairo, the iconic singer of classical Arabic music

natural troubles; likewise, that overall facilitated exertion around masters will be pivotal.

References Abdelrahman, A. A., Noaman, M., Fawzy, M., Moheb, A., Karim, A. A., & Khedr, E. M. (2021). A double-blind randomized clinical trial of high frequency rTMS over the DLPFC on nicotine dependence, anxiety and depression. Nature Scientific Reports, 11(1), 1640. https://doi.org/10. 1038/s41598-020-80927-5.

4 Milestones of Egyptian Women’ Progress …

59

Ashour, R., Ghazoul, F. J., & Reda-Mekdashi, H. (Eds.). (2008). Arab women writers: A critical reference guide, 1873–1999. American University in Cairo Press. Berge, A. F. L., & Rossiter, M. W. (1983). Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Biger, G. (1978). The first map of modern Egypt Mohammed Ali’s Firman and the map of 1841. Middle Eastern Studies, 14(3), 323–325. Brickhouse, N. W., & Lottero-Perdue, P. S. (2003). In H. Etzkowitz, C. Kemelgor, & B. Uzzi (Eds.), Athena unbound: The advancement of women in science and technology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Contonou, C. (2019). Is Lebanese icon Fairuz a fading voice? Esquire Middle East. https://www. esquireme.com/content/38408-is-lebanons-fairuz-a-fading-voice. Cuno, K. M., & Daly, M. W. (2001). The Cambridge history of Egypt, Vol. 2: Modern Egypt from 1517 to the end of the twentieth century. Danielson, V. (1996). Listening to Umm Kulth¯um. Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 30(2), 170–173. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026318400033976. Danielson, V. (2008). “The Voice of Egypt”: Umm Kulthum, Arabic song, and Egyptian society in the twentieth century. University of Chicago Press. Decou, C. (2021). This week in science: Sameera Moussa, the Egyptian Mother of Nuclear Energy (pp. 1–6). El Dorghamy, Y. (2021). The 25 most influential women in Egyptian history. RAWI: Egyptian Heritage Review. https://rawi-magazine.com/articles/25women/. Faber, T. (2020). ‘She exists out of time’: Umm Kulthum, Arab music’s eternal star. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/music/2020/feb/28/she-exists-out-of-time-ummkulthum-arab-musics-eternal-star. Fort, C. D., & Varney, L. H. (1989). How students see scientists: Mostly male, mostly white, and mostly benevolent. Science and Children, 26(8), 8–13. Gomez-Perez, M. (2012). Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun Femmes et politique au Moyen-Orient. Paris, L’Harmattan, Collection « Bibliothèque du féminisme », 2005, 157 p. Gelvin, J. L. (2005). The modern Middle East: A history. Oxford University Press. GRACE. (2015). www.grace-network.net. https://web.archive.org/web/20150924023324/, http:// www.grace-network.net/researcher_MENA-meguid.php. Green, J., Laduke, J., & Rossiter, M. W. (1997). Women scientists in America: Before affirmative action 1940–1972. The Johns Hopkins University Press. Hassan, F. (2005). Women in science and technology-Egypt. Dar El-Kotoub. Hopkins, A. G. (1986). The victorians and Africa: A reconsideration of the occupation of Egypt, 1882. Journal of African History, 27, 363–391. Khalil, R., Moustafa, A. A., Moftah, M. Z., & Karim, A. A. (2017). How knowledge of ancient Egyptian women can influence today’s gender role: Does history matter in gender psychology? Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 2053. Khedr, E., et al. (2014a). Dual-hemisphere repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation for rehabilitation of poststroke aphasia: A randomized, double-blind clinical trial. Neurorehabilitation and Neural Repair, 28(8), 740–750. Khedr, E., et al. (2014b). Altered cortical excitability in anorexia nervosa. Neurophysiologie Clinique/Clinical Neurophysiology, 44(3), 291–299. Khedr, E., et al. (2017). Effects of transcranial direct current stimulation on pain, mood and serum endorphin level in the treatment of fibromyalgia: A double blinded, randomized clinical trial. Brain Stimulation, 10(5), 893–901. Khedr, E., et al. (2005). Therapeutic trial of repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation after acute ischemic stroke. Neurology, 65(3), 466–468. Lebell, S., & Keller, E. F. (1987). Reflections on gender and science. New Haven: Yale University Press. Long, D. E., & Schiebinger, L. (1991). The mind has no sex? Women in the origins of modern science. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.

60

R. Khalil et al.

Mekky, S. (2018). Four decades on, the legacy of Umm Kulthum remains as strong as ever. Arab News. https://www.arabnews.com/node/1240911/art-culture. Moftah M., & Boussaoud, D. (2009). Creation of a Mediterranean Neuroscience Society (MNS). Frontiers Neuroscience, 2–3. Moftah, M. (2021). Profile. Academia. https://alex.academia.edu/MarieMoftah. Mohamed, M. M., & Sloane, B. F. (2006). Cysteine cathepsins: Multifunctional enzymes in cancer. Nature Review Cancer, 6, 764–775. Mohamed, H. T., Gadalla, R., El-Husseiny, N., Hassan, H., Wang, Z., Ibrahim, S. A., et al. (2019). Inflammatory breast cancer: Activation of the aryl hydrocarbon receptor and its target CYP1B1 correlates closely with Wnt5a/b-β-catenin signalling, the stem cell phenotype and disease progression. Journal of Advanced Research, 16, 75–86. Ochs, K., Herzenberg, C. L., Hoyrup, E., Ogilvie, M. B., Searing, S. E., & Apple, R. D. (1989). Women scientists from antiquity to the present: An index women of science, technology, and medicine: A bibliography women in science: Antiquity through the nineteenth century—A biographical dictionary with annotated bibliography. The history of women and science. Raphael, N. (2021). Dr. Helena Sidarous (1904–1998). Coptic Medical. Coptic Medical Uniting Health Care Professionals, 1–5. Poston, J. W. (2007). Out of the shadows: Contributions of twentieth-century women to physics. Cambridge University Press. Quirin, J., & Hunter, F. R. (1986). Egypt under the Khedives, 1805–1879: From household government to modern bureacracy. AUC Press. Rakha, Y., & El-Aref, N. (2018). Umm Kulthoum superstar. Al Ahram. https://web.archive.org/ web/20121022235117, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2001/566/cu2.htm. Ritvo, H., & Gates, B. T. (2000). Kindred nature: Victorian and Edwardian women embrace the living world. The University of Chicago Press. Sheehi, S. (2004). Foundations of modern Arab identity. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Terrall, M. (2005). Pandora’s breeches: Women, science and power in the enlightenment. London: Pimlico.

Chapter 5

Female Pioneers in Physics from Egypt Hazem A. Karim and Ahmed A. Karim

Introduction Gender inequalities persist especially in Education (Islam 2019). Despite the fact that gender egalitarianism is a noble stream, the most shocking and solid result in social science statistics is the gender-equality paradox in science (Stoet and Geary 2018). The studies show that empowering women leads to a large gap in fields of STEM. This can be explained based on two factors. The cultural background and the biological difference between men and women. The suppression of one factor incites the other (Sokuler and Justman 2018). Men are interested in things while women are interested in people; this would lead to more men in the field of engineering rather than women and vice versa in the field of nursing (Stoet and Geary 2018). Figure 5.1 below shows the gender-gap index Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) as a function of the percentage of women degree in STEM fields (Stoet and Geary 2018). Remarkably, this figure reveals a worldwide negative correlation between the gender gap and the percentage of women studying STEM subjects, i.e., in countries with low gender gaps the percentage of women studying STEM subjects is actually lower than in countries with higher gender gaps. One can read from Fig. 5.1 that a country like the Netherlands was able to improve the social and the cultural gap between men and women. However, this improvement is associated with a large

Hazem A. Karim: To my wife Dr. S. Thuss and my kids Husam A. Karim & Carla A. Karim. H. A. Karim (B) Department of Mathematics, Phorms Education, Berlin, Germany e-mail: [email protected] Department of Physics, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt A. A. Karim Department of Psychiatry & Psychotherapy, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_5

61

62

H. A. Karim and A. A. Karim

Fig. 5.1 A scatterplot of countries based on their number of female STEM graduates and their Global Gender Gap Index (y-axis), a measure of opportunities for women (Stoet and Geary 2018)

reduction of the % of women studying STEM. On the other hand, a country like the United Arab Emirates was not enforcing this gender equality but still had a much higher % of women studying STEM subjects. Thus, future studies have to investigate how to improve the gender gap without reducing the percentage of women graduating in STEM fields. The following two examples can help as female role models in STEM fields.

Lotfia Elnadi: The Mother of Nuclear Physics Lotfia Elnadi was born in August 1934 in a large family with 5 brothers and 1 sister. Her father was occupying the position of Deputy Minister of Education. In 1952, Elnadi received her high school certificate from Princess Farial high school. Full of confidence, Lotfia Elnadi could receive her first scientific degree in June 1956. A Bachelor of Science with Honors led her to continue for a Master’s degree in

5 Female Pioneers in Physics from Egypt

63

Fig. 5.2 Dr. Lotfia Elnadi with nobel prize laureate Dr. Ahmed Zewail

Radiation Physics from Birmingham University in the UK. Under the supervision of Prof. Dr. C. Chucket, Elnadi managed to complete her first post-graduate degree, Master of Science, with a research paper on Neutron Deficient Nuclei in Particle Spallation Reactions. Four years later, the young enthusiastic scientist could manage to complete her doctorate degree in physics through a mutual Egyptian–Russian channel. In 1964, Dr. Lotfia Elnadi became one of the few women in Arab countries that carry a PhD title in Nuclear Physics. Her doctor research paper is titled Energy Levels of Si28 Produced by Proton Capture Reactions in Al27 , with Prof. Dr. P. V. Sorokin and Prof. Dr. M. Elnadi (Elnadi et al. 1964). This was just the beginning of a career full of success (see “Positions Held”). Figure 5.2 depicts Dr. Elnadi with Dr. Ahmed Zewail, who received in 1999 the Nobel prize for his research in Physical Chemistry.

A Dream to Follow In high school (1946–1952), Dr. Elnadi started her dream by reading the history of the Polish–French physicist Marie Curie. She was fascinated by her achievements in science and her dream was to be like Marie Curie. Her example illustrates the psychological impact of having a female role model during adolescence (for a review on the psychological impact of female role models, see Khalil et al. 2017).

64

H. A. Karim and A. A. Karim

Fig. 5.3 Dr. Lotfia Elnadi with the then Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Naser

To let this dream come true, Lotfia Elnadi had to study physics and radiation, which is an extremely odd choice for a young girl at that time. Her main goal during her studies was to do something that helps people and to be an example for all the young women that feel afraid of studying STEM. In 1956, Elnadi graduated from Cairo University with an Honors degree and started her career in physics by working at Anshas Nuclear Reactor. For her pioneer achievements, Elnadi received the medal of honor from the then Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Naser (see Fig. 5.3).

Positions Held Dr. Elnadi occupied many pioneering positions in her career. Besides being a lecturer at Cairo University, she was the head of the physics department for two time periods (1969–1975) and (1991–1994). As one of her students, I was always fascinated by her clear structured lectures and the deep understanding of nuclear physics. Dr. Elnadi is also the founder of the National Institute of Laser Enhanced Sciences (NILES 1994).

5 Female Pioneers in Physics from Egypt

65

Fig. 5.4 a Schematic representation of the experimental setup, b Post laser irradiation transparent nano-particles in double distilled water shown on the right side and on the left side, the grayish colored suspended nano-silicon colloids after ultrasonic treatment (Elnadi et al. 2016)

Present Scientific Interests In her searching journey for clean sources of energy, Elnadi was interested to prepare quantum dot nano-crystalline silicon (Si-nc) by radiating the silicon wafer in distilled water to confirm the purity of the sample and to reduce the high temperature produced by the laser beam. After the preparation of the sample, Elnadi et al. studied the main characteristics of the samples by radiating them with a nanosecond pulsed IR Nd-YAG laser (Elnadi et al. 1964). Elnadi et al. found in this research paper that the optical band of pn-Si is 4.778eV and the optical band of p-Si is 4.437eV. They also could conclude that the optical properties of pn-Si are of great interest for the industrial production of solar cells. Figure 5.4 depicts a schematic representation of her experimental setup.

Hoda Abou-Shady: The Iron Woman In 1969, Hoda Abou-Shady was born in Cairo. Her father is a scientist and her mother is a lawyer. Different from her peers, Abou-Shady was dreaming to build a nuclear reactor at the age of 9. She was always enthusiastic to know about science by reading books and scientific magazines. With the support of her father, Abou-Shady started her scientific career by studying physics and mathematics at the faculty of science, Cairo University. Abou-Shady started her scientific career by receiving a Bachelor of Sciences, June 1989, with Honors from Cairo University. She chose Theoretical Physics as the main stream of her STEM field of study. Abou-Shady joined a co-lateral agreement between Cairo University, Egypt, and Tübingen University, Germany. Through this channel, Abou-Shady could receive her first post-graduate degree, a Master of Science, in theoretical nuclear physics with a thesis entitled Study of p-nucleus

66

H. A. Karim and A. A. Karim

Fig. 5.5 Dr. Hoda Abou-Shady

scattering using the Glauber theory at intermediate to high energies. In 1997, Dr. Hoda Abou-Shady finished a theoretical study of nucleus–nucleus scattering of deformed nuclei at high energy and was awarded a PhD in nuclear physics (Fig. 5.5).

Positions Held In 1989, Abou-Shady succeeded by receiving her Bachelor of Science with Honors and being nominated for a teaching position at the department of physics, Cairo University. Ten years later, Abou-Shady joined the research team at the University of Pennsylvania for a program of 2 years. Due to her outstanding work, Abou-Shady became the director of the nuclear studies center in Cairo from 2009 to 2014. Besides her teaching position at the department of physics, Prof. Dr. Abou-Shady is a member of the presidential council of science and education (see Fig. 5.6).

Present Scientific Interests Professor Abou-Shady is employing the non-destructive gamma assay technique to analyze some ores and their purified samples (Abou-Shady et al. 2018). In this paper, the authors are calculating the isotopic activity ratio and the 235 U atoms ratio in the ore sample. Professor Abou-Shady is also interested in the direct applications of nuclear physics in medicine. Since its introduction in World War II, The Monte Carlo technique has been widely used as a computer algorithm to estimate different possible outcomes for given physical systems. By using the Monte Carlo technique,

5 Female Pioneers in Physics from Egypt

67

Fig. 5.6 Dr. Hoda Abou-Shady with the Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi and a large number of international publishers celebrating the establishment of the Egyptian Bank of Information

Abou-Shady can calculate the amount of radiation dose given to a patient (AbouShady et al. 2017). The results of this work are important for patients who need radiation as an alternative way of treatment.

Conclusion The gender inequity in STEM is affected by the socio-cultural background of a person (Nosek et al. 2009). Most of the STEM female pioneers in Egypt are interested in science because they had family support from an early age. Therefore, introducing the history of pioneer Egyptian scientists in the early education system could be a starting point to encourage females to study STEM. A second factor that could improve the gender inequity in STEM is to introduce more flexibility in the admission system (similar to the European admission systems) to STEM universities in Egypt so that a larger number of females can enroll in Engineering universities (Nagdi and Roehrig 2019). Future studies have to investigate how to improve the gender gap without reducing the percentage of women graduating in STEM fields. Female role models presented in schools and in media might inspire young women to graduate and do research in STEM fields (cf. Khalil et al. 2017).

68

H. A. Karim and A. A. Karim

References Abou-Shady, H., Abdel-Rahman, M., & El-Mongy, Sayed. (2018). 1-Analysis of ores and its purified constituents by γ -spectrometry with calculation of uranium isotopic atom, mass, and activity ratios. Zeitschrift für anorganische und allgemeine Chemie. https://doi.org/10.1002/zaac. 201800125. Abou-Shady, H., Hozayed, S., & Ibrahim, H. (2017). Design and modeling of medical linear accelerators using the Geant4/GATE platform. Journal of Nuclear Technology in Applied Science, 5, 241. Bokova I. G. (2017). Cracking the code: Girls’ and women’s education in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) (p. 85). France: UNESCO. Elnadi, L., et al. (1964). Energy levels of Si28 nucleus. Journal of Nuclear Physics, 54, 301. Elnadi, L., et al. (2016). Silicon nano-crystallites prepared by nanosecond laser ablation of Si-wafers in water. International Journal of Engineering Inventions, 5(5), 55–59. El Nagdi, M., & Roehrig, G. (2019). Gender equity in STEM education: The case of an Egyptian girls’ school, theorizing STEM education in the 21st century. Kehdinga George Fomunyam, IntechOpen. https://doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87170. Islam, S. I. (2019). Science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM): Liberating women in the middle east. World Journal of Education, 9(3), 94–104. Khalil, R., Moustafa, A., Moftah, M. Z., & Karim, A. A. (2017). How knowledge of ancient Egyptian women can influence today’s gender role: Does history matter in gender psychology? Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 2053. NILES, The National Institute of Laser Enhanced Sciences. (1994). Retrieved January 2, 2020, from https://accessify.com/c/niles.cu.edu.eg. Nosek, B., et al. (2009). National differences in gender—Science stereotypes predict national sex differences in science and math achievement. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 106(26), 593–597. Sokuler, N., & Justman, M. (2018). Gender, culture and STEM: Counter-intuitive patterns in Arab society. Leibniz-Informationszentrum Wirtschaft, 307. Stoet, G., & Geary, D. (2018). The gender-equality paradox in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics education. Association of Psychological Science, 29(4), 581–593.

Chapter 6

Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater and Television Musicals in Egypt and the Middle East Nihad Ibrahim

Once upon a time, I entered a store in Cairo and found two serene salesclerks men with no clients for the moment watching an Egyptian musical show on television. In fact, I was already a little bit upset for some reason, then my anger exceeded after catching sight of this fake very dull show! I forgot why I entered the store and asked them harshly: “Hey, what are you watching? How dare you pollute your taste with this rubbish show? It’s fake. It’s nothing. It’s not Nelly!” Suddenly the two men belonging to two totally different generations shouted at the same time like a sleeping choir that was pricked by its maestro’s stick: “NO, NO, NO, our Nelly is the pure brand of refined musical and non-musical art. Our Nelly is ours, and we are hers.” I took a look at the trembled ceiling making sure that it endured their detonated resurrection!! I forgot my upset, their faded faces lit up, and our hearts gave the ok to our eyes to sparkle, blaze and smile. A smile of a child found his lost home!

Introduction Criticism is not my job, it’s my only hobby. Nelly is not simply some pages to write, she is a whole world to live and enjoy. In the following, I would like to reveal four angles just to get nearer to Nelly’s island: The angle of specialist critics, the angle of distinguished Egyptian political and other writers, the angle of “Our Nelly” herself and finally my critical angle to introduce her and analyze a few spots of her unique talents. This fountain of such braided talents puts her on the highest peak to be a unique actress, unique dancer, unique singer, unique stylist, unique choreographer, musicals icon and unique costume fashion including hair forms and make-up design. I hope I N. Ibrahim (B) Freelancer Film, Theater and Literature Critic, Cairo, Egypt © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_6

69

70

N. Ibrahim

did not forget any other talent! All in all, Nelly the goddess of femininity, elegance and humbleness is literally the ideal inclusive extensive artist. She is the concrete incarnated happiness of Egypt and the whole Middle East since the 1950s.

Four Correlated Angles Our first angle starts with brief samples of critics’ words. “Nelly, she’s this cat that grants the meaning of peace of mind” (Salem, 1977). He added at the same article: “She’s like a child’s laugh; carrying nothing hidden except this laugh.” After performing her glorious opera “Enkelab” (Coup d’ Etat) in 1988, a theater critic wrote: “Nelly, after “Enkelab” is not just occupying the thrown of being an extensive artist with her peerless qualification of sentient charming expressing and her body physical language only, she is further beaming and glaring as actress, dancer and singer the same quality” (Abdel Hamid, 1989). It’s very difficult to choose just one sample of what critics wrote about her as a pure actress. However, she reached an exquisite level in her tough film “Imra’a Bela Keid” (Woman without Fetters) from 1979 directed by Henry Barakat which was based on the genius novella “Carmen” by the French Prosper Merimee published in 1845. “Once more after a chain of her variant roles and characters, Nelly entered her new features, bringing her role to masterful perfection, through dexterous study of Gypsies dialect arresting her character’s far depth, and she did it, she over jumped a very arduous test in getting separated from ‘the other Carmen’ or ‘Carmen of the past’ that widespread and prevalent in so many films to be “Nour” the Gypsy girl hurling on Egyptian cinema’s beach in such events occurred between coast police and drugs smugglers!” (Francis, 29th of October 1979). Moving to the second angle of prominent Egyptian political and other writers, I will not find a purest jewel more than what the late brilliant figure Anis Mansour wrote after watching her musical television puzzle “Fawazir” assuring that Nelly is “Om Kolthoum” of the musicals! What is the story of this “Fawazir”? It’s the story of one of Nelly’s glory junctures that we will talk about later. Her glory and our glory too! Just now I can get nearer and nearer to the third angle. Just now we can hear “our Nelly” herself, but please take care and watch every word of her words very carefully. She is a cocktail of sunny gifts, an incisive horrible smartness, a totally classy very polite smiley lady, a frightful sense of humor, a female dream version of the sweetheart Cupid, a hyper emotional silky package of kindness and loyalty, a merry risible kid, never ever think to provoke or disappoint her, an independent essence of dignity and a creative disciplined watch walking on foot impossible to arrive late. She is the fine purest crystal indulged coddled version of our first mother Eve as the book says! She is not the brand of love; she is the corporeal love itself with its three dimensions! She is neither an angel nor an alien. She is Nelly (Fig. 6.1).

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

71

Fig. 6.1 Samples of Nelly’s impressive eyes and her amazing multi-talents. Panel A “Nora” is one of her very important movies from 1967. Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Panel B Nelly with her brilliant smile and childlike eyes. Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Panel C Unforgettable scene in Egyptian cinema in “Ka’a Al-Madina” (Bottom Wreck of the City) from 1974. Source My Snapshots. Panel D A wave of top variant roles in the 1977 movie “Al-Aza’ab Emra’a” (Torture is a Woman). Source My Snapshots. Panel E Highly qualified acting met highly qualified success in the 1983 movie “Hades Al-Nosf Metr” (Accident of Half a Meter). Source My Snapshots

I never hoax to reach a target I want, but just wait for the dream to carry my aim. And when it comes I do my best very seriously, but never chasing anything. I never pursue a work, never call a producer and never give a party for someone for my benefit. (Fawzy, 4th of May 2008)

And when a journalist asked her about herself she replied very simply: “Nelly, you know her more than me. I dedicated all my life in art and for art” (Othman, 26th of April 2008). These very simple honest words are totally the clear truth. Nelly who was born in Cairo, Egypt, on the January 3, 1951, established her artistic creative career when she was just 3 years old. Since her childhood, she was taking everything very seriously; it’s her secret catalog and very natural personality. All of this strange rare structure of delicacy and excessive beauty as all her pictures during all her life till now can tell never prevents her to struggle in life and walk a very strenuous and onerous journey to create her rank by herself. She is a long story of self-development, time investment, awareness, ambitions, heavy experience, resistance, rocky will and respecting commitment forever. On the basis of all the above lines now I can open the fourth angle, my criticism angle to discuss some specific points very briefly.

72

N. Ibrahim

Unique Family Nelly was very lucky that she opened her eyes to find that her eldest sister Fayrouz is the perpetual legendary child of the Egyptian cinema. The very little Fayrouz or according to her real full name Perouz Artin Kalfayan (1943–2016) described herself very precisely when she said: “I was a child of gold” (Ashour, 2000). Believe it or not, only three films created this everlasting legend called Fayrouz or “Shirley Temple of Egypt” as some named her. In fact, I always prefer the real personality. It’s just Fayrouz and that’s enough! The Egyptian actor, producer and director Anwar Wagdi (1904–1955) played the role of a magician who discovered Fayrouz and presented her as the heroine of three musical films “Yasmin” 1950, “Fayrouz Hanem” (Lady Fayrouz) 1951 and “Dahab” 1953. She was acting, singing and dancing. She was a naturally born legend. Opening the Fayrouz file is like a beautiful trap, and I don’t want to forget my main target: Nelly. Before moving to the stage of films that gathered the two sisters Fayrouz and Nelly together, I should stop in front of very important six points. First, this unique family has another closer artistic branch, it’s their cousin Ninochka Manoug Kupelian or Lebleba (born in Cairo, November 14, 1945) according to her artistic name, and she is also a singer and actress since her childhood. Second, Nelly was the only one who held her original name to be her artistic one too. Third, the two multi-talented sisters appeared together in the 1953 movie “Al-Herman” (Deprivation) where Nelly played the role of Fayrouz when she was just 3 years old. Now we can realize that Fayrouz was naturally getting older, and it was the chance of her youngest sister Nelly to show up especially in that movie. Remarkably, it was her father’s production although the film screen stated: “Fayrouz Films Presents”. Fourth, the two sisters had a third middle sister between them called Mervat who acted in the coming Film “Asafir Al-Ganna” (Birds of Paradise) in 1955 directed by Seif El-Din Shawkat, also produced by Fayrouz who was the choreographer too. Fifth, with the Egyptian television starting its transmission in 1960, the three sisters played a lot of series and dancing tableaus and singing songs either separately or together under the umbrella of a band called “Fayrouz Trio” along the first half of the sixties intensively supported by Fayrouz’s choreography. However, Fayrouz played very few films later but preferred to stop her journey to give all her time to her house as a wife and mother, the same that happened to Mervat despite the natural differences among the trio capabilities. The only one who continued her artistic life was Nelly the youngest, to give a delightful opportunity for Fayrouz to replenish her legendary castle and keep all her lofty sublime legendary dream on Nelly’s shoulders forever. Both of them do deserve to be the glamorous symbols of the torrential wave of great artistic prestige for all Egyptians and the whole Arab world. Sixth, it’s easy to notice that Nelly and Fayrouz’s parents’ names sound strange to the Egyptian society, simply because they are of Armenian descent from a family who emigrated from Aleppo, Syria. Those were the very old days, but Nelly always assures that all her grandmothers and grandfathers are Egyptians born in Egypt and

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

73

she is this Egyptian artist, the same as so many families having different origins relevant to the cosmopolitan Egypt that always absorbs any nationality and squeezes it inside its hugs. “Our Nelly” is very proud of Fayrouz and “Our Fayrouz” was very proud of Nelly and we—the very lucky greedy Egyptian audience—are proud of them both to be ours. This Egyptian identity issue is very liveable, effective in every inch of success Nelly fulfilled in her life even in shaking hands with her fans in the street. This pure Egyptian spirit is the main reason why the Egyptians received her since her childhood so warmly like this. It’s just because she is carrying their very profound popular identity, our real spontaneous identity. That’s why the two salesclerks admit it so easily and so simply: “Our Nelly”. This very important issue will be the mighty cornerstone in analyzing very few of Nelly’s selective works in the coming lines.

Just Be Patient! Was Nelly a legendary child like her eldest sister Fayrouz? Frankly the answer is “No”. Nelly admitted that in her countless interviews so simply, but the audience know the hidden rest of the answer that she didn’t mention which started with “But”; but she became a legend when she grew up. Maybe the surrounded circumstances didn’t help her as her sister? Maybe because she never saw Anwar Wagdi the magician to extract her jewels as he passed away! Did she own natural and external constituents that supported her to show up in the two films produced by her sister? The answer is a big “Yes”. It was a good idea to let Nelly play the role of Fayrouz when she was very young, just 3 years old in “Al-Herman” film (Deprivation) in 1953, not only because of some common features between them but also because she was carrying the closest blossom of her eldest sister’s spirit. This blossom would rise and bloom day by day as it appeared in the short and long run. The external constituents that shaped Nelly the kid began to announce itself just 2 years later in a loud mirthful jovial wide portrait in the coming movie “Asafir Al-Ganna” (Birds of Paradise) in 1955, when she acted, sang and danced too. She took the benefit of her parents’ sagacious long sight, when they sent her to study ballet and solfeggio since her tender age. “Fitness is not a newcomer in my life. Since I was 3 years old I studied ballet by the greatest ballet teachers at that time; the French Mrs. Nicoli and the Italian Mrs. Lora Capella. As I studied solfeggio since I was 5 till I reached my 18th year to train my voice and make it ready to sing” (Ma’arouf, 1980). In this film, the very young Nelly gained a big success, not only because of her clear talents and jump-up spirit but also because she was protected under Fayrouz’s wing. In the movie, she was her very beloved sister, but the screen showed that Fayrouz was treating Nelly like her little daughter not just her sister. And because Nelly herself deserved this cheerful receiving of the audience, she took a huge Card

74

N. Ibrahim

Blanche from her legend sister that showered her with all her legendary credit inside the audience receiving channels. Fayrouz was our daughter since a long time at first sight and Nelly was Fayrouz’s daughter; ok we got it and received the sign. So let us welcome the newcomer into our Egyptian family! And it was the real birth of Nelly the youngest sister of Fayrouz as everyone said this full statement with no less words (Fig. 6.2). The late Anwar Wagdi was the best magician in Egyptian cinema, but he was not the only one. Why any of the directors did not discover the emergence of little Nelly’s acting, singing and dancing radiant talents to create another legendary child? The famous late Lebanese journalist Mohammed Badei Serbei remembered how Atef Salem the late Egyptian director of the movie “Al-Herman” (Deprivation) in

Fig. 6.2 Fayrouz the iconic legend and Nelly the kid. Panel A From the 1951 movie “Fayrouz Hanem” (Lady Fayrouz). Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Panel B Fayrouz the legend and her youngest sister Nelly together for the first time in the 1953 movie “Al-Herman” (Deprivation). Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Panel C With “Al-Herman” film (Deprivation) Nelly was born in the studio. Source My Snapshot. Panel D (R-L) Fayrouz—Nelly—Mervat together in “Asafir Al-Ganna” film (Birds of Paradise) 1955. Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

75

1953 replied to this logical question after the screening of “Asafir Al-Ganna” (Birds of Paradise) produced in 1955: Atef Salem: This girl Nelly – Fayrouz’s sister – is a promising talent. Mohammed Badei Sebei: And why you didn’t adopt her to create her as an artist? Atef Salem: Not now, only when she will grow up, because I want her to be a star when she becomes adult, but not during this very early age in order to protect her shining star cycle that attracts her as a little child from being dissolved the same happened with the American child Shirley Temple. (Serbei, 1991)

Only 3 years later, the little Nelly developed her emotions and acting qualifications in such a lucid way as it appeared in her complicated role in her next film “Rahma Men Al-Sama’a” (Mercy from the Sky) 1958 directed by the late great Abbas Kamel, and this time alone on her own without Fayrouz. In this film, she was this very bad luck girl who killed her mother very innocently by fault, which caused her a severe psychological shock that prevented her from talking or moving or making any facial expressions except staring up in a full absent-minded case toward nothing. But mercy came from the sky when a woman who resembled her mother showed up in her life by coincidence. In this film, the little Nelly showed propitious signs of her capability of carrying heavy characters. Look at her and how she got rolled from a very happy character to a very dark lifeless shocked pile that couldn’t brook her fault, and how she returned back bit by bit to get resurrected despite she knew deep in her heart that this new woman was not her real victim mother, and how she became that strong effective sudden grown-up young lady to convince her father to marry this copied woman that he refused because she was a belly dancer. Only 3 years made Nelly the real heroine of this psychologically heavy film. It was clear that this girl would be a great actress, her feelings and thinking were older than her age, her inner sense was calculated by herself because a little Eve was rising inside her, her natural emotions were hot and ready to send and receive, her passion pushed her silent eyes to say a lot, her studying of solfeggio learnt her right rules of diction, her ballet lessons and manners opened her eyes to debate with her body and the space around in a harmonic way, her leading character bud was pushing its head up to proclaim its coming age, and her competitive standing in front of two major Egyptian actors like late Emad Hamdy and Hind Rostom was a windy evidence that she would dig herself a notable place among the grand generations. Her natural presentiment of the hidden secret world between man and woman was rising a flag of very pure exception femininity coming very soon on its way (Fig. 6.3). All of this and more typically happened just after 8 years to publicize one of the very rare exceptional unbelievable talents throughout the history of Egyptian cinema. She deserved to carry the title of “Nelly Era”. Till now we are still talking about the pure actress. The magnificent musical phase has not shown up yet!

76

N. Ibrahim

Fig. 6.3 And now a visual evidence of Nelly’ the kid, bright acting gift in “Rahma Men AlSama’a” film (Mercy from the Sky) 1958. Panel A Remembering. Source My Snapshots. Panel B Repentance. Source My Snapshots. Panel C Shock. Source My Snapshots. Panel D Starting moment of a psychological complex. Source My Snapshots. Panel E Twisting to full psychological complex. Source My Snapshots. Panel F Receiving mercy coming from heaven. Source My Snapshots. Panel G Shadow of hope. Source My Snapshots. Panel H Explosion of emotions and moment of healing. Source My Snapshots. Panel I Thinking as a mixture of small innocent kid and hidden excessive mature Eve. Source My Snapshots

A Monster Resurrection After passing by a couple of very good movies during her childhood “Hatta Naltaky” (Till We Meet) 1958 directed by the great late Henri Barakat and “Toba” (Repentance) 1958 directed by the late expert Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar, Nelly transformed to her adolescence period very fast. It took her just three films to play secondary roles, till she touched the first sky of glory very early comparing with others but very accurate according to her surprising unexpected ingredients. Three impressive incidents kindled the primer of the new legend to be born with three hearts. In 1966, she took the first leading heroine role of “Al-Murahka AlSaghira” (The Little Teenager). Before the film got screened, she became the heroine

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

77

of the classical prodigious radio series “Shaie Men Al-Aza’ab” (A Little of Torture) broadcasted in 1965. During the same colorful days, she joined the great Al-Rehani theater troupe—after the name of the genius theater actor and director Naguib AlRehani—which was considered the utmost artistic university in Egypt and the whole Middle East since then and till now. The entire analytical conclusions revealed as auspicious fuzz from the movie “Rahma Men Al-Sama’a” (Mercy from the Sky) transferred to be huge galaxies of exquisite artistic phenomena in no time. Look at the highly proud article published by the movie “Al-Murahka Al-Saghira” (The Little Teenager) production company: “Day by day during shooting ‘Al-Murahka Al-Saghira’ Nelly was astounding the grand stars working in the movie such as Ahmed Ramzi, Laila Fawzi and Salah Mansour, and they all started treating her as a new cinematic legend. Simply Nelly was catching every thread in her hands and expressing this property in such a marvelous way in front of the camera. Adolescence levity and female coquetry were flooded that innocently and naively, as if she had no idea that her femininity was older than her age, and she stood on the same step with the most expert temptation queens on the screen” (Cairo Film Company, 1966). Nelly was required to prove her talent in a very difficult complicated role in front of highly ranked grand actors. The young newcomer kernel was not really a zero-level newcomer. She had a respected filmography comparing with her small age; she was carrying the genes of a legend after her eldest sister Fayrouz. She was never that stranger; she was always there among the plateau warm walls, born there in the studios facing major stars with no barriers. She was a natural essential member of the artistic small and big families. In this film, she was cultivating her ballet harvest in feeling her very deep body language gathered with spontaneous innocence that suffered the hell life under the control of her very violent ignorant father and very weak negative mother. Inside this package of scenes at her dark home, Nelly presented a pure honest truthful dose of torture and pain. Just contemplate this meaning (pain) to evaluate a part of her heavy mission comparing with her age. And she succeeded under the control of director Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar to divide these painful feelings and expressions bit by bit for not throwing all her cards in the first scene. Her ballet studying helped her invest her capability of mime acting using silent eye language accompanied with limited features expressions especially in front of her tyrant father to say dozens of unwritten words to him, her mother, herself and to the audience according to her position in front of the camera. Different messages with different volume levels were sent by her in every inch of her scenes showing and manifesting pain. The young actress was so remarkable in collecting her luggage of torture finding a very narrow exit at her kind civilized neighbor family that consisted of a beautiful middle-aged teacher and her cute, handsome rational husband. Dropping tears for seconds she then suddenly remembered her flood of innocence, highly laughs and unpredictable sense of humor, that she twisted her features and expressions in an amazing way to stand in a very dangerous vague blind area between a childish loud laugh and sexy feminine body language supported by her impressive eyes that were swinging between the near past and the coming womanly bomb! When her innocent

78

N. Ibrahim

and cunning thoughts ushered her to seduce the neighbor husband to marry her as an exit out of her family catastrophe, we saw totally another actress; a very highly concentrated graduated doses of pure concrete super femininity! Look at all the other actors’ eyes during acting, they were really flabbergasted! It’s very rare to witness a very special selective birth of the first mother Eve in her very raw real original version carrying these jumping collective talents in one sack! All of them were grand actors. All of them realized the crafty glittered eyes of this innocent funny unfathomable monster (Fig. 6.4). It was strange and funny that the new teenager Nelly cultivated enormous success through the radio series “Shaie Men Al-Aza’ab” (A Little of Torture) directed by the late matchless Mohammed Elwan before enjoying the gross success of the film. The film was shot before the radio series but got screened after it. And it was an interesting struggle between the film producer and the radio series director, in which one of them discovered and presented this amazing legend before the other! And other lovely endless question marks appeared such as who was this unrivaled jeweler that nominated this artistic bomb to the production film company, and who was this smart nonpareil that nominated this incomparable extracted juice of femininity, acting talent and emotions to the radio series director. Believe it or not, these question marks are still searching for a correct answer till now! Anyhow, thanks a million for this honorable sharp-sighted intrepid dauntless jeweler who hunted this new legend here and there. By the way, no other legend appeared in our Egyptian acting artistic life since then! If so many critics in newspapers and magazines believed that Nelly is a new oriented rocket, and deserved all this roar and clamor, and her name was proudly related with the legend musician and singer Mohammed Abdel Wahab the hero of the radio series “Shaie Men AlAza’ab” (A Little of Torture) where she set blood of thousands of youth on fire, and became a momentous harbinger for another thousand of old ages with her so seductive sensational feminine voice breaking into every house, all of this happened after she starred our film “AlMurahka Al-Saghira” (The Little Teenager) directed by late expert Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar. (Cairo Film Company, 1966)

Radio series director Mohammed Elwan and the legendary musician and singer Mohammed Abdel Wahab were searching for a new girl to be their surprise. Whoever the one is who nominated Nelly he made her and us an unforgettable favor. At the first rehearsals, she was using her cute tender voice to express a girl suddenly plunged into the very famous philosophical painter’s isolated home. She lived with him very strange days, made all his routine life standing on its head. It was one of the most spectacular staggering dialogues you could ever hear in your life! Mohammed Elwan beheld the hidden rocket inside Nelly; he realized the unique thriving opulence inside her. She was a mountain of emotions and desire. At that moment, he devoted himself to make a concurrence between this inner feminine volcano and the expressing vocal tools in her voice. He adjusted the basic tone with all its countless variations relevant to the multiple meanings of the girl’s and the painter’s words. He taught the very young Nelly the silence value, the waiting virtue, the property of coquetry, the sigh effect, the clear whisper stormy environment and the weak shiny tears dazzle.

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

79

Fig. 6.4 And the femininity missile went off in “Al-Murahka Al-Saghira” film (The Little Teenager) 1966. Panel A Flirting with her young lover. Source My Snapshots. Panel B Fear of confronting her barbarian father like every dark morning. Source My Snapshots. Panel C Totally miserable crying painful reactions. Source My Snapshots. Panel D Innocent confusion with no hope. Source My Snapshots. Panel E Real soul shines only with feeling safe. Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Panel F Irresistible hyper sexy coming young woman. Source My Snapshots

80

N. Ibrahim

Mohammed Elwan taught Nelly how to be a lover and beloved. He awakened very pure outstanding romanticism love, desire, uniqueness and liberty inside her. He crowned her heart and mentality with her scented real deep soul. The third outstanding incident was her joining the great Al-Rehani theater troupe. You can imagine that they chose this very young rose to carry very horrible responsibility in starring the Al-Rehani troupe glorious repertoire. She was required to act roles of an adult woman in her twenties and thirties, with all her feminine experience in social and very private life with her husband, mother, mother-in-law and the whole world. But where could the little teenager find this opulent prosperous well? It’s so easy. Just remember the entire conclusions I mentioned upstairs in the previous lines after screening “Rahma Men Al-Sama’a” (Mercy from the Sky) in 1958. The only mine is the easiest logical one. It’s just inside Nelly herself! It was her natural effluent Eve ingredients. But the small tall coming Mademoiselle is not the super creature riding the time machine to borrow ages and experiences she didn’t touch or even get closer to! At this moment appeared the legendary comedian actress Mary Mounib like Cinderella’s enchantress. She supported the new playful fish, contained her like her mother, absorbed her into the inveterate troupe traditions, melted her in the present and the past to create a legend for the future, peeled her outer delicate layer of fear and lack of experience, unfolded her feminine channels openly and widely, and taught her how to fix her feet on stage whatever happened. Mary supported her to control her actions and reactions on air alone and with her colleagues, assimilated her to respect the text, helped her catching and controlling principles of different kinds of comedy, and guided her on how to transform between variant moments of a sense of humor, grief and love. She led her to befriend her female body with her indirect cunning women words arriving higher levels of emotional sexy significances and her different voice’s innocent smooth very young layers and tones more and more. The motherly Mary consolidated her new daughter with secrets of acting, of arresting the rhythm in her hand under the troupe’s umbrella, of trying and creating different ways of diction every day and of sending and receiving on stage. Yes, she encouraged her to ask, to feel, to learn, to develop and to express herself as herself. Nelly was Mary’s new hope and founded treasure to resurrect the troupe’s theatrical glory in the coming years. Nelly herself always mentions this mark of identification in her life very proudly very gratefully. “My father was adorer of Al-Rehani theater attending all his plays. I remembered the first day I met the powerful playwright Badei Khairi, he told me that any laugh created by every artist in Egypt was coming from Naguib Al-Rehani’s pocket. On this day he gave me the mission of playing the heroine Mimi Shakib’s roles despite I was only 14 years old. I started my theatrical journey with a play called “Eewa’a Ta’akar Dammak” (Never muddle your temper). I learnt from the great Mary Mounib so many things; she told me that there were other hidden meanings in between the dialogue the audience should receive clearly. Accordingly, the actor should understand all of this because he is the transmission tool through just a laugh, smile or what we call “effet” or a “gag”. And this is the demand effect of dialogue. I consider Mary Mounib to be my spiritual mother. She was telling me endless stories about Al-Rehani’s success, and how he engraved his name in the comedy world, how

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

81

he taught her that sitting in coulisses an hour before raising the curtain embodied the special magic and scent supporting the actor in incarnating and putting him in the world of his dramatic character” (Mounir, 2002). Mary Mounib shaped the young bird sprout to be a whole full mature paradise garden of multi-talents based on her very sweaty real character, very strong artistic good education, permanently irresistible coquettishness and weakly powerful woman world. After screening a hit film and taming her very sexy voice on radio and playing 15 difficult variant plays during these very few years, now the expert young adolescent had grown up. Officially Nelly became the new present invaluable legend.

Nelly Era! As a natural result of all the previous steps of education and preparation, it was clear that the coming decades would carry the name of “Nelly Era!” She was so smart to invest all the ingredients she owned by nature in addition to all that she learnt and gained since her soft childhood. She distributed her effort among cinema, theater, radio and television. For sure other new talented actresses appeared along this period but they didn’t have the same overpowering collection of Nelly’s neat, sweet multi-gifts. Respecting all the old generations, it was clear that the sixties, seventies, eighties and nineties and afterwards belonged to Nelly and no one else. It was not a matter of quantity but of quality. The quantity calculation dominated the sixties and seventies decades parallel to quality calculation more or less. And because of the horrible glory Nelly gained through her musical “Fawazir”, it was natural to take a back step a little bit to save what she gained after working on herself all her life. However, all her less number of works in the eighties and most of her works in the nineties were totally hits of the hits at the level of film, theater, radio and television history as a whole that they even broke the horizon and penetrated it. Like any legend, a few of her works in the sixties, seventies and nineties met average success. Perhaps it was her choice, perhaps the surrounded circumstances of the work as it’s a whole industry, not an individual tennis play. Simply Nelly admitted this point carrying its responsibility bravely because she was the star, as if she was the only item respecting her legendary aspects. However, the famous late Egyptian film director Henri Barakat had an opposite courageous opinion confessed that only the director and no one else carried full responsibility. “Frankly the star carries any film failure by force, even if the audience knows the director’s name. However, they stick this negative result only to the star, but who’s the real responsible man?!” (H, 1990). It’s very hard to select just some of Nelly’s very long raw of variant works in the sixties and seventies to analyze even very briefly. It’s like granting someone a very fair democratic option to choose between inferno and the hell!! That’s why I will

82

N. Ibrahim

take the other way. I mean pointing at very few majors of her legendary recipe and analyzing how she practiced and invested them in some works. After concluding her natural and gained basis, we should recognize that the young legend was in a speedy immediate race of experience especially in cinema, in order to build over the very near previous success, and to overcome the trap of this enormous reaction to find her new images in other works. Now she was facing the real industry with all its positive and negative faces. For her very good luck, very important figures of the older generation actors, directors and producers believed in her very exceptional components, that’s why we found that Nelly starred in the next year in three of her very important films.1 The common factor in these three movies was her capability of catching, controlling and expressing the very romantic passion, and the very sad sensitive situations were ascending very rapidly. Now the young teenager had grown up and began to act as a little woman opening her colorful hug to the new world. She was living real long love stories with its incidents, happiness, kisses, discovering, alteration, twisting and decisions to catch a critical point. Naturally, they were not that naïve or even traditional love stories, because the lover girl was not that repeated girl anywhere. Naturally, the producers and directors should select a unique lover girl to abide and endure this unique effect the girl should stamp her lover with. If they wanted a special lover girl with a very beautiful innocent face and sometimes naïve with all her extra hyper emotional and sexual ability to convince and affect, they should choose the new legendary Nelly, not only to make their dreams coming true but also for her potency in flying far beyond their dreams borders to fulfill her dreams too. In other words, Nelly the young lady used her mental, emotional and sexual treasures in understanding her characters in the three movies very deeply more than her age. She invested all the lessons she learnt from Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar, Mohammed Elwan and Mary Mounib to act in truly substantial difficult scenes based on changing her feelings compass more than one time and sometimes shifted its directions from the extreme east to the extreme west with unmatched success. Nelly could carry these complicated roles. She realized so many sneaky dark moments between man and woman. She could act whatever the scriptwriter wrote and the director wanted; she could handle a very tough match with grand majors of acting in such a very simple way. She was studying, concentrating, learning, watching and spending big effort aiming at building her legendary legend by herself. It was very clear that she had a high self-confidence. It was very clear that the grand majors of acting were opening her way to learn and jump. They were respecting her, and they really loved her. At that time Nelly became a hope, a special case and incarnated dream for everyone searching for a very talented actress standing and developing deep and sometimes very deep characters, or for a very attractive funny girl pumped vitality and energy in the whole light movie. Many people and critics thought that this funny, attractive role type was an easy mission out of any effort, but that was totally wrong. This kind 1 “Agazet

Seif” (Summer Vacation) directed by the talented Sa’ad Arafa, “Beit Al-Talebat” (House of Female Students) directed by Ahmed Dia’a El-Din and “Nora” directed by Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar and they were all in 1967.

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

83

of hilarious role was not that easy at all. First, because your target was making the Egyptian audience laugh, and this was (and still is) one of the very complicated tough missions in the world, Egyptians are a sense of humor masters! Second, because these kinds of funny roles needed a very attractive actress who convinced the audience with this light film, on condition to laugh with them but never at them, this grade of very emotional sexually attractive spirit was not that available in the street as somebody could imagine. It was Nelly’s natural genes together with gained vested experience that made these kinds of roles appear that easy! If you want to reach the evidence, exchange Nelly with any other actress and you will feel and see the clear gap by yourself. This kind of a naughty merry jaunty young girl who appeared in some films could encourage any actress to repeat herself so easily, but the serious Nelly tried hard to create limits and differences under this umbrella. She was relying on her own very special soul, seeking to draw borders among these characters and give it kiss and sometimes kisses of life to identify the character and make it survive and live a long life as if she could either inside the film itself or in the receiver’s memory. This distinctive point was clear in her Egyptian, Lebanese and Syrian films.2 Before leaving these types of characters, I should refer to four points. First, this number of films increased and enriched the experience treasure in Nelly’s safe and this would appear very clearly in her other difficult characters. Second, it encouraged her to release a good space of her natural sense of humor in different ways; her coming valuable comedy films should be grateful to this released space. Third, some of these films had such sensitive emotional scenes as in “Ana Al-Doktor” (I Am the Doctor) that made her trained and tamed her growing developed mentality and emotions giving each moment what it deserved. Fourth, this kind of beautiful jocund blasting young girl required a special type of character collecting in her basket loud voice, joy, emotions, love, sensuality and naivety too, but it was never that weak character. This kind of girl had its faults and point of weakness yes, but not that weak character. In other words, this kind of loud voice girl was showing her smooth face of her character, but not that frank explicit face that she didn’t need to hoist as long as she was handling life so easily and so simply. This was the hidden masked version of hidden Eve. All of the previous points clarified themselves when Nelly moved to a higher level of comedy films.3 Once she built a new higher comic stage through these works and others, an extra portion of this hidden strong woman started to pull its head out of 2 Like

“Ana Al-Doktor” (I Am the Doctor) in 1968 directed by Abbas Kamel, “Mogrem Taht AlEkhtebar” (A Criminal on Probation) in 1968 directed by Abdel Moniem Shoukri, “Asrar Al-Banat” (Girls’ Secrets) in 1969 directed by Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar, “Dala’a Al-Banat” (Coquetry of Girls) in 1969 directed by Hassan Al-Seifi, “Al-Hob Sanat Sabein” (Love in 1970) directed by Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar, “Youm Wahed Assal” (Just One Day of Honeymoon) in 1969 directed by Ahmed Fouad, “Nesa’a Lel Sheta’a” (Women for Winter) in 1974 directed by Samir Al-Ghoseini, “Aisheen Lel Hob” (Living for Love) in 1974 directed by Ahmed Dia’a El-Din, “Al-Khateoun” (The Sinners) in 1975 directed by Seif El-Din Shawkat and “Al-Bent Al-Helwa Al-Kaddaba” (The Beautiful Liar Girl) 1977 directed by Zaki Saleh. 3 Such as “Al-Les Al-Zarif” (The Funny Thief) 1968 directed by Youssef Eisa, “Sabah Al-Kheir Ya Zawgati Al-Aziza” (Good Morning My Dear Wife) 1969 directed by Abdel Moniem Shoukri,

84

N. Ibrahim

its prison. This portion had no relation with comedy or tragedy classification only; it had a tight relation with Nelly herself. Nelly had a terrifying capability to show countless faces of a strong woman brand; this capability poured out very naturally from her real personality. Just remember my analyzing conclusions concerning the movie “Rahma Men Al-Sama’a” (Mercy from the Sky) 1958 to know what I mean. As long as the work gave her a chance to banter with the very real original version of Eve inside her, she would flap the wings of this inner monster actress, and take the whole work to unexpected horizons that never been imagined. Strong Eve’s character is not equal to a negative character as most oriental guys are afraid of. No! Strong Eve’s character means totally different worlds inside one world. This is the very real original version of Eve. This is the very real original version of Nelly since her very early childhood. Based on this fact, we can leave the phase of a little bit higher level of comedy works to reach finally the criteria of her full, difficult, complicated and complex characters. This level of characters inside the whole well-built work will reveal just very few items of Nelly’s natural and gained ingredients. Nelly has a magnificent ability to call for any character the moment and the way she wants. All of a sudden, she can turn her channel very easily to call and dress her character very deeply, summoning all its signs, gestures, voices, features, attitudes and relations with all its pages to sculpture its inner and outer world. Too many reasons but for the limited space I will focus only on two reasons; efficiency of concentration and hyper natural anxious impassioned ready emotions. The main problem of the heroine of “Mozakerat Al-Anesa Manal” (Miss Manal Diaries) in 1971 directed by Abbas Kamel was her refusing as a new university graduate the idea of marriage completely, not out of the real practical experience with him, but based on her imagination to the coming groom in a daydream or during her sleep. Thus, she reached the same tragic result all the time. This repeated result aimed to confirm Manal’s entire refusal of this groom as an intensifying stereotype in society. She also assured through the short stories she lived with these grooms on her imagination screen that the Egyptian society lived at the moment a number of complicated accumulated dilemmas that would reach the coming generations according to each groom’s age” (Ibrahim 2015b). The more Nelly found complicated well-built characters inside creative construction, the more she acted in an unexpected wild bully cat way. This happened typically

“Ahlan... ya Captain!” ( Hello... Captain!) 1978 directed by Mohammed Abdel Aziz and two comedy radio series both directed by Youssef Hegazi “Rosasa Fel A’alb” (A Bullet in the Heart) 1985 and “Hayam Wa Fares Al-Ahlam” (Hayam and Knight of Dreams) 1986, in addition to the television series “Mabrouk Galek Walad” (Congratulations! You Will Have a Boy) 1981 directed by Fahmi Abdel Hamid, “Alo Rabei Marra” (Hello for the Fourth Time) 2002 directed by Sayed Tantawi, and not to forget the Lebanese theatrical play “Al-Donia Dolab” (Time Wheel) 1975 directed by Al-Sayed Bedeir.

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

85

in her very successful television series,4 which was also widely declared in her very different row of films.5 Supported by her long experience and long-term very serious diligence, Nelly reached another captivating top by playing a very sensitive transparent character in her television film “Etnen Ala Al-Hawa” (A Couple on Air) in 1984 directed by Youssef Francis. In her television film “Al-Khatem” (The Ring) in 1989 directed by Ibrahim Afifi, she started another line of such confused character kicking herself out of her paradise of love in which she acted very severe psychological moments in such splendid impressive mime acting. Then she surprised the whole audience with two marvelous television movies where she made a challenging separated Duetto with the hero along the film duration just together in their isolated world with no other person except for very rare moments. In “Ana Wa Anta Wa Sa’et al.-Safar” (Me and You and Traveling Hours) in 1987 directed by Mohammed Nabih, their world was a traveling in a train. Again Nabih drew her different recluse environment in “Adam Bedoun Ghata’a” (Adam without Cover) in 1990, but this time in an imaginary empty whole world except for Eve and Adam. As a natural result for all her generous excessive multi-talents, she won prestigious national and international awards and tributes till our present days. However, this esteem turned to be a flock of miracles when she invested a very narrow chance that 4 “Al-Dawama”

(The Whirlpool) 1974 directed by Nour Al-Demerdash, “Bardis” 1985 directed by Fayez Hegab, “Sanawat Al-Shaka’ Wa Al-Hob” (Years of Misery and Love) 1998 directed by Ashraf Fahmi, “Alf Leila Wa Leila” (Thousand Nights and Night) 2000 directed by Amr Abdin and also in her classical radio series “Sana Oula Hob” (First Primary Year of Love) 1974. 5 Such as “Al-Ragol Allazy Fakada Zelloh” (The Man Who Lost His Shadow) 1968 directed by Kamal Al-Sheikh, “Zawga Bela Ragol” (Wife without a Man) 1969 directed by Abdel Rahman Sherif, “Emra’at Zawgi” (My Husband’s Mistress) 1970 directed by Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar, “Shabab fi A’asefa” (Young Generation in a Storm) 1971 directed by Adel Sadek, “Ghadan Ya’oud Al-Hob” (Tomorrow Love Will Return Back) 1972 directed by Nader Galal, “Kelmet Sharaf”] (Word of Honor) 1972 directed by Hossam El-Din Moustafa, “Nesa’a Al-Leil” (Night Women) 1973 directed by Helmi Rafla’a, “Al-Shaha’at” (The Beggar) 1973 directed by Hossam El-Din Moustafa, “Madinat Al-Samt” (City of Silence) 1973 directed by Kamal Attia, “Ghaba Men Al-Sikan” (Forest of Legs) 1974 directed by Hossam El-Din Moustafa, “Ka’a Al-Madina” (Bottom Wreck of the City) 1974 directed by Hossam El-Din Moustafa, “Sou’al Fi Al-Hob” (A Question in Love) 1975 directed by Henri Barakat, “Nesa’a Bela Ghad” (Women without Tomorrow) 1975 directed by Hossam El-Din Moustafa, “Sayedati Al-Gamila” (My Fair Lady) 1975 directed by Helmi Rafla’a, “Shelet AlOns” (Vociferation Companions) 1976 directed by Yehya Al-Ala’ami, “Ta’aer Al-Leil Al-Hazin” (Night Sad Bird) 1977 directed by Yehya Al-Ala’ami, “Al-Aza’ab Emra’a” (Torture Is a Woman) 1977 directed by Ahmed Yehya, “Azra’a Wa Laken” (Virgin, but) 1977 directed by Simon Saleh, “Al-Etera’af Al-Akhir” (The Last Confess) 1978 directed by Anwar Al-Shenawi, “Al-Hesab Ya Mademoiselle” (The Check Mademoiselle) 1978 directed by Anwar Al-Shenawi, “Eib Ya Loulou.. Ya Loulou Eib” (Shame on You Loulou.. Loulou, Shame on You) 1978 directed by Sayed Tantawi, “Al-Wahm” (The Illusion) 1979 directed by Nader Galal, “Imra’a Bela Keid” (Woman without Fetters) 1979 directed by Henri Barakat, “Al-A’asheka” (The Lover Girl) 1980 directed by Atef Salem, “Shefah La Taref Al-Kazeb” (Lips Never Lie) 1980 directed by Mohammed Abdel Aziz, “Dandash” 1981 directed by Yehya Al-Ala’ami, “Lahzet Da’af” (Moment of Weakness) 1981 directed by Sayed Tantawi, “Al-Ghoul” (The Ogre) 1983 directed by Samir Seif, “Hades Al-Nesf Metr” (Accident of Half a Meter) 1983 directed by Ashraf Fahmi and “Ket Al-Sahara’a” (Cat of the Desert) 1995 directed by Youssef Mansour.

86

N. Ibrahim

seemed to be very traditional, unless Nelly believed in herself more than any other one, when she noticed that her funny television program “Al-Fawazir” was very well received by the audience starting in 1975 specifically in Ramadan because they loved and enjoyed the musical shows she danced and sang in the titling very much. At this moment, she shared her thoughts with the great director Fahmi Abdel Hamid to make it a whole musical television show. At this moment, Nelly transferred herself from multi-legend to a very unique independent creative eternal pyramid. Since then all Egyptians and the Middle East population lived their happiest days ever. Since then Ramadan and Nelly became twins, never ever mention one half without its other secret spell. And it becomes—in the course of time—a terrific landmark brand called “Fawazir Nelly” that will last forever!!

Miracle of Musicals! Analyzing just one episode of “Fawazir Nelly” needs a whole book! First of all, we should know that “Fawazir” in Arabic means “Puzzle”, but after this tremendous crushing success and effective miraculous fingerprint, the Arabic word has no need to be translated; it becomes a very new international clear autonomous word with no support of any dictionary. It’s just “Fawazir Nelly” and that’s enough! In fact, it’s not fair at all to relate Nelly’s unbelievable musical gifts with “Fawazir” only; it’s just a television screen channel but never let it make us forget or even ignore her other great musical monstrous television Operetta “Al-Leiba” (The Toy) 1987 directed by Rahmi, and her full perfect unique incomparable television series “Habibi Allazi La A’arefoh” (My Lover Whom I Don’t Know) in 1991 directed by Hassan Mousa, and her two exceptional television video clips “Telefodance” and “Borkan Esmoh Al-Hob” (Volcano Called Love), in addition to live inauguration musical shows of some television festivals. Please, never forget that her very early start in television at the beginning of the sixties was also pure musicals either alone or inside “Fayrouz Trio”. On the theater stage, she played a few musical plays, but absolutely impressive because these kinds of plays need huge budgets and highly qualified equipment which were not available that much. She started with a little partial musical play called “AlEial Al-Taiebeen” (The Good Kids) in 1972 directed by Hassan Abdel Salam, then “Cinderella Wa Al-Maddah” (Cinderella and the Chanter) 1974 directed by Hassan Abdel Salam too. Then she jumped a huge artistic step with her pure musical play “Cabaret” 1974 directed by Galal Al-Sharkawi, that based on “Cabaret” play by Joe Masteroff, which was one of the main sources of the famous American film “Cabaret” 1972 directed by Bob Fosse starring Liza Minnelli and Michael York. And who else except Nelly could act, sing and dance any national and international dance you can ever imagine and not imagine as much as you can?!!! In 1988 Nelly touched the seventh sky with her full fingers and wrote her crystal name on another huge miraculous pyramid in the inner and outer galaxies to be

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

87

hers carrying her eternal name forever! Very proudly she starred in the first Popular Opera in Egypt and the Middle East called “Enkelab” (Coup d’ Etat) 1988 directed by the great Galal Al-Sharkawi and composed by Mohammed Nouh, in which she appeared in such impossible insuperable image as nobody could expect, except Nelly who believed in herself with powerful certainty and conviction. It was a real peaceful artistic “Coup d’ Etat” inch by inch as the coming lines will clarify after a short while! One of the most positive corners of Nelly’s character is that she never stops to ruminate on the past whatever its glory was! Accordingly, she moved to star in another musical play “Souq Al-Halawa” (Beauty Market) 1993 and “Al-Modarseen Wa Al-Derous Al-Khosousia” (Teachers And Private Lessons) 2002 both directed by Al-Sayed Radi which were totally different but fully successful. This realistic positive corner will return us back to the value of time. She will never be [Our Nelly] out of the dark! In reality, she is a very punctual person never late to her meeting! Concerning evaluating time, she used to prepare “Fawazir Nelly” for more than 8 months in a year in a very comprehensive workshop putting her hand in every tiny detail that uncovered other packages of her multi-talents in ideas, writing, composing, hairstyles, costume design, choreography, singing, visual perspective, sense of humor, totally different kind of acting, dangerous level of parody, editing and directing sense. Nobody could fulfill all these targets unless he respected time that much. All “Fawazir Nelly” first era started in the mid-seventies directed by Fahmi Abdel Hamid mainly based on Visual tricks that were screened in Ramadan consecutively.6 The last 2 years that towered to extreme horizons of greatness and immortality were written by the legendary poet, author, scriptwriter and caricature artist Salah Gahin! Then in her second returning back she played series of masterpiece musicals of “Fawazir Nelly”.7 Fortunately, all this second era based on realistic dramatic plot more than visual tricks was written by the late talented poet and scriptwriter Abdel Salam Amin. We should never forget that the only choreographer of “Fawazir Nelly” in its first and second waves was the prestigious designer and dancer Hassan Afifi (Fig. 6.5). The same punctual Nelly hated to be late and can’t bear anyone disturbing her valuable time; her multi-talented miracles shown up in “Fawazir Nelly” obliged all Egyptians combined with the whole Middle East population in Ramadan since the mid-seventies till 1996 to leave everything and anything to enjoy watching this impressive different colorful world. To be clearer and more accurate all streets in 6 “Soura Wa Fazoura” (Picture and Puzzle) 1975, “Soura Wa Fazourtain” (Picture and Two Puzzles)

1976, “Soura Wa Talat Fawazir” (Picture and Three Puzzles)1977, “Soura Wa Talatin Fazoura” (Picture and Thirty Puzzles) 1978, “Ana Wenta Fazoura” (Me and You Are Puzzles) 1979, then the two great exciting ones “Arosti”—Egyptian colloquial expressions means I don’t know—in 1980 and “Al-Khatba” (The Matchmaker) 1981. 7 Started with “A’alam Wara’a.. Wara’a.. Wara’a” or (World of Papers.. Papers.. Papers) 1990 directed by Gamal Abdel Hamid, “Agaieb Sandou’o Al-Donia” (Miracles of Peep Show) 1991 directed by Mohammed Abdel Nabi, “Om Al-Orreif” (Impostor Woman)1992 directed by Mohammed Abdel Nabi, “Al-Donia Leiba” (Life is a Play) 1995 directed by Mohammed Abdel Nabi and finally “Zai Al-Naharda” (On a Day Like This) 1996 directed by Ashraf Louli.

88

N. Ibrahim

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

89

Fig. 6.5 “Fawazir Nelly” is her transformation from a queen to be the kingdom itself. Panel A Mixture of proud sky and rare femininity with clouds of love with Cleopatra character in Fawazir “Soura Wa Talatin Fazoura” (Picture and Thirty Puzzles) 1978. Source My Snapshots. Panel B It’s not a painting! It’s real Nelly presenting Mona Lisa character in Fawazir “Soura Wa Talatin Fazoura” (Picture and Thirty Puzzles) 1978. Source My Snapshots. Panel C Unique level of imagination, charisma and body language in Fawazir “Arosti” 1980. Source My Snapshots. Panel D The purest level of incarnating real Egyptian Identity in Fawazir “Al-Khatba” (The Matchmaker) 1981. Source My Snapshots. Panel E Samples of her capability of acting, singing and dancing through endless characters such as Nubian doorkeeper man, Beethoven and also a mannequin statue loves the tailor silently and secretly in Fawazir “A’alam Wara’a.. Wara’a.. Wara’a” (World of Papers.. Papers.. Papers) 1990. Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Panel F Nelly, lady of elegance and mad creative innovative ideas made one of her dresses out of sackcloth mixed with Palm branches and the other out of aluminum wires in Fawazir “Agaieb Sandou’o Al-Donia” (Miracles of Peep Show) 1991! Source Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema

Egypt were totally literally empty until “Fawazir Nelly” finished, then people started their individual and collective celebrations by smiling, laughing, discussing, singing and repeating every letter by letter and word by word till the next day and till the next year and definitely till this moment! This genius image was repeated day after day in crescendo. All tongues of all ages were competing to utter her words and songs Nelly’s way, nobody knew—till now—how she owned and expressed all of these divine gifts so easily and so simply like this?! We—the audience—opened our eyes widely and agreed together with no previous agreement to ask secretly and loudly: Who was this woman? Were we really that lucky to be coeval with these very splendid unique hot beautiful rivers of miracles?! You know what, unconsciously we ourselves turned to be miracles! Apparently, the audience stopped any of life aspects during “Fawazir Nelly”, but very deep in their souls, they started their imaginary joyful artistic life as they never saw before. They did taste the very rare meaning of a perfect pleasure. All generations touched the concrete happiness in such a unique collective rite at the same moment! It was not Big Ben time, it was Big Nelly time! That’s how she became and still is “Our Nelly”! Of course, Nelly presented many musical shows in her films and plays before and after, but no one was that full musical work except her play "Cabaret" from 1974 directed by Galal Al-Sharkawi. Despite this fact, these films introduced her very rare musical collective talents for whom it might concern. Just watch some of these films8 and you will open your eyes widely to watch these dazzling musical shows. You will never dare to blink otherwise you will miss your allocation of joy, self-satisfaction, happiness, gratification and laughs! She’s the indisputable maestro of body language with no competitor. 8 Such

as “Nora” directed by Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar 1967, “Emra’at Zawgi” (My Husband’s Mistress) 1970 directed by Mahmoud Zul-Fakkar, “Imra’atan” (Two Women) 1975 directed by Hassan Ramzi, “Al-Demo’u Fi Oioun Daheka” (Tears in Laughing Eyes) 1977 directed by Ahmed Dia’a El-Din, “Khati’et Malak” (An Angel’s Sin) 1979 directed by Yehya Al-Ala’ami and “Ma’a Tahiati Le’oustazi Al-Aziz” (All My Greetings to My Dear Teacher) 1981 directed by Ahmed Yassin.

90

N. Ibrahim

“Our Nelly” is the extraction of a romantic sugary Nile river philosophical flood based on femininity, commitment, caves of variant talents, humanity, external and inner beauty. Richard Dyre said in his book that the musical film pointed out its type and ideological function to occupy the job of “Omen of Happiness”. But as much as singing and dancing are carrying this mission, the repeated formulae and the performance have a big debate in such complicated relations. (Ibrahim, 2018)

It was very weird—and still is—that some critics wanted to imprison Nelly in just musicals even if she herself is a concrete empire of musical miracles! And where can we hide all her exceptional acting history?!! How can we avoid the very logical primary discovery that “Fawazir Nelly” was the dilated yield of all her effort since she was a small kid born in the studio??!! Again, we can hear Nelly with all her artistic self-credibility: “For me musical works are world of joy and my pleasure in life, not only in art but in all my life. My happiness and delight in life are born while I am playing musicals. If I’m hungry, I will get sated. If I’m thirsty, I will become watered and irrigated. If I’m sad, I will feel happy. And if I’m sick, I will get healed” (Rostom, 15th of May 1999).

Sorry Nelly! If I try to analyze the whole reasons of the enormous success of “Fawazir Nelly”, it will really take me several books. That’s why it’s better to mention very few general titles of very few common factors standing behind all her musical works through all mediums. Sorry Nelly! It’s the permissible space, not me!! It’s just three reasons and enough; Charisma, unbelievable capability of imagination and Nelly’s real character, not any character she played. This last reason was one of the most main cornerstones of “Fawazir Nelly” specifically. Her Charisma and appalling ability of imagination are the most innocent beautiful horror plays you can see in your life! She’s an incredible hulky bulky artistic creature. “The actor’s ability in dealing with invisible people and creatures considered to be a distinguishing feature in the successful process of this film’s kinds, which make the actor in urgent need to own super capabilities for fertilizing his imagination to see the illusion he incarnates in his imaginary imagination as if it’s a concrete reality having its trusted credibility. That’s what transmitted accordingly to the receiver; therefore it reflects the whole work success” (Ibrahim, 2016). Now Nelly herself will explain how her real character was the basis of her “Fawazir” unrepeated success: “When I was presenting “Fawazir” I was presenting my real character with all my actions and attitudes in my real life. The words and expressions that I was saying in the studio coulisses, at my home and with people were the same I was saying and using while shooting” (Gaber, 2000). She also added: “Because I was not acting or incarnating a role, the “Fawazir” was Nelly herself. In other words I was totally free as my nature; the late poet Salah

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

91

Gahin was noticing my words in my normal dialogues and my hand gestures during my talking then drew all details of my personal world in a singing form. We were a very natural, spontaneous workshop; I was going to the studio flying on the wing of happiness” (Dardeer, 1st of March 1988). Before moving to another musical land, I chose another side of the specialist audience who took us to a different real side: “Mr. Saber Hassan—manager of moving cycle center at the post office organization—added: “Fawazir Nelly” was occupying the hugest number of public letters. We were receiving 300,000 letters daily so that the monthly turnover reached 9 million letters during the month that was assigned as time limit for people to send the “Fawazir” solutions” (Za’afan, Othman, Khuask, & Anwar, 3rd of May 1987). Nelly’s television series “Habibi Allazi La A’arefoh” (My Lover Whom I Don’t Know) 1991 directed by Hassan Mousa was unique in everything. It was a very new invented tough challenge to present 13 pure musical episodes distributed between normal dialogues and musical shows coming very naturally out of the variant dramatic situations. The series served as a double function musical because the heroine was the new star of a theatrical troupe playing musical plays inside the frame of the main outer incidents. The dramatic conflicts dissolved inside each other when the very talented girl wanted to prove herself in this poor troupe sinking under debts. On the other hand, she fell in love at first sight with a millionaire hiding his real character from her to test her intensions and emotions. Nelly presented around 15 totally creative, effective, amusing and splendid musical shows competed with each other. They drew the new star girl’s upside downs here and there, especially that she couldn’t imagine the real wild world’s face around her! The great musical monstrous television Operetta “Al-Leiba” (The Toy) written by Salah Gahin and directed by Rahmi was based on a brainy exciting childish idea, such that every time a kid opens the toy’s heart he will find that “Nelly” is its original core and essence! It’s a long musical correlated show of childish playing and discovery supported with a huge number of puppets of different sizes, built on the very astute philosophical principle of pleasure, entertainment and tasting life. It’s the same Nelly’s spirit in every musical television show. Nelly explained this liveable point as she imagined and played: “I can’t do anything alone. There should be a team work, director and producer put forth the whole issue in front of me to perform it. It’s not a condition to play musicals, especially for kids. The musical shows I performed in “Fawazir” were very lovely excitedly received by adults and children. When I play a musical work I perform it innocently without seduction. I’m performing pure, innocent childhood. In fact, I am not dancing and singing that professionally in musicals. I am “playing”, enjoying and feeling that I’m practicing a beautiful hobby I love” (Fawzy, 2003). Finally, I will stop this musical train of variant works at one of best of the best theatrical creation stations throughout Egyptian theatrical history. It’s the surprising performance “Enkelab” (Coup d’ Etat) 1988 directed by the great Galal Al-Sharkkawi. When I asked the Hungarian director and producer Georgi Karpati the member of the jury at Cairo International Film Festival 2002 about the difference between a “director” and “great director”, he said: “I can answer your question in a

92

N. Ibrahim

different way. I never let my students take place in any sport depending on a human factor, because I want them to compete to prove their talents inside the deep core of the art field itself. I want them to deal with settled facts like kilos, meters and seconds available in race competition for example. This vision stands at the opposite side of gymnastic play, which based on a human jury evaluating the players from their own point of view; which means interfering of human partiality in such a way. Returning to your question once more to ask first what does a “great director” mean? This adjective always points to personal taste and judgment the same we live these days during this festival, sitting on jury seats to watch films that make us wonder about the real mission of a jury in film festivals. I didn’t cross this entire long journey from my country to deal with any film, according to “good” and “bad” judge, because maybe what’s good or interesting for me will be bad for you and vice versa. The same two persons go to a restaurant; everyone orders according to his taste whatever it’s different from the other. When it comes to taste everything is possible. That’s why I always say to my students worldwide and to my jury colleagues too, that the arbitrator to receive a film is how much it affects the receiver’s inner area” (Ibrahim, 2015a). “Enkelab” (Coup d’ Etat) left a tremendous lasting effect inside the receivers’ channels. It was an ideal sample of political theater according to its director’s vision: “There are two definitions for political theater. A narrow tight definition says it’s the theater that worries about dangerous bulky problems upset the citizen around the world. But the second more important open-minded definition as I see it is what I believe in. The political theater is the theater which contains all political, economic and social aspects especially in our age” (Al-Sharkawi, 2004). In order to know how far Nelly reached a complete new hyper creative depth in this popular opera, I will leave the director to explain us by himself just part of the new genius technique he used to be the first in the whole world as a result of learning and taking so long tests for a year with Czech experts in their country and in Egypt. “The critics mixed between some terminologies and misused it sometimes. For example they used “Black Theater” in the place of “Laterna Magica” and vice versa” (Al-Sharkawi, 2016). In this performance, Nelly left behind her the phase of prestigious multi-talented miracle to occupy the horizon of another precious multi-talented pyramid; a pyramid is a miracle of the miracles! She wasn’t building a pyramid; she became both the pyramid’s builder and the built pyramid itself in such a unique mixture case no one reached before! According to Nelly’s long experience with fashion considered to be “Queen of Elegance”, she invented in “Fawazir Nelly” the process of changing her dress and hair form in every shot. It was never a matter of wealthy costumes, but these strange, very elegant, innovative dresses and hairstyles she invented by herself were the big ground. Therefore, naturally the director in this popular opera left her the whole responsibility with the costume designer to deal with the whole costume issue for everyone in “Enkelab”. It was just Nelly on the director’s imagination screen; Nelly and no one else. In 214 theatrical critical articles, she was set on a thrown higher than any traditional and non-traditional glory. The new fascinating event here had four faces.

6 Nelly: The Eternal Pyramid of Acting, Film, Theater …

93

First, her unprecedented level of acting she reached in very deeply complicated longtermed situations. Second, her tremendous dramatic dancing and singing musical shows especially in her very lovely adorable scenes and in her horribly weak tragic psychological mess. Third, no one whoever could expect that the bright rose Nelly with all her light songs can control her voice tones in that very surprising way that she became a full professional opera singer! Who was this heroine on the stage?!!! Fourth, her exactly minute and less in moving from backstage to the foreground synchronized with the acted scenes on several cinema screens in the background were designed in very special punctual beautifully creative way as a flood of a super created continuous chain of endless row of vivid immortal paintings. The late prominent political figure Mousa Sabri wrote about Nelly: “Then the melody and word get dissolved to be expressed by dancing movement. Here choose whatever you like among admiration and fancy words concerning this myth called Nelly, no one before her or after her. She is an independent foundation pouring wealth, generosity and donation on her own. Her spectra, emotions, colors and wandered soul make you erase your memory to forget with no return that she’s a human body carrying a head, hands and legs. She’s a festive dream even in its dropped tear. Word and melody shed inside her transparent entity to let you watch a legend on the stage” (Sabri, 21st of December 1988).

The Curtain Is Opened At the end of any traditional study, the curtain gets closed, but here with this Egyptian non-traditional multi-Nile riverine-pyramid, the curtain now is opened. After watching all her works several times, I do believe that this unique who is searching for glorious works for years shows just 40% of her qualifications and real ingredients! She always hides a lot in her fairy pouch. They call Nelly “Queen of Musicals”. I agree and don’t agree! It’s the right title but minus something! Something is missing!! Queens and kings come and go. They are transient, not immortal. What really stands time, vanishing and mortality is the kingdom itself. It’s the abstract definition, the meaning depth, the ultimate significance and the immortal value. Now the equation path can be modified. “Our Nelly” is the pyramidal Kingdom of acting, imagination and musicals!

94

N. Ibrahim

References Abdel Hamid, A. (1989, February 4). Al-Gomhouria Newspaper. Al-Sharkawi, G. (2004, August 29). Al-Wafd Newspaper. Al-Sharkawi, G. (2016). Hayati Fi Al-Masrah—Enkelab Fi Al-Masrah Al-Masri Al-Hadith—Salah Gahin—Mohammed Nouh—Galal Al-Sharkawi/My Life in Theater—Coup d’ Etat in Modern Egyptian Theater—Salah Gahin—Mohammed Nouh—Galal Al-Sharkawi—General Egyptian Book Organization (p. 27). Ashour, S. (2000, August 5). Hauwa’a Magazine. Cairo Film Company. (1966). Egyptian Catholic Center for Cinema. Dardeer, I. (1988, March 1). Al-Kawakeb Magazine. Fawzy, M. (2003, February 9). October Magazine. Fawzy, H. M. (2008, May 4). Nos Al-Donia Magazine. Francis, Y. (1979, October 29). Al-Ahram Newspaper. Gaber, N. (2000, September 12). Al-Kawakeb Magazine. H, M. (1990, April 19). Al-Wafd Newspaper. Ibrahim, N. (2015a). Cinema Hawl Al-A’alam [Cinema around the world] (p. 194). Dar Al-Oloum. Ibrahim, N. (2015b). Derasat Cinemaia Moutanaue’a [Variant cinematic studies] (p. 70). Dar Al-Oloum. Ibrahim, N. (2016). Mawsouet Al-Nakd Al-Cinemai [Cinema criticism encyclopedia] (p. 13). Formation of Awareness through Soft Power, 6 parts, Hard Cover, 3228 pp., 1046 articles, 17cm x 24 cm, Dar Al-Oloum, Fifth part. Ibrahim, N. (2018). Derasat Cinemaia—Al-Mafahim Al-Raisia [Cinema studies—The key concepts] (Vol. 2396, p. 461) (by: S. Howard, Translated Book). National Center for Translation. Ma’arouf, M. (1980, 14 August). Al-Gomhouria Newspaper. Mounir, M. (2002, February 12). Nos Al-Donia Magazine. Othman, M. (2008, April 26). Hauwa’a Magazine. Rostom, S. (1999, May 15). Akbar Al-Nogoum Magazine. Sabri, M. (1988, December 21). Akher Sa’a Magazine. Salem, H. (1977, 18 January). Al-Kawakeb Magazine. Serbei, M. B. (1991). Al-Mau’ed Magazine. Za’afan, H., Othman, A., Khuask, A., & Anwar, M. (1987, 3 May). October Magazine.

Chapter 7

Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon Who Drew the Image of the Arabic Cultural Renaissance Throughout the Twentieth Century Nihad Ibrahim

Once upon a time her French Professor taught her a statement she never forgot it even for a moment. He said to her and her colleagues that he never cared about giving him right answer to his question, his grand endless concern ever was asking him the right question. How could she forget this cornerstone? How might she ignore this marvelous way of thinking? However, she was never that dark miser person. She spent all her academic life teaching this quote to her variant students. It was not that static theoretical letters to mention and bye bye, it was proof of life, abstract life inside books pages, and outside in the concrete practical one. That generous delicate Egyptian woman was always ready to give, to learn, to teach, to help. She had the useful healthy human scientific roots to cultivate her own unique tree, to state herself as Suhair al-Qalamawi.

Introduction But who is this Suhair? She is simply one of our great Egyptian cultural-educational icons who left her golden fingerprint on all our days and mentalities. All here does not mean Egyptians or even the Arab world only. We are proud that this loyal granddaughter of our great eternal pharaonic civilization sprinkled her lush shadows on all literature researchers all over the world specially the orientalists since the first half of the twentieth century till now and forever. Suhair al-Qalamawi was born on the twentieth of July 1911 in Cairo, Egypt, and passed away on the fourth of May 1997. I totally consider myself very lucky person because I met her three times, despite the fact that I never saw her face to face. The first meeting was the saddest one when I wrote an article about her announcing her N. Ibrahim (B) Freelancer Film, Theater and Literature Critic, Cairo, Egypt © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_7

95

96

N. Ibrahim

leaving our world peacefully telling the readers of Riyadh newspaper that Suhair alQalamawi, the jewel of the crown, withdrew from our life after drawing herself in the heart of literary-cultural society on the basis of her exceptional respect to herself, her fluent knowledge using her natural iron will to influence critics and modern Arabic writers that made the whole age raised her flag on its gate. She was the woman who put her country and the public interest before anything whatever the cost was (Fig. 7.1). In 2008, Cairo International Book Fair chose al-Qalamawi to be the figure of the year. On the twentieth of July 2014, Google server celebrated her 103rd birthday worldwide, exchanged his logo design with a cute drawing of her sitting behind her office in a room full of books and books forever. This year 2019 Cairo International Book Fair selected Dr. Suhair al-Qalamawi to be the bride of its golden jubilee with the late prominent ministry of culture Dr. Tharwat Okasha to be the groom. Why not? This book fair was her idea, and this broadminded minister agreed to inaugurate this annual cultural event in 1967. “This selection conferred honor upon this woman that gained qualified package of literature and culture since her tender age, as her parents encouraged her to be well educated till she became one of the amazing girls who studied in the university. She ascended the ladder of scientific degrees. She deserved to reach the literary and political icon rank in Egypt. She considered being one of the early pioneers who formed the Arabic writing and culture.” (Hemeida, 10th of January 2019). Before moving to another step, I should refer to Professor of Persian literature Dr. Yehya al-Khashab. He was that lucky guy to become Suhair’s husband for a long age until his death. It’s not just a personal data for continuing the documented image, it

Fig. 7.1 A wall picture of the Cairo International Book Fair in 2019. The huge wall picture celebrates its golden jubilee with its founder Dr. Suhair al-Qalamawi and Dr. Tharwat Okasha the late prominent ministry of culture who agreed on this project. Source own picture

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

97

was a big love story that occupied the evidence chair of how this woman was a very strong decision taker challenging all social shabby chains. How could she become a talented pianist all her early and adult years without practicing her liberty inside the classroom and outside in the wide tough mannish world?!

First of the First 1937 and 1941 years received Suhair al-Qalamawi as one of the genius Egyptian researchers regarding the very harsh obstacles around her. In 1937, she became the first Egyptian woman fulfilling a Master of Arts degree in Egypt. Only four years later she reached the glory of carrying first PhD degree for an Egyptian woman. In order to create a whole world of “First of the First” she became the first lecturer woman in King Fuad University, known later as University of Cairo. After few years she became first professor then first chairperson of Arabic Department since 1958 till 1967. These unique criteria did not come out of the dark. Her family was totally openminded, she got used to read as a traditional habit paying her gratefulness to her father’s high-class library at home. Her readings of modern and old authors open the child’s eyes and heart to contain the civilized world in its real objective image. Let us hear Suhair by herself describing her past: “My mother loved us too much. However, she was very strict in her education. She had Kurdish Circassian origins. We just found our kind exit for our shoulders inside our grandfather’s near home.” (Al-Bisi, 3rd of March 2018) (Fig. 7.2).

A Good Question How was Egypt society during the first half of the twentieth century? Following Suhair’s grand lesson I should say that it’s a proper question. The young lady was just a flower of the whole garden. Politically al-Qalamawi was giving all her ears to the ingrained influence of the huge 1919 revolution lead by Sa’ad Zaghloul against the British occupation. She opened her eyes to see Egyptian citizens spending their souls for their dignity, their land. She belonged to the magical female social-political leader Huda Sha’arawi that destroyed women’s slavery. Who could ever deny the magnificent role of Safia Zaghloul, Sa’ad Phasha’s wife, who united with Hoda and others to lead the feminist revolution in the streets and in minds too? Everything was running to get rid of the national and international enemies at the same time. Now we can confess that al-Qalamawi was the very loyal daughter of her environment. In her translated book Denys cleared this very important point from her point of view. “The same period also witnessed another significant trend as women began

98

N. Ibrahim

Fig. 7.2 Suhair al-Qalamawi: A female educational icon of modern Egypt. Source www.watani net.com/2013/06/

to appear in the workplace and in educational institutions in increasing numbers. Pioneer women writers of fiction had been working for several decades, but now the rate of their contributions increased. Educated women have shared their fictional output with each other from a very early stage in the modern renaissance. In Egypt, Suhair al-Qalamawi (b. 1911) had become the first woman to obtain a doctoral degree, working on the 1001 Nights collection under the supervision of Taha Husayn.” (Johnson-Davies, 1983). Moreover, we can conclude the phenomena of increasing of girls numbers in Egyptian university as Gorman said. “Numbers grew steadily. In 1933, the first woman graduated from the Faculties of Arts and Law, within 2 years 173 female students were studying, just over half of them in the Faculty of Arts. In 1937 Suhair al-Qalamawi became the first Egyptian woman to obtain a Master of Arts degree in Egypt and the first to be awarded a PhD in 1941 for her work in the field of Arabic Literature. Under the post-1952 revolutionary regime the greater educational opportunities in higher education benefited women as well. In 1953, women were admitted to the Dar al-Ulum Faculty and three years later the former Women Teachers’ Training College became the Women’s College at Ain Shams University. Finally, following its reorganization and the creation of a separate Women’s College, al-Azhar accepted female students in 1962. By 1983, women represented a third of all student enrollments and

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

99

there had been a significant shift away from the humanities to the sciences (from 32 percent of women in 1952 to 57% in 1973).” (Gorman, 2003). On the other hand, the current of underdevelopment with the fossilization of narrow minds and cowards were resisting every positive step taken by a woman or a man to release the very patient, ambitious citizens out of the rotten dinosaur cave. Cost of renaissance is always very huge. And the campaign against women’s supporters was going up. Ahmed Lotfy al-Sayyed resigned from his position as university director more than once. Dr. Taha Husayn transferred from deanship chair of Faculty of Arts as a cost of his strong situations. (Saleh 1997).

Not You! So easy to visit any site to find all what you want about Suhair al-Qalamawi’s steps of education. It’s available to know that she graduated from American College for Girls in Cairo in 1928. During her university years studying Arabic literature to be the only girl among 13 guys of her colleagues, she became the favorite pigeon of her ideal Dr. Taha Husayn the Chairperson of the Arabic Department, besides his responsibility as the editor in chief of Fuad University Magazine. Under his umbrella, she became the assistant editor of the same magazine in 1932, which paved her all the long way to be the first female owning license of journalism in all Egypt to write her articles in “Al-Lata’ef al-Mousawara” and “Al-Arousa” magazines. During her studying years, she supervised whole feminism page in “Kawkab al-Shark” and “AlBalagh” newspapers. She established literary series called “Mo’alafat Gadida". The petit student Suhair was giving essential part of her valuable time for the Egyptian Radio Broadcasting service. After graduation she was writing in “Al-Helal” and “Al-Resala” magazines and published her poetry in “Apollo” magazine. Suhair al-Qalamawi (1911–1997) was born and raised in Cairo. She belonged to the first generation of Egyptian Women to graduate from the university and enter the sphere of academic life. She attended the American College for Girls in Cairo in 1929, and then studied Arabic Literature at Cairo University, earning her Ph.D. in 1941. She joined the department of Arabic at Cairo University, and worked her way up from lecturer to professor to chairperson, serving in the capacity from 1958 until 1967. (Cohen-Mor, 2005).

Thanks for the great technology age with all its simplified way of gaining knowledge. However, I am sorry to say that these static cold words are not enough, never to be enough. What’s missing? The feelings, the real story of how Suhair tried very hard to be a university girl, but there was someone insisted telling her very obviously “Not you!". Here started the real challenge. Here started her big hot personal film. For her good luck—and ours as well—the famous Egyptian journalist Sana’a alBisi was Suhair’s neighbor. In her very lovely, effective long article she transferred us al-Qalamawi’s real strange story by Suhair herself. “My father was the first Egyptian doctor made an abdomen operation without anesthetic. I was totally stocked to him. His clinic was always full and I was always there under the excuse of helping him. His main clinic was in Cairo, the other small branch was in Tanta city, and he was

100

N. Ibrahim

spreading his effort between here and there. After getting sick I was helping him very seriously, injecting the patients and making some tests and everything I could carry its responsibility. All of this made me addicted to my father’s job, all my dreams became using all his medical tools. Then I took my decision. I should be a doctor. But the British Medicine Faculty Dean changed my future when he rejected me as a coming student from American College in Cairo, because the British people hated the Americans. I suggested interviewing me, I promised either to fulfill 90% every year or to dismiss me out of university. Every one tried to convince him, the only result was his threatening with his resignation! At Taha Husayn’s house he decided: “we would accept you in Faculty of Arts. In Arabic Language Department you would find what you were searching for in anatomizing Gareer’s and al-Farazdak’s poertry” (Al-Bisi, 3rd of March 2018).

Social Problems Girls were studying the same like guys, but their social life in university did not meet the same destiny. Suhair al-Qalamawi said that all in all they were around 500 students in the whole seven or eight departments in her Faculty of Arts. Professors were taking care of their students. At that time al-Qalamawi was wearing long sleeve dress below knees with a hat, but the Dean of her faculty Mansour Fahmy Pasha insisted on her wearing the secondary school uniform inside the university! He was oppressing her, the same he oppressed all Taha Husayn’s supporters because of their endless intellectual conflicts. As a new strange world, the male students revolted against the existence of their female colleagues. On the other hand, the student girls were receiving packages of love letters from their colleagues, but the girls agreed together on tearing the romantic letters very quietly without any tough reaction, for not accusing them of spoiling the guys’ innocence!

Master of Arts The miracle was not Suhair’s fulfilling her Master’s degree in 1937, but was the very critical, complicated topic she chose {The Khawarij Literature}, after she obeyed her ideal Taha Husayn and delayed {One Thousand and One Nights} to be her coming PhD. At that time Egypt was living variant political-religious trends and thoughts. The development’s enemies revolted madly against her, when they knew about the Master’s topic. All the dark aliens united together from inside and outside the university, which obliged the professors to carry Suhair and escape to a small room with sixty audiences according to public discussion rules.

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

101

Unique Challenge Taha Husayn used to say that he never liked neither short ways nor wide doors, only long paths and tight doors. That’s why al-Qalamawi considered Taha her ideal forever. Following his way, she succeeded to be the first woman—as usual—to gain a state-funded scheme given by Mohammed Ali Pasha in the early years of nineteenth century to enable Egyptians to complete their post-graduate studies in France. Honestly, Husayn tried for the second time to prevent his little student from studying {One Thousand and One Nights}, but the stubborn curious student insisted on entering this unknown world in Sorbonne University. She wanted to prove that this exceptional book was not that trivial erotic book. On the contrary, she was very enthusiastic to put Scheherazade upon her natural thrown. Scheherazade’s stories and nights were not for spending time in sexual exaggerated imaginations, but she was the cleverest smartest healer Eve you can ever imagine! Suhair’s real beyond target was founding a female ideal to build a new Egypt, on the shoulders of a new woman following the real Scheherazade after defining her character and analyzing her very deep, sensitive critical mission of saving the whole world with its women and men too. Scheherazade was typically taming the shrew! It was not the war of me or you; it was the war of being me with you confronting the whole world. But Scheherazade should recreate this you and extricate him first to rescue herself accordingly. Suhair flew to Paris to dig for her Scheherazade in her imagination, she visited the libraries, met the orientalists, moved to England for a while, collected all data she found.

Why Scheherazade? I would tell you why Scheherazade. The grand al-Qalamawi stood in front of her Ph.D. examiners to answer this very existential question. “I chose {One Thousand and One Nights} because I found that all researches and studies on it, after its translation to most of foreign languages, were totally far from its Arabic origin. That’s why I wanted to study it from Arabic point of view. Its translation provoked the west world’s passion to know these nations that produced this book. Their studies and researches came from outdoors to indoors, but my study came from indoors to outdoors. These erotic events that covered the nights were foisted in its corners in order to attract more and more readers. All of this did not match the story’s consequence, it could be thrown away. All of these exaggerations came out the author’s deprivation only.” (Al-Bisi, 3rd of March 2018) (Fig. 7.3). Bernard Shaw said “The educated person is the one who knows something about everything and everything about one thing”. Suhair should be thankful to Mr. Shaw when she followed his way and caused coup d’etat in the literary world all over the world since then till now. Scheherazade, major female character and the storyteller in the Middle Eastern literature {One Thousand and One Nights}, should be

102

N. Ibrahim

Fig. 7.3 Suhair al-Qalamawi caring for youth and modern Egyptian woman. Source www.elwata nnews.com/news/details/3946206

grateful to Suhair al-Qalamawi when she explained in her book {Alf Lillah wa Lillah} Scheherazade’s real mission in adjusting and regulating the upside-down world inside the wounded king. Since al-Qalamawi caught this very dangerous result, the whole world followed her steps and started studying {One Thousand and One Nights} from every inch you can ever imagine. It was her lucky day when Taha Husayn wrote an introduction to her international fabulous book {Alf Lillah wa Lillah}. “It was a brilliant dissertation that Faculty of Arts in Cairo University discussed and accepted.” (Al-Qalamawi, 1959). Then he added in another paragraph: “Suhair al-Qalamawi put a target to get {One Thousand and One Nights} up, which led her to step inside great danger. How many literal and artistic works would get lost with its disappeared joy after surrender to analyses tools”. (Al-Qalamawi, 1959). When this magnificent book got published again, another very important introduction was added by late Dr. Nabila Ibrahim, specialist in folkloric literature. She assured that this study still enjoying its seriousness and depth after seventy years. It was a very important reference carrying the most important studies of European and non-European orientalists analyzing {One Thousand and One Nights} with Dr. Suhair’s confutation to every opinion mentioned. The contents of {Alf Lillah wa Lillah} book presented very interesting points of discussion: {One Thousand and One Nights} in East and West—Book writing— supernormal in {One Thousand and One Nights}—religious subjects in {One Thousand and One Nights}—ethical subjects in {One Thousand and One Nights}—animal topic in {One Thousand and One Nights}—social life in {One Thousand and One

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

103

Nights}—historical issues in {One Thousand and One Nights}—educational themes in {One Thousand and One Nights}—woman in {One Thousand and One Nights}. Suhair proved that {One Thousand and One Nights} was saturated with Egyptian life and character with all its very special language, highly sense of humor and black comic kind of handling the situations. She did not forget Pharaonic stories that took care of animal stories thousand years before the eternal Nights. Among the knowledge mentioned by al-Qalamawi in her book {Alf Lillah wa Lillah} was the supernormal in {One Thousand and One Nights}. Man started thinking of supernormal out of his fear of the unknown destiny such as death; it was the fear of power beyond his knowledge. At that moment believing in Jinn and magic took place, but the Muslim person was scared of these attitudes, and that was the reason why {One Thousand and One Nights} gathered folkloric traditions and strong Islamic spirit. (Salah, 22nd of July 2011).

Very short words but very important were added by another researcher pointing at the huge difference between Suhair al-Qalamawi’s studying of {One Thousand and One Nights} and others. “The researcher Tala’at Radwan wrote in {Al-Hewar al-Motamaden} site that Dr. Suhair’s study of the Nights was based on objective perspective, because she used scientific method in analyzing the whole book, and she opened the gate of those who used their imagination and composition in adding to the stories from different sources of cultures. For sure she did not forget discovering the main sources where these magical Nights gushed out, without ignoring the prestigious role of the orientalists in ringing the bells to pay all the attention towards this text then towards its translation.” (Samah, 16th of December 2017). Suhair cleared the sublime value of the Arabian Nights for the whole world. Grateful to her thesis Naguib Mahfouz said: “{One Thousand and One Nights} is the real Arabian Civilization encyclopedia” (Ibrahim, 2017).

Second Meeting For my good destiny, I entered Suhair al-Qalamawi’s world for the second time as a researcher around five years during my preparation of my Master of Arts that I obtained in 2001 from The Higher Institute of Art Criticism at Academy of Arts in Cairo, Egypt. It was very strange that the same situation between the student and the supervisor repeated again word by word, the only difference was the final result. In 1996 I told my supervisor late Dr. Nabil Ragheb that I chose my M.A topic {The Character of Scheherazade in Contemporary Egyptian Literature - Analytical Study}. He smiled silently longtime then tried to push me away out of this cunning entrapment I wanted to throw myself in. He asked me what I could add to tons of studies focusing on Arabian Nights from Egyptians, Arab, and orientalists. I told him that I could open a new angle in these Nights, on condition that I had no relation with the stories. I would focus only on the pretext tale with its horrible conflict between Scheherazade and Shahryar (Fig. 7.4). I was so proud to became one of Suhair al-Qalamawi’s students although I never met her personally. I kept my word to my professor and built all my own point of

104

N. Ibrahim

Fig. 7.4 Book cover of {One Thousand and One Nights} or {Alf Lillah wa Lillah}. The saved magic book was resurrected in the Arabic culture by Suhair al-Qalamawi. Source own picture

view on one question: “What was the human, social, cultural and political return of both queens’ betrayal?” (Ibrahim, 2019). I proved along my thesis that the double betrayal of both unknown queens, both wives of Shahryar and his younger brother Shahzaman, and the bloody violent reaction of Shahryar by killing all virgins after marrying them had no relation at all with ethical traditions and social motives as it might appear. It was pure political issue. Out of richness of the folkloric tradition of {Arabian Nights}, it was a must to start with analyzing the dimensions and interpretations of interesting dramatic conflict between Scheherazade and Shahryar which was existed in the pretext tale, through analyzing the betrayal theme for Shahryar, means and targets of employing storytelling for Scheherazade. Among the Egyptian creative writers who were inspired by the pretext tale of the famous {Arabian Nights} I selected {Scheherazade} play

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

105

by Tawfiq Elhakim, {Scheherazade’s Secret} play by Ali Ahmed Bakathir and also {Scheherazade’s Dreams} novel by Taha Husayn, to analyze. Via First Section, which was dedicated for the Pretext Tale I concluded that Act of Betrayal actually contained within itself multi-layer significances combined in one dramatic structure. The betrayal of the two unknown queens, the wives of Shahzaman and Shahryar, did not mean just violation of the religious and moral norms and traditions, but the real danger in realization of betrayal action lied in being an organized revolution over the stiff papal patriarch society with its political, cultural, psychological and social stalemate doctrines. These features had nothing to do but stereotyping male and marginalize female, with an attempt of her cancelation and continuous suppression, in order to monopolize the domination of power, suppression and domination over all levels. Thus, such a feminist revolution had to be stemmed out in the bud immediately with full genocide through getting rid of the two disloyal queens, especially as the partner of betrayal was continuously the black slave, which emphasized the seriousness of the organized revolution that is aimed at disposition of the head of papal society and dismantled the inherited well-established ideas across long eras. The narrator of {Arabian Nights} inspired of course the emphasis that nature of female was set on evil, through concentration on the action of betrayal of the two queens without least idea for us on anything else in their past or present. At the same time, the nights frankly stipulated on justice and fairness of the two kings in their kingdoms for 20 years. As long as the response of the two queens for such justice was confusing, through the lady master of free women the captive of Jinn, Shahryar became fully convinced of the reality of original inactive evil in female. So the defeated king returned to his kingdom and killed the adulterous queen and the black slave Masoud together with the 40 flamboyant slaves and maids, then he was overwhelmed by the desire of revenge and terminated virgin girls after marrying them for 3 years; fearing the repetition of the act of betrayal once more and threatening of the throne of his kingdom. Here, I carried out analysis of aspects of recurrence, agreement and disagreement between the scenes of treason in the bed of Shahzaman and in the garden of Shahryar’s palace, as well as the closely related dramatic ties between the scenes of betrayal of two queens and the scene of betrayal of the lady master of free women the captive of Jinn with Shahryar and Shahzaman. This meant that the teller or the various unknown tellers of the {Arabian Nights} had systemized naturally the active dramatic relations through an interesting dramatic structure, which fully paved the way for the appearance of a character with the unique specifications of Scheherazade, who possessed the weapon of femininity, intelligence, culture, challenge and telling the stories; which clarified the total difference between Scheherazade and the traditional model of female. Moreover, the research handled the linking dramatic line between the telling stories method of Scheherazade and the tale of Ox, donkey and cock that was told by the Minister Father to his daughter Scheherazade in an attempt for convincing her to give up her decision of marrying Shahryar and sacrificing herself for rescuing herself and Muslim girls. If you determine and define the proper problem, you would catch the proper healing and the suitable healer.

106

N. Ibrahim

Climbing Mountain on Three Feet Suhair al-Qalamawi climbed the mountain of positions and responsibilities on three feet: talent, science, and granite will. She became president of the Egyptian Feminist Union and head of the League of Arab Women University Graduates in 1959 where she set the basis of cooperation between the Egyptian Union and the World Union of Universities. Afterwards she occupied the top seat of the Egyptian General Authority for Cinema, Theater, and Music in 1967 and the head of the Children’s Culture Community in 1968. She entered long fights to establish women’s rights in her studies and creative works papers and in real life too through countless participation in Arab Women’s Conferences requesting equal rights. Naturally, in 1960, she was the president of the International Conference on Woman. A year later she was the head of the first conference on Folkloric Arts. She established a committee to superintend the university Palestinian girls to address her concern of the Palestinian issue in 1962. From the political angle, she was a parliament member (1958 until 1964) and (1979 until 1984). She became director of the government-affiliated Egyptian Organization for Publishing and Distributing. Her mission and ambition were increasing numbers of writers and readers as well. To let them find each other easily al-Qalamawi established Middle East’s first International Book Fair: Cairo International Book Fair. She served as the Head of the General Book Organization (1967 until 1971), and then president of the Board of Censorship (1982 until 1985). When her students showed their refusing her entrance the political career, Suhair announced her principle that she did not believe in just science for science, but science for building and raising the nation.

Fights for New Generations “After founding folkloric literature Suhair combated for establishing Egyptian contemporary literature after it was forbidden till the forties. In 1954 she started with Naguib Mahfouz’s novel {Midaq Alley}”. (Abu Ouf, 17th of July 2001). He added also that she insisted on new forms such as novel, short story, drama and modern poetry combined with new modernism methods, followed by developing the method through studying the basis of modern literature and the doctrine’s influence on the receiver, in addition to the artist’s and literary text’s deep layers.

Books and Projects There are writers describing themselves as village’s sons, but I see their books about the village just like memories and no more; their childhood memories in the village. On the other hand I see some of those who abandoned the city escaping to the village searching

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

107

for inspiration are walking the wrong way. The worst of the worst Hemingway wrote was when he went to Africa for the purpose of writing about it. The real artist never chasing the inspiration otherwise he will fall in cave of fabrication and artificiality. Inspiration should be the hunter. (Al-Bisi, 3rd of March 2018).

According to al-Qalamawi’s point of view she wrote variant criticism, short story, poetry books in addition to her long raw of studies and translations. Limited to two works: Ahadith Jaddati, (My Grandmother’s Tales), a short novel with an introduction by Taha Husayn, and al-Shayatin Talhu (The Devils are Dallying), 1964, a collection of short stories. Ahadith Jaddati consists of a series of tales told by a grandmother to her granddaughter, describing manners and customs in Cairo before the British occupation in 1882. Since that time Egypt has undergone enormous changes in every facet of life, and the granddaughter is fascinated by the pre-1882 perspective of her grandmother’s stories. Thus, the book has a dual focus- the tales themselves and the granddaughter reaction to them. However, the author seems to be more interested in the comparison of old and new than in the structure of the tales- so that the book is best regarded as a series of disassociated episodes having no internal cohesion. Although Taha Husayn had predicted that the book would be of great significance (al-Qalamawi n.d.: 1), his praise is better understood as a mentor’s encouragement to his protégée. (Zeidan, 1995).

Taha Husayn concluded the privilege of {Ahadith Jaddati} or (My Grandmother’s Tales) when he wrote in the book introduction that Suhair talked to the Egyptian spirit and heart using the language of Egyptian essence and heart. Among her other books we will find “The Khawarij Literature” 1945, {In Literay Criticism} 1955, {Imitation in Literature} 1955, {The World between Two Book Covers} 1958, {In the Memory of Taha Husayn} 1974. Al-Qalamawi traveled through variant cultures via her flood of translation such as {Chinese Stories} 1950, {Taming of the Shrew} 1964 added to nine other Shakespeare’s plays, besides revising twenty books as a part of {Thousand Books} project. Naturally, she was pure fussy while working on her studies such as {Woman in Refa’a el-Tahtawi Works}, {Dilemma of Poetry}, {Literary Criticism and Arabic Nationalism}, {Education Theory of Tagore}, {Arab Women Participation in Social Life}. Out of her extra effort she deserved to be a member of High Supreme of Arts, Literature and Social Sciences Sponsorship, member of Shakespeare Translation Committee in League of Arab States, member of several committees concerning cultural projects such as UNESCO Cultural Exchange between East and West. Her students met their bright day when Suhair agreed to be the supervisor of their M.A and PhD papers, so many of them would be later professors, ministers and scientists in Egypt and Middle East.

Only for Kids According to her future penetrating vision, she spent a lot of her time especially for kids. She knew that they would need healthy updated sources of culture and education.

108

N. Ibrahim

So, she encouraged authors and her students to write for kids, and succeeded to establish Cultural Child Society. She presented the kids an encyclopedia consisted of fifty-six books focusing on animals, fish, sea, and flying. She was encouraging all society classes to read; therefore, she created a book store in Azbakia Theater Hall to sell books with 50% discount.

She Deserved It People and critics highly acclaimed al-Qalamawi’s books. She received awards from different organizations for her prominent role in drawing Egyptian culture and stamping herself as hopeful ideal for every Egyptian modern liberal woman. We can just mention some of her awards such as the Award of the Arabic Language Academy for her Ph.D thesis on “Arabian Nights”, 1945, the State Merit Award in Youths’ Literature, she was the first woman to obtain it in 1955, the State Encouragement Prize, 1955, the State Merit Award in Literature, shared with Dr. Shawki Deif, 1963, Nasser’s Award, dedicated by the former Soviet Union, 1976, State Merit Award in Literature, 1977, Medal of Appreciation, 1977, Medal of the Republic, first class, 1978, Medal of Achievement, 1978, State Appreciation Prize for Literature, Honorary Doctorate from the American University in Cairo, (AUC), 1987.

Remarkable Quotes Modern civilizations will be civilizations of societies not persons. (Etman, 6th of March 1978).

As usual Suhair announced her smart accurate words concerning woman renaissance. “Woman’s situation was very cold and poor the same as reformation pioneers in the middle of nineteenth century. At that time Muslim woman never complained of law injustice, but of traditions and conventions oppression. We should admit that Islam presented a lot of social justice for woman.” (Al-Hamamsi, 26th of January 2008). The third time I met Suhair al-Qalamawi was during publishing my film criticism book “Inspiration of Scheherazade Character in Egyptian Cinema” in 2017 after seven years of preparing and studying. Now it’s the fourth time I meet this great woman hope never to be the last. As Ibn Sayyar el-Nazzam said in the third century: Science never gives you some of it unless you give the science all of you.

7 Suhair Al-Qalamawi: An Egyptian Educational Icon …

109

References Dalya, C.-M. (2005). Arab women writers: An anthology of short stories (p. 301). Albany: State University of New York Press. Gorman, A. (2003). Historians, state and politics in twentieth century Egypt: Contesting the nation (p. 37). London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, Taylor and Francis Group. Hemeida, N. (2019, January 10). https://akhbarelyom.com/news/. Ibrahim, A. (2017, June 2). https://alantologia.com/page/16833. Ibrahim, N. (2019). Schherazade character in contemporary Egyptian literature—Analytical study (3rd ed.). (p. 29) Dar al-Ulum. Johnson-Davies, D. (1983). Arabic short stories (p. xxvi). Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. Mohammed, E. (1978, March 6), Roz el-Youssef magazine. Mohammed, E.-H. (2008, January 26). Hawa’a magazine. Ouf, A., & Rahman, A. (2001, July 17). al-Ahram newspaper. Salah, T. (2011, Jyly 22). al-Ahram newspaper. Saleh, S. K. (1997, May 27). al-Ahram newspaper. Samah, A. (2017, December 16). https://kitabat.com. Sanaa, A.-B. (2018, March 3). al-Ahram newspaper. Suhair, A.-Q. (1959). Alf Lillah wa Lillah—Dar al-Ma’aref. Zeidan, J. T. (1995). Arab women novelists: The formative years and beyond (p. 79). Albany: State University of New York Press.

Chapter 8

The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History of Gender in Sudan Mawahib Ahmed Bakr

On the State The historical transformations of states, nation-building, and changing state projects are essential elements in the analyses of women’s position and gender issues (Al-Ali, 2000; Hatim, 2005; Yuval-Davis, 1997). The evolution of the women’s movement in Northern Sudan reflects its relationship with Sudanese nationalist projects, as well as the post-colonial state (Hale, 1996; Mahmoud, 2002). Mohanty (1991) argues that “systems of dominations” based on “race,” class, ethnicity, and gender have no identical effects on women in Third World contexts. However, these “systems of domination” work through historically specific “relations of ruling.” Relations of ruling refer to forms of knowledge, organized practices, and institutions, as well as questions of consciousness, experience, and agency. Therefore, such relations reveal multiple intersections of structures of power. It is at the intersections of these relations of ruling with systems of dominations that Third World feminist struggles are positioned. It is also by “understanding these intersections that we can attempt to explore questions of consciousness and agency without neutralizing either individuals or structures” (Mohanty, 1991, p. 13). Historically, modern Sudan was captured by the Turko-Egyptians in the period 1821–1885. In 1885, the national religious leader Mohamed Ahmed Al Mahadi led a revolution against the Turko-Egyptians and then ruled Sudan until 1898. In 1898, both the British and Egyptians ruled Sudan in what was known as Condominium Rule up to independence in 1956. The state is the driving force of the relations of ruling. Al-Ali (2000) refers to Robert Connell’s conceptualization of the state as representative of “gender regimes.” In other words, the state is implicated in gender relations in various ways and state power can work to either consolidate the existing gender relations or change them M. A. Bakr (B) Hamad Bin Khalifa University Qatar, Ar-Rayyan, Qatar e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_8

111

112

M. A. Bakr

through enacting reforms. However, both states and civil society represent complex sites for women to launch their struggles, find space to negotiate, and articulate their interests, according to their position and to a given country’s context of power relations and state formation (Al-Ali, 2000; Rai, 2002). Indeed, “women were both shaped by these elite nation-building strategies as well as, resistant to them” (Joseph, 1999, p. 165). The British colonial state in Sudan established a particular form of rule through the use of gender and racialization as integral components for the functioning of the colonial institutions. The separation of “races” was considered necessary to maintain the British authority and to protect the cultures and religions of the southerners. Accordingly, they implemented a policy of divide and rule that separated the North and South of Sudan in 1921 (Khalid, 1990; Woodward, 1990). This resulted in development neglect, which led to the uneven development between North and South Sudan. Also, policies that discriminated against women were enacted, especially in education (Badri, 1986; Hale, 1996). Moreover, the colonial states consolidated the economic position of the main religious sects—Al-Mahdia and Al-Khatmia—as well as some ethnic tribal leaders by granting them considerable shares in government contracts and providing them with lands. This laid the foundation for the influence of religious leaders in post-colonial states in Sudan.

On Feminism and Women’s Activism Myra Ferree differentiated between a “women’s movement” and “Feminism.” She argued that women’s organizing, explicitly as women, to make social change is what makes a “women’s movement.” She also recognized that “many mobilizations of women as women start out with a non-gender-directed goal, such as peace, antiracism, or social justice, and only later develop an interest in changing gender relations” (2006, 6). Ferree stated that while feminism is “activism for the purpose of challenging and changing women’s subordination… it is a goal for social change, a purpose informing activism, not a constituency or a strategy” (2006, 6). This definition is to a large extent applicable when defining the women’s movement in Sudan, which began as part of a national liberation movement, and therefore initially set independence from the British as a priority, but continued its struggle against women’s subordination to achieve more of women’s rights. When I refer to the women’s movement in Sudan, I am not referring to a homogeneous single group; rather, I am referring to a multiplicity of groups that use different approaches that are sometimes complementary and sometimes antagonistic. However, they all have a shared belief and understanding of their struggles as women, and they all work together when it is necessary, as my research results demonstrate. It is in an acknowledgment of their shared beliefs as women and their ability to come together in alliances despite their differences that I refer to them as a women’s movement.

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

113

I also refer to them as a one movement in recognition of the continuity and complementary nature of their activism. Each stage was historically led by a different women’s group; starting with the era of nationalism and culminating with the current era of transnationalism, each group drew from and built on the previous groups’ experiences and accomplishments. All women’s groups mainly practiced their activities in Khartoum, although they regularly performed outreach to rural and regional areas. As the capital of Sudan, Khartoum represented and continues to represent a melting pot for women activists across the divides of ethnicity, religion, and region. Also, in the context of this paper, I prefer to use the term “women’s activism” rather than feminism because most of the women I interviewed rejected the label of feminism. This is mainly because it is connected with ideas of global feminism and/or global sisterhood that focus on the sameness of oppression, on individualism, and on gender as the sole reason for women’s subordination. Such ideas have now been widely interrogated by “black women,” “women of color,” “Third World women,” “African women,” “Muslim women,” etc. All these groups consider women’s other experiences with racialization, colonialism, nationalism, and neocolonial structures as part and parcel of women’s oppression; in other words: “the contrast between a singular focus on gender as a basis for equal rights and a focus on gender in relation to race, and/or class as part of a broader liberation struggle” (Mohanty, 1991, 11). In addition, these different groups approach women’s different forms of oppression using different strategies, but all work toward challenging oppression. The definition of the boundaries of what can be considered as “feminist” is still debatable. Badri maintained that “feminism to me upholds a continuum that starts from the minimum of addressing women’s basic needs to the maximum of addressing the structural causes of subordination and violence” (2008, 69). Although I disagree with Badri’s use of the words minimum and maximum, I do agree with her that feminism includes all kinds of struggles against oppression in women’s lives. Furthermore, the women of Sudan started their organized activism with the struggle for independence alongside the nationalist forces. This indicates that women’s concerns were considered as part of the national concerns since the inception of the movement. I maintain that the self in the context of the women of Sudan is not equated only with the individual self but rather with family, community, and nation. This is why their struggle was waged and continues to be fought across all these fronts: self, family, community, and nation.

On Nationalism An understanding of nationalism as a gendered phenomenon is important in order to ascertain how women participate in nationalist projects. Feminist scholarship1 has

1 For

more details please refer to Giles (2004), Jacobs (2000), McClintock (1995), Pettman (1996), Saigol (1999), Yuval-Davis (1997).

114

M. A. Bakr

interrogated the gender blindness of nationalism to expose women’s roles and activities in nationalist struggles and their outcomes. Anthias and Yuval-Davis identified five major ways that women participate in nationalists struggles: (a) as biological reproducers of members of ethnic collectivities; (b) as reproducers of the boundaries of ethnic/national groups; (c) as central participants in the ideological reproduction of collectivity and as transmitters of its culture; (d) as symbols in the ideological discourses used in ethnic/national differences; and (e) as participants in national, economic, political and military struggles (1993, 7). Anthias and Yuval Davis argued that—despite this active participation of women, especially during the anti-colonial nationalist struggles and their sincere efforts to gain independence as a necessary step to attain more rights—women’s demands for equal rights after independence are normally ignored. Jayawardena (1986) highlighted the interdependence of nationalism and feminism in Third World countries and acknowledged the gains women can achieve by participating in nationalist struggles. She contemplated the idea that nationalist projects allow women some space for resistance and strengthen both their capacity and selfassurance by enabling access to work and education. However, she maintained that in India—and other countries in which the local bourgeoisie replaced imperialist rulers through a process of negotiation and gradual reforms—the women’s struggle did not move beyond the sphere of limited reforms, i.e., equality for women within the legal process; the removal of obvious discriminatory practices; and adding the right to vote, receive an education, and own property. Such reforms did not address the basic question of women’s subordination within the family and in society (Jayawardena, 1986, 10). I do agree with Jayawardena that these “reforms” did not directly deal with women’s subordination in society, but women did benefit from these “reforms” to strengthen their existence in public life. If gender relations are understood as a process where the meaning of gender changes over time (Blom, 2000, 9), these “reforms” pave the way for transforming gender relations and enabling women to resist the patriarchy and realize some of their interests. Susan Geiger’s essay on “Tanganyikan Nationalism as ‘women’s work’: Life Histories, Collective Biography & Changing Historiography,” is also an important contribution in terms of its highlighting the role of women in nationalist struggles. In her exploration and re-evaluation of Tanganyikan nationalism, she called for reconsidering the master narrative of nationalism in Tanzania, which glorified the contribution of men and neglected the important role played by women. I believe that the importance of Geiger’s work lies in its assertion that women’s nationalist consciousness is rooted in their culture and their sense of belonging to their nation. This also asserts their role not only as women, but as active political agents. In another development of feminist theorization of nationalism, and in a move to assert the positive relationship between feminism and nationalism as well as to affirm women’s agency in nationalist struggles, I agree with Ranchod-Nilsson’s call for “a feminist perspective on nationalism that does not discount or overlook women’s agency or women’s own imagining of the Nation” (2000, 170). She further provided

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

115

an example of how rural and combatant women’s active participation during the liberation movement in Zimbabwe was important in envisioning the nation. Hee-Kang Kim (2009), in her study of nationalism in South Korea, confirmed that feminists there continue to hold onto their nationalist agenda while concomitantly fighting the patriarchal aspects of nationalism. Also, other feminist writers have reviewed the cultural aspects of nationalism2 and in their reviews, have stressed the tension between modernity and tradition involved in the way nationalist projects deal with women’s question. This has provided more space to consider women’s resilience in nationalist struggles, as it shows how women use the tension between tradition and modernity to extend their interests. Nationalists in India, Egypt, and other places including Sudan have adopted an approach in dealing with women which is an equivocal combination of tradition and modernity. Women are “caught” between becoming “modern” and maintaining their traditional values as symbols of the nation. In his analysis of this tension between modernity and tradition, Chatterjee argued that, by adopting this contradictory approach, Indian nationalists replaced the old or classic patriarchy—which was represented by the boundaries of the home—with a more flexible but culturally determined domain set by the difference between socially approved male and female conduct (1989, 248). He went on to define this new patriarchy by stating that, The new patriarchy advocated by nationalism conferred upon women the honor of a new social responsibility, and by associating the task of “female emancipation” with the historical goal of sovereign nationhood, bound them to a new, and yet entirely legitimate, subordination (1989, 248). Such a contradiction is illustrated by the simultaneous opening of spaces for women versus the constraining of women’s activism by men to sustain their patriarchal interests. For women to achieve equality, there should be a “struggle against the false essentialisms of home/world propagated by nationalist ideology” (Chatterjee, 1989, 253). I argue that women may benefit from this tension between tradition and modernity, and that this is the case with Sudanese women in Sudan. A “new patriarchy” and “contradictory discourse” has signaled a change in gender relations for Sudanese women, installing them in the public sphere in education, work, and participation in civic life. The inherent tension in this situation has created further fluidity in the margins between tradition and modernity, and redefined the meaning of gender differences. I contend that women’s resilience in nationalist struggles underscores both national and gender struggles. Vickers argued that the relationship between nationalism and feminism varies and may take different forms, i.e., “feminisms and nationalisms take different forms in different contexts… both isms are historically and geographically situated and shaped by a nation’s location in global systems of colonialism and neocolonialism” (2002, 284). So, women may or may not realize certain

2 For more details, please refer to for example, Al-Ali (2000), Chatterjee (1989), Eisenstein (2004),

Martyn (2004), Moghadam (1994), and Mohanty (2003).

116

M. A. Bakr

benefits from joining nationalist struggles depending on the context and the timing of their participation. Women participate in different capacities in nationalists’ movements and have different experiences ranging from organizing or participating in demonstrations to active combat in national conflicts and wars. There is a need to consider each case of women’s participation in nationalist struggles within its concrete context to reach more specific conclusions and avoid generalizations. So, women may join nationalist projects as active agents and as such, their goals may depart from those of the nationalist leadership at a point in time, as per the outcomes of this study. Saigol observed that women who participated in nationalist projects earlier in India tended to remain within the boundaries of the nationalist project. Only at later stages did they start to question the nationalist patriarchy itself (1999, 99). Bernal argued that in Sudan, “nation-building efforts often entail attempts to foster or impose notions of cultural homogeneity” (2005, 173). Nationalist state projects define the boundaries of Sudan through a perception of shared language, religion, and ethnicity. However, this assumption is often based on the denial of difference and even sometimes a coercive forging of “nation” within the artificial boundaries drawn by the colonialists. This chapter will build on and contribute to this literature, which has been informative and relevant in explaining some aspects of the evolution of the women’s movement in Sudan. It will address the following questions: • What was the approach adopted by the nationalist forces in Sudan toward the “women’s question”? • How have women challenged and resisted structures of oppression and subordination and realized some benefits? I maintain that nationalists of that time imagined women as carriers of authentic culture. Women were subjected to the nationalists’ gendered ideology that could not escape the influence of the patriarchal social and religious structures. Despite this, women considered the nationalist agenda of independence as their own, and simultaneously worked hard for their rights of education, employment, and suffrage. Women’s problems were considered part of society’s problems, although they had some of their own specific concerns as women; but they believed that all issues should be solved within the social and political milieu of the nation (Abdel-Al, 1997, 40).

Nationalist Women and the Struggle for Independence Women’s participation in the nationalist struggle in Sudan began as early as 1924 with the White Flag League demonstration against the British (Hall & Ismail, 1981). Ajooba wrote about Al-Aza Abdulla—the wife of Ali Abdulatif, the leader of the While League—who was the first woman to participate in the demonstrations and help with communications among the nationalists of the League (2008, 153). However, women were subjected to the patriarchal structures present in Sudanese

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

117

society at the time. Sudanese society during the 1950s was highly patriarchal and thus men enjoyed a dominant position in social life and controlled both access to resources and political decision-making. Women were confined to activities that took place within their homes, with their families. Women were rarely seen in the streets unless there was a wedding party or social event (Al-Haj, 2007, 50). As Joseph observed in her study of societies in the Middle East and North Africa, which included Sudan, the family is the “site” of tradition, religious moralities, and patriarchal rule; it is a “women’s authentic place” (2001, 19). Also, Sudanese society is characterized by collectivism which is an inherent feature of the African value system (Mahmoud, 2002).3 People came together and participated in all social occasions, such as marriage, as well as in rituals pertaining to death. Kinship, extended families, and strong neighborhood bonds tied people together. This situation was further consolidated by the economic conditions. Commercial capitalism began to replace feudalism in the Nile Valley around 1800 and accelerated after the Turko-Egyptian conquest of 1821 (Hale, 1996, 196). However, the economy’s shift toward capitalism through the process of supplying cash crops and raw materials for British industries and serving as a market for European manufactured goods came during the period of British colonialism. The gender regime during this period was constructed on the basis of a male-breadwinner and femalehomemaker roles, an arrangement sustained by the traditional patriarchal structures of family and society. Women were also subjected to the discriminatory colonial gender ideology in education and in work, which identified men as workers and women as wives. The British colonial administration kept women in a secondary position, especially with regard to education. Also, only the girls were supposed to pay school fees to the government; the boys’ education was free (Mahmoud, 1984). Challenges to this colonial policy started in 1907 when Babiker Badri, himself a nationalist, established a school for his daughters and nieces in his own house at his own expense after receiving permission from the British authorities (Badri, 1986; Hall & Ismail, 1981).4 Only in 1921 did the colonial government open five schools for girls, followed by the Omdurman Girls’ Training College for Teachers (Badri, 1986; Hall & Ismail, 1981). However, women’s education at that time had consolidated women’s traditional roles in society and didn’t encourage women’s emancipation. Historians have documented that the content of the programs for girls’ education in 1920 was different from that of boys’ schools; the girls’ schools also had lower academic standards and 3 Mahmoud,

in her study African Women: Heritage & Modernity, 2002, refers to the spirit of collectivism that exists among African women that is part of the African social value system and heritage. Women come to support each other in building houses in Kenya or assist each other financially through “rotating funds” as in Sudan. 4 Babiker Badri requested permission from the British Minister of Education Sir James Carry in 1905 to open a school for girls in Rufaa’ City, but his request was rejected. He insisted, applied again, and threatened to resign from his position as a teacher. In 1907, he was given the permission under the condition that he funded this school with his own money. He did open the school and continued to fund it up to 1918, when the British colonial government accepted the responsibility to financially support the school.

118

M. A. Bakr

included courses such as home crafts and needlework (Badri, 1986; Hale, 1996; Mahmoud, 2002). The policies of promoting women’s education were oriented toward the preservation of patriarchal norms and values and did not address the basic question of women’s subordination within the family and in society. Despite this, women considered education as an important step toward achieving their rights. One of the Pioneers5 said to me in an interview that, We struggled on all fronts; even the kind of education available for women was different than the education given to men. We believed that education is the main gate for women’s rights and development. The first women’s organization in Sudan was the Educated Girls Association, made up of the girls (now women) educated in Omdurman in 1947 with the aim of gathering educated women to work together for the advancement of their society (Abdel-Al, 1997; Badri, 1986, 2002; Hall & Ismail, 1981). In 1951, these pioneer women, who were the first students to be graduated from Omdurman High School, wrote a memorandum requesting books, educational materials, and teachers. In response to this, the head of their school expelled them all from the school. All of the students then went on strike until the colonial authorities responded to their requests and the expelled students returned to school (Al-Haj, 2007, 45). This was an important historical event that documents women’s struggle against colonialism in support of their education rights. Also, these pioneer women of the women’s movement organized classes that went beyond home economics and childcare, where women could learn to read and write with the purpose of improving the conditions of their uneducated sisters (Badri, 1986). Indeed, this spirit of collective solidarity was one of the distinguishing features of the beginning of the Sudanese women’s movement (Mahmoud, 2002). The pioneer medical doctor said, in my interview with her, We were friends, we lived in the same area, we studied together at high school and some of us worked together. Our goal was to educate our sisters to know their rights. We started with a night school and we opened a class for sewing to attract women and encourage their parents to send them to the school. The pioneer women were aware that they needed to not only to start with educating “their sisters”; they introduced classes for sewing to convince parents to send their daughters to school to learn how to be “good wives and take care of their homes.” This was one of the strategies used by the pioneer women to manipulate the patriarchal structures of society. They also had to deal with a scarcity of resources and became creative and determined about how to move on with what they wanted to achieve. In my interview with another Pioneer, she said,

5 It

is worth mentioning that the pioneer women in the movement were well-known to each other as a result of being together in one school (Omdurman Secondary School) and through family ties. Khalda Zahir, Fatma Talib, Nafisa Ahmed El Amin, Nafisa Al Meelaik, Saud Abdel Rahman, Thorya Al Drdiri, Fatma Ahemd Ibrahim, Hajja Kashif, Aziza Mekki, Mahasin Jaylani, Thorya Ambabi, and Suad AL Fatih all participated in the first struggle against colonial authorities at the school of Omdurman and accused the head of the school of being unjust to them in 1951 (Abdel-Al, 1997; El-Amin 1994).

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

119

I joined the Women’s Union in the 1960s. I was so much concerned with educating women. I went to my village on vacation and I decided to open a literacy class; we had no material; we brought the piece of flat iron used for carrying mud for buildings and used it as a board and we used the coal as a marker. The women were so happy. The efforts of educated Sudanese women who graduated from the Teaching and Nursing schools marked the beginning of women’s activism in Sudan; these women planted the seeds that grew into the first women’s associations (Badri, 2008). Women joined the labor market as nurses, teachers, and clerks; they subsequently formed their own teachers’ and nurses’ trade unions (Badri, 1986; Hall & Ismail, 1981). The Teachers’ Union was established in 1949, followed by the Nurses’ Trade Union in 1951. The Nurses’ Trade Union guided the first public women’s protest against colonialism, as confirmed by El-Amin, who wrote “on the 26th of August 1951, women nurses walked out in a demonstration with their colleagues the men nurses against colonial policy” (El-Amin, 1994, 10). Teachers and nurses’ demonstrations against the colonialist policies indicated an early consciousness of their rights as they compared their status with that of their male colleagues. In 1952, the Teacher’s Union sent a memorandum to the Director of the Department of Education, requesting rights equal to those of their male colleagues. The introduction to this memorandum stated that, As we are aware of the duties of female teachers in government schools and how these teachers face great difficulties due to the inadequacy of the government regulations, and how they are applied to them, we feel that our duties are not of less importance than those of males… (Badri, 1986, 110, Annexure 1). It went on to list 23 requests and ended by giving 31 December 1955 as the deadline for the Department of Education to respond to these “fair demands which represent some of the rights of Sudanese women teachers” (Badri, 2002, 110, Annexure 1). This was a thoughtful and well-presented means of communicating demands on the part of the Sudanese women teachers at that time and reflected a considerable level of awareness of not only their rights but also of how to approach the authorities with regard to their rights. Although this increase in women’s numbers in education and in work marked their existence in public life, it was accomplished with great difficulty. Women struggled with the patriarchal nature of society. Badri confirmed that teachers used to go to work with their faces concealed by their Thob6 with only their eyes visible (2002, 88); women workers in offices were confronted by angry male colleagues who considered the women’s presence with them in the same office as being against Islam; and many women used to go to work accompanied by a male relative or an older female relative (2002, 94). However, all of these incidences did not stop women from continuing their education and work. I agree with Badri that teachers and nurses traveled and worked in remote areas away from their families and that this confirms their dedication to service and to make a change in their conservative community (2002, 9). In 1952, a group of pioneering women established the Sudanese Women’s Union (WU) which, from its start, was supported by the Sudanese Communist Party, trade 6 Sudanese

women’s national dress in the North of Sudan.

120

M. A. Bakr

unions, and workers (Badri, 1986; Hale, 1996; Hall & Ismail, 1981). The support of the Communist Party for women was confirmed by my interviewees. One of the pioneers said. We were part and parcel of the national movement. At that time, the world was divided into two camps: Eastern, under the leadership of the Soviet Union and Western, under the leadership of the US. The Eastern Camp was supporting liberation movements around the World; it was natural to get the support of the Communist party as a movement for the liberation of women. Elamin described that time, “The Women’s Union calls for a meeting to declare the union and explain its objectives on the 31st of January 1952. That day was historical because 500 women attended” (1997, 11). One of the pioneers said of this meeting, I was a teacher. We came together and our first meeting was at the house of one of us and that was the beginning of women’s organizing. We believed that we should be like others who formed unions, like youth and laborers. We created a preliminary committee with 10 women to establish our constitution and program; then after official registration, we did our first public assembly meeting. The WU called for an end to traditional, “backward thinking” in society, which hindered women from attaining their rights. The WU aimed to encourage women to participate in the social life of the community, to demand equal rights for women and girls, and to promote women’s lives socially, economically, and politically. Branches were established in the larger towns of Sudan. In my interview with a member of the second generation of the Women’s Union, she said, We had a clear structure: Central Committee, Cities Branch Committees, and Town-Sections Branch Committees; it was a pyramid hierarchy. I was working in a section-branch because of my early political work as a member of the Sudanese Communist Party. One of the objectives of the Union was to open its membership to all women of Sudan, regardless of their level of education, religion, ethnicity, or class. In 1954, the WU established a women’s monthly journal called the Voice of Woman (Badri, 1986, 106). The Women’s Union further extended its relationship with the Arab Women’s Union and the African Women’s Congress and gained membership in the International Democratic Union in 1957. Many other women’s organizations and groups were formed during the 1940 and 1950s,7 and this reflected the growing awareness among Sudanese women of the importance of organizing. Despite women’s efforts, the first new constitution in Sudan in 1954 restricted a woman’s right to vote to educated women, even though illiterate men had the right to vote (Badri, 1986; El-Amin, 1994; El-Bashier, 2003; Hall & Ismail, 1981). One of the pioneers recalling the restrictions on women voters said, “At the first national government, only educated women were given the right of voting, although this was not the case for men.” Despite the fact that the educated 7 These

included, the Women’s Club in 1944 in Wad Madani in Central Sudan; the Association for Women’s Promotion in 1949 by El-Mahadi; House in Khartoum, the Women’s Revival Society, in El-Obied in Western Sudan in 1952; the Charity Society in Port Sudan in the Eastern part of Sudan in 1953; the School Mistresses Trade Union in 1949; and the Nurses Trade Union in 1950. See details in Badri (1986).

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

121

women were few and only 15 women graduates participated in the first elections, this was an important first step as it established the principle of a woman’s right to vote (Abdel-Al, 1997). The Sudanese nationalists restricted women’s rights and “excluded [them] from formal power at the conclusion of the struggle” (Jacobs, 2000, 225). They adopted a contradictory discourse in dealing with women. This contradiction was manifested in a particular combination of traditional and modern gendered practices and beliefs that opened opportunities, though restricted, for women to participate in public life. For example, women were able to go to school and work outside the home, as long as they adhered to spiritual and traditional practices inside and outside the home. I maintain that women suffered from the gendered ideology and the patriarchy of both the colonialist and the patriarchal society with its tight grip on traditions and religion, which in turn made it difficult for women to attain their rights. The pioneer women shouldered the burden and benefited from the available scarce and inadequate opportunities. They had manipulated and bargained with the existing patriarchal structures. One of the Pioneers said, We needed to surpass two main obstacles; the British Law clause 105, which put on trial anyone who incited hatred of the government, and we had to find a way to deal with our heritage and customs. We fought against the patriarchy under the name of religion. This required a great deal of diplomacy and wisdom from our side. Kandiyoti employed the concept of the “patriarchal bargain” to refer to strategies and specific forms of resistance used by women in a given society to contend with oppression. These forms are “susceptible to historical transformations that open up new areas of struggle and negotiation of the relations between genders” (1997, 87). In the African context, Nnaemeka called this bargaining a “balancing act” (2005, 31), which means that women try to create a balance between society’s customs and traditions and their struggle to achieve their rights.

Women’s Activism After Independence After independence, the WU sent a memorandum on 7 January 7 1957, to the Constitutional Committee. In it, they demanded that the Committee “give women the full right to elect and be elected; the right to work; the right to equal pay; family protection” (El-Amin, 1994, 17). This was followed by an announcement of the memorandum at a public political conference which included all political parties. It received the support of all parties with the exception of the Umma Party8 and the Muslim Brothers (El-Amin, 1994). Moreover, members from both the Umma Party and the Muslim Brothers used force to prevent women from attending a fundraising event 8 The

Umma Political Party represents one of the main two religious’ sects in Sudan, the Mahadia, whose name refers to Mohamed Ahmed AL Mahadi, who led the Mahadia revolution against the Turko-Egyptian rule in Sudan in 1821.

122

M. A. Bakr

organized by the WU and attended by representatives from all foreign embassies in Khartoum in 1954 (Abdel-Al, 1997; Badri, 2002). The grip of the patriarchy on society and religion at that time was very tight. The establishment of the WU was against the stipulations of both the religious instructions and traditions of Sudanese society of that time. The religious leader of the Khartoum Masjid (Arabic for “mosque”) attacked the women of the WU in Friday prayer (Badri, 2002, 115) and accused them of acting against the traditions of Islam and Sudanese society. Badri (2002) contended that, after the founding of the WU in 1952, the opposition was divided into two groups: one based on religion (claiming that the WU contravened Islamic requirements which called for women to stay at home, wear a hijab, and not intermingle with men) and another traditional Islamic group which at that time included two Islamic sects—Al Mahadia and Al Khatmia—that believed that it was against the values of society and good manners for women to go to work (Badri, 2002, 115). Hale maintained that visions of women’s emancipation took two forms in Sudan: that of the upper and upper-middle class nationalists, who viewed gendered social changes along liberal Western lines as the key to women’s equality; and that of the lower-middle class nationalists, who opposed women’s emancipation as being shaped by Western influences, arguing that Sudanese women’s growing independence would weaken the family, considered to be the foundation of the Islamic nation (1996, 106). However, I contend that the nationalist vision of women’s emancipation had more to do with the Islamic, conservative, and patriarchal nature of the society. On the other hand, the WU received support from the Communist Party, which was the first political party to open its membership to women. The Communist Party’s ideology was considered by traditional forces as anti-Islamic and therefore was not accepted by traditional and Islamic segments of society. This had negative implications for the WU. The nationalists, the Communists, traditional forces, and the Muslim Brothers did not want to challenge the patriarchal structure of society at that time. The Communists did not want to provoke the traditional and religious elements of society. Indeed, the Muslim Brothers (during the 1950s) believed that women had no place in public life. The Umma Party and traditional forces had their own vision of positioning women at home. The nationalists’ unwillingness to challenge the patriarchy reflected their contradictory approach to dealing with the women’s question and their reluctance to challenge the traditional patriarchal structures of their society, which undermined women’s status. The WU members realized that direct confrontation with the traditional nationalist forces might threaten their struggle to achieve more rights. As Hall and Ismail argued, “Many realized the dangers of being overly hasty in demanding female emancipation and advocated a cautious approach to avoid inflaming public opinion and producing the opposite outcome” (1981, 109). Activist women were caught between the allegations of the traditional nationalists, who denied them their rights because they were deemed to be “Westernized,” and their struggle to pursue their interests as both nationalists and women. Members of the Union asserted their commitment to the values and the customs of Sudanese society in the way they dressed and behaved,

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

123

mainly to avoid attacks and be able to move on with their causes (Abdel-Al, 1997; Badri, 2002; El-Amin, 1994). I agree with both Badri (2002) and El-Amin (1994) that this cautious approach on the part of the WU was a strategy to allow them to continue their activities and realize rights for all women. Badri argued that “they did not want to antagonize a society which was not yet mature enough to let go of culturally accepted patterns, … they may have wanted to safeguard the Union from possible attacks” (2008, 48). This was also confirmed by El-Amin, who maintained that “This [the WU strategy] was due to the proper tactics it followed in its activities while complying with the psychological construction of Sudanese society without retreating or deflecting from its main objectives and principles” (1994, 14). Although women started their activism as a unified body, the opposition from Islamic and traditional leaders resulted in the resignation of two of the founding members of the WU. This marked the first split in the movement along political and ideological lines. Such a split demonstrated that women may have different visions for pursuing their different goals. The history of these early years of the women’s movement indicates that it started as an urban movement and came about through the efforts of educated women from the middle and the upper classes in society: “It was a movement of the cream who lived in the cities” (El-Amin, 1994, 13). Mahmoud wrote that “the organized Sudanese women’s movement was established by the middle and higher class educated women who lived in cities” (2002, 249). Despite this fact, these pioneer women did not isolate themselves from the daily life of their uneducated counterparts. The strategic and cautious approach they used enabled them to reach out and connect to their lowerclass sisters. The WU called for a unified women’s movement across the country, regardless of women’s differences, with the idea that “this would create [a] strong women’s front that could lead and channel women’s struggle” (Abdel-Al, 1997, 44). However, it was also a call for a “global sisterhood” at the local and national level, the invalidity of which was soon realized. The initial splits in the women’s movement were the result of an early consciousness of differences, religious or otherwise, in approaches to handling gender and women’s issues. A failure to create unity coincided with an assertion of the heterogeneous nature of the women’s movement in Sudan. However, as pointed out by Abdel-Al, “although the Women’s Union failed in building a unified women’s movement, it succeeded in building awareness among different women’s groups of their rights” (1997, 44). On 17 November 1957, General Ibrahim Aboud9 —who was supported by the Umma Party—assumed power in the first coup d’état in the history of Sudan. He started his rule by restricting liberties, dissolving trade unions and political parties, and subjecting the South to a compulsory policy of Arabization and Islamization.

9 General

Ibrahim Aboud was encouraged to assume power by the Umma Party due to the deterioration of the economy, the civil war in the South of Sudan, and the failure of the democratic government and the Political Parties to enact necessary reforms.

124

M. A. Bakr

In 1959, like many other associations and political parties, the WU was abolished. However, it continued its activities underground. In 1963, the regime tried to form a women’s organization under the name of “the Organization of the Sudanese Women Union.” All women were invited, including members of the former WU—who insisted on electing the Executive Committee, where Union members got eight out of the 10 seats of the Committee. The Aboud regime abandoned the whole idea and the cooptation failed (El-Amin, 1994, 19). Thereafter, the WU formed the Housewives’ Cooperative Society and the Traditional Collective Cooperation and shifted its tactics to more of social work orientation. The former WU members continued their political activism against the regime until the October Revolution in 1964 (Badri, 2002; El-Amin, 1994). On 21 October 1964, under the leadership of the WU, women participated actively with men in political street demonstrations that came to be known as the October Revolution of 1964 against military rule10 (Badri, 1986, 2002; Hall & Ismail, 1981). Some women were injured and one member was killed in this action. Women also participated in a civil strike at that time and were members of the National Front, which was formed to organize activities for the success of the revolution; this put the women’s case and issues on the front lines (El-Amin 1997, 20–21). One of the interviewees descriped her experience in October 1964. I went out on school demonstrations in October 1964 and joined the Democratic Front and the Communist Party during [my time at] University. I also worked in the community through the Association of Housewives. This era witnessed a tremendous increase in the activities of the WU that culminated in women gaining suffrage rights in 1965 and the right to equal pay for equal work in 1968 (Hale, 1996; Mahmoud, 2002). Also, in the 1960s, there was competition amongst political parties looking for the female vote, causing them to embrace women’s demands and make space for women. This was beneficial to women as it increased their consciousness about the importance of their participation in public life. Women’s associations affiliated with different parties were formed, including the first Islamic women’s organization, al-Akhwat al-Muslimat (which translates as “the Muslim Sisters”), the women’s branch of the Muslim Brothers. Also, at this time, the Organization of Rural Women was formed (Abel-Al 1997, 69). In 1966, women from Southern Sudan established the Southern Women’s League; they played influential roles in resettling refugees and those displaced by the civil war (Badri, 2002, 132). The increase in women’s activism revealed the contrasting differences among women across the lines of ethnicity, region, and religion. Although the WU opened branches in the different regions, its work was mainly handled by the teachers and nurses who were mostly from the North. Besides, The Union was trying to lay down the same program for the women from the North on the [women from the] South regardless of the actual needs of [the women

10 The October Revolution was based on a peaceful civil strike that obliged the first military regime

in Sudan to resign.

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

125

of] the South; that is why its work in the South did not have much success, in addition to the other political and economic conditions of the South. (Badri, 2002, 131). However, Badri also confirmed that the leaders of Southern women’s associations that were formed after the October Revolution were from the South and were conscious of the problems facing women in the South (2002, 131). In addition, the election of a democratic government in 1965 confirmed the split in the women’s movement along secular and religious lines. The head of the WU Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim—who entered the parliament as an independent candidate –entered the elections supported by the Communist Party, the trade unions, and the worker’s unions, while another female candidate—Thouria Umbabi—entered the elections supported by the League of Islamic Convention, the Umma Party, and the National Unionist Party. Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim,—won one of the 10 seats designated for “the Graduates” (Badri, 1986, 2002; El Amin 1994; El-Bashier, 2003; Hale, 1996; Hall & Ismail, 1981; Ismail and Makki 1981). One of the interviewees, from the second generation, who attended this event said, That was a time of great development for women. Fatima Ahmad Ibrahim was nominated, won, and joined Parliament as the first woman—that was an unprecedented achievement especially in that she was a very convincing character who was able to represent and defend women bravely. Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim summarized what feminism means for women in Sudan; she said, Emancipation does not mean getting rid of our national, good traditions and values, or for us Sudanese women to become another copy of the Western woman— It is emancipation from illiteracy, backwardness. Disease, unemployment, poverty and discrimination in the home and in society—Equality does not mean for Sudanese women to become another copy of the man. It means for women be completely equal to men in rights and decision-making at all levels. (6). This was the culmination of all women’s efforts from restricted access to political representation in 1956 to parliamentary representation in 1965, the outcome of 11 years of struggle post-independence. Abdel-Al confirmed that the report of the 1965 elections indicated that the highest percentage of women’s voting was in Khartoum, where it reached 83%, while the percentage of men’s participation was 72% there; in all other provinces of Sudan, it was 72% for women and 74% for men (1979, 76). Also, there was an increase in women’s participation in political parties, but not in leadership positions. This political success coincided with the increase of the number of women in schools. The percentage of illiterate women in 1956 with independence was 96% (Al-Haj, 2007, 41). The number of girls’ schools increased from 370 in 1965 and to 1,149 in 1970 (Badri, 2002, 42). Also, the number of teachers increased from six in 1923 to 3,716 in 1970 (89). The number of women in the medical field was 151 in 1965; it increased to 8,486 in 1970 (92). Women were also represented on the Constitutional Committee, which was formed in 1968 to draft the country’s permanent constitution. Women’s presence in the public sphere was mounting; however, they got less salary—four-fifths—of their male colleagues and they were not entitled to pensions. Badri confirmed that the labor laws at that time were still the ones that were installed

126

M. A. Bakr

by the British (2002, 100). Women managed to challenge these laws and enacted some changes in the socially constructed gender hierarchy; this resulted in a “new flexible patriarchy” that allowed them some spaces. But women were overburdened; on the one hand, they had to prove themselves at their newly accomplished work opportunities and on the other hand, they had to keep their image at home as good housewives and comply with the rules of the patriarchal society or they would lose both being workers and being housewives. I concur with Mahmoud that the rights of women in public life—like the rights to education, work, and equal payment—were difficult for society to accept (2002, 264). Within the social and patriarchal context described by the pioneers and imposed by the nationalists, the simple fact of the existence of women’s organizations in public life and what this presence enabled women to do was indeed an accomplishment.

Conclusion The women of Sudan started their organized activism with the struggle for independence alongside the nationalist forces. However, the achievement of independence in January 1956 was not enough for women to gain their rights. Women’s activism has been subjected to a contradictory nationalist discourse that forms part of the patriarchy of the Sudanese state and society. Women have supported each other and strategically moved on with their rights in education, work, and suffrage as a preliminary step toward positive changes in gender relations to finally enter Parliament in 1965. They have also used bargaining, balancing acts, and cautious approaches; they benefit from the tension between tradition and modernity, which gives them some space to struggle against oppression and to sustain their activism. I contend that women’s resilience in nationalist struggles underscores both national and gender struggles. In the context of the women of Sudan, the self is not equated only with the individual self but rather with family, community, and nation. This is why their struggle is waged across all these fronts: self, family, community, and nation. Their ultimate cause is prioritized, maneuvered, and bargained according to the complexity of this self-positionality and the complexity of power relations that exist at a point in time. This is why it is important to consider the local context as a site of knowledge production. It is important to acknowledge the role and resilience of women in nationalist movements. Glossing over this undermines women’s struggles in favor of an image drawn by nationalist men that frame women’s participation in the nationalist struggle within certain patriarchal parameters that support the patriarchy. But, to ignore women’s nationalist struggles because they are not directly responding to women’s gender needs is undermining the resistance and efforts of Third World women in favor of an image of “true” feminism that is sometimes described as Western and/or global. If feminism is conceptualized as a political project for social change that respects and recognizes different women’s experiences, then those differences among women become building blocks for this project.

8 The Pioneer Women: Rewriting the History …

127

I maintain that women’s experiences as part of the nationalist forces deserve to be rethought, and the assumed oppositional relationship between nationalism and feminism needs to be revisited, especially with reference to the current challenges of neoliberalism, globalization, and transnationalism. Now the struggle for women’s rights is led by the “transnational women” who extend her struggle beyond the boundaries of the nation itself in support of the overall feminist project sustaining and fighting for women’s rights locally and internationally.

References Abdel Al, M. (1997). Sudanese women and political work. Khartoum, Sudan: Gender Center for Research and Studies. Ajooba, M. (2008). Sudanese woman: Dark and bright sides of the past. Azza Publication. Al-Ali, N. (2000). Secularism, gender and the state in the middle east: The Egyptian women’s movement. Cambridge University Press. Al-Haj, T. O. (2007). Sudanese woman: Development and speciality. Azza Publication. Anthias, F., & Yuval-Davis, N. (1993). Racialized boundaries: Race, nation, gender, color and the anti-racist struggle. Routledge. Badri, B. (Ed.). (2008). Sudanese women profile and pathways to EMpoerment. Ahfad University for Women. Badri, B. (2002). Women at the center in the new sudan: Challenges and prospects. national civic forum (pp. 1–15). Khartoum: Institute of Women, Gender & Development-Ahfad University. Badri, H. (1986). Women’s movement in the Sudan. New Delhi: Asia news Agency. Badri, H. (2002). Women’s movement in the Sudan. University of Khartoum publishing House. Bernal, V. (2005). Gender, culture & capitalism: Women & the remaking of islamic tradition’ in a Sudanese village. In A. Cornwall (Ed.), Readings in Gender in Africa. London: The International African Institute. Bolm, I. (2000). Gender and nation in international comparison. Gendered nations: In K. H. C. Hall (Ed.), Nationalisms and gender order in the long nineteenth century. Oxford; New York: Berg. Chandra, M., Russo, A., & Torres, L. (Eds.). (1991). Third world women and the politics of feminism. Indiana Universit Press. Chandra, M. T. (2003). Under western eyes: Feminist scholarship and colonial discourses. In C. Mohanty (Ed.), Feminism without borders: Decolonializing theory, practicing solidarity. Durham: Duke University Press. Chatterjee, P. (1989). The nationalist resolution of the women’s question. In K. Sangari & S. Vaid (Eds.), Recasting women: Essays in India colonial history. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. Eisenstein, Z. (2004). Against empire feminisms, racisim, and the west. London & New York: Zed Books. El-Amin, N. A. (1994). The democratic advance and women’s movement in the Sudan. In The XVIth world congress of the international political science association (pp. 1–47). Berlin: IPSA. El-Bashier, N. (2003). Islamic women’s politics and gender activism: A case study from Sudan. Unpublished Ph.D., Vienna University, Faculty of Humanity and Social Science, Institute of Political Science, Vienna. Ferree, M., & Tripp, M. (Eds.). (2006). Global feminism: Transnational women’s activism, organizing, and human rights. New York University Press. Giles, W. (2004). Introduction: Gender and conflict in a global context. In W. Giles & J. Hyndman (Eds.), Sites of violence: gender and conflict zones. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hale, S. (1996). Gender politics in Sudan: Islamism, socialism, and the state. Boulder; Oxford: Westview Press.

128

M. A. Bakr

Hatim, M. (2005). Secularism and islamist discourses on modernity in Egypt and the evolution of the postcolonial national state. In H. Moghissi (Ed.), Women and Islam: Critical Concepts in Sociology (Vol. 1). London, New York: Routlege. Hall, M., & Ismail, B. (1981). Sisters under the sun: The story of sudanese women. London; New York: Longman. Hee-Kang, K. (2009). Should feminism transcend nationalism? A defence of feminist nationalism in South Korea. Women’s International Forum, 32(2), 108–119 Jacobs, S. (2000). Conclusion: Globalization, states and women’s agency: Possibilities and pitfalls. In S. Jacobs, R. Jacobson, & J. Marchbank (Eds.), States of conflict: Gender, violence and resistance. London; New York: Zed Books. Jayawardena, K. (1986). Feminism and nationalism in the third world. Zed Books. Joseph, S. (1999). Women between nation and state in lebanon. In Kaplan, C. Alarcon, N., & Moallem, M., (Eds.), Between women and nation: Nationalisms, transnational feminism, and the state. London: Duke University Press. Jospeh, S. (2001). Women and power in the middle east. Pennylvania Press. Khalid, M. (1990). The government they deserve: the role of the elite in Sudan’s political evolution 1956–1990. London; New York: Kegan Paul International. Kandiyoti, D. (1997). Bargaining with patriarchy. In N. Visanathan, et al., (Eds.), Gender and development reader. London; New Jersey: ZED Books. Mahmoud, F. B. (1984). The sudanese bourgeoisie: Vanguard of development. London: Zed Books. Mahmoud, F. (2002). African women: Heritage and nodernism. Cambridge Academic Press. Martyn, E. (2004). Women’s movement in postcolonial Indonesia: Gender and nation in a new democracy. Curzon Press Limited. McClintock, A. (1995). Imperial leather: Race, gender and sexuality in the colonial contest. Routledge. Moghadam, V. e. (1994). Identity politics and women: Cultural reassertions and feminisims in international perspectives. Boulder; San Francisco; Oxford: Westview Press. Nnaemeka, O. (2005). Mapping African feminism. In A. Cornwall, (Ed.), Readings in Gender in Africa. London: The International African Institute. Rai, S. (2002). Gender and the political economy of development: From nationalism to globalization. Polity Press. Pettman, J. J. (1996). New frontiers in women studies: Knowledge, identity and nationalism. In M. Maynard & J. Purvis (Eds.), Boundary politics :Women, nationalism and danger. London: Taylor and Francis. Saigol, R. (1999). Home makers and home breakers: The binary construction of women in muslim nationalism. In T. S. (ED), Women, narration and nation: Collective images and multiple identities (pp. 89–136). New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. Sorenson, J., & Matsuoka, A. (Eds.). (2001). Ghosts and shadows: Construction of identity and community in an Afican Diaspora. University of Toronto Inc. Vickers, V. D. (2002). Gender, race and nation. University of Toronto Press. Woodward, P. (1990). Sudan 1898–1989: The unstable state. Lynne Rienner publishers. Yuval-Davis, N. (1997). Gender & nation. SAGE Publications.

Chapter 9

The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric and Action in the MENA Region: A Case Study of Yemen and Libya Moosa Elayah, Wafa Al-Daily, and Maryam Alkubati

Introduction During times of conflict, humanitarian needs exacerbate and saving lives of affected people becomes a top priority. Humanitarian aid and development aid organizations intervene and work collectively to respond to the immediate needs of affected communities (i.e., building peace, saving lives, launching Sustainable Livelihood Programs (SLP), enhancing local security, moderating conflict resolution, supporting reconciliation, and reintegrating former combatants into the society). Nonetheless, peacebuilding becomes more challenging to achieve in war or conflict zones mainly because of the absence of the state and marginalization of certain groups such as women. The UN (2016) report underscores the significant, yet equal, role of both the state and non-state actors, including women, youth, and civil society, in attaining successful conflict management and peacebuilding. It also emphasizes the critical role of the international community in preventing relapse into violence and creating societies that are more resilient. Likewise, “the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) affirms that “peace and security efforts are more sustainable when women are equal partners in the prevention of violent conflict, the delivery of relief and recovery efforts and in the forging of lasting peace” United State Institute of Peace. Building on these efforts, a growing body of research accentuates the importance of women’s participation in peace and security issues to achieving enduring and sustainable stability, which mainly emerged from the Women, Peace, and Security M. Elayah (B) Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Doha, Qatar e-mail: [email protected] W. Al-Daily Global Initiatives, Outreach and International Affairs, Virginia Tech University, Blacksburg, USA M. Alkubati University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba, Japan © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_9

129

130

M. Elayah et al.

(WPS) Agenda, The WPS agenda was established through the efforts of international organizations, national governments, and civil society around the world. However, the universal implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and UNSCR 1325 resolution in different settings is quite problematic. For instance, following the Arab Spring, both donors and the international community worked to support the creation of a regional action agenda on Women Peace and Security (WPS) and promoted the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region with little regards to the local context. This poses a rational question about the applicability of the WPS agenda and UNSCR 1325 resolution in the MENA region during periods of conflict and region-wide instability. To provide a deeper and an insightful analysis, this chapter sheds light on the suitability of the WPS agenda and UNSCR 1325 resolution to local contexts, mainly in Yemen and Libya, as well as the challenges facing its application. It also discusses opportunities available to Arab women, as key players of peacebuilding in the region’s current and future politics. It finally explores potentials for applying the WPS agenda and UNSCR 1325 resolution in the local context in Yemen and Libya to diminish women’s vulnerability, enhance women’s involvement in peacebuilding, and build their capacities for establishing sustainable and democratic states. The analysis is built on a thorough review of the relevant literature and data prior and post the 2011 Arab Spring revolution. This chapter divided into six main sections. Firstly, we started by introducing the WPS agenda, UNSCR 1325 resolution, MENA region, Yemen and Libya, in the content of pre and post 2011 Arab Spring. Secondly, the WPS agenda: rhetoric vs action is based on a general analysis of the MENA region, and two of the conflict-affected countries within the region (Yemen and Libya). Thirdly, we presented the main challenges versus opportunities to the full participation of Arab (Yemeni/Libyan) women in peacebuilding and politics. Fourthly, we answered the question of how the WPS agenda, UNSCR 1325 resolution can create more inclusive environments, as well as transformative and successful peacebuilding processes through creating spaces for a wider set of actors, including women. Subsequently, we addressed the influence of donors and the international community in building peace and increasing women’s involvement in Yemen and Libya? In addition, we drew the main lessons that can be learned, looking backward to move forward. Finally, the conclusion, including the main results and recommendations.

The WPS Agenda, UNSCR 1325 Resolution in MENA: Pre and Post 2011 Arab Spring Armed conflict and political violence leaves little to no room for marginalized groups such as women, youth, and civil society to voice their concerns and safety problems. Women and children are mainly the worst victims of war suffering from lack of access to basic life necessities, abuse, and sexual violence. In the 1990s, growing awareness

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

131

among women peacemakers and women’s rights advocates broke the silence of the international community and the United Nations (UN) Security Council and led to initiating the conversation about the importance of women’s role in violence and war (United Nations Human Rights: Office of the High Commissioner, 2018). This campaign has led to UN Security Council to adopt the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in October 2000, the first resolution was specifically on Women, which was followed by seven other resolutions, UNSCR 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013), 2122 (2013), and 2242 (2015). These resolutions make up the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda and promote the importance of women’s participation in the peacebuilding process, from conflict prevention to post-conflict reconstruction. The following table depicts the key features of the WPS Agenda and the relevant Resolutions: Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda “The Women, Peace, and Security Agenda is an innovative tool-box to leverage more equitable peace.”1 Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 “UNSCR 1325 affirms that peace and security efforts are more sustainable when women are equal partners in the prevention of violent conflict, the delivery of relief and recovery efforts and in the forging of lasting peace.”2 UNSCR Four Pillars3

1. The role of women in conflict prevention 2. Women’s participation in peacebuilding 3. Protection of women’s rights during and after conflict 4. Women’s specific needs during repatriation, resettlement and for rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction

Resolution 1325 (2000)

“Urges Member States to ensure increased representation of women at all decision-making levels […] in mechanisms for the prevention, management, and resolution of conflict (p. 238).”4

Resolution 1889 (2009)

“Welcomes the efforts of Member States in implementing its resolution 1325 (2000) at the national level, including the development of national action plans, and encourages Member States to continue to pursue such implementation (p. 238).”5

Resolution 1888 (2009)

“Encourages Member States to deploy greater numbers of female military and police personnel to United Nations peacekeeping operations, and to provide all military and police personnel with adequate training to carry out their responsibilities (p. 238).”6 (continued)

132

M. Elayah et al.

(continued) Resolution 1960 (2010)

“Sets up “naming and shaming” listing mechanism, sending a direct political message that there are consequences for sexual violence.”7

Resolution 2106 (2013)

“Urges concerned Member States to ensure full accountability, including prosecutions, in cases of [sexual exploitation and abuse by UN personnel] involving their nationals (p. 239).”8

Resolution 2122 (2013)

Encourages concerned Member States to develop dedicated funding mechanisms to support the work and enhance the capacities of organizations that support women’s leadership development and full participation in all levels of decision-making, regarding the implementation of resolution 1325 (2000) (p. 239)”9

Resolution 2242 (2015)

“Encourages assessment of strategies and resources in regards to the implementation of the WPS Agenda; Highlights the importance of collaboration with civil society; Calls for increased funding for gender-responsive training, analysis and programs; Urges gender as a cross-cutting issue within the CVE/CT Agendas; and Recognizes the importance of integrating WPS across all country situations.”10

Source The authors 1 Peace Women Organization: https://www.peacewomen.org/why-WPS/solutions 2 United States Institute of Peace: https://www.usip.org/gender_peacebuilding/about_UNSCR_ 1325 3 United Nations, Political and Peacebuilding Affairs: https://dppa.un.org/en/women-peace-and-sec urity 4 UN Women (Women 2015). Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace. https:// wps.unwomen.org/pdf/CH10.pdf 5 UN Women (Women 2015). Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace. https:// wps.unwomen.org/pdf/CH10.pdf 6 UN Women (Women 2015). Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace. https:// wps.unwomen.org/pdf/CH10.pdf 7 Peace Women Organization: https://www.peacewomen.org/why-WPS/solutions/resolutions 8 UN Women (Women 2015). Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace. https:// wps.unwomen.org/pdf/CH10.pdf 9 https://wps.unwomen.org/pdf/CH10.pdf 10 Peace Women Organization: https://www.peacewomen.org/why-WPS/solutions/resolutions

The WPS Act “recognizes the under-valued and under-utilized contributions women make to conflict prevention, peacekeeping, conflict resolution and peacebuilding, and stresses the importance of women’s equal and full participation as active agents in peace and security,” according to the Peace Women official website.1 1 https://www.peacewomen.org/node/100653.

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

133

It affirms that the inclusion of women in the peace process leads to more sustainable relief and recovery efforts and lasting peace. According to Vogelstein and Bigio (2017), peace negotiation is more likely to succeed by 64% and to last for at least fifteen years when women and civil society groups are involved. This is supported by actual data collected from different countries (Vogelstein & Bigio, 2017). The data showed that accountability is higher when women are included in peacebuilding units, police forces, and security divisions. In fact, the data showed clear evidence that violence against women and civilians usually decreases because of the women’s involvement in these units. Women and civil society groups gain the ownership of this effort, so they work hard in sustaining it. They also feel that they have been recognized as significant players in shaping the future of their children and countries (Lynch and Baker, 2016). In response to the WPS Act, governments across the globe were mandated to create national strategies that increase women participation in all phases of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and security issues. Consequently, about “sixty-nine countries have launched National Action Plans (NAPs) to increase women’s participation in security processes and improve women’s protection from threats of violence” (Vogelstein & Bigio, 2017). The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region was not in isolation from the global movements and calls to increase women participation in decision-making positions, peacebuilding, and conflict reconciliation and communities’ stabilization. However, only Iraq, Jordan, and Palestine from the Arab world have established National Action Plans (NAPs) for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 (know Politics, 2016). According to the Peace Women website, Yemen has not made any specific financial commitments on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and it does not have a National Action Plan for the Implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325. In the case of Libya, there was nominal support for the WPS Agenda despite the commitment of the international community to implement the UNSCR 1325 and the associated resolutions in the country. Regardless of the number of states that supported the UNSCR 1325 resolution and developed the NAPs, noticeably, the participation of women in the Arab Spring in 2011 has positioned them in a stronger position than before, which changed their status from being victims to inspiring leaders. Across the MENA region, women were not just actively participated in protests, but also were on the frontlines in demonstrations that voiced the dissatisfaction of youth about unemployment, injustice, autocracy, corruption, and bribery. If we go back prior to the 2011 Arab Spring revolution, we will notice that women’s political participation and representation was supported by the state in most countries in the MENA region. However, despite the fact that women were granted these rights, most countries in the MENA region have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Likewise, their representation in national legislatures remains the lowest across the globe (Shalaby, 2018). Shalaby (2018) argues that it was not until the Arab Spring that women were able to gain better political participation in national legislatures to reach ten percent. She attributed the growth to the expansion of quota adoption post Arab Spring.

134

M. Elayah et al.

However, very few countries sustained this position while others have failed due to the political upheavals (Arab uprisings) that have permanently transformed the landscape of the region. Today, seven years have elapsed after the Arab uprisings and the status of Arab women remains questionable. The big question is what did they gain aftermath the failing Arab Spring, which clearly resulted in a great chaos across the region? Yemen is bowed under unprecedented armed conflict and blockade by the Arab Coalition led by Saudi Arabia since March 2015. Libya has been plagued by instability, with two governments fighting one another and some 300 revolutionary militias clashing repeatedly to sieging government buildings. Militant groups such as ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and ash-Sham), Daesh, and Al-Qaeda rose in many countries like the forced displacement and unprecedented proliferation of refugee numbers in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya. There is no question that women have been victimized across the region.

The WPS Agenda: Rhetoric Versus Action in MENA In its analysis of women’s status in the MENA region after five years from the Arab Spring, Wilson Center (2016) debates that women continue to be part of the awkward equation in modern democracies where their political rights remain unrecognized and their political presence remains unwelcomed. Post Arab Spring, the MENA region continues to face major obstacles because of the prevailing political unrest, which generated a very challenging environment that marginalized women and tore out their already gained position in the political arena as well as in the social and economic life (Youssef and Heideman, 2012). This chronic situation, the disappointing outcome of the Arab Spring, and the disastrous outcome of the political unrest burdened women with economic instability, social and security challenges, and domestic violence, among others (see for example, Dalacoura, 2012, Anderson, 2017, and Esfandiari and Heideman, 2015). The United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was one of the powerful tools to addresses these issues, mainly the security concerns in the region, and call for women’s inclusion in conflict management and women’s meaningful participation in peace processes at all levels. However, implementation of the WPS agenda has always been a challenge in conflict and war zones. MENA region has not been better than other conflicts/war zones across the world. The unsettled conflict across the region has not provided an enabling environment to the United Nations (UN) Security Council and the fifty-eight UN Member States to achieve sustainable peace for women. In contrast, the proliferation of arms and the lack of accountability created a perfect environment for exploitation and violence against women (United Nations Population Fund, 2016). Direct and indirect actions, such as the dire humanitarian crisis in Yemen, heavy militarization in Iraq, occupation in Palestine, and absence of the rule of law in Libya, have promoted different forms of violence that disprop2017ortionately influenced women and hindered their effective participation in peacebuilding and decision-making at all levels (Peace Women, 2017).

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

135

In a promising view, Women Peace (2017) reports that based on legal international frameworks and best practices, the feminist movement and feminist-led civil society across the region has created a new approach to shift the efforts from conflict response to conflict prevention, from militarized security to human security, from disaster and famine to feminist peace (Heinze and Baabbad, 2017 and Farr and Boukhary, 2017). For instance, women in Yemen and Libya, which are the cases of this analysis, were proactive in regaining their stolen positions in the society after the Arab Spring. In Yemen, more than 40 civil society organizations urgently called for establishing an International Independent and Joint Commission for Investigating Human Rights Violations and Abuses in Yemen in partnership with women-led civil society. This was initiated to support accountability and affected population by war (Human Rights Watch, 2017). In fact, in 2016, more the 70 women leaders developed a Women, Peace, and Security National Agenda and shared it with the UN Envoy office. The United Nations (UN) Security Council acknowledged receiving the agenda in 2017 (Idris, 2017, and Peace Track, 2017). In Libya, successful stories of women in conflict and war zones were shared with Libyan women to encourage informed peace and security decisions in the light of the WPS Agenda. The modest accomplishments in Yemen and Libya specifically have remained fragile because of the little support of the international, regional, and national communities (United Nations Development Programme Libya, 2015). Besides the lack of international community support, the WPS resolution has not been utilized consistently across the MENA region (Rayman, Izen, & Parker, 2016). As summarized by Rayman, Izen, and Parker, the setbacks of the WPS in the MENA region, included lack of local support of the WPS Agenda, especially among the religious groups, lack of political will to implement the National Action Plans (NAPs), gender justice values are not embraced by males and females, deep economic and social inequality, and inability to clearly demonstrate the long-term outcome from implementing the 1325 objectives to local people. On top of all of these, lack of trust has been developed among local communities because only women’s organizations have benefitted from 1325 because of the projects that have been supported by international funding and donors. iKnow Politics report (2016) adds that the main challenge facing the implementation of the 1325 resolution is the common attitude that this resolution is only for countries at war or conflict.

Challenges Versus Opportunities to the Full Participation of Arab Women Women in Yemen and Libya face gender-based oppression, violence, discrimination, and exclusion, which has been exacerbated after the conflict began in both countries. However, the conflict has also created opportunities for women’s increased influence in peace and security processes. In both Yemen and Libya, the Arab Spring revolution provided women with a unique platform to voice their opinions in political, peace, and

136

M. Elayah et al.

security discussions. Yemeni women, for example, secured a commitment to thirty percent gender quota at the National Dialogue Conference in 2014 (WILPF, 2016). However, this commitment has failed to be implemented following the outbreak of the war. Unfortunately, most of these achievements regressed after the revolution, leaving Yemeni and Libyan women marginalized and resisted by male groups. Many of these groups aim at excluding women from participating in peace and security processes in the name of ‘traditional culture’ or ultraconservative interpretations of Islam (Oxfam & Safer World, 2016) Due to insecurities in both Libya and Yemen, women have limited access to public spaces and less opportunities to participate in political activities or peace processes which is met with an increased risk of threats, violence, and prejudice (USIP, 2016). In Yemen, women now have little to no voice due to the military, tribal, and religious systems that are mostly male domains (Oxfam & Safer World, 2016). Increased militarization has caused gender-based violence to increase by seventy percent (WILPF, 2016). In rural areas, the political roles of women are still low, women are concerned about insecurity, access to water, healthcare, and food. Consequently, women and marginalized groups remain excluded from decision-making processes that are controlled by the armed male elite (Oxfam & Safer World, 2016). Women, especially in the rural areas are forced or convinced to support war efforts (by selling their jewelry) and are faced with other types of abuses and deprivation of resources (WILPF, 2016). However, since the Arab Spring revolution, women have become more active and conscious of their rights resulting in an increase in civil society participation (Oxfam & Safer World, 2017). In both Libya and Yemen, women have actively responded to insecurity threats by encouraging demilitarization, disbandment, and reintegration, as well as reducing proliferation of weapons (WILPF, 2017). Women also play a crucial role in sustaining peace at the community level. They engage in a range of activities such as challenging armed actors, supporting community resilience, and negotiating conflicts at the local level (WILPF, 2017).

Possibilities for Creating a More Inclusive Environment for Women The International Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda was adopted in October 2000 under which the UNSCR 1325 was established (UN Women, 2015). The UNSCR 1325 agenda was augmented with the adoption of several other Security Council resolutions that accentuated gender-specific impacts of conflict-related violence on women and advocated for full participation of women at all stages of peace and security processes (George & Shepherd, 2016). The eight resolutions that have been adopted urge member states to show their commitment to these resolutions through the development of National Action Plans (NAPs). NAPs will allow the

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

137

United Nations to follow-up and hold accountable individual member states’ implementation of the provisions and principles of UNSCR 1325 (UK National Action Plan on Women Peace and Security 2018–2022, 2018). The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is characterized by an escalation of conflicts, and civil wars, the most recent stemming from the Arab Spring revolution. The region has been associated with an alarming increase in terrorist extremism and armed conflicts thereby resulting in some of the worst forms of sexual and gender-based violence such as abductions, sexual enslavement of young girls (under the Islamic State), early and forced marriages as a result of poverty and displacement (Sadiqi & Reifeld, 2016). Many of the countries in the MENA region experiencing conflict are yet to implement a NAP as per the WPS agenda (Shepherd, 2016; True, 2016, 5; Kirby & Shepherd, 2016). As of 2015, regional organizations including the League of Arab States have committed to the WPS Agenda by adopting a Regional Action Plan (RAP) that focuses on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in accordance with the implementation of UNSCR 1325 (UN Women, 2015). The RAP stresses the need for prevention of all forms of gender-based violence during conflict and allots resources, as well as provisions that will support women’s participation in peacebuilding, negotiation, and diplomacy at all levels of peace and negotiation processes (UN Women, 2015). The Secretary-General of the Jordanian National Commission for Women, Her Excellency Salma Nims, has been fast-tracking a national action plan that will “take into consideration the emerging issues, including refugees and extremist thinking, and how women can and should play an important role in peacebuilding” (UN Women, 2015, 12). Although, the RAP is a remarkable achievement displaying the commitment from the Arab League member states, nonetheless, it is still the beginning and only a first step for responsive policy. As was mentioned by Dr. Alaa Murabit, a Libyan women’s rights advocate “Policy alone is not enough.” (UN Women, 2015, 15). The Security Council should not only address Women, Peace, and Security through coordination with thematic experts, but through specific country-level analysis due to the unique nature of conflict in each setting. Post-revolution states often find that once a transition process begins, challenges can arise, such as political polarization and the threat of civil war (Oxfam & Safer World, 2017). This is the situation faced by countries like Libya and Yemen today. The conflict in Yemen escalated into a civil war causing a catastrophic humanitarian emergency, huge displacement of people, and severe destruction of civilian and public infrastructures (Oxfam & Safer World, 2017). In Yemen and Libya as post-revolution states, women, civil society, and tribes, need to be included in the transition process to realize peace and stability by engaging them in national reconciliation processes, which includes the national dialog, the compensation of victims’ past, dealing with former regimes, as well as institutional reform (Fraihat, 2016). Likewise, more working groups on Women, Peace, and Security need to be created such as the Informal Expert Group (IEG)—the first official Security Council working Group—and these groups need to work more closely and

138

M. Elayah et al.

concretely on the implementation of WPS in conflict-affected countries like Yemen and Libya. Considering the significance of the UN passing UNSCR 1325, it does not lobby for the resolution locally, neither does it spread awareness of its importance nor does it persuade leaders to adopt the resolution, likewise, it does not designate sufficient resources needed for its implementation locally (USIP, 2016). The UN should also urge regional organizations such as the Arab league to follow-up on the implementation of RAP in conflict-affected countries; in this case, Libya and Yemen since neither of the two countries have developed a NAP or assigned a budget to support WPS policies.

The Role of the International Community on Women’s Involvement in Peacebuilding Even with the adoption of WPS and 1325, substantial change in the MENA region requires the persuasion of key actors, political will to assign resources, and raise awareness of the resolution both locally and nationally. A common problem identified within this region is that activists and civil society organizations either remain largely unaware of UNSCR 1325 or disregard its significance. This lack of awareness is not only a problem locally but at a national level as well, whereby key actors in charge of raising awareness and implementing the resolution, lack understanding of its significance or goal (USIP, 2016). Subsequently, donors and the international community need to persuade key actors to involve women organizations when promoting and raising awareness of WPS and UNSCR 1325. Furthermore, they need to incorporate gendered experiences when analyzing conflict in the MENA region for the development of policies and diplomatic actions (Heinze & Stevens, 2018). In Yemen and Libya, women’s organizations need to be supported and included in peacebuilding and humanitarian programs as critical partners with crucial knowledge about the context of both countries (Heinze & Stevens, 2018). As critical partners, they will be capable of providing frontline services and have a voice in peace and decision-making at all levels. Long-term funding plans need to be created for women’s organizations and local organizations in both countries (Oxfam & Safer World, 2017). Furthermore, building capacity and learning is essential for these organizations, opportunities for networking with other local organizations and international organizations should be provided. Rather than competing with them, international organizations should work alongside local peacebuilding and women’s organizations, provide them with the resources, support, and technical expertise needed (Oxfam & Safer World, 2017). The United Nations agencies, Special Envoys, and all actors involved in peacemaking process of Yemen and Libya, should be encouraged to adopt best practices, and include civil society organizations and women organizations in peace and negotiation processes (WILPF, 2012). Gender-sensitive constitutional and legal documents should be amended to

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

139

incorporate fair participation of women, gender mainstreaming, and gender equality (WILPF, 2016). Sufficient finance should be allocated to implement programs that will empower women from crisis-affected areas-especially rural areas to participate in humanitarian assistance, protection, and recovery programs among others (WILPF, 2016).

Looking Backward to Move Forward! Since the emergence of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in October 2000, MENA region has paid little attention to the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda and the National Action Plans (NAPs). As a result, implementing the UNSCR 1325 was a challenging process due to an existing gap between the rhetoric of the WPS Agenda and the reality of women on the ground, the complex social fabric, and the power dynamics within the society and even within the family. One important factor is always disregarded when implementing the UNSCR 1325, which is the local context. It is inevitable that the WPS Agenda will keep running into a vacuum if the specific local context of the MENA region, as a whole, and each country in that region is ignored and not addressed. Great solutions that successfully worked in one place are not necessarily effective in other places. If serious steps are meant to be considered by the international donors and community to end the persistence political and social unrest in the MENA region, a rational framework, yet practical approach, of the WPS Agenda needs to be developed in close consultation with local women leaders and non-leaders who are knowledgeable of the existing challenges on the ground. The WPS Agenda should address the needs of local communities while considering the local contexts of each region, in order for change to happen. Meaningful participation of women in implementing the UNSCR 1325 may require special approaches to guarantee an inclusive role for women in society. This may include a proper set of strategies that should be developed. Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms need to be in place. Technical, financial, and logistical support should be provided for the women’s rights advocates. Open platforms for discussion and exchanging ideas and expertise should be provided and maintained, especially for Yemeni and Libyan women. Transparency and accountability mechanism should be in place. Equal gender representation should be guaranteed in peace operations and peace negotiations. Legal consultations and psychosocial support services should be available for victims of gender-based, domestic, or sexual violence. Additionally, to reach the professional level of their counterpart males, women do not only need real capacity building in peacebuilding and conflict resolution, they also need leadership capacity building, as well as strong political will, to involve them in all decision-making levels. Not only to meet the required gender quotas in the political positions and national legislatures, but to allow them to have full and meaningful participation in state building and empower them to be agents of change.

140

M. Elayah et al.

Finally, building the capacity of local societies to accept the role of women in society is another significant factor to reach faster recovery and more sustainable peace.

Conclusion The Arab Spring, in 2011, has created both opportunities and challenges for women in the MENA region. The growing concerns about peace and security issues hinder the movement of women and advocates of women’s rights. There is no doubt that adopting the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda in the region was a challenge prior and post the Arab Spring despite the fact that Arab States ratified the CEDAW. Today, women have found themselves in inevitable situations where they have to face multiple challenges at different levels. There are evident needs for CSOs in the MENA region to come up with creative approaches to raise awareness about 1325 resolution among women. Most importantly, this awareness has to be extended to power holders in the society, mainly men, lawmakers, and religious pioneers. Promoting the question of how women’s rights are the key to more sustainable communities among these groups is significant to the development of any society. Aid projects should focus on these basic awarenessraising activities. The international donors should be stimulated to look beyond the well-recognized NGO actors in order to focus on capacity building for local and nonrecognized NGOs and CSOs who are working to empower rural women. The international community should not only address Women, Peace, and Security through coordination with thematic experts, but through specific country-level analysis due to the unique nature of conflict in each setting. Post-revolution states often find that once a transition process begins, challenges arise, such as political polarization and threat of civil war. Yemen and Libya, in particular, are among the most impacted countries by the fluctuated situation of peace and security in the region. A serious call for a broader focus on the specific cultural, social, economic, and political elements is advised and a deeper understanding of the local context is desperately needed to address the leading causes of the ever-escalated crises in these countries. If it is true, the international community will to end the armed conflict in both countries, it can still be said to exist. In general, a new framework and a practical approach for enhancing the WPS Agenda in the MENA region are needed to combat extremism, defeat armed groups, stop the violence against women, empower women, end wars, and create sustainable peace.

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

141

References Anderson, K. (2017). Now is the time: Research on gender justice, conflict and fragility in the Middle East and North Africa. Retrieved from https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/file_a ttachments/rr-gender-justiceconflict-fragility-mena-050617-en.pdf. Dalacoura, K. (2012). The 2011 uprisings in the Arab Middle East: Political change and geopolitical implications. International Affairs, 1(88), 63–79. Retrieved from https://www.brooklyn.cuny.edu/ web/aca_socialsciences_polisci/150422_IA_Comps_201-Uprisings-Arab-Middle-East.pdf. Esfandiari, H., & Heideman, K. (2015). The Role and Status of Women after the ArabUprisings. Strategic Sectors: Culture & Society, 303–306. Retrieved from https://www.iemed.org/observ atori/arees-danalisi/arxiusadjunts/anuari/med.2015/IEMed%20Yearbook%202015_Panorama_ WomenAfterArabprisings_HalehEsfandiariKendraHeideman.pdf. Farr, V., & Boukhary. S. (2017). Feminism at the frontline: Addressing women’s multidimensional insecurity in Yemen and Libya. Peace Women: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Retrieved from https://wilpf.org/wpcontent/uploads/2017/08/LIBYA-YEMEN-WEB. pdf. Fraihat, I. (2016). Unfinished Revolutions: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia after the Arab Spring. Yale University Press. George, N., & Shepherd, L. J. (2016). Women, Peace and Security: Exploring the implementation and integration of UNSCR 1325. International Political Science Review, 37(3), 297–306 Gressmann, W. (2016). From the ground up: Gender and conflict analysis in Yemen Care, GenCAP and Oxfam. Retrieved June 10, 2018, from https://policypractice.oxfam.org.uk/publications/ from-the-groundup-gender-and-conflict-analysisinyemen-620112. Heinze, M., & Baabbad, M. (2017). Women nowadays do anything. Women’s role in conflict, peace and security in Yemen, Safer World, SDD and YPC https://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/pub lications/1125-awomen-nowadays-do. Heinze, M., & Stevens, S. (2018). Women as Peacebuilders in Yemen. Social Development Direct and Yemen Polling Center. https://www.sddirect.org.uk/media/1571/sdd_yemenreport_full_v5. pdf. Human Rights Watch. (2017). Libya: Discriminatory restriction on women. Order in Eastern Region requires male guardian for travel. Retrieved February, 23. Idris, I. (2017). Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in Libya. K4D Helpdesk Report. Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies Retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/ sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/026_-Implementation-of-UNSCR1325-in-Libya.pdf iKnow Politics: International Knowledge Network of Women in Politics (2016). Consolidated reply of the e-discussion on: The implementation of UNSCR 1325 in the Arab States, taking stock and moving forward. Retrieved from https://iknowpolitics.org/sites/default/files/consolidated_reply_ ikp_ediscussion_unscr_1325_arab_region_en.pdf. Kathleen, K., & Danielle, R., (2016). Women charting a new course on peace and security. Retrieved from https://www.usip.org/publications/2016/03/womencharting-new-course-peaceand-security. Kirby, P., & Shepherd, L. J. (2016). The futures past of the women, peace and security agenda. International Affairs, 92(2), 373–392. Lynch, M., & Baker, L. (2016). The changing face of women’s political participation in the Middle East. U.S.A.: Washington Post. Retrieved form https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkeycage/wp/2016/05/10/the-changingface-of-womens-political-participation-in-the-middleeast/? noredirect=on&utm_term=.c1e14c74474d. Oxfam. (2016). Factsheet: Women, peace and security in the Middle East and North Africa region. Retrieved from https://iknowpolitics.org/sites/default/files/oxfam_womenpeace-and-security-inthe-middle-east-and-north-africa-region-factsheet.pdf. Peace Track. (2017). Calling for establishing International Commission of Investigation in Yemen. Retrieved from https://peacetrack.wordpress.com/2017/08/25/calling-forestablishing-int ernational-commission-of-investigation-in-yemen/.

142

M. Elayah et al.

Rayman, P. M., Izen, S., & Parker, E. (2016). UNSCR 1325 in the Middle East and North Africa: Women and Security. Special Report 388: United States Institute of Peace. Retrieved from https://www.usip.org/publications/2016/05/unscr-1325-middle-east-andnorth-afr ica-women-and-security. Rodriguez, T. (n.d.). Yemen and the MENA Agenda 1325. Peace Women: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Retrieved from https://www.peacewomen.org/e-news/article/ yemen-and-mena-agenda-1325 Sadiqi, F. (2016). Introduction. In F. Sadiqi & H. Reifeld (Eds.), The escalation of gender-based violence against women and girls in the Mena Region (p. 7). Rabat: Konrad Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Saferworld, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom & Oxfam (2017). Building inclusive peace: Gender at the heart of conflict analysis. Retrieved form https://wilpf.org/wp-con tent/uploads/2018/01/BuildingInclusivePeaceGenderHeartConflictAnalysis.pdf. Shalaby, M. M. (2018). Women’s representation in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxford Bibliographies in Political Science. https://doi.org/10.1093/OBO/97801997 Shepherd, L. J. (2016). Making war safe for women? National Action Plans and the militarisation of the women, peace and security agenda. International Political Science Review, 37(3), 324–335 Svedberg, B., & Ruane, A. (n.d.). Ending discrimination and enforcing the women, peace and security agenda in the MENA region. Peace Women: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Retrieved from https://www.peacewomen.org/enews/article/ending-discri mination-and-enforcing-women-peace-and-security-agendamena-region True, J. (2016). Explaining the global diffusion of the women, peace and securityagenda. International Political Science Review, 37(3), 307–323 UK National Action Plan on Women Peace and Security 2018–2022. (2018). Retrieved from https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attchmen_data/ file/677586/FCO1215-NAP-Women-Peace-SecurityONLINE_V2.pdf. UN Women. (2015). Arab league presents regional action plan for women, peace and security. Retrieved from https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2015/10/arab-league-presentsregional-action-plan. United Nations. (2016). Women and the Arab Spring. UN Chronical, LIII (4). Retrieved from https:// unchronicle.un.org/article/women-and-arab-spring. United Nations. (2017). Women, peace, and security act of 2017. Retrieved from: https://uscode. house.gov/statutes/pl/115/68.pdf. United Nations Development Fund. (2016). Human development for everyone: Briefing note for countries on the 2016 human development report, Yemen. Human Development Report 2016, (UNDP) pp. 5–6. United Nations Human Rights: Office of the High Commissioner. (2018). Human Rights Council discusses the situation of human rights in Yemen and Libya under its agenda item on technical assistance and capacity building. Retrieved from https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/ DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23636&LngID=E United Nations Development Programme Libya. (2015). Women, peace and security in Libya: Comparative summary of the WPS Baseline (Study Phase I and Phase II). Retrieved from https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/Women,%20Peace%20and% 20Scurit%20in20Libya-eng.pdf. United Nations Population Fund. (2016). Violence against women escalates under Yemen’s brutal conflict, Sana’a: www.unfpa.org/news/violence-against-women-escalatesunderyemensbrutal-conflict. Vogelstein, R., & ad Bigio, J. (2017).Three things to know: The women, peace, and security act of 2017. Council on foreign relations. Retrieved from https://www.cfr.org/blog/three-things-knowwomen-peace-and-security-act-2017. Wilson Center (2016). Five years after the Arab Spring: What’s next for women in the MENA region? Retrieved from https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/five-years-after-thearab-spring-whatsnext-for-women-the-mena-region.

9 The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda Between Rhetoric …

143

Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Country/Region profile of: Yemen. Retrieved from https://www.peacewomen.org/profile/country-region-profile-yemen. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). (2012). Ending discrimination and reinforcing women’s peace and security in the MENA region. Retrieved from https://civilsoci etycentre.org/sites/default/files/resources/mena_agenda_1325_outcomereport_spreads1_0.pdf. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). (2016). Women Amidst Conflicts IN Libya, Syria, and Yemen: different experiences, similar challenges. Retrieved from https://wilpf.org/women-amidst-conflicts-in-libya-syria-and-yemendifferent-experiencessimilar-challenges/. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. (2017). Weapons, war and women: Enabling feminist movements and peace in the MENA region. Retrieved from https://www.peacewomen. org/node/100587. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). (2017). Feminism at the frontline: Addressing women’s multidimensional insecurity in Yemen and Libya. Retrieved from https:// wilpf.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/LIBYA-YEMENWEB.pdf Youssef, M., & Heideman, K. (2012). Women after the Arab Awakening. Middle East Program: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Retrieved from https://www.wilsoncenter. org/sites/default/files/women_after_the_arab_awakening_0.df

Chapter 10

Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack: An Observational and Media Study Mahsheed Ansari and Mirela Cufurovic

Introduction The language of trauma has been used by many to explain what happens to individuals and to the collectivities to which they belong—whether these occurred on a smaller or larger social, political, or national level.1 There are several types of trauma that an individual, or a collectivity, could experience. Some traumatic experiences stem from interpersonal violence and victimisation, such as sexual and physical abuse or domestic violence. Other experiences may stem from witnessing interpersonal violence and victimisation, such as witnessing or being a victim of a severe accident, war, a terror attack, or experiencing the loss of a loved one. Regardless of its cause, trauma, whether individualistic or collective, arises from the experience of pain and suffering post “an extraordinary event” so disruptive that it triggers an emotional response and public attention.2 Because of its ability to generate such collective feelings of pain and suffering, the concept of trauma has garnered great interest from 1 See,

for example, Beatriz Manz, “Terror, Grief, and Recovery: Genocidal Trauma in a Mayan Village in Guatemala,” in Annihilating Difference: The Anthropology of Genocide, ed. Alexander Laban Hinton, 292–309 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Paul Watson, “War’s Over in Yugoslavia, but Box-Office Battles Have Begun,” Los Angeles Times, January 3, 2001, A1, 6; Jennifer Griffiths, “Between Women: Trauma, Witnessing, and the Legacy of Interracial Rape in Robbie McCauley’s Sally’s Rape,” A Journal of Women Studies 26, no. 3 (2005): 1–23; Ridwan Nytagodien and Arthur Neal, “Collective Trauma, Apologies, and the Politics of Memory,” Journal of Human Rights 3, no. 4 (2004): 465–475. 2 Arthur G. Neal, National Trauma and Collective Memory: Major Events in the American Century (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), 3, 9–10. M. Ansari · M. Cufurovic (B) Centre for Islamic Studies & Civilisation (CISAC), Charles Sturt University, Sydney, Australia e-mail: [email protected] M. Ansari e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_10

145

146

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

several psychologists, sociologists and historians—they all have sought to understand trauma, what it is and how it manifests itself on an individual and collective level.3 This chapter will situate the experiences of trauma felt by the surviving Muslim women victims of the Christchurch terror attack that occurred at the Al Noor and Linfield Mosques on March 15, 2019, which left forty-seven Muslim men and four Muslim women dead, within the scope of collective trauma theory. Because gendered understandings of trauma have been very limited in its scope—a significant amount of attention in trauma literature cenres on the effects of rape, domestic violence, and child sexual abuse4 —we have identified and applied two types of collective trauma unique to the Muslim women’s Christchurch experience: collective trauma through personal experience and collective trauma through empathy. Our understanding of collective trauma is based on the ideas of Jeffrey C. Alexander and Ron Eyerman. According to them, trauma is not just a ‘meaningmaking’ process nor is it a purely natural response to a traumatic experience. Experiences, such as a political assassination or a terrorist attack, may “create conditions conducive to setting in motion a process of cultural [collective] trauma” that is “fuelled by individual experiences of pain and suffering”.5 It is the “threat of the collective rather than individual identity that defines the kind of suffering at stake” as the “foundation of collective identity are opened for reflection and debate” with the help of “certain carrier groups”, like the media, politicians or certain intellectuals, who “influence the formation and direction of a process of cultural [and collective] trauma”.6 We focus on the Muslim women survivors and victims of the attack for three main reasons. First, as mentioned above, scholarly discussion on women’s trauma has been limited to their experiences of sexual violence and victimhood, rather than how trauma can manifest itself in other instances of their lives, such as when experiencing and being witness to a terror attack. Second, the reporting of the Christchurch attack focused largely on the male victims and survivors, and not much has been revealed on how the Muslim female victims—those who survived and those who lost their loved ones—responded to the attack and how they may have developed traumatic 3 Cathy Caruth, Unclaimed Experience: Trauma, Narrative, and History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins

University Press, 1996); Kai T. Erikson, Everything in its Path: Destruction of Community in the Buffalo Creek Flood (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1976); David Janzen, Trauma and the Failure of History: Kings, Lamentations, and the Destruction of Jerusalem (Atlanta: SBL Press, 2019). 4 See, for example, Lucía M. Suárez, “Breath, Eyes, Memory: Rape, Memory, and Denunciation,” Journal of Haitian Studies 9, no. 2 (2003): 111–125; Birgit Schippers, “Violence, Affect and Ethics,” in Butler and Ethics, ed. Moya Lloyd, 91–117 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2015); Emma Tseris, Trauma, Women’s Mental Health, and Social Justice: Pitfalls and Possibilities (London: Routledge, 2019); Hilary Abrahams, Supporting Women after Domestic Violence: Loss, Trauma and Recovery (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 2007). 5 Ron Eyerman, “Social Theory and Trauma,” Acta Sociologica 56, no. 1 (2013): 43; Jeffrey C. Alexander and Elizabeth Butler Breese, “Introduction: On Social Suffering and its Cultural Construction,” in Narrating Trauma: On the Impact of Collective Suffering, eds. Ron Eyerman, Jeffrey C. Alexander, and Elizabeth Butler Breese (New York: Routledge, 2011), xii. 6 Ibid.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

147

symptoms as a result. We want to give them a platform to voice their trauma stories, how they dealt with the attack, and how their collective identity as Muslim women allowed them to develop resilience and strength amidst pain and suffering. Third, Muslim women, more generally, have been, and continue to be, victims of terror and Islamophobia. The Muslim women survivors and victims of the Christchurch attack, as well as the Muslim women from the community more broadly, felt a sense of fear for themselves in the aftermath of the attack, with many concerned for their safety and future as a Muslim woman living in a western nation susceptible to episodes of right-wing terrorism. Although our focus is on the Muslim women victims and survivors of the attack, we also show how ‘meaning-making’ processes such as the media and the New Zealand government helped define the type of pain and suffering felt by the victims. We discuss how this was translated into a wider form of collective suffering whereby the community of New Zealand and those abroad felt victimised on a traumatic level. In this way, we show how collective trauma can manifest as a response to certain personal experiences and victimisation and through empathy. This chapter is divided into two sections. The first section captures the stories from the surviving Muslim women of the Christchurch attack through an observational study. These stories are significant because they not only show how these Muslim women victims and survivors dealt with and ‘made sense’ of their trauma, but also how they used their feelings of pain and suffering to build resilience and strength so that they were able to support each other as a collectivity. The second section of this chapter focuses on the theory of collective trauma through empathy. The section draws upon media accounts of the Christchurch attack to show how the community of New Zealand, both Muslim and non-Muslim alike, came to the support of these women as a result of their empathetic and indirect feelings of victimhood and trauma in the aftermath of the attack. Ultimately, the Muslim women’s personal experiences of trauma also created an opportunity for their feelings of pain and suffering to become a collective experience as a result of their collective identity as Muslim women and their collective belonging to the people of New Zealand. In being a recent occurrence, the attack has not generated much—if any—scholarly attention or debate. The lack of scholarly attention on the Christchurch attack was a limitation in the scope of the study. The attention the attack did receive came from the media, but even so, there were gaps in the representation of the Muslim women and their stories. Thus, we focus on our observations of the Muslim women victims and their experiences upon our visit to Christchurch a few days after the event took place.

148

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

Collective Trauma Through Personal Experience: An Observational Study The personal experiences often inform the collective trauma of an individual’s pain and suffering that arises from a disruptive and “extraordinary event” which then activates an emotional response in the trauma victims.7 As Eyerman argues, “individual and collective trauma [are] thought of as reinforcing one another, making the shock and sense of loss even greater… The cumulative impact would only intensify the trauma, where a sense of belonging, a collective identity, is shattered along with individual identity.”8 To comprehend the actual nature of the pain and suffering shared, however, the identity of the perpetrator and the victim cannot be “objectively known”; this identity can only be “established through a trauma process”.9 Indeed, establishing the process of trauma requires entry into multiple personal stories in order to obtain a collective ‘trauma narrative’. This collective trauma narrative does not come immediately after an event or attack; it is made through ‘meaning-making’ processes such as the stories shared by survivors and victims of trauma who come together to ‘make sense’ of their trauma. Alexander suggests that: Some stories are repressed by ruthless states, while others are materially sustained. Longstanding background representations enrich some stories; others seem so counterintuitive vis-à-vis established traditions as scarcely to be believed. Some trauma narratives address homogeneous audiences; others face fragmented and divided audiences; for others, nobody is listening at all.10

What Alexander suggests here is that stories are a necessary component of understanding trauma narratives. These stories, if repressed, cannot generate a collective response to the personal experiences of the victims and survivors of trauma. When given a platform, these stories provide an opportunity for a collective identity to emerge, and for their shared experiences to define the level and type of trauma that has taken place. The personal stories of the Muslim women from the Christchurch attack, whether victims or survivors, indicate a ‘trauma narrative’. As Alexander noted, the trauma accounts are dependent upon the “performative power” of the narratives drawn from the unique experiences of the victims that shed light on their personal loss and suffering and reflect their “traumatic injuries”.11 Moreover, the “individual victims react to traumatic injury with repression and denial, which gains relief when these initial psychological defences are overcome. This then brings their pain into a level of 7 Ron

Eyerman, “Social Theory and Trauma,” Acta Sociologica 56, no. 1 (2013): 43; Jeffrey C. Alexander and Elizabeth Butler Breese, “Introduction: On Social Suffering and its Cultural Construction,” in Narrating Trauma: On the Impact of Collective Suffering, eds. Ron Eyerman, Jeffrey C. Alexander, and Elizabeth Butler Breese (New York: Routledge, 2011), xii. 8 Eyerman, “Social Theory and Trauma,” 43. 9 Jeffrey C. Alexander, Trauma: A Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2012), 9. 10 Ibid, 10. 11 Ibid.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

149

consciousness so that they can mourn”.12 Once the victims externalise their traumatic experience, the “individual facts” of the lives they lost and pains they experienced are better crystallised in their minds, and in the minds of the collectivity to which they belong as well—even when each externalisation of trauma is varied and unique. The personal experiences of the surviving Muslim women of the Christchurch attack have been captured in this chapter through an observational study. In less than forty-eight hours after the attack, we were allowed into the heart of the traumatised community, where we found ourselves welcomed to share the personal pain and suffering, as well as the collective grief of the Muslim women—the most vulnerable victims of the terror attack. The women felt comfortable speaking to us, particularly as we were Muslim women ourselves, and provided us with an opportunity to gain first-hand knowledge of what had transpired, what they had witnessed, and what their personal experiences were during and following the attack. Capturing their experiences was not an easy task, and so what follows are some anecdotal accounts and observations we made while visiting the Muslim women of Christchurch.13 For one female survivor, Shazia, “the small and relatively young Muslim community” was hit by one of its “darkest events in the history of New Zealand.”14 Many other women, like her friends from the Al Noor mosque, were “deeply traumatised” by the sudden loss of their loved ones: husbands, sons, uncles, grandfathers, cousins. It was not just the loss of their loved ones that affected them; the collective loss of their community members made many of them feel as if a part of their own sense of self diminished along with their loved ones.15 Kala Teale, a support worker for Victim Support in Christchurch—an organisation that worked with more than five-hundred people in the weeks following the attack—said, “they are [the Muslim women victims] broken… their life has changed and they have to adjust, as such, to learn to live a life without that the loved person.”16 This sense of profound loss, Alexander argues, comes from the “acute discomfort” that has entered into the “core of the collectivity’s sense of its identity”.17 Indeed, Shazia expressed this ‘acute discomfort’ when she stated: “they are all gone, so quickly. We—those of us 12 Charles R. Figley, Burnout in Families: The Systemic Costs of Caring (New York: CRC Press, 1998), 7. 13 Pseudonyms have been used in this section instead of the actual names of the victims and survivors, unless they were already published, or prior consent was given. All the direct quotes and references to and narratives mentioned in the chapter are from our conversations with Muslim women survivors in Christchurch that took place between 17th, 18th and 19th of March, 2019, unless otherwise mentioned explicitly. 14 There were many other women who were affected. Majda Al Hajji, Hawo Samatar, Faduma Yusuf, Dahabo Abdi and Jumaya Jones were all present during the attack et al. Noor Mosque. 15 See also Jacinda Ardern, “New Zealand PM Jacinda Ardern Says She Will Never Say Christchurch Shooter’s Name,” ABC News, March 19, 2019, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-03-19/christchu rch-shootings-jacinda-ardern-house-speech-shooter-name/10917030. 16 There were 1737 phone and text services provided and more than 6000 counselling sessions since the attack. See Oliver Lewis, “Mental Health Need Expected to Last Years Following Christchurch Terror Attack – GP,” Stuff, March, 27, 2019, https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/christchurch-shooting/ 111560145/mental-health-need-expected-to-last-years-following-christchurch-terror-attack--gp. 17 Alexander, Trauma, 19.

150

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

remaining are trying our best right now, but we have just lost fifty-one members of our family. It is hard.” The impact of the immediate horror and fear in the aftermath of the attack was also apparent in the words and faces of other women we observed, such as Basma, Magda and Salwa who, like Shazia, had survived and escaped the attack either injured or unharmed.18 Majda witnessed the murders of Husna Ahmed19 and Ansi Alibava20 after they tried to escape—their bodies were found outside the mosque, but she miraculously survived with her young infant.21 Her recount of Ansi’s death shows how witnessing their deaths left an indelible wound within her: “I was saying my shahada when there was an explosion, and then I saw her fall”.22 Others, still, witnessed the killing of Linda Armstrong and Karam Bibi at Linwood mosque.23 These recounts show not only how the trauma process that each of the women had encountered was unique and personal, but also how their collective narrative helped shape the meaning of their pain, suffering, and the loss of life and community. Indeed, one of the ways these Muslim women victims steered their collective narrative was through faith and the determination to remain resilient in a time of despair. They used their belief in divine will, reunion with God, the afterlife and martyrdom as a way of ‘making sense’ of their trauma. While resigning to ‘divine will’ allowed some to come to terms and accept the death of their loved ones more quickly, others were comforted by their faith in the afterlife and the potential for a future reunion with their loved ones. Alexander writes that collective narratives are not based on the “stability of the collectivity in the material or behavioural sense”, rather, “it is the collectivity’s identity, its stability in terms of meaning…” that is at stake. In order to ensure that their collective identity, memory and experiences of trauma are not shattered completely, the individuals in a collectivity define their trauma in ways that make most sense to their personal and collective experiences.24 Using faith as a means to remain resilient in her husband’s death, Nuha Asad, the surviving wife of sixty-six-year-old Ali Elmadani, said: 18 Of the many injured with bullet and shrapnel wounds in Christchurch hospital. The last remaining patient was a twenty-five-year-old woman shot numerous times, which has left her disabled. 19 Husna had left the ladies section despite pleas from other ladies not to leave to check up on her husband who was disabled. She was concerned for his safety. Sadly, she was brutally killed, and her husband actually survived. See Florence Kerr, “Women of the Mosque,” Stuff , https://interacti ves.stuff.co.nz/2019/05/women-of-the-mosque/. 20 Ansi Alibava was only twenty-five-years-old when she found an opportunity to run along with Majda Al Hajji through the side door to escape the shooter. Alibava was found by the terrorist and killed immediately. Kerr, “Women of the Mosque.”. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Linda was an Auckland born sixty-five-year-old convert to Islam who was loved by the community in Christchurch, whom she cared for and supported. Karim Bibi was a sixty-three-year-old Pakistani national who had just come to visit her son. She was survived only by her daughter, Maryum Gul. See BBC News, “Christchurch Shootings: The People Killed as They Prayed,” BBC News, March, 21, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-47593693. 24 Alexander, Trauma, 19.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

151

We should be strong, especially in this case. I lose [sic] my husband but I’m not angry. I’m sad because I don’t see [sic] him again, I don’t talk to him again… I’m happy in [sic] the same time because it happened while he prayed. I take comfort because he was a good man.25

Her daughter, Lubna, also expressed the same feelings regarding her father: “I’m glad that’s where he died, surrounded by friends and God.”26 Along with finding solace in the fact that their loved ones passed away in a state of worship, the Muslim women and the Muslim community more generally also saw the mosque not only as a house of worship and prayer but a source of comfort. Some families turned to the mosque to find inner peace because they viewed it as a “sacred place” where their loved ones had died at a “sacred time [Friday]”. But most of the Muslim women used their faith to find the resilience and strength to communicate with government officials, security forces, medical officers, volunteers, visitors and the victims’ families—despite the potential immanence of another attack in the lead up to the first funeral ceremony. Writing about the Muslim victims of the attack, Sunnya Khawaja and Nigar G. Khawaja state that the Christchurch Muslim community was indeed motivated by collective spirit and showed a sense of resilience and a form of fearlessness following the attack.27 Even though these Muslim women found meaning through faith, they still displayed acute and personalised symptoms of trauma. These symptoms are not surprising given the fact that there were about thirty women et al. Noor mosque on the day of the attack; twenty-eight women survived from the Al Noor attacks, but the number remains unknown regarding those at Linwood mosque.28 One woman, who was present in the mosque at the time of the attack, narrated: I did not know how many people were out there with guns. I grabbed my son and some of us ran out. I was thinking about everything, my husband in the room, getting my son to safety, my sisters. I was saying my Shahada when there was an explosion and then I saw her fall.29

Another also narrated: There were a lot of bullets on our car and there are still bullets in our car. It gives me anxiety every time I see it because the baby was in the back seat and he was shooting behind us and at that time I said, ‘My baby has died’.30

The way that these women came together to support each other in the aftermath of the attack shows how collective experience of trauma does not negate individual and personal experiences. As Eyerman argues, the individual and personal experiences of 25 “Christchurch Mosque Attack: ‘I’m Glad That’s Where He Died—Surrounded by Friends and God’,” New Zealand Herald, March 21, 2019, https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm? c_id=1&objectid=12214826. 26 Ibid. 27 Sunnya Khawaja and Nigar G. Khawaja, “Coping with Loss and Bereavement: An Islamic Perspective,” New Zealand Journal of Psychology 48, no. 1 (2019): 9. 28 Kerr, “Women of the Mosque.”. 29 Ibid. Emphasis added. 30 Ibid. Emphasis added.

152

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

trauma are aided by a collective understanding, whereby each individual experience reinforces a collective sense of “shock” and “loss” on a broader scale.31 Other women displayed their personalised symptoms of trauma not through words but their actions. During our time in Christchurch, we witnessed one woman clasp her hands over her ears and begin to scream “Stop! Stop!” when she heard the sound of a table being moved at the Sports Centre. The sound reminded her of the shooting of bullets she had heard during the attack that killed not only her loved ones, but her community members as well. Dr. Peri Renison, the CDHB Chief of Psychiatry, stated that “healthcare workers were seeing a lot of people [of the attack] with acute stress reactions”, such as those displayed by the woman.32 He also stated that he expected the Muslim female and male victims health needs to last years following the attack: “the majority of things that people are presenting now are things that can be dealt with at a primary care level—that is people struggling to sleep, reliving the experience, which is normal—and the more complex things will present much later.”33 Such reactions are not surprising. Some women had close encounters with the terrorist and, as mentioned above, had witnessed either one or multiple people die or be severely injured. Fortunately, however, most Muslim women were saved by the terrorist’s lack of knowledge regarding the female section et al. Noor mosque.34 Magda, an elderly Egyptian woman known also as the ‘grandmother’ of the community, was proud of her small community in Christchurch. When we met her during our hospital visits of the surviving victims, she exuded a warm and cheerful disposition. When we asked her about her personal experience, she said: “I was trying to protect the women in the ladies’ section… trying to remain as still and silent as possible” while she also hid herself and her female “family members” under the tables near the storage. When asked if she lost any immediate family members, Magda said quite solemnly, “Aren’t they all my family? Which one of them is not my family?” Her response shows how strong her connection to the Muslim community was, and how her experience of trauma, although personal, was also collective: she did not, and could not, differentiate the victims of the attack from her own sense of identity as a Muslim, and felt as if those who had died were part of her immediate family, despite not having immediate casualties in her family. Women like Magda were perhaps “gaining relief” by re-telling and sharing their personal experiences and therefore overcoming their psychological defences. By re-activating the trauma process, they were able to bring “pain into consciousness so that they were able to mourn”.35 Gaining relief through externalisation and sharing stories was not possible for all women victims and survivors. As we moved forward from meeting the women victims and survivors at the Christchurch Hospital and the Sports Centre, we decided to visit those individuals and families who were mourning alone. For Basma, there 31 Eyerman, 32 Lewis,

“Social Theory and Trauma,” 43. “Mental Health Need Expected to Last Years.”.

33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Alexander,

Trauma, 10.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

153

was no externalisation or relief through mourning as her ‘psychological defences’ were not overcome.36 Having lost her husband in the mosque shooting, she was not able to come out of her self-imposed retreat—a form of physical repression of her own self and experience of intense shock and painful denial—even three days after the attack. Although her nine-year-old son had been playing outside and her family members had just arrived from Australia, she remained aloof from the rest of the community that was already gathered in the Sports Centre awaiting news regarding the funerals. Overwhelmed by her pain and suffering, Basma’s silence demonstrates the many alternatives and ‘personalised’ responses to trauma that take place amongst the collective grieving of the traumatic event by those around her. We were aware that some stories were ‘hidden’ due to a lack of confidence in the narrator’s—the Muslim women’s—‘performative power’ and decided to continue home visits to victims’ families, especially those that lacked agency to express their pain and suffering. Our visit to the Shafie family allowed us to provide that platform as we became the ‘source’ through which Mrs. Shafie, who had lost her fifty-fiveyear-old husband, was able to ‘make sense’ of her personal experience. In being a newly settled Afghan family in Christchurch with seven children at the time of the attack, Mrs Shafie spoke with limited English and instead conversed with us in the Dari language. Recounting her last moments with her husband, she said: “He was a lover of the mosque. That day he asked for his white pairan-tumban (Afghan outfit) before he left… we escaped a harrowing war in Afghanistan in hopes of peace, only to be killed in this state… he left us all alone.” Upon listening to her story, we realised that this was one of the first trauma externalisation processes for her as she had no relatives or friends in New Zealand to share her pain and suffering, The sharing of her story allowed us to give her and her remaining family a sense of agency; the courage to express their feelings of trauma. Throughout our conversations and encounters with the Muslim women, we realised that trauma victims and survivors require a “special degree of care” by the interviewer toward the interviewee as it “makes special demands” on both.37 Many of the surviving victims were distressed as they couldn’t locate the whereabouts of their parents, or could not visit their deceased family members. Mrs. AlHarbi, for example, collapsed and was hospitalised after desperately searching for her husband who did not survive the attack.38 Mrs. Morsi, a mother who had lost her son, showed signs of distress when she continually repeated her son’s name.39 In these scenarios, the “interviewer must be prepared—if necessary—to serve as a midwife in the narrator’s ongoing attempt to attain closure in regards to the traumatic material”.40 As interviewers of trauma survivors within a national tragedy, we were 36 Ibid. 37 Mark Klempner, “Navigating Life Review Interviews with Survivors of Trauma,” Oral History Review 27, no. 2 (2000): 67. It should be noted that we were having conversations and dialogues with the Muslim women in Christchurch and not conducting interviews per se. 38 BBC News, “Christchurch shootings.”. 39 Ibid. 40 Klempner, “Navigating Life Review Interviews,” 68.

154

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

aware of the spiritual and emotional labour that was involved in these events. The importance of allowing the victims and survivors like Mrs. Shafie, Mrs. Al-Harbi and Mrs. Morsi to express their grief and mourn was a necessary part of this ‘special care’. As we met with these victims who were in a highly vulnerable state, we became the means by which they were able to create new meanings from their experiences. Throughout our observations and encounters with the Muslim women victims and survivors of trauma, who each narrated their personal experiences, we saw that although these stories were highly individualised and personalised in their nature, they also showed signs of collectivity. By narrating their stories, these women were able to generate a collective healing process where they were able to identify with each other’s feelings of pain and suffering. As Alexander argued, “the lives lost and pains experienced [may be] individual facts”, but “shared trauma depends on collective processes of cultural interpretation [such as the narration of stories]” to ‘make sense’ of the trauma experienced and to define the type of pain and suffering at stake.41 These personal stories and experiences of collective trauma captured in the immediate wake of the attack allow public participation into the personal pains of the Muslim women victims and survivors of the Christchurch attack; and, as a result, extend and broaden the realm of trauma into the cultural and national narrative. These stories also show how a small community of Muslims, especially Muslim women, can garner public support on a national and international level as ‘meaning-making’ forces, such as the media and the government of New Zealand, express their feelings of support and collective trauma through empathy.

‘The Nation Is Behind Us’: Collective Trauma Through Empathy Collective trauma through empathy can be understood as a type of cultural trauma, whereby the direct victims as well as the ‘bystander’ victims of trauma collectively, feel as if they have been subjected to an atrocious episode that has left a permanent mark on their entire group consciousness, thus marking their memories and identities in immutable ways. As Alexander argues, collective trauma is often conceived when there is a wound to social identity: “when social groups do construe events as gravely endangering, suffering becomes a matter of collective concern, cultural worry, [and] social panic…”.42 However, it is not only the collectivity that defines the type of trauma that is experienced, but intellectuals, political leaders, and the mass media “make different claims about collective identity, about the nature of the wound and what caused it, about the identity of victim and perpetrator, and about what is to be done to prevent the trauma from ever happening again”.43 Alexander ultimately argues that collective trauma is a process that is contingent on a variety of factors that 41 Alexander,

Trauma, 10. Trauma, 10. 43 Alexander and Breese, “Introduction,” xii. 42 Alexander,

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

155

make it a reality on a larger scale—for indeed, individual feelings of trauma cannot be entirely measured. A collective experience of pain and suffering can be defined by more than just the collectivity in question. Alexander further explains that: It is by constructing cultural traumas that social groups, national societies, and sometimes even entire civilisations not only cognitively identify the existence and source of human suffering but may also take on board some significant responsibility for it. Insofar as they identify the cause of trauma in a manner that assumes such moral responsibility, members of collectivities define their solidary relationships in ways that, in principle, allow them to share the suffering of others. Is the suffering of others our own?44

Alexander’s understanding of cultural trauma as a means by which the collective suffering of a particular cultural—or in our case, religious—group generates feelings of moral responsibility on a larger scale, is what we mean by cultural trauma through empathy. Is, indeed, the suffering of others our own? And if so, how do we respond to such feelings of pain and suffering? The Christchurch attack did not only generate mass media attention across New Zealand and the globe, but it also generated a collective moral responsibility from the people of New Zealand themselves and the New Zealand government in such a way that helped define, more concretely, the pain and suffering on a collective level. It became part of a discursive process where “emotions which [were] triggered by a traumatic occurrence [were] worked through […] in an attempt […] to heal the collective wound”.45 It was a traumatic event that paved the way for progress—for “new opportunities to emerge for innovation and change”, not only as a means by which the Muslim women victims of the attack could make sense of their trauma, but as a means by which the entire nation could deal with the pain and suffering of such a traumatic event.46 The Christchurch attack, far from being an isolated and insignificant incident, became a national concern so much so that the pain and suffering felt by the Muslim female victims—and male victims—of the attack was extended to all communities across New Zealand, irrespective of their faith and connection to the Muslim community in Christchurch. This collective trauma through empathy was recorded, distributed and defined by the media immediately and many months after the attack. By describing the way the people of New Zealand responded to the attack, the media showed how trauma can generate feelings of moral responsibility on a large scale to create, through ‘meaning-making’, collective trauma through empathy. It also provided an opportunity for those outsides of New Zealand to see how trauma manifests itself on a broader scale after such a sudden, unexpected terrorist attack. A week after the attack, many non-Muslim women in Christchurch and those who visited Christchurch from other cities across New Zealand donned the hijab— or ‘headscarf’—as an act of solidarity with the Muslim women victims, survivors and non-victims of the attack. The movement was inspired by a Muslim woman who 44 Alexander,

Trauma, 13. “Social Theory and Trauma,” 93. 46 Neal, National Trauma, 18. 45 Eyerman,

156

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

felt fearful that her headscarf “would make her a target for terrorism”, especially after the shooting.47 Thaya Ashman, an Auckland doctor and the woman who instigated the movement, said that donning the headscarf was about showing the Muslim community and its female adherents that “We are with you, we want you to feel at home on your own streets, we love, support and respect you.”48 For non-Muslim Bell Sibly, donning the headscarf meant showing white supremacists that “there is no difference” between a non-Muslim woman and a Muslim woman.49 However, the act of solidarity was criticised by some women, most of whom were Muslim, for tokenism. In her article for The Guardian, Mariam Khan wrote that white women wearing the hijab as a gesture of solidarity might be problematic because “it centres on themselves and in many cases co-opts the only part of someone’s identity they are familiar with.”50 Another Muslim woman wrote that “this focus on hijab is derailing the examination of white supremacy, systemic racism, Orientalism and bigotry.”51 Mehrbano Malik expressed similar views, stating that although she was “deeply touched by the sentiment”, the movement reflected “Orientalist ideologies.”52 These opinions were formed on the basis that not all Muslim women wear headscarves and that the hijab is a personal choice. Despite these criticisms, the movement was seen as an opportunity to bridge the differences between Muslim and non-Muslim women alike. Nesrine Malik wrote that although she initially found the Prime Minister’s gesture of donning the headscarf as an act of solidarity “inappropriate” because it presumed that the hijab was the “sole definer of Muslim identity”, she felt reassured once she listened to Jacinda Ardern’s reason: “If in wearing the hijab as I did gave them a sense of security to continue to practice their faith, then I’m very pleased I did it.”53 While the reactions toward the headscarf movement have been mixed post the Christchurch attack, the example does highlight two things. First, it shows how a traumatic event can generate feelings of moral responsibility from the wider community even through something as simple as ‘donning a headscarf’ an act of solidarity with the Muslim women victims of Christchurch. Second, it began a conversation about

47 Jorge Silva, “New Zealand Women Wear Headscarves in Solidarity with Muslims after Christchurch Shootings,” Reuters/ABC News, March 22, 2019, https://www.abc.net.au/news/201903-22/headscarves-in-solidarity-with-muslim-women-after-mosque-attack/10929734. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid. 50 Mariam Khan, “Jacinda Ardern’s Grief Should Not Eclipse that of Muslims,” The Guardian, April 2, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/apr/02/jacinda-ardern-christchu rch-grief-muslims-new-zealand. 51 Silva, “New Zealand Women Wear Headscarves.”. 52 Ibid. 53 Nesrine Malik, “With Respect: How Jacinda Ardern Showed the World What a Leader Should Be,” The Guardian, March 28, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/28/with-res pect-how-jacinda-ardern-showed-the-world-what-a-leader-should-be.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

157

the need to address rising Islamophobia in New Zealand and the West, particularly as Muslim women are more susceptible to incidents of Islamophobia than men.54 The headscarf movement wasn’t the only thing that grabbed media attention and brought to the fore how trauma—or a traumatic event—can inspire acts of solidarity and ‘moral responsibility’. Directly after the attack, volunteers had flocked to Christchurch to help not just from New Zealand, but many from Australia and elsewhere, too. Many of those who had visited the Christchurch victims had written about their experiences. Writing for The Conversation, Mohamad Abdalla said that he “felt compelled” to visit the survivors and victims of the attack.55 He found that all the victims he spoke to “displayed profound bravery, deep consideration and thoughtfulness, and a complete lack of desire for vengeance.”56 That is not to say, however, that these victims did not express their pain and suffering or denied signs of trauma. He wrote that one survivor, a Sudanese man, was “still in shock from seeing the events et al. Noor mosque unfold”, having heard the shooting that Friday but wasn’t sure “if it was real”.57 When he spoke to Adnan Ibrahim who had lost his three-year-old son, “everyone [had become] very silent”.58 Abdalla also spoke to one Muslim woman, Ambreen Nadeem, who had lost both her husband and her twenty-one-year-old son, Talha. Although “grief lined her dignified face” from experiencing the trauma of losing both her loved ones, she, too, chose to remain strong largely because she pitied the “killer” as “his heart was filled with hate, not love.”59 Abdalla’s willingness to go to Christchurch to record and listen to the experiences of the victims, just as we did, signifies his ‘moral responsibility’ to redress, in any way possible, the trauma experienced by the victims. More so, however, his empathy for the victims allowed him to record the way the victims not only grieved through their trauma, but also how they used the unfortunate attack as an opportunity to “heal the collective wound”—the collective wound experienced and felt by the nation of New Zealand, not just the Muslim community.60 As Abdalla observed: “at a time when we could expect that anger, vengeance and resentment could take hold in a community so demolished by violence, I found the exact opposite.”61 Indeed, images emerged of Muslim women survivors, victims and those who came to offer support, hugging and showing collective solidarity with each other after a haka was performed in front

54 Irene Zempi and Imran Awan, Islamophobia: Lived Experiences of Online and Offline Victimisation (Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2016), 36–8. 55 Mohamad Abdalla, “Finding Dignity and Grace in the Aftermath of the Christchurch Attack,” The Conversation, March 22, 2019, https://theconversation.com/finding-dignity-and-grace-in-theaftermath-of-the-christchurch-attack-114072. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 Eyerman, “Social Theory and Trauma,” 93. 61 Abdalla, “Finding Dignity and Grace.”.

158

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

of Al Noor mosque as a tribute to the loved ones they had lost and the victims that had survived but were in critical condition.62 Both our active observations and Abdalla’s written observations about the way the Muslim female and male victims of the Christchurch attack responded positively to the event, despite still displaying symptoms of trauma, can be linked to the way the New Zealand community showed immeasurable support to the victims of Christchurch. In just a few days, tens of thousands of New Zealanders donated to survivors and their families directly and through victim support organisations.63 Thousands attended vigils.64 Others formed human chains of solidarity around mosques while the Muslims prayed.65 Some brought comfort food and flowers to mosques and hospitals.66 Many more donated goods and care packages to the survivors and their families.67 It was collective trauma through empathy that fuelled these acts of solidarity and feelings of moral responsibility; collective trauma through empathy drives individual actions whose goal is connected to others, and whose goal is to address and redress issues of public concern.68 In this case, the acts of solidarity were driven by the need to build a better, stronger and more supportive community

62 Paul Toohey, “New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern Reveals New Gun Laws,” Daily Telegraph, March 21, 2019, https://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/truecrimeaustralia/crimeinfocus/ christchurch-mosque-to-hold-friday-prayer-a-week-after-terrorist-attacks-left-50-people-dead/ news-story/80a2a852bcaa92d5ad3e43ee6982a413. 63 News Agencies, “New Zealand Mosque Attacks Prompt Flood of Support for Muslims,” Al Jazeera, March 16, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/03/zealand-mosque-attacks-pro mpt-flood-support-muslims-190316091744196.html; “New Zealand Raises $10 m for Victims of Christchurch Mosque Shootings,” Stuff , March 17, 2019, https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/christ church-shooting/111328476/new-zealand-givealittle-page-raises-more-than-200k-for-victims-ofchristchurch-terror-attack. 64 Stuff Reporters, “Vigils for Christchurch Mosque Shooting Victims Held Across the Country,” Stuff , March 17, 2019, https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/crime/111331361/vigils-for-christchurchmosque-shooting-victims-held-across-the-country; “Christchurch Massacres: Vigils Being Held Around NZ,” NZ Herald, March 17, 2019, https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id= 1&objectid=12213498; Kim Choe, “Christchurch Terror Attack: Vigils Happening Around New Zealand,” News Hub, March 22, 2019, https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/new-zealand/2019/03/chr istchurch-terror-attack-vigils-happening-around-new-zealand.html. 65 Jenna Amatulli, “New Zealanders Create Human Chain Around Mosque to Shield Muslims in Prayer,” Huffington Post, March 23, 2019, https://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/entry/new-zea land-mosque-prayer-human-chain_n_5c94e9d3e4b01ebeef0e4e5f; Alice Webb-Liddall and Albert Redmore, “‘Human Chain of Love’ Planned in Support of Muslim Population,” News Hub, March 19, 2019, https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/new-zealand/2019/03/human-chain-of-love-plannedin-support-of-muslim-population.html. 66 “In Pictures: Christchurch Residents Pay Tribute to Victims,” Al Jazeera, March 17, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/pictures-christchurch-residents-pay-tribute-victims190317060134893.html. 67 Let’s Collaborate, “Collaborate for Christchurch,” Let’s Collaborate, https://www.letscollabor ate.co.nz/collaborate-for-christchurch. 68 Alexander, Trauma, 15.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

159

in the face of adversity. As one male survivor, Mohammad Ishaq noted: “The whole nation is behind us, the whole country is behind us, that’s the thing about Kiwis.”69 The most visible show of support—as a result of trauma through empathy— came from one key act of solidarity from the nation of New Zealand and others around the world, and one major act of change from the New Zealand government. Reeling in the wake of the atrocity—“the worst peacetime mass killing in the nation’s history”—the people of New Zealand brought flowers and messages of love through letters and drawings to mosques and parks all across New Zealand. This very act of solidarity mimicked the Australian public’s response to the Sydney Siege that happened a few years before on December 15, 2014.70 Messages of support like ‘We love you’, ‘We are one’ and ‘Forever changed’ were sprawled on the pavements of various mosques.71 Tributes were made at Kilbirnie Mosque and Al Masjid al Jamie in Ponsonby, Auckland, where one contributor expressed that it was a way of saying “we are thinking of you and we are one”.72 The support didn’t stop in New Zealand. Flowers and messages of support flooded mosques across Australia, such as the Canberra Mosque, Lutwyche Mosque, and the Lakemba Mosque.73 Americans, Canadians, and those from Britain also showed their act of solidarity by adorning local mosques with flowers and messages, too, with one contributor writing: “Peace to Christchurch [sic]. We stand with your community. You deserve better.”74 The response by the international community highlights how a tragic occurrence, like the Christchurch attack, can allow “members of wider publics to participate in the pain of others” and “broaden the realm of social understanding and sympathy [to] provide powerful avenues for new forms of social incorporation [and reconciliation].”75 The Christchurch attack brought attention to the need for stronger interfaith dialogue and community solidarity in times of peace and in times of distress, just like the vigils across the globe demonstrated. The Christchurch attack also allowed a greater ‘collective’ to feel victimised on a traumatic level due to its live broadcasting. The 69 Calla Wahlquist, “‘The Nation is Behind Us’: New Zealand Shares Pain of Christchurch Muslims,” The Guardian, March 24, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/24/the-nation-isbehind-us-new-zealand-shares-pain-of-christchurch-muslims. 70 “‘We love you’: Mosques Around World Showered With Flowers After Christchurch Massacre,” The Guardian, March 16, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/16/we-love-youmosques-around-world-showered-with-flowers-after-christchurch-massacre. For articles on the Sydney Siege, see Miles Godfrey and Andrew Carswell, “Sydney Siege: Amazing Scenes as Sydneysiders Empty Florists to Fill Martin Place with Flowers,” The Daily Telegraph, December 16, 2014, https://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/nsw/sydney-siege-amazing-scenes-as-sydney siders-empty-florists-to-fill-martin-place-with-flowers/news-story/d08149b148350e9bd82405ef 92adf66d; “Sydney Siege: Thousands Pay Tribute to Victims Killed in Martin Place Lindt Cafe Shootout,” ABC News, December 17, 2014, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-12-17/sydneysiege-tributes-flow-for-victims-killed-in-lindt-cafe/5971804. Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 Ibid. 74 Ibid. 75 Alexander, Trauma, 28.

160

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

live broadcasting of the attack meant that it became immediately accessible to a wider audience, not just to the Muslim and non-Muslim community in Christchurch, which then generated collective feelings of trauma across the globe than would usually be the case. At the political level, the trauma of the attack was felt almost immediately. Jacinda Ardern called for a ban on all military-style firearms across the country.76 The decision to ban these firearms is a response against the threat to the collective national identity and not just the threat to a small percentage of the population. As Alexander argued, while “the lives lost and pains experienced are individual facts, shared trauma depends on collective processes of cultural interpretation” whereby individual suffering is transformed into a form of collective trauma to encourage “amelioration and reconciliation”.77 The response also shows how ‘meaning-making’ forces define the type of trauma experienced by the collectivity. In this case, the New Zealand government’s decision to place a national ban on military-style weapons is an example of how politicians—and the media more indirectly—have the ability to determine the type of pain and suffering at stake. They aim to find ways to “prevent the trauma from ever happening again”.78 Ardern expressed her desire to move as quickly as possible with the gun reform changes, despite concern by some that the decision could be one made in haste. In response, she said, “an argument about the process is an argument to do nothing.”79 For her, the injuries sustained by the victims of the Christchurch attack were more than enough reason to speed up the process. About the victims she said: I struggle to recall any single gunshot wounds. In every case, they [the victims] spoke of multiple injuries, multiple debilitating injuries that deemed it impossible for them to recover in days, let alone weeks… They will carry disabilities for a lifetime, and that’s before you consider the psychological impact… I could not fathom how weapons that could cause such destruction and large-scale death could be obtained legally in this country.80

One victim, who was shot through the pelvis, experienced brain damage and had the main arteries to her legs severed, was a little Muslim girl, Alen Alsati.81 Although only four-years-old, Alsati’s condition is one example of why Ardern wanted to move swiftly with the gun reforms: the wounds, as she stated, were not just single gunshot wounds but wounds that may potentially lead to life-long disabilities and trauma 76 “New Zealand Begins First Round of Gun Buybacks After Christchurch Attack,” The Guardian, July 13, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jul/13/new-zealand-beginsfirst-round-of-gun-buybacks-after-christchurch-attack; Eleanor Ainge Roy, “New Zealand Gun Buyback: 10,000 Firearms Returned After Christchurch Attack,” The Guardian, August 12, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/12/new-zealand-gun-buyback-10000-fir earms-returned-after-christchurch-attack. 77 Alexander, Trauma, 11. 78 Alexander and Breese, “Introduction,” xii. 79 Reuters, “New Zealand Gun Laws Pass 119–1 After Christchurch Mosque Shootings,” ABC News, April 10, 2019, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-10/new-zealand-gun-laws-pass-119-1-afterchristchurch-mass-shooting/10990632. 80 Ibid. 81 Toohey, “New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern Reveals New Gun Laws.”.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

161

to both the victim and their families. The trauma of her injuries remains raw for not only her family, but also the New Zealand community as well. As Alexander argues, “for the wider audience to become persuaded that they, too, have become traumatised by experience or an event, the carrier group [i.e. Jacinda Ardern and the New Zealand government] needs to engage in successful meaning-making work”.82 Indeed, if it weren’t for Ardern’s empathy and her traumatic feelings of the attack, such swift reforms—a method of ‘meaning-making’ itself—would not have taken place, nor would the New Zealand nation have responded to the Christchurch attack in such a supportive and solidary way. Her empathy for the Muslim female and male survivors and victims of the attack allowed the New Zealand people to carry the pain and suffering of the Muslim victims of Christchurch as if it were their own so much so that many were willing to give up any weapons they owned almost immediately and without hesitation. It is in this way that the New Zealand government, as well as the wider community, through ‘meaning-making’, defined the type of pain and suffering at stake.

Conclusion The Christchurch attack is a contemporary example of how a mass scale shooting and terror can be the causal trigger of collective trauma experienced not only by a particular group—the Muslim community—but by an entire nation. This chapter located the personal experiences and narratives of the Muslim women of the Christchurch attack within collective trauma theory through an observational and media study to draw out evidence of their trauma as individuals and as a community in the immediate wake of the attack. We contend that the trauma was redefined and rationalised in the personal pains and sufferings of the Muslim female victims and survivors of the attack, and also through national and international response and action. For the Muslim female victims, despite their personal grief and pain, perspective and meaning provided by their Islamic faith allowed them to ‘make sense’ of their collective trauma. Faith became a tool, a coping mechanism, by which they dealt with their personal and communal loss. Our study further highlighted the impact of the attack on the Muslim women victims and survivors, which were evidenced through their words, actions, and faces. Even though they found meaning through faith, they still displayed acute and personalised symptoms of trauma. Their recounts show how the collective experience of trauma—the way that these women came together to support each other in the aftermath of the attack—did not negate their individual and personal experiences. By narrating their own stories, these women were able to gain some psychological and emotional relief through externalisation; they gain agency through voicing their pains and generate a collective healing process where they were able to identify with each other’s feelings of pain and suffering. Moreover, the personal stories and experiences 82 Alexander,

Trauma, 21.

162

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

of collective trauma captured in the immediate wake of the attack also allowed for public participation with their personal pains, and as a result, they extend and broaden the realm of trauma into the cultural and national narrative. These stories demonstrate only a glimpse of how a collectivity comes together in times of an atrocity by showing how a small community of Muslims, especially Muslim women, can garner public support on a national and international level; the attack, through ‘meaning-making forces’ such as the media and the New Zealand government, generated feelings of moral responsibility as a result of collective trauma through empathy. It showed how a tragic event—a terror attack, no less—was able to generate a type of collective trauma that was not only directly felt by the Muslim women victims and survivors, but also by the whole nation. It was the threat to the collective, rather than individual identity that defined and compounded the type of trauma for the sake and the level of solidarity that took place. The Christchurch attack exemplified how collective trauma through empathy can nourish human strength in a time of adversity. Had it not been for the collective support from the community, the Muslim female, as well as male, survivors and victims of the attack would not have, as Abdalla wrote, “displayed profound bravery, deep consideration and thoughtfulness, and a complete lack of desire for vengeance.”83 We hope that our observational study of both the Muslim women and the way the media reported the attack would pave the way for further scholarly analysis into the Christchurch attack, its effects on the victims, the Muslim community, and the repercussions of terrorism and white-wing extremism. We also hope that by situating our observations of the Muslim women survivors and victims of the attack within the theory of collective trauma that gendered understandings of trauma can move beyond sexual abuse to show that women do, and can, experience trauma at different levels, especially after something as horrific and tragic as the Christchurch terror attack.

References Abdalla, M. (2019). Finding dignity and grace in the aftermath of the Christchurch attack. The Conversation. March 22, 2019. https://theconversation.com/finding-dignity-and-grace-in-the-aft ermath-of-the-christchurch-attack-114072. Alexander, J. C. (2012). Trauma: A social theory. Polity Press. Alexander, J. C., & Breese, E. B. (2011). Introduction: On social suffering and its cultural construction. In: Eyerman, R., Alexander, J. C., & Breese, E. B. (Eds.)Narrating trauma: On the impact of collective suffering, (pp. xi–xxxv). New York: Routledge. Amatulli, J. (2019). New Zealanders create human chain around mosque to shield Muslims in prayer. Huffington Post. March 23, 2019. https://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/entry/new-zealandmosque-prayer-human-chain_n_5c94e9d3e4b01ebeef0e4e5f. BBC News. (2019). Christchurch shootings: The people killed as they prayed. BBC News. March 21, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-47593693.

83 Abdalla,

“Finding Dignity and Grace.”.

10 Collective Trauma and the Muslim Women of the Christchurch Attack …

163

Campbell, C. (2019). In the wake of tragedy in Christchurch, love prevails. TIME. March 18, 2019. https://time.com/longform/christchurch-new-zealand-love-mosque-massacres/. Caruth, C. (1996). Unclaimed experience: Trauma, narrative, and history. Johns Hopkins University Press. Choe, K. (2019). Christchurch terror attack: Vigils happening around New Zealand. News Hub. March 22, 2019. https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/new-zealand/2019/03/christchurch-terror-att ack-vigils-happening-around-new-zealand.html. Christchurch Massacres: Vigils being held around NZ (2019). NZ Herald. March 17, 2019. https:// www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=12213498. Christchurch Mosque attack: ‘I’m glad that’s where he died—Surrounded by Friends and God’ (2019). New Zealand Herald. March 21, 2019. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm? c_id=1&objectid=12214826. Erikson, K. T. (1976). Everything in its path: Destruction of community in the buffalo creek flood. Simon & Schuster Paperbacks. Eyerman, R. (2013). Social theory and trauma. Acta Sociologica, 56(1), 41–53 Figley, C. R. (1998). Burnout in families: The systemic costs of caring. CRC Press. In pictures: Christchurch residents pay tribute to victims (2019). Al Jazeera. March 17, 2019. https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/pictures-christchurch-residents-pay-tributevictims-190317060134893.html. Janzen, D. (2019). Trauma and the failure of history: Kings, lamentations, and the destruction of Jerusalem. SBL Press. Kerr, F. (2019). Women of the Mosque. Stuff . https://interactives.stuff.co.nz/2019/05/women-ofthe-mosque/. Khan, M. (2019). Jacinda Ardern’s grief should not eclipse that of Muslims. The Guardian. April 2, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/apr/02/jacinda-ardern-christchurchgrief-muslims-new-zealand. Khawaja, S., & Khawaja, N. G. (2019). Coping with loss and bereavement: An Islamic perspective. New Zealand Journal of Psychology, 48(1), 8–10 Klempner, M. (2000). Navigating life review interviews with survivors of trauma. Oral History Review, 27(2), 67–83 Let’s Collaborate. (2020). Collaborate for Christchurch. Let’s Collaborate. https://www.letscolla borate.co.nz/collaborate-for-christchurch. Lewis, O. (2019). Mental health need expected to last years following Christchurch terror attack— GP. Stuff. March 27, 2019. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/christchurch-shooting/111560145/ mental-health-need-expected-to-last-years-following-christchurch-terror-attack--gp. Malik, N. (2019). With respect: How Jacinda Ardern showed the world what a leader should be. The Guardian. March 28, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/28/with-respecthow-jacinda-ardern-showed-the-world-what-a-leader-should-be. Miller, B. (2019). Christchurch shooting reporter promises to remember the names of the massacre victims. ABC News. March 31, 2019. https://www.abc.net.au/news/about/backstory/covering-tra umatic-events/2019-03-31/a-reporters-reflection-on-covering-christchurch-massacre/10947872. Neal, A. G., Trauma, N., & Memory, C. (1998). Major events in the American Century. M. E. Sharpe. News Agencies. (2019). New Zealand mosque attacks prompt flood of support for Muslims. Al Jazeera. March 16, 2019. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/03/zealand-mosque-attacks-pro mpt-flood-support-muslims-190316091744196.html. New Zealand Raises $10m for Victims of Christchurch Mosque Shootings. (2019). Stuff . March 17, 2019. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/christchurch-shooting/111328476/new-zealand-giv ealittle-page-raises-more-than-200k-for-victims-of-christchurch-terror-attack. New Zealand begins first round of gun buybacks after Christchurch attack. (2019). The Guardian. July 13, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jul/13/new-zealand-begins-first-roundof-gun-buybacks-after-christchurch-attack.

164

M. Ansari and M. Cufurovic

Reuters. (2019). New Zealand gun laws pass 119–1 after Christchurch mosque shootings. ABC News. April 10, 2019. https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-10/new-zealand-gun-laws-pass119-1-after-christchurch-mass-shooting/10990632. Roy, E. A. (2019). New Zealand gun buyback: 10,000 firearms returned after Christchurch attack. The Guardian. August 12, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/12/new-zealandgun-buyback-10000-firearms-returned-after-christchurch-attack. Savage, J. (2019). Christchurch shootings: Mosque attacks leave city in shock. BBC News. March 17, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-47601340. Silva, J. (2019). New Zealand women wear headscarves in solidarity with Muslims after Christchurch shootings. Reuters/ABC News. March 22, 2019. https://www.abc.net.au/news/201903-22/headscarves-in-solidarity-with-muslim-women-after-mosque-attack/10929734. Stuff Reporters. (2019). Vigils for Christchurch mosque shooting victims held across the country. Stuff . March 17, 2019 https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/crime/111331361/vigils-for-christchu rch-mosque-shooting-victims-held-across-the-country. Toohey, P. (2019). New Zealand prime minister Jacinda Ardern reveals new gun laws. Daily Telegraph. March 21, 2019. https://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/truecrimeaustralia/crimeinfo cus/christchurch-mosque-to-hold-friday-prayer-a-week-after-terrorist-attacks-left-50-peopledead/news-story/80a2a852bcaa92d5ad3e43ee6982a413. Wahlquist, C. (2019). The nation is behind us: New Zealand shares pain of Christchurch Muslims. The Guardian. March 24, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/24/the-nation-isbehind-us-new-zealand-shares-pain-of-christchurch-muslims. Webb-Liddall, A., & Redmore, A. (2019). ‘Human Chain of Love’ planned in support of Muslim population. News Hub. March 19, 2019. https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/new-zealand/2019/ 03/human-chain-of-love-planned-in-support-of-muslim-population.html. ‘We love you’: Mosques around world showered with flowers after Christchurch Massacre (2019). The Guardian. March 16, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/16/we-love-youmosques-around-world-showered-with-flowers-after-christchurch-massacre. Zempi, I., & Awan, I. (2016). Islamophobia: Lived experiences of online and offline victimisation. Bristol University Press.

Mahsheed Ansari is a Senior lecturer in Islam and Contemporary Islamic Studies and the Higher Degrees Research Coordinator at the Centre for Islamic Studies & Civilisation, Charles Sturt University. Her research interests include the history of Islamic thought, spirituality and culture. She is also a historian interested in the formation and development of minority communities in Australia. She is currently working on the Muslim heritage research project at the Public and Contextual Theology Research Centre at Charles Sturt University. Mirela Cufurovic is a research associate and PhD candidate at the Centre of Islamic Studies & Civilisation, Charles Sturt University. She is also an academic tutor of history and sociology for the Indigenous Tutorial Assistance Scheme at the University of Sydney and the Indigenous Academic Support Program at Charles Sturt University. Her research interests include the history of South-East Europe, public history, and the history of Muslims in Australia. She is currently undertaking a research project on Australian Muslim youth positive transformations at Charles Sturt University.

Chapter 11

Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam Mahmoud Abdelhamid M. A. Khalifa

Introduction In his path-breaking book Orientalism, Edward Said lamented “the almost total absence of any cultural position making it possible either to identify with or dispassionately discuss the Arabs or Islam” (27). The entrenched anti-Islamic bias that has continued throughout centuries of conflict between Islam and the West makes Islam one of the most recurrent images of the other and the most stereotyped and vilified at that. Likewise, Krister Stendahl argued that “the ultimate violence against the other is to use them as negative symbols in one’s own system.” (20). Furthermore, Edward Said was fiercely critical of the history of Orientalism which degraded its subject of study instead of improving our understanding of it. Representations of Islam in the West were built around a binary system that endowed Islam with negative characteristics and the West with positive characteristics. This historical and epistemological bias against Islam has continued possibly throughout centuries of Western scholarship, as amply discussed by Edward Said in his extensive study of Orientalism.

Markers of Foreignness One of the enduring epistemological biases against Islam that was popularized by Orientalists is Islam’s putative oppression of women which the imperialist powers, assisted by the canons of Orientalism, used and still use as a pretext to launch wars M. A. M. A. Khalifa (B) Faculty of Al-Alsun, South Valley University, Hurghada, Egypt e-mail: [email protected] Department of Languages and Translation, Taibah University, Medina, Saudi Arabia © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_11

165

166

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

of “liberation” to rid the “oppressed Muslim women” of their Muslim male “tormentors”. This was indeed one of the declared aims of the second Gulf war and the war on Afghanistan as it is clear from the rhetoric of warmongers in the Bush administration. Recent events have not only confirmed the rising Islamophobia but have created a political and media discourse that revived orientalist tropes regarding Islam’s violence and oppression of women. That discourse has been translated into legislation preventing Muslims, from certain Muslim countries, from entering the United States of America. The trend has snowballed into threatening and maligning Muslim congresswoman, Ilhan Omar, who came to the U.S. as a Somali refugee and who happens to wear hijab. Islam’s supposed oppression of women showed itself most clearly to Western eyes in Islam’s mandatory practice of female veiling. In her classic yet topical book, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate, Leila Ahmed explains that: Veiling- to Western eyes, the most visible marker of the differentness and inferiority of Islamic societies- became the symbol of both the oppression of women (or, in the language of the day, Islam’s degradation of women) and the backwardness of Islam, and it became the open target of colonial attack and the spearhead of assault on Muslim societies (152).

This Orientalist attitude towards Islam persists. In her essay “On being a Muslim woman writer in the West” Mohja Kahf, professor of English and Islamic literature, affirms the continuation of the Orientalist tradition of stereotyping Muslim women. She explains that: The biggest Western stereotype there is about Muslim women is The Victim. It goes way back to the era of Romantic literature, and the Byronic plot of white man saving a harem girl which continued to thrive in the hey-day of European colonialism, feeding a white Christian supremacist hero complex (3).

This stereotype is becoming increasingly difficult to intellectually sustain as immigrant Muslim women writers carve out a new space from which to discuss Arabs and Islam from an insider’s viewpoint. In their quest for their Muslim identity, many Muslim women fiction writers created a counter-discourse that sought to challenge Orientalism. They used English as a language of cultural and literary expression. They wrote from within the English tradition using one of the most prominent literary genres: the novel. Fiction writing provides a means to fight the oppressive stereotypes and the silence imposed upon Muslim women by the Western literary tradition which represented and still represents them as passive and oppressed. They challenge the orientalist static vision through narratives which introduce real-life Muslim women in action, not passive metaphors, or static beings outside history. Narratives by Muslim women writers who come from different backgrounds yet are citizens of the Western metropolis, challenge the static vision of Islam as oppressive of women by depicting the lives of average people, who live Islam as a dynamic belief system and a positive value system that is relevant to the modern world. These writers introduced many Islamic concepts into English through transliteration and translation, familiarizing the reader with many vocabulary items from a language that is considered “controversial” by some. These writers are actually “Islamising” the language of the colonizer

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

167

to give expression to a culture and a religion that remain very much misunderstood, misrepresented and distorted. They are engaged in self-representation which may herald a new promising epoch whereby Muslim women return the gaze to the Orientalist discourse which represents them as oppressed and in need of liberation and the only way to this liberation, the Orientalist instructs, would be by giving up the whole culture and belief in Islam in exchange for modern Western ideology and culture.

Islam and Challenging Western Feminists In addition to challenging the Orientalists, Muslim women writers challenge hegemonic secular feminism which shares some of the Orientalist biases. Haifaa Jawad and Tansin Benn agree that “…secular feminists tend to ignore the relevance of issues such as the centrality of Islamic spirituality or Islam as an issue of identity to Muslim women” (13). The Western expression of women’s rights is universalized so that all women on earth are expected to follow the footsteps of Western feminism to liberate themselves. This, of course, suppresses the authentic voice of Muslim women in favour of the continuation of the Orientalist sexual metaphor of the oppressed harem. One of the effects of this is the ignoring of voices of migrant Muslim women writers who want to break the Orientalist consensus in all its manifestations. According to Jawad and Tansin: Muslim women form a highly diverse and complex group and assumptions about them are often ill-conceived, misinformed and grossly misrepresented. This is often reflected in images of them, particularly in the West as oppressed, powerless, and victimised. The voices of Muslim women striving to keep their religious identity in Western contexts are seriously underrepresented in academic research. (xiv)

This epistemological tendency to suppress the religious especially the Islamic as a formative component in the discourse about Muslim women shows the reason why Islam is under-theorized as one of the essential markers of identity in the writings of postcolonial Muslim women writers. This is a corollary of the theoretical bias that neutralizes religion as an analytical category that has an interpretive power in discussions of identity formation. Some writings have alerted to this bias. In his book Unveiling Traditions: Postcolonial Islam in a Polycentric World, Anouar Majid traces that epistemological bias to hegemonic secular scholarship about Islam: …. With very few exceptions, postcolonial critics never seriously examined the place of Islam in debates of multi-culturalism. The challenge of including Islamic subjectivities and cultural epistemology into a world of equal differences has been left untheorized, probably because the religious imaginary is dismissed ahead of time as either conservative or unredeemable. (1)

168

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

Re-Centring Islam and Decentring the West Muslim women challenge the Western metropolis with its stereotypes by re-centring Muslim identity symbols. The choice to wear the hijab which is a mandatory practice in Islam takes on cosmic importance in the life narratives of these women protagonists in the novels, not only because it is a religious requirement, but also because it is a marker of identity. Said elaborated, in his book Covering Islam, that “For almost every Muslim, the mere assertion of an Islamic identity becomes an act of nearly cosmic defiance and a necessity for survival” (76). This indeed applies to the struggle Muslim women launch to assert their Islamic identity. According to Haddad, who is among the major scholars in the study of Islam and Muslims in America: For many American Muslim women, dressing Islamically- which in its most common form means covering the hair, arms, and legs – is not about coercion but about making choices, about "choosing" an identity and expressing a religiosity through their mode of dress – some women say that by veiling they are making a statement against Western imperialism, which sees Muslim piety as a sign of terrorism, and against conservative Islam, which seeks to impose a traditionalist understanding of Islam that oppresses women. Others consider it a signal of purity, and say that it curbs their sexuality and/or their sex appeal. (Muslim Women in America, 10)

Therefore, choosing to wear the hijab is more than a matter of style or blind assertion of tradition, it is choosing a specific world view and identifying with it against all the odds. Their narratives are ones that challenge the status quo and never follow the path of completely identifying with their new places. They write themselves into the new atmosphere yet never completely identify with it: However, immigrant narratives by Muslim women who choose to veil fall in a different category because their bodies cannot escape being marked as other and they, therefore, cannot reach the endpoint of being fully incorporated into American society. In these texts, women who wear hijab, by virtue of their adherence to a practice that is clearly not American, can never construct a narrative in which comfortable assimilation is the denouement. As a result, immigrant Muslim women who veil must create a new genre that defies the demands American culture places on conformity. (Abdurraqib 58)

Hijab, besides its religious function, creates a symbolic boundary between what a Muslim woman can or cannot do and affirms religious identity which means that these women by wearing the hijab or niqab assert their allegiance to a specific religious identity which necessitates some form of choosing between two identities: One aspect of the charged nature of cultural identity is that in claiming one, you do not merely associate yourself with a set of characteristics. You also distance yourself from others. This is not to say that contrast is the conscious motivation for such claims, as some writers have argued, but it is implicit and is understood, the more so the more a patrimonie and a history, or the acknowledged need to create these. It is the expression of all these entailments that symbolism becomes crucial. (Cohen 197)

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

169

The Power of Orientalist Stereotypes Some Muslim women writers came under pressure to follow the Orientalist party line of confirming Islam’s oppression of women and maintaining Western cultural superiority over Islam. In an essay entitled “On Becoming a Writer”, Ghada Karmi gave the following testimony when she started writing: People advised me repeatedly to inflate this feminine aspect of my narrative, to make it more salacious because Arab women are still thought of in this society as exotic, mysterious, titillating. Fatima Mernissi’s book on life in a Moroccan harem, Dreams of Trespass, had just then appeared in English translation, and though this was not salacious, its subject matter appealed to just this kind of taste. There should be more about intimacy and sexual relationships and how Arab men treat women, I was advised. “we want to get under the veil,” people said, to get a close view of women’s private lives under Islam. (69)

Other Muslim women were torn between two worlds, between their desire to keep the Islamic upbringing and the requirements of their new setting as evidenced by the Syrian American writer Rana Kabbani, I wrestled with the problem, sometimes assimilating and sometimes confronting. I didn’t much like doing either. Assimilation made me feel that I was betraying my background, while confrontation made me feel like a fanatic and left me exhausted and embittered. There were many things about the West that I admired and wished to adopt and, equally, many things about Islam that I wanted to cling to. (11)

Kabbani was mainly looking for a middle way between two ways of life and of lived experience, which was a difficult choice. In the West, writings by Muslim women who confirmed the Orientalist paradigm enjoyed wide-spread critical acclaim as well as support and appreciation. Most of those publications contained a harem metaphor that appealed to the Western Orientalist biases. That is why there is a “privileging” of Muslim women writers in mainstream American intellectual circles: In the present climate of virulent Islamophobia, mainstream American culture seems to favor Muslim women who, unlike their brothers, husbands, fathers, or sons, are not seen as a menace to American society, but rather as powerless victims of their own religion. The impulse to save Muslim women from their male kin pervades various social and political movements in the United States, proving to be a common denominator between ideologies as seemingly disparate as Christian fundamentalism and liberal feminism. Even in the twentyfirst century, Western feminism retains its highly exploitative approach to other women: “the much-touted openness of academic feminists to ‘Third World’ women is predicated upon these women’s indigenization—that is upon their trivialization as native speakers whose role is to provide the occasional piece of up-to-date information, but more importantly to entertain, in one way or another, audiences hungry for tales about women” (Lazreg 2000, 34–5 quoted in “Islamophobia and the “Privileging” of Arab American Women” Nada Elia 155)

The Orientalist attitude is apparent in the writings of feminists such as Mernissi whose anti-hijab stance, which she takes to be a practice that secludes women from public participation, dovetails with Orientalism. For “In ignoring covered women’s voices and in reducing them to passive victims, Mernissi is only re-inscribing the colonial and Orientalist view of ‘veiled woman’.” Her vision is reductive, ignoring the sociological complexity of covering’ (Bullock 180).

170

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

Veiling as Resistance to the Western Gaze This bias against covering has its roots in Orientalism and in the Western consciousness that views the world as a picture which is an objectifying metaphor. Therefore, covering by its blocking the gaze undermines the Western gaze and the metaphor of the world as an exhibit. That is why hijab has come under such repeated attacks that persist until our days. According to Catherine Bullock, “It is the nature of the veil as a gaze inhibitor that most contributes to it coming under attack. Though the dynamics at play started during modern colonialism, they continue to the present day and explain contemporary attacks on the veil” (5). Bullock argues following Timothy Mitchell, “What I need to highlight about the modern experience of the world-as-exhibition is the priority given to looking” (5). She goes on to elaborate: What happens, then, when one encounters a world set up to deny the gaze? The gaze requires a ‘point of view’, to see but not to be seen, and also that the natives present themselves as a spectacle. It is not hard to see immediately how frustrated a European visitor would be upon arrival to the Middle East, where the women covered their faces with veils. The women do not present themselves as an exhibit…. The veiled women violated all the requirements of the world-as-exhibition: they could not be seen but were seeing; and they were not a picture that could be read, they were mysterious beings who refused to offer themselves up to the visitor. For me, this is a key aspect of the European campaign against the veil. (6)

This quotation makes clear the main reason why veiling goes against modern Western consciousness, which views the world in an objectifying manner. By essentially barring the looking subject, hijab turns the Western observer into an observer which in a way challenges the power of the Westerner whose gaze is a metaphor of his power: to look is to objectify and consequently possess and control.

Dramatizing the Veil The challenge to the stereotypes and the attacks on hijab was fictionalized by Muslim women writers who identified with Muslim culture regarding the hijab yet remained citizens of western countries. They dramatized their encounters with the western disapproving and condemnatory gaze by creating characters that were brave enough to stand for what they believed. Randa Abdel-Fattah’s Does my head Look Big in This? advocates free choice of hijab which is such a tough decision given the prevalence of Orientalist stereotypes which puts Muslim women in the West not just as representatives of themselves but as speakers for the whole of Islam. The novel serves as a realistic depiction of the challenges that face Muslim women in the West. A young girl’s quest for her Islamic identity seems to run against a whole world of opposition that is informed or rather misinformed by hostilities past and present. The novel as well dramatizes the dilemma of a little teenage girl within a larger world of politics: one morning, Australian tourists in Indonesia were killed in Pali in a bomb explosion by alleged Islamic groups. On her way to school, Amal is treated as a representative of the enemy because of her appearance that made her a soft

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

171

target for anti-Muslim racism spewed from the radio. She tells us: “A voice on the early-morning talk show shouts words of outrage about “Muslims being violent,” and how “they’re all trouble,” and how “Australians are under threat of being attacked by these Koran-wielding people who want to sabotage our way of life and our values,” her body reacts to these point blank demonization of Muslims, she explains, “My face goes bright red, and my stomach turns as the bus driver eyeballs me through the reflection of the mirror, looking at me as though I am a living proof of everything being said” (160). Yet an old Australian woman comforts her and positively intervenes on Amal’s side asking the driver to turn the volume down saying, “I’m sixty-seven years old. And, dear, in my sixty-seven years, I’ve never let politics tell me how to treat people” (161). That is why the choice to wear hijab in a Western context is a hard choice. The decision of Amal in Does My Head look Big in This? to wear the hijab entails that she affirms her identity as a Muslim in a context that is hostile to her Islamic identity; and as such face all the Western cultural biases against a plethora of Islamic habits, traditions and symbols. Cultural and religious markers such as hijab, prayer and fasting in Western contexts create a sacred space that marks the person practising them not merely as a devout Muslim but as a person who partakes of a whole culture and civilization that is deemed hostile or completely alien by the West and as such places himself under the scrutinizing eyes of Western racism. The novel revolves around the protagonist’s decision to wear the hijab and her fight to get recognition facing the whole gamut of stereotyping and racial taunts starting from “towel-head” to “camel jockey”. However, the novel shows a broad spectrum of attitudes towards identity from complete denial of the self and the quest for assimilation to the challenging existence of wearing the hijab which marks Amal, a sixteen-year-old teenager, as different or as the enemy. When she first decides to wear it, she is met at school by responses that are far from uniform: her non-Muslim friends are supportive, while some other students are taunting and racist. She is, however, determined to go on and responds sarcastically to the stereotyping of the boys and girls at school: Somehow, in between classes after lunch on Monday, everybody suddenly finds the guts to approach me, wanting to know what’s going on with my new look. “Did your parents force you?” Kristy asks, all wide-eyed and appalled. “My Dad told me if I don’t wear it he’ll marry me off to a sixty-five-year-old camel owner in Egypt.” “No” She is actually horrified. …. “Can I touch it?” “Can you swim?” “Do you wear it in the shower?” (70-71).

Humour serves as a defence mechanism against incomprehensible questions posed by her schoolmates, and she tries to laugh their stereotypes into insignificance. The boy she is attracted to is a non-Muslim, and he takes part in this interrogation: “Then Adam plants himself in front of me and starts joining in with the rest of them and I want to plant a massive kiss on his face except that really would be defeating the purpose of my entire spiritual road trip now, wouldn’t it?” (71). Here again, she is drawing

172

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

the line between keeping her commitment to Islam and the real teenager inside her. Her religious identity marks her off as different. She delves deep into the Western paradigm until it clashes head-on with the Islamic paradigm, which stresses modesty as against the free love offered by Western ethos. While she plays the boyfriend game with her classmate Adam, she does not go far enough in assimilation and her commitment to Islam is clear in her last gesture, that of not allowing Adam to kiss her, a humiliation to him from a Western point of view. Yet she tells us in her hilarious style ‘what would be the point of the hijab’. Thus, she is finally won over by the Islamic paradigm. The romantic encounter between Adam and Amal comes to a halt when physical contact starts to take place. Adam was in for his first lover’s kiss when he is completely disappointed by Amal’s reaction: His face is inches from mine and as he moves in to kiss me I jolt back. “I…I…” “What’s wrong?” “I am so sorry, Adam…I didn’t… I mean, I never wanted to lead you on…” “What’s wrong? I thought you liked me- I thought-” “Adam, I … I don’t do that stuff…” “What stuff?” “Kissing- I mean dating – I mean, you know, physical-” “Why not?” “Because …” I can feel my face blushing, “well, sex before marriage is a no-no” (Does My Head Look Big in This? 241).

During these moments of cultural misunderstanding, identity is asserted through explaining the difference. Difference rather than hybridity takes over. The epistemological bias of hybridity against any stable identity can only be in the interest of Western hegemony which uses hybridity to inscribe itself into the world narrative as a center where no other identity is given equal space. This bias prevents identities long suppressed by colonialism to resurface and assert themselves. Amal bravely explains the Islamic view of sexual relationships in a simple manner to Adam, her admirer and would-be boyfriend when he poses the question to her, “So if you meet a guy and you like him, and he likes you… what happens? You just ignore your feelings?” (Does My Head look Big in This? 242). Her answer is straightforward: No. But I’m not … look, I don’t believe in the ‘playing the field’ and ‘try before you buy’ philosophies, Ok? I don’t want physical intimacy with a list of people in my life. I want it with one person. And I want to know it’s the same with him too. That’s my faith. It’s not about guys sleeping around and virgin girls waiting patiently at home for a guy to come along. It’s … look, in my religion we both have to be … pure … untouched … you know? (242)

The clash of world views is at its most apparent when it comes to intimate relationships. Free love was never sanctioned in the Arab-Islamic mindset. That is one point where no middle ground can be reached: “He hops off the table, pacing angrily up and down”. “So what’re saying then is that we’re all sluts and sleazes and you’re above that?… My own cousin has been with her boyfriend for two years now. I

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

173

love them to death I’d never think badly about them” (244). The answer of Amal is defensive: Why is it that when I believe in something different, I’m the one apparently judging you? What about you judging me? Why is it so offensive that there are people out there who don’t do the whole sex thing before they get married?... I’m obviously bitchy and insecure because I’m different. Yeah, great logic there Adam (244)

Therefore, hijab is not a religious dedication unless accompanied by a moral attitude to things. Wearing the hijab in Islam is an indication of curbing sexuality in a way that allows people intimacy only within marriage. This hijab world view stands in the way of assimilation to the habits and traditions of sex in the West. Physical intimacy, according to the religious stipulations of Islam, happens only inside marriage.

The Psychology of Hijab Because it is a strong visible identity marker, hijab collectivizes space and enables Muslim women to associate with fellow Muslim women in Western space. It has a familiarizing attribute where it gathers Muslim women under one collectivizing sign and gives them a sense of common sisterhood even though they hail from different countries and ethnicities. In Does my Head Look Big in This, the teenage heroine of the novel having chosen to wear the hijab, experiences this sisterhood: While I’m walking through the food court I pass three women who are all wearing the hijab. They are huddled around a table, talking and eating ice-cream. One of them catches my eye and smiles. “Assalamu Alaykom,” she says, greeting me with the universal Islamic greeting, peace be upon you. “Walaykom Wassalam,” (sic) I reply, smiling back at her. The other two girls also greet me and I reply and they all smile warmly at me… and I walk with a big grin because it is now that I think I begin to understand that there’s more to this hijab than the modesty thing. These girls are strangers to me but I know that we all felt an amazing connection, a sense that this cloth binds us in some kind of universal sisterhood (28) [emphasis mine].

The sisterhood that Amal experiences, transcends all boundaries of culture and nation while creating a shared intangible space of familiarity with Muslim women anywhere in the world. It connects strangers through the visible identity marker, which is the Islamic hijab and establishes allegiances between Muslim women young and old. This is clear in the choices made by Khadra in Mohja Kahf’s novel The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf . She fights her feminist friend Seemi who tries hard to convince her to take off her hijab during times of Muslim Western troubles, but she responds: “It’s my connector,” Khadra tried to explain to Seemi once about wearing the scarf through hard times. “It makes me feel connected to the people in my family, my mosque, where I come from. My heritage.” “Don’t be ridiculous,” Seemi had said. “Take that damn thing off; it’s not worth risking your life for.” But it was the other way around. Seemi didn’t get it.

174

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

When you’re in danger you don’t strip off your armor. And she couldn’t get her progressive, but not very tolerant, friend, to see that hijab was also more than that for her. It was the outer sign of an inner quality she wants to be reminded of, more often than she could manage to remind herself without it. “No matter how much of a feminist you talk me into becoming. Seemi, I won’t let go of my hijab,” Khadra said. And her friend had thrown up her hands. (424-425)

The hijab’s “inner quality” is the focal point of the characters’ conscious choice to hold on to it not just as a marker of identity, but also on a deeper level as a reminder of a commitment to Islam. The psychological power that hijab gives to Muslim women and the feeling of a refreshed identity is obvious in Does my Head Look Big in This? This newly gained identity is the result of embracing the Islamic paradigm of behaviour, the return to the natural Muslim bias towards cover versus the Western paradigm which embraces uncovering as a sign of freedom and progress: I lie in bed that night and replay the scene over and over in my head. I’m experiencing a new identity, a new expression of who I am on the inside, but I know that I am not alone. I’m not breaking a new ground. I’m sharing something with millions of other women around the world and it feels so exciting (28)

Desexualizing Encounters Hijab is depicted as empowering which challenges the oppressiveness Orientalism associates hijab with. Hijab has multiple meanings and purposes, and one crucial meaning lies in it, making a statement against Western consumerist culture. It takes Muslim women off the sex economy, so they are treated as human beings, not as sex objects. It undermines the male gaze: I felt safe from people judging me and making assumptions about my character from the length of my skirt or the size of my bra. I felt protected from all the crap about beauty and image. As scared as I was walking around the stores in the hijab, I was also experiencing a feeling of empowerment and freedom. (Does My Head Look Big in This? 29).

In this context, Amal opts out of the beauty game. For her, hijab acquires greater significance when she feels that it helps her get off the sex economy and the beauty game that makes a woman’s worth relative to her appearance that must conform to consumerist culture’s standards of beauty. In her book, Rethinking Muslim women and the Veil, Katherine Bullocks asserts: So in choosing hijab, they are constructing a Muslim identity, a minority identity, in the face of the dominant (Western) culture’s messages about women- about the need to dress fashionably, and be slim and beautiful. They use their Islamic heritage as a way to resist, rebel against and counteract these powerful images of ideal beauty. For these and other like-minded Muslim women, hijab is a counter measure in the West. an appropriation of the feminist critique of Western culture’s valuation of woman as sex object, and a rejection and rebellion against that model of women via an Islamic route (other women take other routes). (191)

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

175

This is further elaborated on in the function of the hijab as a gaze regulator and as a segregator. It controls the encounter between the male gaze and the female figure so that sexuality is not part of the equation: To sum up, hijab does not smother femininity or sexuality. Rather, it regulates where and for whom one’s femininity and sexuality will be displayed and deployed. In the home, in women’s gatherings, and with one’s husband. Muslim women can dress up, play with, display and otherwise enjoy their beauty and sexuality. Beauty/sexuality is something special, not to be enjoyed by strange men. (Bullock 199)

Consequently, hijab presents a strong critique of the Western materialistic world view that objectifies the female body and puts it in the marketplace of sexuality to be enjoyed and subjected to the approving or disapproving male gaze. There are variations when it comes to discussing the issue of sexuality and relationships between the sexes. For example, the question of sexual attraction is not discussed openly in Leila Aboulela’s The Translator, even though the novel is based on a story of romantic love. The main characters have no intimate touches or kisses. In The Translator, physical contact of whatever kind does not exist. The author made it clear in one interview that she is not: a secular person writing about religious people. I address the characters as a Muslim. The issues are shaped by what Islam teaches me…. There is a logic to the narrative that comes from the belief of the narrator. So if a practicing Muslim writer writes a story about an adulteress, she cannot be liberated by the end of the story. The story has to have a logic. My logic comes from my faith (Malik, 51).

The heroines who populate the novels of Aboulela attempt to operate in the West without losing their Islamic ethics. Here, they feel a kind of antagonism between their world and the world out there: there is an attempt not to assimilate into the new culture, and basically, they sometimes fail to do so, however, much they try. They struggle to maintain a balance between both. Sammer, the heroine of The Translator falls into a real crisis when she falls in love with Rae who is a professor of Middle Eastern studies who works at the same university where she works as a translator. The conflict starts between her heart and her religious commitment. She, according to Islamic law, cannot marry a non-Muslim. However, she tries to remain within the boundaries of Islamic behaviour. She maintains a delicate balance between love and faith. There are two episodes which illustrate Sammer’s strenuous effort to remain within the accepted limits of Islamic orthodoxy concerning a woman being in privacy with a non-Mahram. Most of the interaction between her and professor Rae takes place during long phone calls as to when he calls her during Christmas day. The other episode is when they meet in the Winter Gardens in London, which is a public place, and thus they are not in forbidden privacy. The fulfilment of the love between Sammar, a devout Muslim and Professor Rae, an atheist, can only be achieved through marriage. However, Marriage between them takes place only when Rae converts, and thus a real relationship becomes conditional on conversion, which shows the limits of cultural and religious hybridity. This commitment to Islam as a way of life is not easy though. The characters need to fit in inside a different community that is hostile to their beliefs. This makes the characters try to balance their religious

176

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

life and Islamic identity and create an atmosphere of positive interaction with their non-Muslim atmosphere.

Manifestations of Islamophobia in Narrative Muslims through centuries occupied a central position in the consciousness of the West as others. This otherness has been enhanced through long-drawn conflicts and interactions. Muslims were represented as racial others not because of colour but because of religion. Religion has replaced colour as a marker of race: In medieval and early modern Europe, Christian identities were constructed in opposition to Islam, Judaism or heathenism (which loosely incorporated all other religions, nature worship. paganism and animism). Above all, it was Islam that functioned as the predominant binary opposite of and threat to Christianity (Chew l 937 quoted in Loomba 106). Religious difference thus became (Often rather confusedly) an index of and metaphor for racial, cultural and ethnic differences. (Ania Loomba 106)

Islamophobia or anti-Islamic racism came to the fore as a conceptual framework with the publication of the Runnymede report on Islamophobia which provided a guideline as to what constitutes Islamophobia: Islamophobia is articulated in terms of a ‘closed view of Islam’. In systematic terms, this means that Islamophobia is present when some of the following conditions are satisfied: Islam seen as a single monolithic bloc, static and unresponsive to new realities. Islam seen as separate and other – (a) not having any aims or values in common with other cultures (b) not affected by them (c) not influencing them. Islam seen as inferior to the West – barbaric, irrational, primitive, sexist. Islam seen as violent, aggressive, threatening, supportive of terrorism, engaged in a ‘clash of civilizations’. Islam seen as a political ideology, used for political or military advantage. Criticisms made by Islam of ‘the West’ rejected out of hand. Hostility towards Islam used to justify discriminatory practices towards Muslims and exclusion of Muslims from mainstream society. Anti-Muslim hostility accepted as natural and ‘normal’. (Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia 1997: 5 quoted in Racism 164)

There was a disagreement as to what constitutes a “closed view of Islam” and the concern that this would stifle legitimate criticism of Islam and Muslims. This is resolved by making a comparison between the consequences of racism and Islamophobia and the way they interact: More significant for our purposes, however, is identifying where a closed view of Islam, articulated in opposition to Islam, or in an attempt to denigrate Islam, interacts with racism. Such an interaction is most clearly visible in the consequences of this interaction: exclusionary practices, exclusionary discourses and hostility. .... In all of these cases, in parallel with Orientalist discourses and with the ideology of racism, Islam is represented as, stricto sensu, essentially different from the West, and as homogeneous or even inferior (Racism 165).

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

177

Far from being a new phenomenon related to the modern confrontation between Islam and the West, Islamophobia or more accurately anti-Islamic racism has a long history which was justified and supplemented by Orientalism in the past and in our times. It is no coincidence that most of the main points that define Islamophobia apply to the discourse of Orientalism which continues to treat Islam as the ultimate opposite of the West and consequently a prime threat. This Islamophobia qualifies as a racist discourse. Pnina Werbner explains that: Racism and its cognate tendencies target the human body – a source of dangerous and contagious pollution and threatening physicality; they target collective cultural symbols – mosques, flags, graves – for destruction; they expropriate and destroy property and sources of livelihood; and they efface the political voice of the racialized Other. In other words, if racist discourses are many and the political cum- historical contexts in which they arise unique, the violations of racism are familiar and repetitive – public humiliation, denial, enslavement, pogroms, ethnic cleansing, rape, murder, torture, destruction, expropriation, starvation, genocide. (Anthropology Today 2005, 6)

In The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf , one particular situation offers a good example of what it means to have a closed view of Islam. Khadra, the American Muslim heroine meets a certain Chrif at a photography school. He hails from a Berber family in Tunisia. They develop a friendship. While joggling together, they come across a group of Muslims praying and his first observation was, “Why do these people have to make a spectacle of themselves all the time?” (337). Khadra tells him that he himself is a Muslim. He answers: Not like that, man. I’m a secular Muslim. These religious Muslims, they always have to embarrass themselves, on some level. All I know is, they give us a bad name. Like, let’s make sure the entire world knows we’re religious nuts. Look at them, praying in the middle of the park with their rear-ends in the air. Besides being uncouth, it’s so arrogant, on some level. Look at us, we pray. (337)

This attitude towards Muslims may well qualify as Islamophobia even though it comes from a Muslim. Yet Khadra, who is a practising Muslim, is annoyed by this same tendency and presents a corrective: “I pray.” Khadra felt it was unfair of him to generalise about their motives, or to assume all religious Muslims were alike. He only lost his footing for a second. “But you pray in private.” I prefer to. But sometimes you can’t avoid praying in public- if you believe in the prayer times. (337)

The second point raised by the Runneymede report on what constitutes Islamophobia is the belief that Islam is a violent religion. Chrif entertains a similar vision. In his conversation with Khadra, he argues that he doesn’t like organized religion and that he likes spirituality. Although he rejects any Islamic claim to spirituality, he does not take the same attitude to Buddhism. He embraces it as a spiritual philosophy. Nevertheless, Khadra counters his claim saying that Buddhism is an organized religion, for “It’s got temples and priests and monks and nuns,” she insisted. “It’s a religion.” (343) Chrif’s answer was an outright accusation that Islam is violent, “Well. You never hear about Buddhists going and killing people in the name of religion.” (343) Yet, Khadra provides evidence to the contrary:

178

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

Oh yeah, Ask the Rohingya Muslims who massacred a hundred thousands of them in 1942 and gave their property to Buddhist Burmese, and who raped thousands of women and burned hundreds of Mosques and evicted half a million Muslim in ’76. Who? Burmese Buddhists, that’s who. (343)

The point is that talking about religion as violent by nature and viewing its adherents as terrorists is a close-minded view of a religion that is present in at least three continents in high numbers. Reducing the multiplicity of Islam to a homogenous mass of violent people constitutes Islamophobia. As Islamophobia targets symbols of the religion, Muslim women who wear the hijab become a primary target of racist attacks because of their appearance, which indicates their Muslim identity. Muslim women become soft targets for Islamophobes and white nationalists. Muslim women challenged Islamophobia by wearing the hijab, not by giving it up. That is why hijab is highlighted in the novels and punctuates the narratives. So, far from being just a modesty marker, the hijab appears in the narrative as a giver of identity and in the same measure attracts racism. There were many occasions when the heroines of these novels experienced harassment because of their appearance, which indicated they were Muslims. This racism has intensified after 9/11. The attitude towards Muslim women and the veil reveals the racism that shows itself in harassment of Muslim women wearing the hijab, racist taunts and physical attack. The construction of Islam as unchanging and as a totalizing religion amounts to racism: Religion as well can be constructed as an immutable essence that invariably dictates the behaviour of its followers. Wieviorka states: ‘To dislike Islam to the point of violence [...] is racist if Muslims themselves are constructed as a natural category, and their behaviour, real or imagined, is presented as informed in some way or another by an essence, by innate attributions or an almost genetic cultural heritage’ (Wieviorka 1997:142 quoted in Nieuwkerk, June 2004 (pp. 229–246)).

The female characters in the novels by Muslim women writers depict a world where Muslim women bear the brunt of these racist attacks, especially after any attack that is ascribed to Muslim militants. It is one way of applying pressure to Muslim women to assimilate and exclude them from the public space and prevent them from interacting with society on their terms. In Minaret, a second novel by Leila Aboulela, Najwa is riding a bus in London, and somehow feels trapped not without reason: As they walk past to the back of the bus, one of them looks at me and says something to the others. I look away out of the window. I tell myself that Allah will protect me so that even if they hurt me, I won’t feel it too badly; it will be a blunted blow, a numbed blow. (Minaret 80)

Islamophobia goes beyond words to physical attack: Laughter from behind me. Something hits the edge of the seat next to me and bounces down the aisles; I don’t know what it is. He has missed his target this time. Will they move closer, and what it if they run of things to throw? (Minaret 80)

This attack was an act of conscious racism, but the unconscious racism is shown in the reaction of the driver who upon looking at him for help, “his eyes flicker, and

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

179

he looks away”. The approving silence or even unconcerned silence of the driver is a reflection of how Islamophobia has become so acceptable that people seeing Muslims being attacked will not offer help: The attack goes on: I hear footsteps come up behind me, see a blur of denim. He says, ‘You Muslim scum’, then the shock of cool liquid on my head and face. I gasp and taste it, Tizer. He goes back to his friends- they are laughing. My chest hurts and I wipe away my eyes. (Minaret 80-81).

Muslim women become a target of attacks because of their way of life and are marked off as the enemy. Does my Head Look Big in This? this idea is delineated: So when you’re a non-pork eating, Eid-celebrating Mossie (as in taunting nickname for Muslim, not mosquito) with an unpronounceable last names and a mother who picks you up from school wearing a hijab and a Gucci shades, and drives a car with an “Islam means peace” bumper sticker, a quiet existence is impossible. (10)

In Mohja Kahf’s novel, the main female character Khadra faces similar attacks and racial slurs. The next revelation is one of a child who is being assailed by a boy and that is where her character as a strong woman in the making is revealed: Stop it! Stop it! You leave me alone, Brian Lott!” She scrambled to her feet. The back of her head was still ridged from where he’d knocked her against the brick of the apartment wall last time. She’d kicked him in the chin then, and she would do it again, even if it was a fight she must lose. (4)

She goes on: The barking ends with a long howl: “Fuck you, raghead!” Brian shouted back. “We’re gonna get all you fuckers! He wheelied on “fuckers.” (5)

Violence reaches its maximum limits through rape. In Kahf’s novel, Zuhura, a grownup Muslim girl, is raped and dumbed. Zuhura was active in the Muslim community in Indiana espousing social justice on campus. Yet the coverage of her rape and murder in the media exuded racism: “… the Indianapolis Star pretended like race wasn’t there at all, calling Zuhura a “Foreign woman” and an international student,” as if her family didn’t live right there in town” (95). Islamophobia is racism in so far as it uses the same social exclusionary tactics of racism. It constitutes a racist discourse that excludes Muslims and ostracizes them in minority situations, and homogenizes, and generalizes about their behaviour. Those many instances of racism and Islamophobia did not create an impetus in Muslim women to become reverse orientalists or anti-western in any sense. Muslim women created their utopia and space in western cities in a bid to show Islam for what it is: a religion of peace, civilization and love not the Islam of orientalists that is ‘enraged at modernity’ as Bernard Lewis once argued. Muslim women let themselves be guided by the rhythm of Islam that finds God where ever it exists.

180

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

The Rhythm of Islam in Immigrant Lands The way the Islamic rhythm defines the lives of Muslims outside Muslim majority countries, especially in the West is the primary concern of this section. It is going to be discussed concerning fiction written by Muslim women. Firstly, Aboulela’s The Translator is a reflection of a strong nostalgia for memories of home and the associated Islamic rhythm. For living as an immigrant makes it hard to follow the Islamic rhythm: There is no doubt that a Muslim feels and lives Islam and experiences time and space in interweaving rhythm. This is what immigrants in an adopted homeland must miss – Islam’s rhythm. They might be missing it despite regular praying at home and in mosque, fasting, participating in Islamic community life... Muslims experience time intimately and move comfortably in and out of Muslim space. (By Noon Prayer 123)

However, the rhythmic re-creation of Islamic rituals helps characters cope with the new environment. In Leila Aboulela’s novel, the Translator, the Islamic rhythm provides stability for characters that Leila Aboulela present in a state of crisis or surviving a tragic event. In the Translator, Sammar, a Sudanese widow who survives the tragic death of her husband in London, finds in prayer a form of support in a world of existential insecurity and a giver of identity: “Her prayer mat had tassels on the edges, a velvety feel, a smell that she liked. The only stability in life, unreliable life, taking turns the mind could not imagine. When she finished praying, she sat for the tasbeeh….” (37). Prevalence of sacred devotions does create an existential axis around which these characters revolve. Prayer indeed seems to punctuate the life of the main character and endow her with a sense of wholeness. Communication with God through prayer forms one of the most recurrent images in almost all the novels. It stands for the perfect communion that gives characters strength and a sense of the existence of an ultimate point of reference. During prayer, Sammar experiences a “sense of fullness” to use Charles Taylor’s words (A Secular Age 6). The spiritual comfort experienced by Sammar is described in almost poetic terms: Now she stood alone under the high ceiling of the ancient college, began to say silently, All praise belongs to Allah, the lord of all the worlds, the compassionate, the Merciful… and the certainty of the words brought unexpected tears, something deeper than happiness, all the splinters inside her coming together. (The Translator 74) [Emphasis mine].

Prayer is a rhythmic motion that gives meaning to Muslim time and space: Moving in and out of the five daily prayer (salat) establishes a particular quality to the pattern of the day. It creates a distinctive Muslim rhythm, which is established by this interweaving of daily prayer in daily life. More than any other daily practice or task, intermittently praying throughout the day weaves a rhythm of fluid, interwoven temporality and spatiality that makes daily life of and for a Muslim distinctive and unique. The public call for prayer chanted five times a day (athan) by human voice from the minarets of mosques reflects and establishes this rhythmic pattern. (By Noon Prayer 138)

Sammar lives in a room which she calls the ‘hospital room’. She is helped to cope in the immediate aftermath of the death of her husband through the Islamic

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

181

atmosphere created by people from the mosque who are total strangers: “People helped her, took over. Strangers, women whom she kept calling by the wrong names, filled the flat, cooked for her and each other, watched the ever-wandering child so she could cry. They prayed, recited the Qur’an, spent the night on the couch and on the floor. They did not leave her alone, abandoned” (The Translator 9). Despite all this, Sammar finds it difficult to relate to the rhythm of life in that place. During Christmas she stayed at home while other people were celebrating, she was out of tune with the world outside. She could not relate to the habits and culture in Scotland, which stresses individuals over the community. She lacked the sense of community which seems possible only in her country Sudan. Sammar used to complain about the way the English people feel time, and about how they label everything, their sense of orderliness, “In this country, everything was labelled, everything had a name. She had got used to the explicitness, all the signs and polite rules” (4). Her apparent psychological imbalance and failure to integrate is related to the lack of rhythm. She lacks any feeling of the natural progress of time, which in Sudan was punctuated by the Azan to the extent that she mistakes the noise made by the central heater for the voice of a distant Muezzin. Her attachment to homelands with all its cultural and religious markers is accentuated in the novel. Sammar expresses alienation from surroundings: while in Sudan, prayer was a common practice that had a communal significance, in Aberdeen, Scotland, prayer loses some of its rhythms when performed individually, indoors and with some embarrassment as to how people, not least of whom Rae whom she marries later, will react to any public display of Muslim piety: It had seemed strange for her when she first came to live her, all that privacy that surrounded praying. She used to seeing people pray on pavements and on grass. She was used to praying in the middle of parties. In places where others chatted, slept or read. But she was aware now, after having lived in this city for many years she could understand. How surprised people would be were they to turn the corner of a building and find someone with their forehead, nose and palms touching the ground. She wondered how Rae would feel if he ever saw her praying. Would he feel alienated from her, the difference between them accentuated, underlined, or would it seem to him something that was within reach, something that he himself would want to do? (The Translator 75).

The Islamic rhythm marks time in ways unique to Muslims. After the death of her husband Tariq, Sammar observes four months and ten days of mourning during which a Muslim woman should avoid leaving her house except for necessities and abstains from any adornment. This is called ‘iddah or waiting period. This rhythm of waiting marks a time for a Muslim woman who has been divorced or whose husband has just passed away. In the Translator, the narrator explains: Sammar had not worn make-up or perfume since Tarig died four years ago. Four months and ten days, was the sharia’a mourning period for a widow, the time that was for her alone, time that must pass before she could get married again, beautify herself again. Four months and ten days. Sammar thought as she often thought, of the four months and ten days, such a specifically laid out time, not too short and not too long. She thought of how Allah’s sharia was kinder and more balanced than the rules people set up for themselves (69).

182

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

This rhythm seems to mark time in a way that accommodates a widow’s psychological need for private space that is uninterrupted by male marriage proposals at a time when a woman is psychologically vulnerable and bereaved. Time is allowed for her to vent her grief and mourn until she comes to terms with it and is ready for a new relationship. This rhythm is what Ranna Kabbani, a Syrian critic, expresses in her book Letter to Christendom when she explains that, “Mourning rituals, like those surrounding betrothal, marriage and circumcision provide an understanding of what Islam means to people in their daily lives” (19). However, this rhythm is sometimes disrupted when Islam is practiced in a new land. This shows in the expectations of Rana Kabbani’s father when she started searching for a job right after her divorce: For reasons I could not fathom my father seemed upset, even angry. It was only later, when he blurted it out in an argument with my mother, that I realized he had expected me, even in this foreign setting, to abide by the Muslim custom, the ‘ida, which recommends that a divorced woman should withdraw from the world for three month…. (21)

She further elaborates the fact that her father did not instruct her directly to withdraw “was itself a pointer to his own uncertainty about the extent to which Islam could be practiced in a non-Muslim society” (21). Finally, in hindsight, she wished that her father had explained that to her because she felt that when she went out, she was emotionally and physically exhausted and needed that period of waiting to sort out things. Prayers, along with other Islamic ritual practices connect people to time and space in specific ways lucidly elaborated by Fadwa El Guindi: Through the interweaving effect of prayer there is a distinctive quality of the Islamic construction of space as it turns a public area into a private space, without entry of a stranger. Interweaving of space and time, as individuals move in and out during the course of the day between worldly and sacred spheres is distinctly, perhaps uniquely, Islamic. What Ardener might call “spaces within spaces” or “overlapping universes” (1993: 3) is best described in the analysis of Arab culture as fluidity of space and rhythmic patterns of time. The two interweave throughout the ordinary day. (138)

In Does My Head Look Big in This? Amal, who decided to wear hijab finds comfort in her connection with Allah; prayer provides security. Prayer is not just a ritual but has the strength of connecting people to their Islamic roots and practices. Amal feels a spiritual calm that propels her towards showing more commitment to her faith through wearing the hijab: My dad leads the prayer and his voice as he reads the Koran is soft and melodious. And it’s when I’m standing there this morning, in my PJs and a hijab, next to my mom and my dad, kneeling before God, that I feel a strange sense of calm. I feel like nothing can hurt me, and nothing else matters. And that’s when I know I’m ready. (29)

In Minaret, a second novel by Leila Aboulela, the main heroine Najwa who hails from a high-class family flees Sudan for London after a coup d’état causes the execution of her father, a high government employee. In London, she meets Anwar, a leftist student whom she knew at university in Khartoum earlier. She is drawn into a relationship with him, but disappointed, she discovers her Islamic identity once more through religious observance. Islam gives meaning to her life and solace in this

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

183

precarious world. For her, one consequence of neglecting prayer is the disruption of the normal Muslim rhythm of life: Our house was a house where only the servants prayed. Where a night-watchman would open the gate for our car arriving late after a night out, then sit reciting the Qur’an until it was time for dawn prayer. ... ‘If Baba and Mama had prayed,’ I say, ‘if you and I had prayed, all of this wouldn’t have happened to us. We would have stayed a normal family.’ …. ‘Allah would have protected us, if we had wanted Him to, if we had asked Him but we didn’t SO we were punished.’ I cannot talk fluently, convincingly (Minaret 95).

Having emerged from a world that had brought her family down because of the political disturbances in Sudan, Najwa finds salvation in the company of Muslim sisters in London’s Reagent Park mosque. In Sudan, she was living an upper-class life, now let down by the world and feeling lonely, she asks existential questions that relate to her identity as a Muslim in exile: My guides chose me; I did not choose them. Sometimes I would stop and think what I was doing in her house, who gave me this book to read. The words were clear, as if I had known all this before and somehow, along the way, forgotten it. Refresh my memory. Teach me something old. Shock me. Comfort me. Tell me what will happen in the future, what happened in the past. Explain to me why I came down in the world. Was it natural, was it curable? (Minaret 240)

The existential questions that she poses find their answers in her rediscovery of Islam. In retrospect, a strong sense of guilt haunts the heroine of Minaret who always looks at girls wearing tobes and hijab. There is a kind of religious affinity that was strangled by the elitist family that she lived with. These elites lived by imitating the West. They kept religion out of their discourse; we never hear or know that they pray or observe the fast. Only the heroine is conscious of this lack of difference between her and the other traditionally dressed girls at university. Her guilt is coupled with a hidden craving to become one of them: Not everyone prayed. Girls like me who didn’t wear tobes or hijab weren’t praying and could tell which boys were members of the Front, because they weren’t praying. The others were lined up on the palm-fibre mat but it was too small to take everyone. The ones who came late made do with the grass. Our math lecturer, who belonged to the Muslim Brothers, spread his white handkerchief on the grass. He stood, his shoulder brushing against the gardener’s. The student who was leading recited the Qur’an in an effortless, buoyant style (44).

Prayer serves again as a means of giving a sense of the Islamic community to others. It is about obedience to God, following “the right path” carved by God, belonging to the community of believers and about Islam’s rhythm. Once in a cleansed state, facing the appropriate direction, and in proper dress code a Muslim person can pray anywhere according to Islam’s time pattern. (By Noon Prayer 124)

Najwa speaks almost disapprovingly of those who missed a prayer in two instances: once before she rediscovers Islam and once after she becomes religious. She always judges people according to practising prayer, for instance, she judges the religiosity of her Arab employer in London, according to her possession or not

184

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

of a prayer mat, “She doesn’t strike me as religious and there is not even a prayer mat or tarha in her room.” (Minaret 98–99). Another instance is when she observes that Anwar, her university senior colleague ‘didn’t pray’ (36). Prayer and hijab are associated as markers of Islamic identity and modesty. She wonders why a girl who is wearing the hijab is not praying and finds her an excuse for not praying, I walked into the lecture room and, instead of emptiness, found a girl wearing hijab sitting filing her nails. She had probably heard all the conversation between me and Anwar. What was she doing here anyway instead of going out to pray. She probably had her period. (Minaret 45).

Prayer has spatiotemporal effects: it converts normal space and time into sacred space and time: Any undesignated area, facing the direction of Makka, can be temporarily “designated” as sacred Muslim space by the act of the prayer itself. An area is marked as prayer area when a Muslim of either sex, in a cleansed purified state, performs any of the daily prayer (By Noon Prayer 135).

Quran circles and classes of history where many discussions took place among these Muslim women in the mosque gave Najwa a sense of community. This collectivity is formed around other Islamic symbols and spaces. In Minaret, Islamic sisterhood appears in the Quran teaching circle, which gathers Muslim women of different cultures, British, Pakistani, Syrian and Sudanese. They gather around the Quran teaching circle with one common thing that binds them across all barriers and differences of culture. The rhythm of collective life dominates time and space. Society becomes the model for time and space and reproduces them. Time and space are localized in sociality. It has been established that rhythm was the sign of collective activity. “If this is true, it is legitimate to suppose that the rhythm of time does not necessarily model itself on the natural periodicities established by experience, but that societies contain within themselves the need and the means of instituting it” (Durkheim 1961 [1912]: 71–2 quoted in El Guindi 2008:By Noon Prayer 139).

Thus, these Muslim gatherings in the mosque create an alternative space for immigrant Muslim women. Observing the fast is another part of the Islamic rhythm that alters the regular routine of the year. The fast starts at dawn and ends at sunset. Without a community observing the fast, it becomes harder to maintain. According to El Guindi, Ramadan has an essential significance for Muslims as it provides a linkage that transcends borders and creates a community of believers: The link between Ramadan and the Ummah is a powerful one. An individual fasting Ramadan, breaks fast every day alone or with family and friends, but at some level would be joining a seemingly tangible community of folk across global time and space who would be fasting and breaking fast following the same pattern at equivalent time. This becomes the open and unbounded Islamic community in its contemporary transformation of the form already conceived fourteen centuries ago in Yathrib (131).

Najwa is alerted to the month of Ramadan accidentally when she was at Anwar’s apartment. He was playing cards with his friends and suddenly one of his friends said

11 Muslim Women: Identity, Islamophobia and the Rhythm of Islam

185

it is Ramadan and a whole conversation takes place highlighting Najwa’s missing of Islam’s rhythm: “It’s Ramadan breakfast, you heathens!’ I caught my breath. ‘Oh no’ They laughed at my reaction. Kamal said he knew it had started but had forgotten about it. Why would anyone in his right mind fast in London? ‘Or anywhere else?’ said Anwar. ‘The thirst people endured in the heat of Sudan was not healthy at all.’ ….. it jolted me that Ramadan could happen, could come around and I would not know about it. I looked at Anwar and he was calm, normal as if nothing unnatural had happened. ‘Why didn’t you tell me’ ‘Why should I?’ said Anwar. (Minaret 230)

The angry reaction of Najwa to missing Ramadan stands in stark contrast to Anwar’s unconcern even attack on fasting. Najwa thinks of Ramadan as though it was part of a natural phenomenon commenting on Anwar’s reaction; she questions his attitude: ‘What do you mean why? It’s important. It’s Ramadan. I should know about it. It shouldn’t happen without me knowing. If we were in Khartoum we would have known, our daily routine would have changed.’ (Minaret 230). Hajj, one more major rhythm of Islam, is a spiritual journey that unites Muslims of all nations on earth in one place. In the Girl in the Tangerine Scarf , the author creates a visual image where Mecca is at the centre where a rhythmic movement of harmony takes place. Imagine, Khadra thought, looking at the massive tides of pilgrims around the Kaba, these circles get bigger and bigger, as people all over mecca face here to pray, then all over the world, even as far as America, wave after wave of people, in concentric circles going all around the earth, I am here at the center of all that. (Emphasis in original 162).

Hajj, very much like other rituals in Islam, involves a Muslim as part of a worldwide community of believers. So, the Muslim partakes of a larger identity, one that is based on religion and does not admit of borders. To sum up, in this chapter hijab creates a space for Muslim women to express their individuality as Muslims and connect with other Muslims outside the parameters of Orientalism and its stereotypes. Hijab translates itself as a counter ideology to Orientalism because it transforms Muslim women into agents of their identity, not the submissive, passive subjects Orientalism talks about. Modesty, as a Muslim modus operandi is favoured over Western concepts related to behaviour and manners of dress and the rules that limit how a Muslim woman interacts with men. Finally, Islamic rituals that committed Muslim women follow, create a rhythmic movement and a sense of community that binds Muslims in ‘foreign lands’. However, Islam still connects them to a broader community through a shared spatiotemporal practice of Islamic rituals such as prayer, the Ramadan Fast and Hajj.

References Abdel-Fattah, R. (2005). Does my head look big in this?. New York: Orchard Books. Abdel-Fattah, R. (2006). Ten things i hate about me. New York: Orchard Books.

186

M. A. M. A. Khalifa

Abdurraqib, S. (2006). Hijab scenes: Muslim women, migration, and hijab in immigrant muslim literature. MELUS, 31(4), 55–70. Aboulela, L. (1999). The translator. London: Polygone. Aboulela, L. (2005). Minaret. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and gender in Islam: Historical roots of a modern debate. London: Yale UP. Bullock, K. (2002). Rethinking muslim women and the veil: Challenging historical and modern stereotypes. Herndon: The International Institute of Islamic Thought. Cohen, A. P. (1993). Culture as identity: An anthropologist’s view. New Literary History, 24(1), 195–209. El Guindi, F. (2008) By noon prayer: The rhythm of Islam. Berg Publishers. Elia, N. (2006). Islamophobia and the ‘privileging’ of Arab American women. Johns Hopkins UP. NWSA Journal, 18(3). Ghada, K. (2004). On becoming a writer. In B. N. Aziz (Ed.), Scheherazade’s legacy: Arab and arab american women on writing. Greenwood Publishing Group. Haddad, Y. Y., Smith, J. I., & Moore, K. M. (2006). Muslim women in America: The challenge of Islamic identity today. London: Oxford UP. Jawad, H., & Benn, T. (2003). Muslim women in the United Kingdom and beyond: Experiences and images. Netherland: Leiden. Kabbani, R. (1989). Letter to christendom. London: Vertigo. Kahf, M. (2006). The girl in the tangerine scarf: A novel. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. Kahf, M. (2006). On being a muslim woman writer in the West. Islamica Magazine Issue, 17(Fall), 78–85. Loomba, A. (1998). Colonialism/postcolonialism. London & New York: Routledge. Majid, A. (2000). Unveiling traditions: Postcolonial Islam in a polycentric world. London: Duke UP. Malik, A. (2006). Let’s (Not) Talk about Love—An interview with Leila Aboulela. Q News. Miles, R., & Brown, M. (2003). Racism. Psychology Press. Mitchell, T. (1988). Colonizing Egypt. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Said, W. E. (1978). Orientalism. London: Penguin Classics 2003 (first published by Routledge). Said, E. W. (2008). Covering Islam: how the media and the experts determine how we see the rest of the world (Fully revised edition). New York: Random House. Stendahl, K. (1991). Judaism and Islam in the perspective of christianity. In I. R. Al-Faruqi (Ed.), Trialogue of the Abrahamic faiths. Virginia: International Institute of Islamic Thought. Taylor, C. (2009). A secular age. Harvard University Press. van Nieuwkerk, K. (2004). Veils and wooden clogs don’t go together. Ethnos, 69(2), 229–246. Werbner, P. (February 2005). Islamophobia: Incitement to religious hatred—Legislating for a new fear? Anthropology Today, 21, 1.

Chapter 12

It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example of German Universities Angela Bittner-Fesseler

Introduction The Social Construction of Reality As pioneers in research, women also contribute to the progress of society. One outstanding example is the winner of the Nobel prize, genetic researcher and development biologist Christiane Nüsslein-Volhard, who, in 1995, became the only German woman scientist so far to win the Nobel prize. Even today, there is a shortage of female role models for the upcoming generation. Both, enthusiastic young women on their way to the scientific world, as well as enthusiastic young men not oriented to the traditional stereotype of a researcher, need such role models. Women were under-represented in science for a long time. Today’s universities are founded on a long history shaped by the exclusion of women (Kortendiek, 2019, p. 1331). There was a prevailing structural “implicit and rocentricism”—from the topics to the theories (Kortendiek, 2019, p. 1329). Among the hidden mechanisms of male dominance in the world of academia is also the invisibility of women—not considering actual percentages. Today, women professors, from being the exceptions, have become a matter of course. In gradual steps, the realisation has been established that outstanding research and teaching are an expression of skills and attributes that women possess as much as men. At the same time, an obstinate cliché continues to prevail even in the twenty-first century: In a study, persons (n: 200 aged 18–75) in Germany were asked what a scientist looks like. The result: The researcher is a “he” (cf. Fig. 12.1 for examples of male dominance in depicting “a scientist” in Germany). This prototype wears glasses and has tousled hair, and stands in a laboratory or sits in front of a bookshelf (Freund, 2005, p. 109). The symbols of his research work A. Bittner-Fesseler (B) SRH Mobile University, Riedlingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. A. Karim et al. (eds.), Female Pioneers from Ancient Egypt and the Middle East, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1413-2_12

187

188

A. Bittner-Fesseler

Fig. 12.1 Examples of male dominance in depicting “a scientist” in Germany. Panel A Researchers (“The Fridericiana 1963”). Panel B Symbolic image of research, Technical University of Munich (“Die Technische Universität München” 2003, p. 15). Panel C A researcher (“universität karlsruhe (th) Bilder Texte Zahlen”, 1972, p. 84). Panel D Intended symbolic image for young researcher as an example for the result of four selection stages (“Georg-August-University Göttingen”, 2003, without page information). Panel E and F Programmatic cover pictures of the image brochures of RWTH Aachen in 1992 (E) and in 2000 (F)

are the test tube and the white lab coat (Freund, 2005, p. 114; for children Gründl, 2002). This article deals with the visibility or better invisibility of women in German universities—and even more women, especially those with an Arab or Oriental migrant background—at the end of the twentieth century and the concomitant implications. In general, it must be assumed that with most people, the idea of a university consists of images of the “Absent”—conveyed by the media, websites, brochures, etc. The reason for this is that not everyone actually knows a researcher, a laboratory or a lecture room. Nonetheless, people have some kind of image of those who do research in universities. This image is, among other things, the result of the information in the form of pictures and text from the universities themselves or from third parties like journalists (on the role of the media in knowledge of the world see Luhman, n. 1996, p. 183). These images are a part of our reality and how they are perceived does not fundamentally differ from the perception of reality (Büttner & Gottdang, 2009, p. 12). In particular, what can be seen in photographs is mostly assumed to be true, because even today, pictures, especially photographs, are trusted in Western society systems. Photographs are the windows to reality, since they “really” show reality.

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

189

The reason for this is the clarity of photographs, which can depict the situations in detail (Lobinger, 2012, p. 20).

An Implicit and Rocentricism in Universities and Elsewhere The university as an institution arose as a world of men. In early modern Europe, across centuries, male scholars developed a specific organisational and faculty culture that also included the exclusion of women. Thus, for a long time, gender was integrated as a constructive factor in the organisation logic of modern universities. This exclusion was legitimised with a gender order that assigned men and women different interrelated function areas according to gender character. It was only in 1908 that a law was passed in Prussia that allowed the first women to study. Therefore, it can be assumed that across the centuries, researchers and scientists were associated with the male gender in the German scientific sector. Till today, the male stands for striving for individuality and expansion of one’s own courses of action as well as for attributes like determination, ambition, competence and social dominance. In contrast, owing to her lesser societal status in many cultures, less competence is attributed to the woman. She is associated with warmth, less competitiveness and togetherness as the descriptive standards (Hannover & Wolter, 2019, pp. 202–203). Studies show that till today, women and men are shown in narrowly defined roles in public (Orde, 2013, p. 12). Research results going back to as early as the 1970s and 1980s had already shown that the political roles and achievements of women are played down or undervalued. Although a more objective and differentiated depiction of women politicians is being seen in international studies since the turn of the century, nonetheless, role stereotypes continue to exist and are subtly marked by marginalisation and trivialisation (Orde, 2013, p. 14). Even in children’s TV determined that up into the noughties, the protagonists exhibited known gender stereotypes: Female protagonists are more seldom the leaders than male and youth figures, and more frequently part of a team than male figures (Orde, 2013 p. 13). Just as noticeable is the under-representation of women in conjunction with certain professional functions. Around 90% of all the scientists mentioned by name in the media are men. Moreover, communication science gender research was able to establish, in popular media content, a strong stereotyping in the depiction of “manliness” and “femininity”, as much as before. “This applies to TV as much as to digital content and the print media” (Orde, 2013, p. 11)—as also for the so-called grey literature in the form of brochures of the universities in Germany. They give rise to images in the imagination of people. In the universities, the Women’s College Movement first raised the question of gender equality. In the 1970s, German universities became arenas of confrontation and change through the emancipation movement of the students and women scientists. The women demanded “half the university” in the form of the 50% quota in the scientific field (Metz-Göckel, 2019, pp. 1034–1035). During this time, female professors for women-related research became the first pioneers in the university space

190

A. Bittner-Fesseler

(Metz-Göckel, 2019, p. 1038). Nevertheless, the gender equality measures at that time did not reach everyday university life, and the core scientific business (Aulenbacher & Riegraf, 2012, p. 298). Only in the “neuartigen Kulisse universitären Wettbewerbs” [new backdrop of university competition] during the noughties did the proportion of women scientists become a competitive factor and a profile advantage (Aulenbacher & Riegraf, 2012, p. 300). Nonetheless, till today, there is no gender parity in the faculties and in the leading academic positions (Kortendiek, 2019, p. 1330). According to the equality report of the German “Gemeinsame Wissenschaftskonferenz [Joint Science Conference]”, about 19% of all chairs are occupied by women and 23% of all professors are women. In 1997, the figure was just 5% (GWK, 2018, pp. 17–18).

Subtle Signals of the Gender Order: The Image of Women in the University For a long time, the following applied to the depiction of women in the media: “Men act—women occur (Orde, 2013, p. 11). When women scientists are depicted, filmmakers, for example, concentrate traditionally on protagonists who are right at the top in the scientific hierarchy: the professors. In depictions of science, women are assistants and as a rule, to be perceived as being at a lower career level than men (Thiele 2015, p. 348/9). These artificial images of reality can be interpreted as timecompressed, complexity-reduced, limited extracts of reality. And they unleash their action in the heads of people: There arise images of how persons in the field of science look, what they do, etc. In this manner, the image itself becomes a mental role model image (Thiele, 2015, p. 42). Therefore, there is a great deal of importance attached to the depiction of women in the media as regards the perception (Orde, 2013, p. 11). The reason for this is that the reality, for example, is “reflected”, as an image of research in a university, in these images. It is the materialised self-perception, which becomes the opposite in the heads of people; a “message produced by the organisation […] and the psychological concept of image as something constructed by receivers of those messages” (Grunig, 1993, p. 267). Both photographs transmitted in mass media, as well as those made in in-house production, invoke images. Universities enhance the information from the media professionally only since the 1970s, by reporting on themselves in their own media, such as image brochures, later websites or the like. The universities have learnt to project their images more substantially into the public space—even with “glossy foil material” and the symbolic language of commercial advertising (Weingart, 2001, p. 246). The PR research treats these images as “[…] complexity-reduced perceptual images of social reality, enveloping both cognitive as well as effective typification and tending towards generalisation” (Eisenegger, 2015, p. 441). Images are thus perceptual patterns of organisation identities, which are invoked in the minds of the relevant reference groups, as well as in arenas of public communication as a

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

191

consequence of planned and unplanned organisational self-descriptions. Images are particularly important where one’s own, direct experience is not possible (ibid.). In communications psychology, images are treated in a comparable manner to this, as reflections and artificially produced or processed, two-dimensional, relatively permanent objects, which serve for comprehension of the real facts (Sachs-Hombach, 2001, p. 11). They are created by PR with a specific intention in a communicative act and represent an extract or an abstraction of reality. They are a special communicative system of characters that can be read and decoded like a text (see in this context: Thiele, 2015, p. 43). They are influenced both by the producer (for example, a university) as well as the recipient himself/herself, because on the recipient side, the recipient’s own attributions and guessed characteristics can influence the image (Thiele, 2015, p. 46). Therefore, if universities change the portrayal, the perception of the depicted reality also changes. If there is a political intention to have more women in the scientific field, the conception of the pictorial depiction must change, because what is given for seeing is the means for creating the meaning (ibid.). In German universities, press offices implement this official visual communication. During the initial period of the emerging university-PR in the 1970s, the rectors were interested in the PR work primarily for attention-seeking of Science and its “dignitaries”. It was the expression of a more aristocratically and not democratically minded university of professors (Escher, 2001, p. 15). However, when in the 1970/80s, German universities evolved into mass universities and the State subsidies were endangered, the result was that more university press offices were gradually set up and expanded and their range of tasks grew (in this context, see Bühler, Naderer, Koch, & Schuster, 2007, pp. 28–31). When they were set up, the task of the press offices was to counter the loss of image arising from the student strikes, the evolution into mass universities, academician unemployment and the Nummerus Clausus policy (Höhn,2011, pp. 119–120). The university was no longer the admired institution for pure education and free science (see Escher, 2001, p. 10). Research was depicted in the media and in the political field as being abysmal and a “dismal” picture of the university was painted (see Höhn, 2011, p. 123; Escher, 2001, p. 11; 20). Then, in the struggle for public esteem and recognition, in the 1980s and 1990s, professional university communication evolved (Koenen & Meißner, 2019, pp. 53–54). In view of this starting situation, this article discusses the assumption of how the presence of women in science reflects in the self-portrayal of the university. Accordingly, what did and does “the” German university look like in its image communication? In the previous decades, the university has perceptibly changed in many European countries. Universities had to position themselves strategically in the competition and at the same time, justify their actions. Thus, for example, the depiction of research in universities has become more important (Meier, 2019, p. 26). In recent years, the visibility of women in the university also became a clear competitive signal in the struggle among universities for attention, a prominent profile, and public and private funding (Meier, 2019, p. 32). In the framework of the German so-called “Excellence Initiative”, the universities sought to position themselves prominently, for example, but also to appear as universities that were “vielfältig, international,

192

A. Bittner-Fesseler

offen” [versatile, international, open]” (Aulenbacher & Riegraf, 2012, pp. 295–297). This also included women’s gender equality. This means that the commitment of the universities could have become visible in the visual communication since they stand out above the competition and university communication has become “zu Propaganda-Apparaten des ‚kleinen Unterschieds ‘“[the propaganda apparatus of the ‘small difference’]” (Meier, 2019, p. 34). Even though the idea of a quota is being rejected even today, importance is given to increasing percent figures among woman scientists and in the management of science. Thus, in the noughties, the proportion of final degrees for women increased to 52%, those doing post-doctoral research to 42% and professorship promotions to 24%. Sixteen per cent of the chairs were occupied by women (Aulenbacher & Riegraf, 2012, p. 295). And yet: Universities are, till today, a “World without Women” (Noble, 1992, quoted from Aulenbacher & Riegraf, 2012, p. 295). Around 77% of the university governors are male. Via the decision hierarchie, as authorized to issue instructions for the press office, they insert their themes and values into the identity and hence into the visual self-portrayal. The concept of a successful scientist that has emerged across centuries, corresponding to the scholar carrying out research in solitude and freedom, free of financial ambition and self-involved career interests, illustrates the male connotation of self-preservation and welfare in the non-scientific field, to be able to commit, free of the day-to-day demands, in terms of time, emotionally and intellectually, exclusively to the pure scientific hunger for knowledge and interest, was and is a “model” in the German-speaking zone (Riegraf, 2012, p. 296). However, research shows that—if the “minority gender” is quantitatively increased—the contradiction between professionalism, status and femininity is resolved (Riegraf, 2019, p. 1301). This can be traced back to the approach of the feministic organisation research, which assumes a fundamental gendered substructure of organisations. This means that the gender makes itself felt as the work distribution criterion in the organisation structure. The distribution of work is reflected in the formation of subjective ideas and behaviour repertoires of the members of the organisation. Thus, the domain of ideas as to how press office workers imagine science to be and thus represent it in photographs, and on the other hand, how scientists and their scientific co-workers themselves project science during the photography can have an indirect influence on the imagery of the university. The symbolic arrangement of the organisation results in an internalisation of gender norms—even as an individual identity. The lack of visibility of women in science can thus stand for an apparent, materialised expression for substructure, with unequal work distribution, unequal access to leadership positions (Riegraf, 2019, p. 1302). In the context of the interaction between the press office and the scientists, the dominance of males must accordingly get reproduced in the production of photographs for a brochure. In this case, the PR photographs would become symbolic images for the genderified institution of the “University”. There would then be visibly less women in the actual university world and according to this assumption, women less visible in the visual self-portrayal. To explain why the pictorial depiction and visibility of women in research is an essential element of image building, the imagery approach can be used. This research, derived from cognitive research, deals with the

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

193

origin, processing and storage of inner conception images as well as their action on the behaviour. Humans can store knowledge as a concrete visual conception of something, as a mental image (see Kroeber-Riel, 1995, p. 25). Then, only a small part of the perceived stimuli gets converted into memory images during the course of stimulus processing (Kroeber-Riel, 1995, p. 40). Memory images are stored for the long-term and are remembered pictures and a result of the learning process. They are anchored, they arise spontaneously in the mind when a person thinks about an enterprise or in fact, about “science”. The (visual) knowledge can be operationalised via the inner memory by an organisation (university) or a brand, etc. Memory images develop a particularly strong relevance for the behaviour of people and can influence it (Kroeber-Riel, 1995, p. 40). Above all, the emotional level, they act like stored emotions and can influence the inner attitudes of recipients to brands, advertising, etc. as well as decisions and actions. This is important, particularly with regard to the decision of women for a career in science: Is there a positive, equal-rights image of women in science? For a long time, not really. The effect of the memory images can be supported by the Picture Superiority Effect, which is based on research results that show that images are recalled and stored more easily and for longer than words. They generate a higher level of acceptance by the viewer and are connected with credibility assumptions. In addition, they can trigger emotions and stereotypes (Müller & Geise, 2015, pp. 108–109). Here, a direct relationship to the meaning of the images in the self-portrayal of universities, especially in the field of science, is formed. Even brilliantly written text is not effective in its influence as images, and is not so well remembered either. The emotional processes, the attitude, the behaviour—even of future female researcher generations—is thus influenced by the current imagery communication with which they come in contact. Visual messages are not just aesthetic, decorative elements, but must be viewed as strategic instruments of corporate communication. Companies and organisations can make use of the visual differentiation potential, for example, through corporate identity photography (as a development of an individual imagery style, in this context, see Lobinger, 2012, p. 143). This process, called imagery, influences the self-image of persons and their own role models. Thus, the imagery of an organisation, with such a procedure, can be assessed to be a part of the hidden mechanism of masculine dominance in the academic world (Krais, 2000). This relationship has not yet been examined. That is surprising in view of the development leap that university Public Relations have made since the 1968 strikes, from hand-copied flyers to professional print products capable of competing with those of business and industry (surveys of PR of German universities see Rahmelow, 1970; Dehn & Nuissle, 1973; Nagel, Schrahn, Stöck, Jung, & Schlegel, 1980; Nietiedt, 1996; Escher, 2001; Bühler et al., 2007; Höhn, 2011; Kohring, Marcinkowski, Lindner, & Karis, 2013; regarding the increasing publicity and media orientation of universities, Bauer, 2017; Bonfadelli et al., 2017, currently, the articles in Fähnrich, Metag, Post, & Schäfer, 2019). Mostly, the current statuses of scientific communication in structures, work conditions, tasks, instruments are studied (vgl. also the Meta-study 2018 about science communication

194

A. Bittner-Fesseler

2000–2016 as strategic communicators for the public perception of science-related topics). Also, in general, despite the increasing importance of the picture in the societal perception, the visual self-portrayal in corporate communications has been worked on less so far (see Lobinger, 2012, p. 221).

Study Results Regarding the Visual Presence of Women in Universities The starting point for the study was the role of photographs as the visual entry stimulations in the visual messages, which symbolically stand for the essential content of the university. Stereotypes of visual gender and power coding manifest themselves specifically in the content aspects of photographs (Grittmann & Lobinger, 2011, p. 157). The selection from possible photographs can reveal much about the organising ideas and the existing visual frames in an organisation (Dan, 2018, S. 23). Published contents show which content is given priority and thus, which themes were used how in the self-portrayal (Lobinger, 2012, p. 228). In this article, this visual communicative action in the meaning of communicative constructivism is taken to be a practice with which the identity and self-reality find visual expression and are fixed (see Reichertz, 2017, p. 253). Starting from this premise, the visual presence of women was examined with the help of a sample of selected universities. The sample does not represent a valid reflection of the basic totality of German universities and colleges, but its results can shed light on the social reality in the universities. Structural reasons for the visual under-representation of women in the image were not investigated. Overall, there are 423 State-run and State-recognised colleges in Germany (Statistisches Bundesamt/Fed. German Statistical Bureau, 2021), of which 108 universities belong to the classical type of research university model, originated in the middle ages and established in Berlin by the introduction of the Humboldtian University. Universities in the German college tradition are more dedicated to research, as against universities of Applied Sciences or private universities. The self-portrayal in a random sample of 17 universities was examined: four Technical Universities (Technical Universities of Munich/Berlin/Karlsruhe/RWTH Aachen), five of the oldest German universities (the Universities of Göttingen/Heidelberg/Tübingen/Munich/ErlangenNuremberg), four universities newly founded in the 1960s in the Federal Republic (Universities of Konstanz/Bochum/Bayreuth/ as well as the famous Free University of Berlin as a special recently founded institution) and four erstwhile East German universities after the reunification (Humboldt University Berlin, Universities of Erfurt/Leipzig/Jena). The period of examination and study comprises the time from the end of the 1960s up to 2009, i.e. the period from the start of the student unrest in Germany up to the implementation of the Excellence Initiative, with which for the first time in

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

195

Germany, a competition was started to make the German university internationally more competitive, and top German research more visible. The objects of the study were photographs, in this case, contemporary photographs showing people. The photographs were used as a “condensed” meaning, which were carriers of the attitudes and memory images typical of the times, and which simultaneously make them explicit. Printed photographs are thus flag carriers with an intended effect. Their apparent authenticity hides the fact that the majority of them are scenes staged by the person assigning the job of photographing. This staging is the intentional and planned communicative action of press offices (in this context, see Reichertz, 2017, p. 257; 260), which uses lingual and non-lingual media. In the end result, humans create a common world (ibid.). This means that with help from picture worlds, the reality of the university is created inside and outside. To understand these processes better, attention is drawn here to a leading researcher on pictorial media content, Kepplinger. He has observed four important selection stages for the production of pictorial content (Kepplinger, 2010, pp. 11–12): The behaviour of a person during the perception process (influenced by the perception situation and the conception of what is shown). Thus, not seldom, researchers are shown holding up conical flasks, or looking at them questioningly to depict research. In the second stage, the photographer makes the selection (photographing technique and motif selection) during and after taking the photograph. The third effect stage is the perceived behaviour, which is dependent upon the characteristics of the observer and his or her attitude towards the portrayed entity. In the fourth action stage, conscious and unconscious conclusions are drawn from the perceptions. Therefore, depiction effects go well over and above the actual behaviour and its depiction (Kepplinger, 2010, p. 12). In this study, the principle of Visual Framing Analysis was applied to examine who is visible in the relevant optical picture centre as a result of the four selection stages in the photograph. The Visual Framing Analysis states, for example, that it is important where the focus of the camera is. This optical picture centre means focussing on what is essential in the photograph. This then holds good as the content or message of the photograph (Dan, 2018, p. 19; also see the methodology for acquiring image content in quantitative image type analyses/motive analyses Grittmann & Lobinger, 2011, 145–162, which allows conclusions for production and selection samples as well as to the ideas transmitted through images). The coding unit in the examination was the photograph in image brochures of the 17 universities between 1968 and 2009. For this purpose, a system of categories was worked out in the framework of a quantitative content-analytical process. The categories developed were theory-based, inductively, as well as deductively, on the photographic material (according to Mayring, 2010; Schreyer, 2014), to achieve a structuring and thematic description of the material. In the photographs, the pictures of men and women were acquired and coded (see Schreyer, 2014). The photographic style, size, placement, depiction effects or context-based attributes were not examined (to elements of image analysis Lobinger, 2012, pp. 151–154). The carrier medium and simultaneously, the media environment of the photographs (Lobinger, 2012, p. 152) were the image brochures of the 17 universities

196

A. Bittner-Fesseler

Table 12.1 Overview of the brochures and photographs examined, by decade

Number of brochures 1970s (from 1968 onwards) 1980s

Number of photos

9

494

24

627

1990s

35

1408

2000 s (up to 2009)

71

2519

139

5048

Total

between 1968 and 2009. They are the traditional, venerated form for the depiction of an intended image. Before the age of homepages, image brochures counted among the most important established forms of self-portrayal. The image brochures available in the university archives, press offices and from private ownership were used for the complete ascertainment of the pictorial self-portrayal (see Table 12.1): 6,541 photographs in 139 information and image brochures were coded as a multicode storage medium (in this context, see Lobinger, 2012, pp. 70–71) 9 of them from the 1970s to the 1900s could not be analyzed. The completeness of the data acquisition was checked through interviews with the responsible press offices and archivists. There were limitations here: Only 50 of the 71 known press spokespersons shown in the seminar indexes from the period under consideration could be interviewed. Owing to the somewhat small number of cases in the 1970s and 1980s, from which not so very many photographs are available, and an increased proportion of photographs in the 1990s and 2000s, primarily, overall conclusions in terms of the evolution over time, as well as a presentation of the changed gender ratios were possible. Of the 6,541 images analysed, 5,048 were evaluated. 2,655 of the photographs show humans (53%). Of the 2,655 photographs with humans, there are mixed groups in 1,224 photographs (46%). 1,031 of the photographs show only men (38%) and just 16% of the photos contain women (442 photographs). In the course of the progression, the proportion of women shown becomes higher. They become more visible: At the start of the period under consideration, the ratio of women’s images to men is 1–4. In the 1980s and 1990s, the proportion of women rises to a ratio of 1–1.9/1.8. In the noughties, the maximum ratio is reached, up to 2.5 with an increase of 5% at the start, to 9% at the end of the period under consideration. A change seems to have taken place in gender inequality. This result can mean that during the period, organisations met societal equality demands by implementing corresponding programmes, thus making their commitment visible to the outside, even though basically, organisational logic still remained in place and continued to influence the proportion of women. The long-prevailing typical depiction of universities as a refuge of lonely, free masculine research is gradually yielding to a modern depiction of a balanced gender ratio. Nonetheless, the gender bias, the implicit androcentricity that is a matter of course in the scientific universe, has not been eliminated even today: The Women’s University Movement can be considered to be a success story, if the participation of women

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

197

in colleges and in the scientific field is considered. But this breakthrough is not yet an absolute success story, since little has changed in the overall situation of women scientists in the world (Metz-Göckel, 2019, p. 1040): Among the persons shown in pictures by universities, male researchers are shown predominantly as individual persons in the entire period under consideration (42%), which, for a university, can be viewed as a stereotype that continues to exist, especially since research increasingly takes place in groups. With just as little visibility: Only 11 persons can be recognised as foreign researchers and 21 as foreign students are recognisable to the user in the overall database that was analysed. In view of the very international nature of research and the perception of universities as role models for integration and exchange in the research field, this is a surprising result.

A New, Visible Reality: From More Visibility to More Women Findings from studies underline the fact that in view of an under-representation of women in science, till today the creation of gender and diversity role models remains important (Lockwood, 2006, p. 36, 40). Gender research and cognitive science show how important is the visibility of women as role models. Thus, the change in the universities also includes the changed depiction of women, which can programmatically represent a new self-image. That is also the opinion of the Israeli pioneer Ada Jonath, who has also carried out research in Germany, in the area of ribosomes. Why her success is important? Jonath says that now, with the visible success of the Nobel prize, she will be heard when she has something to say (ZEIT, 2010). As pioneers, visible women can also drive societal change in the sub-system of the scientific community. “Lower proportions of women in a field predict stronger explicit science-is-male associations […]” (Smyth & Nosek, 2015, p.17). Particularly in recent years, German and European research and promotion institutions have supported this development through their visual agenda as well: That this is possible can already be seen in the digital-based representation of science, on the Internet, of different research institutions and colleges. In the present time, it is less and less possible to perceive the strong science-is-male stereotype presented in this article. An explorative random search of images in one of the most important search engines, Google, with the neutral noun “Research” repeatedly returned (last as on 27-3-2019) a mood board with symbolically representative photographs of persons, with a predominance of the white lab coat and the laboratory just like in the records of historical photographic content. However, the role and visibility of women in research is depicted differently: They are shown in equal numbers, and also as individuals actively doing research. So also, the woman plays an active part in the photographs of research groups (see Fig. 12.2).

Fig. 12.2 Google Search results on the subject of research “scientist” (Screenshot from 01.03.2019)

198 A. Bittner-Fesseler

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

199

In the meaning of this development, even leading organisations worldwide, like UNESCO, purposefully depict visual models to overcome stereotypes and frames. The UNESCO-funded Award for Women in Science from all continents gives visibility to emancipated women who are helping the world make progress through their research. Every year, often-underestimated women from the Orient can be found at the peak where worldwide research is concerned, and in this manner, they not only counteract the caricature of the science-is-male stereotype but also the stereotype of Oriental women. These women and their pictures as independent researchers change the social reality of humans. This also included, in 2019, Prof. Dr. Najat Aoun Saliba, Professor of Chemistry and Director of the Nature Conservation Center at the American University of Beirut, Lebanon, as a pioneer. She “is conducting world-leading research on the chemical and toxic composition of polluted air. She received the 2019 L’Oréal-UNESCO For Women in Science award for Africa and the Arab States for her pioneering work in assessing and understanding the transformations of ambient pollutants in Lebanon and the Middle East” (L’Oréal-UNESCO, 2019). “Finally, by demonstrating their competence in traditionally male occupations, highly successful women may undermine traditional gender stereotypes about women, thus reducing the damaging potential of stereotype threat effects” states Lockwood (2006, p. 44). On the basis of a study, she shows that 27% of the questioned women explicitly stated that it was important for them to have a role model who had overturned gender stereotypes or achieved success in a traditionally male-dominated field (Lockwood, 2006, p. 44). Through admired women pioneers who achieve big things in science, the archaic gender stereotypes among children and youth can be counteracted, and their influence overcomes (e.g. Hannover & Wolter, 2019, p. 208). The goal is to thrust forward the ideas of fairness as a universal freedom instead of standardisation pressure, and equality instead of hierarchy (Pimminger, 2019, p. 46) and to establish equal opportunities as elementary societal values at the future-oriented university, even though till today, the proportion of women in German universities still reduces as the career level rises. This leaky pipeline can also be traced back to the still-prevailing gender stereotype (Gender, 2020, p. 47). In Germany, however, there is still a long way to go before equality at universities—including visual equality—is achieved. Although Germany has accepted most Arab refugees within the European Union in recent years, no data is collected on their presence at universities—for example—on Arab women in research. This is to be regarded as a serious desideratum, as the issue of Arab women in German-speaking countries, in particular, is strongly dominated by prejudices and clichés. Although the general proportion of professors from North Africa and the Middle East has already been surveyed once (1.5% in 2013, but without mentioning the proportion of women and the distribution of subjects, cf. DAAD, 2019, p. 68), a high proportion was surveyed in subject groups Art and Music (20%), Mathematics and Natural Sciences (26%) and Linguistics and Cultural Studies (16%), but no reference was made to migration or the proportion of women. In the currently still common university statistics, national origin and migration background are not surveyed together with gender (Löther, 2012, p. 36), although this could provide important information

200

A. Bittner-Fesseler

on the educational path of girls and women with an Arab migration background and their personal development and influencing factors. One of the few studies relating to the migration background was the broad-based microcensus 2005 for the Federal Republic of Germany, which—although the data do not explicitly refer to higher education—gave an impression of disproportion in the area of research posts. Inequalities and discrimination between researchers, especially female researchers, from different ethnic backgrounds are not only reflected in total figures. People from certain countries of origin or specific sub-groups of migrants seem to be more affected by disadvantages at German universities than others (proportion of people with a migrant background in university life: only 5.7% of 19% of the total proportion are professors). However, there is still a lack of data on students and researchers with a migration background—also at the level of the individual universities (Lind & Löther, 2008). If there is a collection of data, the studies are mostly based on small samples and qualitative studies (Boos-Nünning, 2019). Although the recruitment of international researchers and the promotion of international mobility are seen as important prerequisites for Germany as a research location, it is noticeable that fundamental data and information on researchers with a migration background—up to and including the question of how high their share of German universities is—have so far been lacking. The few existing studies on researchers with a migration background in Germany are qualitatively oriented or refer to small samples (Lind & Löther, 2008). One of the few quantitative surveys of men and women with a migrant background revealed that their share among researchers is underrepresented compared to the total population (Löther, 2012, p. 42). It should be noted that researchers with a migration background are not a homogeneous group, but there are gender differences as well as differences in migration status. Immigrant foreign scientists form the largest subgroup. They are international, highly qualified researchers who are targeted by internationalisation strategies of universities. Their migration background—understood as international mobility—acts as a resource for them. Within the group of scientists with a migration background, they are best anchored in the German science system. Nevertheless, they are at a disadvantage compared to their colleagues without a migration background, which is reflected, for example, in a higher proportion of fixed-term contracts (Löther, 2012, 50). Women scientists surveyed and affected by the survey experience and describe the German higher education system as a system full of barriers and difficulties (Lind & Löther, 2008, p. 111). However, most of them do not work as professors in the German higher education system. More than a minority of students with (mainly Turkish and Arab) migration backgrounds report experiences of discrimination. In studies using qualitative methods, female students with a migrant background who study law and teaching professions, for example, say that the grading practices at the university are based on discernment and that the students’ experience of discrimination is not only a minority of female students with a (mainly Turkish and Arabic) migrant background (Boos-Nünning, 2019, p. 7). If Germany is compared with the countries in which women are best placed in the OECD, the country lands far away from other European countries such as Sweden, Norway or Belgium (ibid., p. 9).

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

201

The still prevalent invisibility of women in science is exacerbated by the migration background of women of Arab origin, for example. This phenomenon has so far been little understood. The more important it is that women pioneers are visible as role models for young women. According to the UNESCO, only around 30% in scientific research worldwide are women. Even in North America and Western Europe, with strong scientific infrastructure, there still exists a deep abyss of gender. Women pioneers not only in the German scientific field, but also in countries that have to fight with archaic role images, therefore, carry special weight. In this context, young women have been inspired by women like the pioneer Marie Curie for almost a hundred years now: “My role model in academics is Marie Curie. She worked hard throughout her life to make great contributions to the fields of chemistry/nuclear physics at a time when women were considered intellectually inferior to men. She became the first person to win two Nobel prizes. She motivates me to achieve excellence in some field of science, and to work hard to reach my goals” (Lockwood, 2006, p. 43). Today, there are women like the Iranian mathematician Maryam Mirzakhani, who, in 2014, got the highest global award for young mathematicians. She was the first and so far, the only woman to get the Fields medal. She was considered a pioneer, and a role model not just for other mathematicians in Iran, but all over the world.

References Aulenbacher, B., & Riegraf, B. (2012). Economical Shift und demokratische Öffnungen. Uneindeutige Verhältnisse in der unternehmerischen und geschlechtergerechten Universität. In Wettbewerb und Hochschulen. 6. Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft für Hochschulforschung in Wittenberg 2011. Die Hochschule. Journal für Wissenschaft und Bildung, 21(2), 291–303. Bauer, M. W. (2017). Kritische Beobachtungen zur Geschichte der Wissenschaftskommunikation. In H. Bonfadelli, B. Fähnrich, C. Lüthje, J. Milde, M. Rhomberg, & M. S. Schäfer (Eds.), Forschungsfeld Wissenschaftskommunikation. (pp. 17–40). Springer VS. Bonfadelli, H., Fähnrich, B., Lüthje, C., Milde, J., Rhomberg, M., & Schäfer, M. S. (Eds.). (2017). Forschungsfeld Wissenschaftskommunikation. Springer VS. Boos-Nünning, U. (2019). Mädchen und junge Frauen mit Migrationshintergrund. In P. Genkova & A. Riecken (Eds.), Handbuch Migration und Erfolg. (pp. 1–14). Springer Reference Psychologie. Bühler, H., Naderer, G., Koch, R., & Schuster, C. (2007). Hochschul-PR in Deutschland. Ziele, Strategien und Perspektiven. Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag. Büttner, F., & Gottdang, A. (2009). Einführung in die Ikonographie. Wege zur Deutung von Bildinhalten. (2nd ed.). Verlag C. H. Beck. DAAD. (2019). Wissenschaft weltoffen kompakt 2019. Daten und Fakten zur Internationalität von Studium und Forschung in Deutschland Hrsg. DAAD Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst/DZHW Deutsches Zentrum für Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsforschung (eds.), Bielefeld. Dan, V. (2018). Integrative framing. Analysis framing. Framing Health through Words and Visuals. Routledge: New York. Dehn, P., & Nuissl, E. (1973). Organisationsmodell Hochschulpressestellen. Bundesministerium für Bildung und Wissenschaft. Eisenegger, M. (2015). Identität, Image und Reputation—Eine kommunikationssoziologische Begriffsarchitektur. In R. Fröhlich, P. Szyszka & Bentele, G. (eds.), Handbuch der Public

202

A. Bittner-Fesseler

Relations. Wissenschaftliche Grundlagen und berufliches Handeln. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. pp. 431–460. Escher, H. (2001). Public Relations für wissenschaftliche Hochschulen. Systemtheoretische Grundlegung und exemplarische Modellierung im Wettbewerbsumfeld. Rainer Hampp Verlag. Freund, A. M. (2005). Das Bild von Wissenschaftlern in der Öffentlichkeit. Eine empirische Studie. In. Gesichter der Wissenschaft. Eine Studie über gesellschaftliche Klischees von Wissenschaft (pp. 109–125). Berlin: BWV Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag. Fähnrich, B., Metag, J., Post, S., & Schäfer, M. S. (Eds.). (2019). Forschungsfeld Hochschulkommunikation. Springer VS. GWK. (2018). https://www.gwk-bonn.de/dokumente/materialien-der-gwk/. Gender 2020. Auf dem Weg zu einer geschlechtergerechten Hochschul- und Wissenschaftskultur (2018). Bundeskonferenz der Frauen- und Gleichstellungsbeauftragten an Hochschulen (bukof), broschure. https://bukof.de/veroeffentlichungen/. Grittmann, E., & Lobinger, K. (2011). Quantitative Bildinhaltsanalyse. In T. Petersen & C. Schwender (Eds.), Die Entschlüsselung der Bilder. (pp. 145–162). Herbert von Halem Verlag. Grunig, J. (1993). On the effects of marketing, media relations, and public relations: images, agendas, and relationships. In W. Armbrecht, H. Avenarius & U. Zabel (Eds.). Image und PR. Kann Image Gegenstand einer Public Relations-Wissenschaft sein? (pp. 263–295). Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Gründl, M. (2002). Männlich, schlau und gut – der Wissenschaftler in den Augen von Kindern. In Sciencegarden. Magazin für junge Forschung. https://www.sciencegarden.de/content/2002-05/ männlich-schlau-und-gut-der-wissenschaftler-den-augen-von-kindern zum heute gängigen Bild der Forscher bei Kindern. Hannover, B., & Wolter, I. (2019). Geschlechtsstereotype: Wie sie entstehen und sich auswirken. In B. Kortendiek, B. Riegraf, & K. Sabisch (Eds.), Handbuch Interdisziplinäre Geschlechterforschung. (pp. 201–210). Springer VS. Höhn, T. D. (2011). Wissenschafts-PR. Eine Studie zur Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Hochschulen und außeruniversitären Forschungseinrichtungen. UVK. Kepplinger, H. M. (2010). Nonverbale Medienkommunikation. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Koenen, E., & Meißner, M. (2019). Historische Perspektiven der Hochschulkommunikation. In B. Fähnrich, J. Metag, S. Post, & M. S. Schäfer (Eds.), Forschungsfeld Hochschulkommunikation. (pp. 39–59). Springer VS. Kohring, M., Marcinkowski, F., Lindner, C., & Karis, S. (2013). Media orientation of German university decision makers and the executive influence of public relations. Public Relations Review, 39(3), 171–177 Kortendiek, B. (2019). Hochschule und Wissenschaft: Zur Verwobenheit von Organisations-, Fach- und Geschlechterkultur. In B. Kortendiek, B. Riegraf, & K. Sabisch (Eds.), Handbuch Interdisziplinäre Geschlechterforschung. (pp. 1329–1338). Springer VS. Kortendiek, B., Riegraf, B. & Sabisch, K. (eds.). Handbuch Interdisziplinäre Geschlechterforschung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Krais, B. (ed.) (2000). Wissenschaftskultur und Geschlechterordnung. Über die verborgenen Mechanismen männlicher Dominanz in der akademischen Welt. Frankfurt a. M.: Campus Kroeber-Riel, W. (1995). Bildkommunikation. Imagerystrategy für die Werbung. Vahlen. Lind, I., & Löther, A. (eds.). (2008). Wissenschaftlerinnen mit Migrationshintergrund (cews.publik, 12). Bonn: GESIS Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Kompetenzzentrum Frauen in Wissenschaft und Forschung (CEWS). Lobinger, K. (2012). Visuelle Kommunikationsforschung. Medienbilder als Herausforderung für die visuelle Kommunikation- und Medienwissenschaft. Springer Fachmedien. Lockwood, P. (2006). Someone like me can be successful. Do college Students need same gender role models? In: Psychology of women quarterly (Vol. 30, pp. 36–46). Division 25, American Psychological Association. Blackwell Publishing. Luhmann, N. (1996). Die Realität der Massenmedien. VS Verlag.

12 It Does Matter: The Visibility of Women, with the Example …

203

Löther, A. (2012). Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler mit Migrationshintergrund. In: Die Hochschule : Journal für Wissenschaft und Bildung, 21(1), 36–54. L’Oréal-UNESCO. (2019). https://en.unesco.org/news/najat-aoun-saliba-push-forward-changeshealth-care-policies-and-practices. Mayring, P. (2010). Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse. (11th ed.). Beltz. Meier, F. (2019). Trends der Hochschulentwicklung. Der Weg zur wettbewerblichen Organisation. In B. Fähnrich, J. Metag, S. Post, & M. S. Schäfer (Eds.), Forschungsfeld Hochschulkommunikation. (pp. 25–38). Springer VS. Metz-Göckel, S. (2019). Frauenhochschulbewegung: Selbstermächtigung und Wissenschaftskritik. In B. Fähnrich, J. Metag, S. Post, & M. S. Schäfer (Eds.), Forschungsfeld Hochschulkommunikation. (pp. 1033–1042). Springer VS. Müller, M. G., & Geise, S. (2015). Grundlagen der visuellen Kommunikation. UVK/Lucius. Nagel, A., Schrahn, M., Stöck, A., Jung, U., & Schlegel, V. (1980). Die Ausstattung von Hochschulpressestellen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (pp. 92–108). Jahrbuch der Ruhr-Universität Bochum. Nietiedt, T. (1996). Kommunikationspolitik für Hochschulen: Analyse und Instrumentarium. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang. Orde, H. v. (2013), Geschlechterbilder in den Medien. Eine Zusammenfassung ausgewählter Forschungsergebnisse. In Televizion, Internationales Zentralinstitut für das Jugend- und Bildungsfernsehen (IZI) beim Bayerischen Rundfunk (ed.), 56(2). pp. 11–15. Pimminger Irene (2019). Gleichheit – Differenz: die Debatten um Geschlechtergerechtigkeit in der Geschlechterforschung. In B. Kortendiek, B. Riegraf, & K. Sabisch (Eds.) Handbuch Interdisziplinäre Geschlechterforschung. (pp. 45-54). Springer VS. Rahmelow, J. M. (1970). Pressereferent an einer Universität – zum Beispiel in Freiburg. Freiburger Universitätszeitung, 7, 47–54 Reichertz, J. (2017). Die Bedeutung des kommunikativen Handelns und der Medien im Kommunikativen Konstruktivismus. Themenheft der Zeitschrift Medien & Kommunikationswissenschaft. (pp. 252–274). Baden-Baden. Riegraf, B. (2019). Organisation und Geschlecht: Wie Geschlechterasymmetrien (re)produziert und erklärt werden. In B. Kortendiek, B. Riegraf, & K. Sabisch (Eds.), Handbuch Interdisziplinäre Geschlechterforschung. (pp. 1299–1308). Springer VS. Sachs-Hombach, K. (2001). Kann die semiotische Bildtheorie Grundlage einer allgemeinen Bildwissenschaft sein? In K. Sachs-Hombach (Ed.). Bildhandeln. Interdisziplinäre Forschung zur Pragmatik bildhafter Darstellungsformen. Magdeburg: Scriptum. pp. 9–26. Schreyer, M. (2014). Varianten qualitativer Inhaltsanalyse: Ein Wegweiser im Dickicht der Begrifflichkeiten. In Forum qualitative Sozialforschung/forum: Qualitative Social Research, 15(1), Art. 18. Smyth, F. L. & Nosek, B. A. (2015). On the gender–science stereotypes held by scientists: Explicit accord with gender-ratios, implicit accord with scientific identity. In Frontiers in psychology (Vol. 6, pp. 1–19). Statistisches Bundesamt (2021). Hochschulen nach Hochschularten.https://www.destatis.de/DE/ Themen/Gesellschaft-Umwelt/Bildung-Forschung-Kultur/Hochschulen/Tabellen/hochschulenhochschularten.html. Thiele, M. (2015). Medien und Stereotype. Konturen eines Forschungsfeldes. Transkript. Critical Media Studies. Weingart, P. (2001). Die Stunde der Wahrheit? Zum Verhältnis der Wissenschaft zu Politik, Wirtschaft und Medien in der Wissensgesellschaft. Velbrück Wissenschaft. ZEIT online 18.1.2010. Ich wollte es allen zeigen! Schadwinkel, A. https://www.zeit.de/wissen/ 2010-01/nobelpreis-yonath-interview.