Exploration and empire: the explorer and the scientist in the winning of the American West f1881k95p

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EXPLORATION _

AND EMPIRE |

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EXPLORATION AND

EMPIRE The Explorer and the Scientist

in the ©

Winning of the American West

William H. Goetzmann

HISTORY BOOK CLUB *> NEW YORK

COPYRIGHT © 1966 BY WILLIAM H. GOETZMANN

This edition was specially created in 1998 for the History Book Club

, by arrangement with William H. Goetzmann. , All rights reserved. Printed in the U.S.A.

To

Mewes, Will, Anne, and Stephen

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| See, vast trackless spaces, Oo Asina dream they change, they swiftly fill,

| - - Countless masses debouch upon them, | _. They are now cover'd with the foremost people,

z arts, institutions, known.

: - WALT WHITMAN, “Starting From |

oO a ~ Paumanok,” Leaves of Grass

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INTRODUCTION

THE nineteenth century, for Americans as well as for Europeans, was an age of exploration. During this period all of the islands of the

sea were charted, the Antarctic discovered, and the interiors of the continental land masses opened up to the mobile citizens of the Western world, who came to them with Christianity, ideas of progress, new

techniques in science, and dreams of romantic imperialism. The nineteenth-century confrontation of the unknown was almost uniquely a Western phenomenon, and as such was primarily important because it helped to create in the centers of dominant culture a series of images which conditioned popular attitudes and public policy concerning the

new lands. Out of the charts and the travel literature, the scientific reports, the collections of exotic specimens, the lithographs, the photographs, the adventure novels and popular biographies, the schoolboy geographies, the museums, and even the children’s books, emerged a series of impressions—often a series of first impressions unconsciously conditioned by the established culture of the time—which became a

crucial factor in shaping the long-range destiny of the newly discovered places and their peoples, and which at the same time altered forever

the established culture. ,

An important part of this latter-day age of discovery was the exploration of the American West, which took place almost entirely within

the confines of the last century and reflected many of the characteristics of the broader global phenomenon. Because of its impact upon American culture and in turn upon world culture, this century-long adventure deserves a somewhat different sort of attention than it has hitherto received. Building upon decades of patient and detailed scholar-

ship, it is now possible to attempt the beginning of a new and more general assessment of the role of exploration in the development of

| the American West, and also, using the American West as a very extensive case study, to inquire more closely into the nature of explora-

tion itself and its consequences as an activity for civilization in general. Such in broadest outlines are the objectives of this book. A beginning fairly made, however, rests most comfortably upon the reassuring foundations of definition, and in the case of exploration ix

x | INTRODUCTION : such comfort is difficult to find, for exploration closely analyzed proves, like everything else, to be a very complex phenomenon. It can perhaps

best be defined in terms of a concrete example, and then a more

| general model. For the concrete example let us return to 1868. | On an August day in 1868 the Union Pacific made an unscheduled stop at Antelope Station in western Nebraska. From one of the ornate

parlor cars a dignified, scholarly gentleman stepped out upon the prairie. He was Othniel Charles Marsh, a Yale paleontologist, and he was following up a story that had appeared in an Omaha newspaper to

, | the effect that a railroad well-digger had accidentally unearthed the bones of a prehistoric man out there in Nebraska at a place famous only as a way station on the emigrant route to the West. Marsh’s own account of the incident captures some of the excitement he felt that

day: |

“Before we approached the small station where the alleged primitive

, man had been unearthed,’ Marsh remembered, “I made friends with | the conductor, and persuaded him to hold the train long enough for

| me to glance over the earth thrown out of this well, thinking perchance that I might thus find some fragments, at least, of our early ancestors. In one respect I succeeded beyond my wildest hopes. By rapid search over the. huge mound of earth, I soon found many fragments and a number of entire bones, not of man, but of horses diminu-

tive indeed, but true equine ancestors. . . . Other fragments told of his contemporaries—a camel, a pig, and a turtle . . . perhaps more .. . When I could remove the clay from the other remains secured. Absorbed in this work I took no note of time.” When ultimately Marsh reboarded the train, he had the first clues to his reconstruction of Protohippus, the miniature three-toed horse of the Pleistocene era. And out of this “find” grew his classic fossil genealogy

| of the modern horse, one of the most famous pieces of paleontological evidence for the validity of Darwin’s theory of evolution through natural selection. More significantly for the student of exploration, however, Professor , Marsh’s Antelope Station adventure marked the beginning of the career

| of still another outstanding explorer of the American West. For Marsh’s

, enthusiasm went far beyond the fossil horse. : , “I could only wonder,” he wrote, “if such scientific truths as I had now obtained were concealed in a single well, what untold treasures _ must there be in the whole Rocky Mountain region. This thought promised rich rewards for the enthusiastic explorer in this new field,

.|,,|| and thus my own Jife work seemed laid out before me.” , The nature of Marsh’s adventure in 1868 and his subsequent view

INTRODUCTION xt of himself as a Rocky Mountain explorer (despite his obvious tender-

_ foot background) highlight one of the most important elements in the ! history of the American West. The country beyond the Mississippi, as we now know it, was not just “discovered” in one dramatic and colorful era of early-nineteenth-century coonskin exploration. Rather it was discovered and rediscovered by generations of very different explorers down through the centuries following the advent of the shipwrecked Spaniard Cabeza de Vaca. And this process of repeated discovery was in itself among the most important factors which shaped the develop-

ment of culture and civilization in that region. ,

Usually, however, exploration is not thought of as a process with cultural significance. Rather it is viewed as a sequence of dramatic _ discoveries—isolated events, colorful and even interesting perhaps, but of little consequence to the basic sweep of civilization. This is be_ cause exploration has rarely if ever been viewed as.a continuous form

of activity or mode of behavior. The words “exploration” and “dis, covery’ are most often and most casually linked in the popular imagination simply as interchangeable synonyms for “adventure.” But exploration is something more than adventure, and something more than discovery. According to Webster, the explorer is actually one who

“seeks. discoveries.” He is not simply and solely the “discoverer.” Instead the accent is upon process and activity, with advances in knowledge simply fortunate though expected incidents along the way. It is likewise not casual. It is purposeful. It is the seeking. It is one form of

, the learning process itself, and, as the case of Professor Marsh illus, trates, it was often a branch of science which resulted in a discovery at a place trod many times over by previous generations of explorers

bent on other missions in days gone by. |

The importance of viewing exploration as activity rather than as a sequence of discoveries is further underscored when one considers the distinction between the explorer and the discoverer in terms of the con- | cept of mission. Discoveries can be produced by accident, as in the case of the fortunate well-digger at Antelope Station. Exploration, by contrast, is the result of purpose or mission. As such, it is an activity which, to a very large degree, is “programmed” by some older center of culture.

That is, its purposes, goals, and evaluation of new data are to a great extent set by the previous experiences, the values, the kinds and categories of existing knowledge, and the current objectives of the civilized centers from which the explorer sets out on his quest. If Marsh, for example, had not been a paleontologist trained at Yale and in Europe,

he might have looked for different things on his trip out West. He might have kept his eye out for mineral deposits perhaps, instead of waxing enthusiastic over a “big bonanza” in bones. He certainly never

| xii INTRODUCTION | would have set off with such zest in search of an ancient America in the form of gigantic dinosaurs, exotic pterodactyls, and his own favorites—the extinct toothed birds. Yet, his exploring activity, peculiar as it was, programmed by an older center of culture, had a lasting importance not only in terms of his startling discoveries, but also in terms

| of the effect it had on the future course of science and public policy in the West, and on the United States as a whole as Marsh rose to prominence in the worlds of science and government. The same might be said in varying degrees for a whole host of other nineteenth-century explorers of the American West—men who synthesized the new sights they saw in the wilderness into projections or images of what the older centers thought the West ought to be. Thus in various periods the West became the great empty continent, Eldorado or Cibola, a barren waste

, of heathen savages and Spaniards, the passage to India, an imperial | frontier, a beaver kingdom, the Great American Desert, a land of flocks and herds, a pastoral paradise, an agricultural Arcadia, a military and administrative problem, a bonanza of gold and silver, a safety valve,

| a haven for saints, a refuge for bad men, and ultimately, toward the end of the nineteenth century, an enormous laboratory. And so it went ~——there were many more such images that it might be possible to point

out, each demonstrating in some measure the preconceptions that an older culture and its explorers brought to the search for knowledge in

the new environment. | |

With this in mind, my aim has been to focus upon exploration as a meaningful activity and to trace its complex impact not only upon the history of the West but upon the nation as a whole, particularly as it stimulated advances in science and scientific institutions and the evolution, on a national level, of a public policy for the West as a part of the nation. Much of the story necessarily revolves about the role of the federal government in sponsoring the exploration of the West, since it is clear that, contrary to the myth of the rugged independent frontiersman, a good part of the exploration done in the West was done

under federal sponsorship. From the early days of Lewis and Clark down to the formation of the United States Geological Survey, the government explorer in one form or another played a vital role. And even

when the agents of exploration were not federal servants, their con- | stant referent was nevertheless the national government, and the aid

and protection it might be expected to provide. | Oe

In addition, the history of Western exploration can serve as a vehicle

for demonstrating in a more subtle way some of the larger consequences of the way the West was won. If the region was settled along lines or according to images projected by the older centers of culture, then in the most precise way it was—to borrow a modern concept usu-

| INTRODUCTION xtit ally not thought of as being applicable to the nineteenth century of rugged individualism—“other-directed.” Men appear to have gone out West to reconstitute the society they had known on countless frontiers to the East—only of course with themselves at the top instead of at the bottom of the social and economic ladder. Even as they came in conflict with the rapidly changing Eastern and national interests, Western men were still largely prisoners of an emulative society. This in turn

was not unique to the frontier West. America itself grew up in this emulative and “programmed” fashion. Thus the explorers reflecting national images and plans, and the Westerners who followed their lead,

were all part of an “other-directed” pattern. And this perhaps is the major difficulty in defining Western culture itself, for the West, as the history of its exploration clearly shows, has always been in rapid transi-

tion. It is, as Frederick Jackson Turner has pointed out, more of a process than a place. But that process has been as much an American-

ization process as it has been one of distinctiveness. Contrary to Tur- | ner’s hypothesis, the Western experience in the main appears not to have brought distinctiveness as such to bear on the country, but instead

has offered a theater in which American patterns of culture could be

endlessly mirrored. an Thus in a sense the problem of Western culture becomes the prob-

lem of American culture, which is itself the rapidly changing offspring of an older, broader society. The two units represent different degrees of the same complex problem which continues to tantalize and elude historians down to our own day. Exploration, by no means the eccentric activity it is sometimes taken to be, does offer, however, a major clue _ to the shifting relationship of the regional to the national culture in our recent historical experience. In its broadest terms, the history of nineteenth-century Western exploration can be seen unfolding through three major periods each characterized by a dominant set of objectives, particular forms of exploring

activity, distinctive types of explorers, and appropriate institutions which governed these other factors. The first of these periods began with Lewis and Clark and continued down to approximately 1845. It was an era of imperial rivalry in which even the mountain men and fur traders were self-conscious pawns in an international competition for the West. The second was a period of settlement and investment in which numbers and opportunity—‘“westering’—were all that counted and the explorer was largely dedicated to lending a helping hand in the matter of Manifest Destiny. The third period, from 1860 to

- 1900, was the era of the Great Surveys, a time for more intensive scientific reconnaissances and inventories. It was also a time for sober

second thoughts as to the proper nature, purpose, and future direction |

, xiv | INTRODUCTION of Western settlement. Incipient conservation and planning in the na- © tional interest became a vogue, signifying that the West had come of age and its future had become securely wedded to the fortunes of the nation. These three stages or phases of Western exploration form the

major parts of the narrative that follows. Specialists in Western history will readily perceive that in the in-

terests of consolidation and thematic development I have omitted some

| of the better-known anecdotal material connected with Western exploration, particularly that relating to the fur trade, a subject with which I am not primarily concerned. The numerous voyages up the Missouri

, River, for example, which are interesting as part of fur-trade history but of less significance to exploration history, I have not attempted to describe at all. Likewise, my excursions into such vast fields as military and mining history, as well as the history of science, have been delib- , erately, and from a personal point of view, regretfully circumscribed

| by the requirements of my theme. But since the total story of nineteenthcentury Western exploration has never been told before, and one of my

primary concerns is to present the reader with a comprehensive and useful reference, as complete as possible within the limitations of space, as to where the explorers actually went, as well as how and why they

penetrated the unknown, I have necessarily been forced to include a great deal of geographical detail. It is hoped that the maps inserted at appropriate places will provide the reader with guidance through what is a bewildering geographical maze far greater in scope than any that ever confronted the individual explorer. And finally, though I have endeavored to go somewhat beyond the _ descriptive in analyzing the explorer and his activities, I have been continually conscious of him as a man—an individual whose impressions at a particular time and place can only be recaptured by going out with him on his journeys into the unknown and gazing in astonishment at the same wonders he saw, from the same point of view. For in order _

.~ to understand something of the internal history of exploration it is |

necessary to understand as fully as possible the explorer himself—to know something of what it felt like to cross the silent wastes of the Great Basin for the first time, or to course down the foaming cataracts

| of the Green River toward an unknown destination and an unknown | fate. It is also necessary to know something of the trivia that affected men’s lives in the wilderness, whether it be the limitations of bullboat

travel or the discomforts of being caught with a brass surveying instrument on a bald mountain peak in an electrical storm—which is to say _ that history, to be accurate, must be romantic as well as scientific. So with apologies for many apparent digressions and limitations, herewith is presented a beginning synthesis which is in intent only a reconnais-

! INTRODUCTION xv sance in the scientific and at the same time romantic spirit, intended to lay out an imperfect historical trail for others to follow upon, correct, and improve. For me it has been a great but serious adventure of which

indulgence. |

the reader is invited to partake to the limits of his perseverance and

_ New Haven, Connecticut , Austin, Texas

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.|

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.

THE late Yale President, A. Whitney Griswold, once asked rhetorically: “Could Hamlet have been written by a committee, or the ‘Mona Lisa’

painted by a club?” To a large extent the writing of history like the work of the artist is also a solitary occupation, with the responsibility _ for selection, synthesis, and judgment resting squarely upon the in-

tions. | a

dividual. Nevertheless, the present historical adventure would not have _ been possible without the help of a great number of people and institu-

First of all I should like to acknowledge the generous financial aid and encouragement granted me by the Executive Committee of Ameri-

can Studies of Yale University, by the Chairman of the American Studies Department, Professor Norman Holmes Pearson, and by former

Dean William C. De Vane. Through their agency I was awarded a | Susan B. Morse Fellowship and Summer Travelling Grant, which enabled me to complete a large part of the basic research for this book. I

am also indebted to the Social Science Research Council for a fellow- | ship granted me in 1961-62 at a crucial stage in my work. In addition ,

I have also benefited from the scholarly generosity of the American

this project. — , | |

Philosophical Society, which awarded me a travel grant in 1959, per- | mitting me to make the first important research trip in connection with

I am indebted in another way to the Yale University Library, which has been my virtual headquarters for some years. I have special reason to thank James T. Babb, former Librarian of Yale, for his breadth of vision that made Yale congenial to the study of Western Americana in the first place; Archibald Hanna, Curator of Western Americana, for his

constant and close cooperation with my project; and not the least, , Harry P. Harrison, Director of Circulation at the Sterling Memorial Library, whose patient understanding of the scholar’s problems most | certainly made this book possible. I am also indebted to Miss Judy | Schiff of the Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection and to Professor Brooks M. Kelley, Archivist of Yale University and Curator of Historical

| Manuscripts, for their aid at crucial points in my work. The list of colleagues, friends, and sometimes even complete stran- _ | gers who contributed in important ways to this book is very long. Pro-

, xvit

i xvii a ACKNOWLEDGMENTS fessors Rollin G. Osterweis, Edmund S. Morgan, John M. Blum, Robin Winks, Howard R. Lamar, Norman Holmes Pearson, William H. Dun-

ham, William Lilley, Robert Dalzell, and Peter Bunnell, all of Yale University, in one way or another made helpful suggestions that ma-

| terially aided my work. Whitfield Bell of the American Philosophical | Society and Nathan Reingold of the Library of Congress contributed expert advice in matters pertaining to the history of science. In this | aspect of my work, I also benefited greatly by conversations with Professor Carl Waage of the Yale Department of Geology and Professor Thomas Manning of Texas Technological College. Professor Keith

_-Young of the University of Texas Department of Geology assisted me _

| with the scientific illustrations. 7 | | |

Western historians who have come to my aid, if not rescue, in one , way or another, are Dale L. Morgan of the Bancroft Library; Robert V.

| Hine of the University of California at Riverside; William Turrentine a Jackson of the University of California at Davis; J. V. Howell of Tulsa, — | Oklahoma, the forthcoming biographer of F. V. Hayden; Donald Jackson of the University of Illinois Press; the late Edward S. Wallace of Mil_ lington Green, Connecticut; the late Robert Glass Cleland; and Wallace , _W. Farnham of the University of Wyoming. Helpful suggestions in the

| _ field of Western history were also furnished me by Fred Nicklason, | formerly on the faculty of Amherst College, now in the Yale Graduate School; Michele:-La Clergue of the University of Texas Graduate School; and the late Newell Remington of Salt Lake City, Utah. Dr. Erwin Raisz,

a master cartographer, and my colleague on the National Atlas Project,

; topography. — | BS a |

saved me from many errors through his masterful knowledge of Western |

| Licenciado Jorge A. Vargas graciously acted as my guide through | _ the Ministry of External Relations in Mexico City. The Marquesa de Zahara generously loaned me family papers.which cast light on George

- _ Armstrong Custer and John James Abert. She, in fact, served as a a spirited guide through the maze of complex “Abertiana,” thereby con| _ tributing no little enjoyment to my tour. Eugene Kingman and Mildred

_ Goosman made the resources of the very excellent Joslyn Art Museum : in Omaha available to me. I am likewise indebted to the Walters Art

, Gallery, the Kennedy Galleries Inc., the Hudson’s Bay Company, the _ _--——,- American Geographical Society, the American Museum of Natural His- tory, the Northern Natural Gas Co., the University of Texas Geology Library, and the University of Oklahoma Press for making illustrative

materials available tome. — | re

Stewart Richardson,. David Horne, Angus Cameron, and Alfred A.

_ _ Knopf have given me important advice in matters of publishing. Not the least of Mr. Cameron’s labors has been the editing of this book for

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xEX its publisher. Mr. and Mrs. Robert Perry of Cleveland, Ohio; Mr. and _ Mrs. Graham Courtney of Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Dr. and Mrs. Edward Stit Fleming, of Washington, D.C., all provided forms of encouragement and convivial hospitality that were no less important than

professional advice. :

An author’s most important critic is often not his wife, but his typist. _ Marie Avitable, my typist for many years, has successfully performed that function, in addition to the many hours of tedious labor connected with deciphering handwriting and getting words on paper. Additional contributions in this vein were made by Mrs. Phyllis O’Keefe, Miss Colleen Kain, and Mrs. Barbara Norwood. Miss Barbara Greenberg assisted in the reading of proof, a tedious job at best. And finally, though I cannot

, possibly name them all, I am indebted to my closest companions of the | past few years, the Fellows of Jonathan Edwards College, and my students at both Yale and Texas universities in seminars on Romantic America, American Intellectual History, and Science in American

Culture. |

, Much to my regret, I am not able to name individually all of the people at all of the institutions who have contributed so much to my search for the raw materials out of which this book was fashioned. In - addition to those mentioned above, I am, however, indebted to the staffs

of the following institutions more than I can say: the American Philosophical Society, the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences, the Pennsylvania State Historical Society, the Yale Peabody Museum, the Yale Geological Library, the Missouri Historical Society, the Library of the St. Louis Botanical Gardens, the Oklahoma State Historical Society, the Library of the University of Oklahoma, the Kansas State Historical Society, the Gilcrease Institute, the Barker Library of the Texas State Historical Society, the University of Texas Geology Library, the Denver

| Public Library, the Houston Public Library, the San Jacinto Museum, the Rosenburg Library of Galveston, the Panhandle-Plains Historical Museum, the William Robertson Coe Library of the University of Wyo-

ming, the libraries and museums at Grand Canyon, Yellowstone, Big Bend, Zion, Scott’s Bluff, and Jackson Hole national parks and monu-

ments, the Jackson Hole Museum (private), the Washington State Historical Society, the Bancroft Library, the Huntington Library, the | Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, the New Mexico Historical Society, the John Carter Brown Library, the West Point Museum, the Newberry Library, the New-York Historical Society, the New York Public Library, the Torrey Botanical Gardens of New York, the Butler Library of Columbia University, the American Museum of Natural History, the New York State Library, the New York State Museum, the Archivo Nacional de Mexico, the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Mexico, the Li-

XX ACKNOWLEDGMENTS brary of Congress Manuscript, Cartographical, and Picture Sections, the Smithsonian Institution, and the United States Geological Survey. All of these institutions not only made information and materials available to me, but in addition individual members of their staffs performed

services for me ranging from producing typescripts of documents to making suggestions concerning obscure collections that I might otherwise have overlooked. In only one instance did I meet with anything less than full and enthusiastic cooperation. Last of all the institutions, however, I should like especially to acknowledge the help of the people in the following branches of the National Archives: the Army Records

Section, the Interior Department Records Section, the Still Pictures Section, Cartographic Records, and the State Department Records Sec-

tion. More than anything else, this book is a child of the National

Archives and its dedicated people. , |

Parts of this book have appeared in somewhat different form in The American Quarterly, The Journal of World History, and The American

: West: An Appraisal (Museum of New Mexico Press, 1963), to which

acknowledgments are due. | Finally, though it is now fashionable to pay homage to Venus and Bacchus, or to acknowledge the important services of Zen, Miltown, and “Pot,” I should like to conclude on a more traditional note and express gratitude to, and admiration for, my wife Mewes, who some years ago in-another book was with me as we went “down the edges, through

the passes, up the mountains steep.” She is still with me, though the edges have grown more precarious, the passes narrower, and the moun-

tains steeper.

| | CONTENTS a - PART ONE oe Exploration and Imperialism: 1805-45

CHAPTER I Westward the Clash of Empires 3 CHAPTER IX The Rediscovery of the Southwest 36

CHAPTER 11 Canada Moves South 79 CHAPTER IV ‘The Mountain Men 105 CHAPTER V Something More Than Beaver 146

CHAPTER VI The Romantic Horizon 181 PART TWO

| The Great Reconnaissance and Manifest Destiny: 1845-60

_ CHAPTER viI When the Eagle Screamed: The Explorer as Diplomat in the Final Clash

of Imperial Energies 231

, CHAPTER Vil’ In Search of an Iron Trail 265 CHAPTER IX The Great Reconnaissance 303 PART THREE

Exploration and the Great Surveys: 1860-1900 CHAPTER X The New Mountain Men: California’s

Geological Survey | 355 CHAPTER XI The Army Way 390

| Xxt

a CHAPTER xX1I_ The West of Clarence King 430

— xecti a | CONTENTS | _ CHAPTER XIII The Last Stand of the Army Explorer _ 467

_ CHAPTER XIV F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 489 CHAPTER XV John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as a

‘Reformer — | 530

Frontier BIT | - ANote onthe Sources = |. 649 | CHAPTER XvI_ Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer's |

| — Index . mo | follows page 6560

_ Oo ILLUSTRATIONS

: PORTFOLIO I The Romantic Horizon — ' 199

| ~The Exotic West | - | 200

- maker ee | 208 Some Western Versions of Pastoral: The Painter as Myth-

| _ The Romantic Reconnaissance | a : - 212 _ The Sublime Replaces the Pastoral _ 224 - / PORTFOLIO II Scientific Art and Western Exploration 333 ‘The Complexities of Western Landscape: A Scientific View. 334

The Varieties of Natural History | | 345 : | _ Limning the Lost Civilizations | | ae 349

| PORTFOLIO III Images of Progress: The Camera Becomes |

Part of Western Exploration 603

The Camera and the Painter's Eye | oo — 606 :

| An Underground Landscape tt | 623 From Romanticism to Realism in Indian Portraiture 627

- The Explorer as Hero | | 629

|

|! a. :.

* . ‘.

¢

MAPS Expeditions and Explorations

Imperial Competition for the Unexplored West 11

Early American Exploration in the Far West 23

The Explorer’s Road to Santa Fe 48

Opening the Southwest | 72 Canadian Exploration in the Northwest go

The Travels of Peter Skene Ogden 94

The Mountain Men Open the Central Rockies 114

Finding Paths to the Pacific 152

The Emigrant Trails and Their Explorers 170 Frémont and Early Army Explorations in the West 245

Pacific Railroad Exploration 268

Military Explorers and the Great Reconnaissance 276

Locating the Transcontinental Railroad, 1869 | 296 The Military Exploration of the Plateau Province, 1857—60 307

Reynolds, 1855-60 311

The Expeditions of Lieutenant G. K. Warren and Captain W. F.

_ Military Exploration in the Yellowstone, Big Horn, and Black

Hills Country, 1871-75 404 Scene of the 4oth Parallel Survey 414

The Expeditions of Lieutenant George M. Wheeler 436

F, V. Hayden and His Explorations, 1868—72 , 472

Powell 518 Wheeler Surveys | 544

The Scene of Hayden’s Colorado Surveys 506 The Colorado River and the Plateau Province of John Wesley

Country Explored and Surveyed by the Powell, King, Hayden, and Prepared especially for this book by William Lacey

| Early Maps — View of North America in Jefferson’s Time 2

West, 1810 26

Section of William Clark’s Manuscript Map of the American

Alexander von Humboldt’s Map of New Spain, 1811 37

Stephen H. Long’s Map, 1821 63

Aaron Arrowsmith Map of North America 100

James Bridger’s Map of the West _ , 119g James Baker’s Map of the Yellowstone Region, circa 1856—57 127 Frémont-Gibbs-Smith Map of the West 143

Francisco | 176 | Showing the California Gold Region 178 Section of T. H. Jefferson’s Map of the Emigrant Road to San |

Another section of T. H. Jefferson’s Map of the Emigrant Road, |

and Colorado Rivers 260 Projected Routes of the Pacific Railway Survey, 1854 282 Lieutenant A. W. Whipple’s Field Map of the Junction of the Gila

|a

Lieutenant G. K. Warren’s Map of 1857 315 James Hall’s Geological Map of the West | 318

John B. Trask’s Map of the California Gold Fields 359 C. F. Hoffmann’s Map of the San Francisco Bay Region 364

California Geological Survey Map of California and Nevada — 386 Barlow and Heap’s Map of the Yellowstone Park Region, 1871 398

The Progress of the Wheeler Surveys to 1876 | 484

A Wheeler Topographical Map with Contour Lines 486

Gorlinski’s Land Office Map of 1867 540 A Powell Irrigation Survey Map, 1889 598 A Modern Quadrant Map of the United States Geological Survey 600

ee SE | oe PART ONE Exploration and Imperialism

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| | 24 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

| 7 gone.‘ , |

| - under a tangle of logs and beaver lodges until his pursuers had > | __-In 1810, still in the service of Manuel Lisa, Colter made his last foray into the dreaded Blackfeet country. That year he led a party

of thirty-two men to the Three Forks of the Missouri, where they | . constructed a rude log fort and settled down for the winter’s trap, ping. Almost immediately the Blackfeet fell upon them, and one after another the trappers were massacred. Eventually, after the slaying of the great Drouillard himself, the party broke up, and the remaining men in small bands, Colter included, made their way

: back to Manuel’s Fort on the Yellowstone. The only group that re| fused to return was the party under Andrew Henry, which crossed _ over the Continental Divide and established their short-lived but sig-

| nificant first American trading post near Clark’s Fork of the Colum-

bia. This post, too, broke up, and the men scattered, but the _ American frontier had been pushed far to the West, beyond even the

_ Blackfeet. Henry’s outpost, though normally deserted, became a

_ landmark for later American trappers. Henry himself, experienced | | and able, appeared later as a partner in the Rocky Mountain Fur _ Company. Unlike Colter, he had not had enough of the Upper

Missouri.* | a

Other members of Lisa’s early venture on the Upper Missouri also _ made notable contributions to the history of exploration, and to the American advance into the Far West. George Drouillard, who was

killed so tragically at the Three Forks in 1810, explored much of the Big Horn Basin and Yellowstone River country in 1808. He con-

| ducted two separate expeditions that year into the country south of Manuel’s Fort. But the real importance of Drouillard’s work lies in

- the fact that he incorporated his information on a crude but ac| curate map, the first one known to have been drawn by a mountain man. This proved especially useful to William Clark in compiling his great maps of the West, particularly his unpublished map begun

| in 1810, which he constantly revised and brought up to date according to the latest information from the traders, and which for

| 1814.° | | |

this reason is superior to the more famous published version of

4. John Bradbury: Travels in the Interior of America (London: Sherwood

Neeley and Jones; 1817), pp. 18-21. | |

5. Donald McKay Frost: Notes on General Ashley, the Overland Trail and South Pass (Barre, Mass.: Barre Gazette; 1960), pp. 12-13. _

, 6. The original of this map is in the Yale Collection of Western Americana,

lished by the library. ,

| Beinecke Library, Yale University. A reproduction of the map has been pub-

Westward the Clash of Empires 25 One especially interesting aspect of Drouillard’s map bore on the whole question of frontiers directly. This was the series of notations which he made regarding the proximity of the Spanish settlements to the south. The men of Lisa’s expedition in particular, and explorers of the period in general, seemed obsessed with two basic

ideas. The first was that all of the great rivers of the West had a common source, which must be found. The second was that from the Upper Missouri, or at least from the Yellowstone, it was but a few days’ ride to the hidden citadels of the Spanish empire. Not only the Americans believed this, but the Spanish, having reached the Green River country and the Platte, believed it too. These two basic ideas regarding the nature of Western geography are perfectly embodied in Drouillard’s map, which must thus have been a source of future misconceptions in more famous works. On

_the Drouillard map are several references to Spanish settlements lying due south, and the number of days which, according to the

| Indians, it took to reach them. At one point near the Salt Fork is the notation: “Salt Fork is believed to be [illegible] salt, the Spaniards obtain it from this place by crossing over from the river Colorado. . . .” This statement clearly implies the belief that the Colorado River flowed close by, east of the Continental Divide. It further incorporates the idea that a normal commerce was main-

tained by the Upper Missouri Indians with the Spanish on that river.? Undoubtedly because he misunderstood this and similar nota-

, tions, and because John Colter’s discoveries seemed to fit in with | it so well, William Clark on his official map of the West made

||| the error of representing the headwaters of the Rio Grande and the Colorado, with their Spanish settlements, in close proximity to the Big Horn and the Yellowstone.* The further discoveries of Zebulon Pike only served to add to this misconception, for Pike believed that near the upper Rio Grande was a “grand reservoir” of snows and fountains where all the rivers of the West came together.® Thus in this respect the Drouillard, Colter, and Pike expeditions were all of

a piece, and together they added up to a remarkable exercise in | fictional geography which marred Clark’s map and hence, since he was the governor of the whole Louisiana Territory, the government’s view of the West, eliminating entirely the Central Rockies. But, more important, it helped to intensify the competition between 7. A reproduction of the Drouillard map appears in Wheat: Mapping the

American West, Vol. II. 8. Clark map, see footnote 6 on preceding page. 9g. Pike: The Expeditions ..., Coués, ed., Vol. II, pp. 523-4.

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The Rediscovery of the Southwest 49 The foremost student of the Burr conspiracy believes that as early as June of 1806 Wilkinson had decided to abandon Burr, and therefore he sent Dr. Robinson to make peace with the Spanish so

that the Burr plan to start a Spanish war would fail. Presumably Pike and his men were hostages to insure Wilkinson’s good faith, and at the same time they were to act as spies, collecting information which Wilkinson could use for his own future reference. It was

_ thus to make certain that the Spanish would contact his secret emissary in time to prevent a border clash that Wilkinson “leaked” the secret of Pike’s mission to Spanish agents in Natchez. Meanwhile, innocent or not, Pike led his party out across the prairie, embarked on his grand adventure. On July 15, 1806, Lieutenant Pike and his twenty-three men dis-

embarked on the Missouri River from Belle Fontaine near St. Louis.® His orders took him first to the Osage Villages near the

present western border of Missouri and then out across the plains northwest to the Pawnee Villages in Nebraska. After some difficulty with the Pawnees, he turned south to the Arkansas River, following

the broad trail left by the command of Lieutenant Don Facundo Malgares, the Spaniard who had been sent out from Santa Fe to intercept him. In following Malgares’s trail, Pike was clearly less interested in pinpointing the sources of the Red River than in making a reconnaissance of the whole border area between the two countries, and even of Santa Fe if possible. Given the previous presence of armed Spanish parties in the area, this seems hardly a reprehensible motive.

When Pike reached the Arkansas River, near its great bend in

| central Kansas, he divided his command, sending Lieutenant Wilkinson (the General’s son) downriver with his final dispatches, including a map of the region they had already traversed. Then he

turned west to the Rockies, which his men first sighted, looking like “a small blue cloud,” on November 15, 1805. Most of November and December Pike spent exploring the Rockies as far north as the

sources of the South Platte and as far south as the Sangre de Cristos in southern Colorado and New Mexico. During this time he failed in an attempt to climb Pike’s Peak, but he and several of his men did climb Cheyenne Peak some fifteen miles away, and he was thus afforded a panoramic view of the whole of the southern

5. Ibid.

Rockies. ,

6. This account is based on Pike: The Expeditions . .. , Coués, ed., unless otherwise stated.

90 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE On January 14, 1807, after. leaving some of his men in a small fort on the Fountain River, a tributary of the Upper Arkansas, Pike set out with Dr. John Robinson and twelve men southward over the Sangre de Cristos in a bitter midwinter march. Two weeks later, after a terrible ordeal in which six men had to be left behind, crippled with gangrene, the party reached the Rio Grande, which, according to Pike, “we hailed with fervency as the waters of the Red River,” but according to the testimony of one of his men everyone recognized perfectly well as a branch of the Rio Grande. Later, on the Rio Conejos they paused and built a small log fort. Then on the seventh of February Dr. Robinson took leave of the party and started

off on foot down the Rio Grande (which Pike maintained they all thought was the Red ) in an attempt to make contact with La Lande and collect Mr. Morrison’s money.’ Since La Lande was supposed to be in Santa Fe, it was perhaps possible to infer that neither Pike nor Robinson was as hopelessly lost as he pretended to be, and that _ blue-eyed Lieutenant Pike was only being facetious when he greeted the Spanish cavalry who came to arrest him on February 26 with:

“What, is not this the Red River?”

By the first of March 1807, Pike and his men were on the way south toward the New Mexican capital as closely guarded “guests” of the Spanish government. If he was a spy, Pike had an unparalleled

| opportunity to observe everything about the strategic New Mexican province, and those south of it as far as Chihuahua, where he was taken to the Governor, Don Nemesio Salcedo. In fact, though his papers were confiscated, he was reunited with Dr. Robinson and

entertained and informed by all the Spanish military officers in the important northern garrisons. So successful an observer was Pike that when he returned at last to the United States he could give precise data and figures as to just how many and what kinds of troops the Spanish had on hand to defend the northern provinces, and he was well informed as to the character and personalities of all the Spanish military leaders.* No more successful espio-

nage operation has ever been conducted in recorded American history. But Pike’s importance lies in more than his role as Wilkinson’s agent. His report, compiled mostly from memory, of the march to

| Santa Fe and of the Mexican tour was the most significant work published up to that time on northern Mexico. It came out in 1810 with an atlas of maps adapted from Humboldt’s New Spain 7. Pike: The Expeditions ..., Coués, ed., pp. 498—502. 8. Ibid., pp. 718-806. See, for example, pp. 772-3, 793-9.

The Rédiscovery of the Southwest 51 atlas, which was published the following year in Paris. In this report Pike had several things to say which shaped the course not only of Western exploration, but of Western development and

settlement itself. | First of all, he pointed out that the great plains were “sandy

deserts” similar to those of Africa. “I saw in my route, in various places,” he wrote, “tracts of many leagues where the wind had thrown up the sand in all the fanciful form of the ocean’s rolling wave; and on which not a speck of vegetable matter existed.”® Pike,

therefore, not Stephen H. Long, as so many writers have declared, was the originator of the so-called “Great American Desert” myth. But, unlike Westerners of later generations, Pike was not at all disconcerted by the existence of a desert on the Western border. Instead he declared, not without irony in view of the recent Wilkinson-Burr activity:

But from these immense prairies may arise great advantage to the United States, viz: the restriction of our population to some

| certain limits, and thereby a continuation of the Union. Our citizens being so prone to rambling and extending themselves on the frontiers will, through necessity, be constrained to limit their extent on the west to the borders of the Missouri and Mississippi, while they leave the prairies incapable of cultivation to the wandering and uncivilized aborigines of the country.’

| This view of the West, put forth in 1810, set the popular pattern for many years to come. Beyond the Mississippi was prairie, little

water, and no timber. It was a paradise for flocks and herds, a never ending game preserve for nomads and Indians, but it was no

place for the extension of civilization with farms and towns and | mechanical pursuits. Rather the West, and the Southwest in particular, was a barrier which would contain the population and save the Union. At best it was a great prairie ocean which one crossed as quickly as possible to get to Cathay. To facilitate this crossing, Pike

found what he considered the virtual equivalent of a Southwest Passage. “By the route of the Arkansas and the Rio Colorado of California,” he asserted, “there can be established the best communication on this side of the Isthmus of Darien between the Atlan-

tic and Pacific Oceans.”2 Such a route required, wrote Pike, only 200 miles of land portage between the two great rivers. Moreover, 9. Ibid., p. 525. 1. Ibid. 2. Ibid., pp. 522-3.

.

o2 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE , since he subscribed to the idea that there was a “Rio Buenaventura” that flowed westward from the Rockies to the Pacific, he left open the possibility of still another westward passage from the heart of

the mountain region.? | | Finally, he pointed out in great detail the trade possibilities of

Santa Fe and northern Mexico, which stood as rich ports of call on

the far shores of the prairie ocean.‘ These three broad areas of observation concerning the Southwest served to create the American public image of that region for the next fifty years. It was an _ image not far removed from reality. Certainly in terms of rainfall, grass, and timber resources, the Southwestern plains, especially in the Arkansas River region, were not fit for the agricultural and crude manufacturing culture of that period. With respect to transportation, by 1853, after the Pacific Railroad

| Surveys, it became obvious that a Southwestern route roughly between the 32nd and 36th parallels was by far the best route for

a transcontinental railroad. Down to the Mexican War, the trade of Santa Fe and Chihuahua was the lodestone that drew Americans into the Southwest. Indeed, any close examination of the Mexican War and of the whole Manifest Destiny movement will indicate that Santa Fe and its trade was

one of the basic American objectives. |

So, in practical terms, Pike touched upon all of the important themes that were to command American attention in the Southwest in the early nineteenth century. And though he was often inaccurate, as when he wrote that he could take a position in the Rocky Mountains from whence he could visit the sources of the Platte, the Colo-

| _rado, the Arkansas, the Red, the Rio Grande, and the Yellowstone rivers in one day—still, as an explorer, he opened up immense vistas _

_ to the new American republic. To see this clearly, one need only compare his report with those of his Spanish rivals in the Southwest,

which were primarily concerned with frontier defense, or with those of the British in the Northwest, which were narrowly focused upon the interests of the fur trade. It is characteristic of the Amer-

ican experience in Western exploration that from the very beginning, with Lewis and Clark and with Zebulon Pike, explorers and expeditions sent out by the federal government pointed the way to 3. See Pike’s “A Map of the Internal Provinces of New Spain,” in The Ex-

peditions .. . , Vol. II, in which Pike includes Miera y Pacheca’s Lake Timpanogos and the Rio Buenaventura. Also see Vol. II, p. 733. 4. Vol. II, pp, 718-806. See especially p. 805.

|

The Rediscovery of the Southwest 53 the broadest considerations of the uses of the trans-Mississippi region, and kept the country as a whole from viewing the West in ©

the narrow terms of the special interests operating in the region at a particular time and place. This emphasis upon a broad public policy was a major point of contrast with the European approaches to the West, and an important factor in the eventual American suc-

| | o)

cess in that region. |

In the years that followed the return of Zebulon Pike, the Spanish with their frontier garrisons at Nacogdoches in east Texas and on

the Red River tried desperately to hold the plains frontier against the Americans. Gone was any hope of reclaiming the land east of the Mississippi, and from this point on, particularly after the trial

of Aaron Burr, Spanish strategy reverted to an “iron curtain” frontier policy, and an official adherence to mercantilism within the

| confines of the empire. But despite all Spanish efforts, bands of venturesome American traders entered the Southwestern plains region in ever increasing numbers, and for a variety of reasons. Some, like Manuel Lisa’s secret partner Jacques Clamorgan, who reached Santa Fe in 1807, were small clandestine ventures designed to circumvent American regulations governing trade in the Southwest.® Others, like Colonel John Shaw, who claimed to have reached the Rocky Mountains in 1809, openly went west in search of gold and silver.® Still others drifted into Texas in ever increasing num-

bers as filibusters.’ It was thus difficult for the Spanish garrisons _ to distinguish legitimate from illegitimate pursuits, and since they were under orders to pursue the “hard” line anyway, they arrested almost everyone they could catch. In December of 1809, J. McLanahan, Reuben Smith, and James Patterson, guided by the Spaniard Emanuel Blanco, left St. Genevieve, Missouri, on a trading expedition to Santa Fe. They got as far

as the headwaters of the Red River before they were arrested by 5. Joseph J. Hill: “An Unknown Expedition to Santa Fe in 1807,” MVHR, Vol. VI (March 1920), pp. 560-2. 6. Col. John Shaw: “Personal Narrative,” Wisconsin State Historical Society _ Collections, Vol. II (1859), pp. 197-232. 7. An example of this is seen in John Maley: “Journal,’ MS., Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection.

54 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | the Spanish, taken to Santa Fe and then to Chihuahua, and finally | imprisoned for two years.®

In the year 1809, too, excitement was generated in the border town of Natchitoches, Louisiana, by the return of Anthony Glass and his men from a winter’s trade with the Pawnees and Comanches. They had gone as far west as the headwaters of the Colorado River of Texas near present-day Big Spring, and according to Glass, who must have had “phenomenal” eyesight, they had seen the Rocky

Mountains far in the distance. On numerous occasions, too, they had been threatened by Indian emissaries sent to the Pawnees and Comanches by the Spanish comandante at San Antonio, but they had completely won over the Pawnees, who not only protected them and rejected the Spaniards but had also shown them their sacred stone, a mass of malleable metal (obviously a meteorite ) some 3 feet 4 inches in length and 2 feet 4% inches in width, which

lay out in the prairie. It was this mass of metal that caused the

excitement on Glass’s return.? _ |

Immediately two rival expeditions, one from Nacogdoches and the other from Natchitoches, were mounted, and in the spring of 1810,

first one and then the other had a try at retrieving the mysterious metal. Finally the Natchitoches group triumphed. It was eventually shipped downriver to New Orleans and on to New York City, where

authorities pronounced it only iron and nothing more. Benjamin Silliman of Yale, knowing it to be a meteor, ultimately purchased it for his alma mater, where it now resides. All of these expeditions were the cause of still another venture, the expedition of John Maley up the Red River in 1812. Maley, about whom almost nothing is known except that his friend Judge William Johnson of Charleston, South Carolina, styled him a “wan-

derer” and Silliman called him “an erratic adventurer,”? arrived in Natchitoches in February of 1812 after a fling at filibustering on the Texas border and spent the spring and summer of that year at the Pawnee Villages trying to purchase two other metallic masses. According to his journal,? he also managed to discover an aban8. Chittenden: Fur Trade, Vol. II, p. 496 n. See also Phillips: Fur Trade, Vol. II, pp. 505-6. 9. “Journal of Anthony Glass,” MS., Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection. 1. Ibid. See also Benjamin Silliman Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection.

2. Silliman Papers. 3. Maley: “Journal.” My account of Maley’s incredible and hitherto unknown

adventures is based on his own manuscript journal, purchased for Yale by Professor Benjamin Silliman. So obscure a figure is Maley that it has been

The Rediscovery of the Southwest 55 | doned Spanish silver mine and, far out on the prairie, an old Spanish gold deposit. When he returned to Natchitoches for the winter, he started a virtual gold rush; and the following spring he set off

ahead of all the others, with two companions and $1,500 worth of supplies, for the gold diggings in what was perhaps the first American gold rush in the trans-Mississippi West. Out on the prairie, however, he and his partners were robbed by the Osage and left with only their knives and their wallets. After a fearsome trek

of nearly two months, during which they were lost for weeks at a time and one of them nearly died of a copperhead bite, they finally reached Natchitoches. Maley, after a short trip to the Hot Springs of Arkansas, appears to have retired from gold hunting for good.

sion.

He is last heard from in Nashville, where he spent the winter. Later,

however, he is known to have sold his exciting journal to a New York bookseller for $500.4 By 1812, then, expeditions out onto the

plains, particularly along the north bank of the Red River, were becoming a common occurrence—with or without Spanish permisThree more adventurers, James Baird, Samuel Chambers, and Robert McKnight, went even farther than the Red River. With a small party they went all the way to Santa Fe in April of 1812.°

They were promptly arrested and taken to prison in Chihuahua, where they spent nine long years before being rescued. Due to the Hidalgo uprising and the Gutiérrez-Magee Texas filibustering expedition in 1812, the Spaniards were in no mood for welcoming visitors from the United States. Unlike the English to the north, they chose to leave the beaver in the streams and instead embarked on a plan to sweep the country of American adventurers. But even this did not stop the westward advance. In 1814, one James Philibert led a band of trappers far up the Arkansas on an

expedition. Trapping must have been good, for he returned to St. Louis for more supplies while his men waited out the winter in a rendezvous on the Huerfano River, a tributary of the Upper Arkansas. When Philibert did not return at the appointed impossible to check the veracity of his account on all points. The reader is therefore warned to accept his story only on the most tentative basis, subject to confirmation or denial by further detailed research. 4. Silliman Papers. 5. Chittenden: Fur Trade, Vol. II, pp. 496-7. Also see Josiah Gregg: Commerce of the Prairies, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott; 1962), Vol. I, pp. 4-5. F. B. Golley: “James Baird, Early Santa Fe Trader,” Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, Vol. XV (April 1959), pp. 171-93. Thomas James: Three Years, pp. 57-8.

06 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE time, they pulled up their traps and headed over the mountains to Taos, New Mexico, where surprisingly enough they were well received by the Spaniards. The summer of 1815 passed with Philibert’s men enjoying the shady delights of Taos while their leader scouted out supplies and reinforcements in St. Louis. By September he had made an arrangement with Auguste Chouteau and his partner Jules De Mun whereby | he would accompany them on a trapping expedition to the Mexican Mountains, and they in turn would purchase the services of all his men for the year’s hunt. By this merger Philibert had much to gain and little to lose. Auguste Chouteau, through his position as trader to the southern Osage, dominated whatever Southwestern Indian

| trade there was, and without his help it was difficult to pass through the Osage tribes and sustain operations far up the Arkansas on the

flank of the Spanish Empire. | _

The relief expedition of Chouteau and De Mun did not fare well,

| however. After a good season’s trapping in the Sangre de Cristo | Mountains north and east of Taos, they were arrested by a band of Spanish soldiers on May 24, 1816. All their furs were confiscated and the party was taken before a court of inquiry in Santa Fe, where they were quickly adjudged guilty, forced to kneel and kiss the docu-

ment sentencing them, and then were thrown into prison for forty-

| eight days. At the end of that time they were released and sent home across the prairies without weapons or food. The experience so impressed Chouteau that he retired from venturesome operations forever, preferring like Voltaire’s hero to “tend his garden” among the

Osage.® os

_ As late as 1817, neither the Spanish Empire in the Southwest,

| nor for that matter the western reaches of the new American domain, was open to the enterprise of American citizens. That the United States government submitted so meekly to the Spanish out-

rages is owing perhaps to the basic uncertainty that prevailed, — despite the various probing expeditions and the excellent work of Zebulon Pike, as to the exact limits of American territory in the

Far West. 311-26. , |

6. Ibid., pp. 497-500. Also see Jules De Mun: “Journals,” T. M. Marshall, ed., Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. V (1927-28), pp. 167-208,

|

The Rediscovery of the Southwest 57 6 During and after the treaty of Ghent concluding the War of 1812,

the problem of the western limits of the Louisiana Purchase was acute. To the north and northwest the Canadian fur traders continued to dominate the Indian trade as far east as Lake Superior and down into what is now Wisconsin and Minnesota. To make matters worse, in 1816 Lord Selkirk established his ambitious feudal settlement on the Red River of the North.’ Using the river as an artery of communication, Selkirk’s traders could, if they chose, descend into the very heart of American territory, outflank the Missouri River operations, and bring all the northern tribes under their control. In the period 1815 to 1817 the advantage gained by Lewis and _ Clark and the Astorians in the Far Northwest was wiped out, and

only Manuel Lisa’s influence with the northern tribes stood be- |

tween the weak American foothold beyond the Mississippi and complete British domination. In the Southwest an iron curtain of Spanish chain mail had been lowered over all the country watered

by the western tributaries of the Mississippi—or what might be

regarded as Mr. Jefferson’s “noble” purchase. | Things were not, however, entirely hopeless. Washington retaliated against foreign pressure by requiring all fur traders beyond the Mississippi to have licenses issued by the United States govern-

ment. Though this proved difficult to enforce, at least it was one weapon to use against commercial infiltration. In addition, the federal government increased the number of its subsidized Western fur-trading posts to nineteen by the end of the War of 1812.° Following this, a string of forts was constructed along an interior line

from Fort Snelling on the Upper Mississippi to Fort Smith on the

Arkansas. These forts were designed to cover all the possible avenues of encroachment into American territory. Thus far, American policy strongly resembled that of the Spanish and British. All

of the measures taken were an attempt to protect the Louisiana Purchase territory—still a vaguely defined tract—in the face of determined British attempts to whittle away as much of it as possi-

| ble before a final boundary settlement would be made. 7, George Bryce: The Remarkable History of the Hudson’s Bay Company... (London: Sampson, Low, Marston and Co.; 1900), pp. 202-14. 8. Paul C. Phillips: The Fur Trade, 2 vols. (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press; 1961), Vol. II, pp. 67—96.

58 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE In 1817 John C. Calhoun became Secretary of War and he brought with him a new and more belligerent policy for the Western frontier. With President Monroe’s enthusiastic approval, he proposed to establish a military outpost far up the Missouri River, near the mouth of the Yellowstone, designed to counter Selkirk’s moves on the Red River and to check the British advance in that direction while at the same time bringing the Upper Missouri tribes under American influence.® This was the genesis of the so-called Yellowstone Expedition of 1819. Calhoun declared: “The expedi-

tion ordered to the mouth of the Yellowstone, or rather, to the Mandan village, is a part of a system of measures which has for its objects the protection of our northwestern frontier and the greater

extension of our fur trade.”! |

By the spring of 1819 one thousand men under General Henry W. Atkinson were on their way up the Missouri in five ill-constructed

steamboats, prepared to establish the crucial outpost. Along with this flotilla was a sixth steamboat, The Western Engineer, which carried a corps of scientific explorers under the command of Major Stephen H. Long.

It was the first time steamboats had been used on the Missouri

River, and it was also the first time that an official corps of discovery which included trained scientific specialists had ever been sent into the West. One observer, his imagination fired by the scene, declared:

See those vessels, with the agency of steam advancing against the powerful currents of the Mississippi and the Missouri! Their

course is marked by volumes of smoke and fire, which the civilized man observes with admiration, and the savage with astonishment. Botanists, mineralogists, chemists, artisans, cultivators, scholars, soldiers; the love of peace, the capacity for war: philosophical apparatus and military supplies; telescopes and cannon, garden seeds and gunpowder; the arts of civil life and the force to defend them—all are seen aboard. The banner of freedom which waves over the whole proclaims the character and protective power of the United States.? And it was an impressive sight, particularly, so the observer grasped, as a demonstration of the extent to which the American government 9. Chittenden: Fur Trade, Vol. II, pp. 562—3. Also see Phillips: Fur Trade, Vol. II, p.p.392. 1. Ibid., 563.| |

2. Ibid., p. 566.

The Rediscovery of the Southwest 59 was willing to go to back its claims to the lands west of the Mississippi. Moreover, though the military aspects of the Yellowstone Expedition appeared to be a complete failure, since Atkinson’s force never reached the Yellowstone or any part of the Upper Missouri,

being forced into camp at the Council Bluffs, where the men all came down with scurvy and fever, still it was an indication of Amer-

ica’s seriousness of purpose with regard to the trans-Mississippi country that could not have failed to impress the British and the Indians.? It indicated that Calhoun, once a War Hawk, was still an opportunist. He was prepared to take any advantage possible of the rift between the Hudson’s Bay and Northwest companies over Selkirk’s colony to insure American control over the Upper Missouri country. Beyond this, the Yellowstone Expedition finally afforded the United States an opportunity to explore officially the Southwestern plains region and the limits of Louisiana, still closely connected in the American mind with the Upper Missouri region. When the military expedition failed at the Council Bluffs, the scientific contingent too went into winter camp. There the members of the party—Dr. Thomas Say, the zoologist from New Harmony,

Indiana; Titian Peale, assistant naturalist; Samuel Seymour, painter; and the Army topographers Lieutenant James Duncan Graham and Cadet William Swift—spent the winter assembling collections of rocks, plants, and animals for shipment back to Eastern Seaboard institutions. Eventually most of the specimens were deposited in Peale’s Museum in Philadelphia, where the Lewis and Clark collections were. There, if they did not serve the cause of pure science, they at least amused curiosity seekers by the thousands and helped form a popular idea of the Far West. The leader of the scientific contingent was Major Stephen Harriman Long, a Dartmouth graduate who had been an instructor at West Point, and one of the first members of the Corps of Topograph-

ical Engineers.* In this role he had become an experienced explorer, having made in 1817 a survey of the inland frontier defenses

from Arkansas to Minnesota, part of which involved his famous voyage up the Mississippi as far as the Falls of St. Anthony (now Minneapolis) in a six-oared skiff.> His advocacy of the use of steamboats to explore the West, in a letter to President Monroe of

March 15, 1817, indicates that much of the technology of the | 3. Henry Atkinson: Journal of the Yellowstone Expedition, MS., Yale Collection of Western Americana. 4. Dictionary of American Biography. Hereafter D.A.B.

| 5. Ibid. |

|

:| 60 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Yellowstone Expedition had been his idea.* But upon his return to Washington in the winter of 1819, he found that, as far as the expedition was concerned, the steamboats were to be abandoned and his own scientific contingent greatly curtailed. He was ordered to change direction completely from the Upper Missouri to the Far Southwest via the Platte River and the Great Plains to the Arkansas

and Red rivers." |

With a new botanical assistant, Dr. Edwin James, Major Long’s

exploring mission set out from the Engineer Cantonment at the Council Bluffs on the sixth of June, 1820.8 (See map, p. 48.) A curious cavalcade of disgruntled career officers, eccentric scientists, and artist-playboys, Long’s party must have made an amusing spec_ tacle as it struggled west along the north bank of the Platte through giant herds of buffalo and villages of painted Pawnee and drunken

Otos. On the last day of June they sighted the Rocky Mountains, though they could not be sure until several days later that it wasn’t a mirage. Pushing onward, they located a large mountain which they named Long’s Peak though they believed it to have been originally discovered by Zebulon Pike. Six days later they reached the place where the South Platte leaves the mountains just south of Denver, and a few days later, on July 18, they climbed Pike’s Peak, the first

party ever to do so. Lieutenant Swift measured the height of the peak above the surrounding plain by means of triangulation, but since he had no idea of the altitude of the base plain above sea level, his calculations proved to be virtually useless.

On July 24, after failing to ascend the Arkansas River via the Royal Gorge, Major Long divided his party and prepared to return home by two separate routes. One party, commanded by Captain

John R. Bell and including Dr. Say, Mr. Seymour, Lieutenant Swift, and several riflemen, turned east to descend the Arkansas to Belle Point in eastern Oklahoma and there await the rest of the

party. Long, accompanied by Titian Peale, Edwin James, and 6. Richard G. Wood: “Exploration by Steamboat,” The Journal of Trans-— port History, Vol. II (Nov. 1955), pp. 121-2. 7. Edwin James: Account of an Expedition From Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains Performed In The Years 1819, 20..., in Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed.: Early Western Travels 1748-1846, 4 vols. [XIV—XVIII] (Cleveland, Ohio:

Arthur H. Clark Co.; 1905), Vol. XIV, p. 13. Hereafter cited as James:

Account of an Expedition, Thwaites ed. See also, for an account of the first phase of the Long expedition, Titian Peale: “Journal,’ MS., Library of Conress.

5. James: Account of an Expedition, Thwaites ed., Vol. XV, p. 193. 9. John R. Bell: “Journal of the S. H. Long Expedition,” in Harlan M. Fuller

|

| The Rediscovery of the Southwest 61 seven men, crossed the Arkansas River and headed south in search of the Red River, which he hoped to explore from its source

to its mouth, since it was supposedly the boundary between

United States and Spanish territory. | |

| The remainder of the expedition constituted a disastrous culmination to what had gone before. Captain Bell’s party, after passing through clouds of Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Kiowa Indians, finally

came to grief on the Lower Arkansas when three of his men deserted, taking rifles, packs, horses, and most of the expedition’s journals and scientific notebooks. They were never heard from

again.

| Major Long’s contingent continued south until they reached a broad river which they took to be the Red. This they followed down-

stream under conditions of extreme hardship, being forced to subsist for days on the flesh of their own horses. The country was all hostile Indian country seldom penetrated by white men, and whenever they came to a village along the way they were greeted with suspicion and hostility. One village in particular they called the village of the “Bad Heart” Indians. There a strange group of diseased and deformed Indians confronted them with taunts, insults, and noncooperation. But even this occurrence had its lighter side. I saw one mother [James recorded in his private notebook] ap-

parently thirty years of age and of the usual stature suckling her infant who stood upon the ground. She found it necessary to stoop but little and stood observing us almost erect while the child of about two years was nursing.!

Pushing on past the hostile Indians, Long’s party finally came to the end of what they had supposed was the Red River, only to find, to their “mortification,” that it flowed into the Arkansas

River and was not the Red at all but the Canadian. It was somehow a fitting climax to the whole venture, and when, a week later, they met Captain Bell at Belle Point both commanders had frustrating tales to tell. Needless to say, Major Long made no triumphant return to civilization. Moreover, when the account of the expedition was published he judiciously faded into the background, allowing Edwin James to be the official chronicler of their

collective misadventures. |

and Le Roy R. Hafen, eds.: Far West and Rockies Series (Glendale, Calif.:

Arthur H. Clark Co.; 1957), Vol. VI. |

1. Edwin James: “Journal,” MS., Special Collections, Butler Library, Columbia University.

|

62 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE History has not been kind to the Long Expedition. Hiram M. Chittenden declared it to be “an unqualified failure . . . a huge

fiasco smothered in elaboration of method.”? Other authorities have

pointed out that in his report Long declared the Great Plains unfit for human habitation, thus launching the “Great American Desert” myth and impeding the progress of Western settlement.? Moreover, it was comparatively easy to demonstrate that the scientific results of the expedition were negligible except for Long’s important map.

Yet Long’s expedition was not all failure. For the first time a team of scientists had surveyed the immense plains region in realistic terms, and taken some measure of the possibilities for settlement in that treeless area. They had revealed the complexity of the river systems in the Southwest, and had visited tribes seldom seen by the white man. But for the misfortune of losing the scientific notebooks to deserters, and the parsimony of the government, they might have produced a monumental scientific report even though they were without the highly developed instruments that explorers would carry as standard equipment a decade later. In addition, it seems unfair to criticize Long as the perpetrator of the “Great American Desert” myth, though textbooks generally depict him as such. The designation, as previously indicated, clearly

belongs to Zebulon Pike, whose report of 1810 was emphatic on this subject. Moreover, both explorers had a point. As of 1820 the Southwestern plains were unfit for widespread settlement, given the level of American technology at the time. There was little or no timber for houses and fuel. Surface water was scarce, and light windmills with water pumps had not yet been invented.* Much of the soil was sandy and the winters were cold. Huge herds of buffalo,

sometimes ten miles long, roamed over the prairies, and hostile Indians jealously guarded their hunting grounds. A farmer settling these Southwestern plains would have to contend with all these factors and more. Worst of all, he would face them in virtual isolation, since it would be years before means of easy communication with the outside world existed. Pike and Long were among the very few Western explorers who advised against 2. Chittenden: Fur Trade, Vol. II, p. 570. 3. Walter P. Webb: The Great Plains (New York: Universal Library; n.d.), p. 147. Ray A. Billington: Westward Expansion (New York: The Macmillan Co.; 1949), p. 469. 4. Webb: Great Plains, pp. 33'7—9. Light windmills were first manufactured in

South Coventry, Conn., in 1854 by the Halladay Windmill Co. But it was not until the 1870’s that Fairbanks, Morse and Co. began widespread manu-

facture and distribution of the machines in the Great Plains. |

|

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64 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE headlong expansion, and, significantly, they were government explorers with some idea of the overall national needs. They were not promoters, or hunters, or men on the lookout for the main chance,

and when they presented the country with cautious reports they

were going against the tide of the times. oe

Long especially has appeared to bad advantage in this respect, _ since his report came just at the time when Santa Fe (as a result of the Mexican revolution of 1821) was at last opened upto American trade, and John Quincy Adams by a stroke of his pen in 1819 had made America a transcontinental nation in his treaty with Spain. To the north, after the bitter feud between the Northwesters and the Hudson’s Bay Company had all but neutralized it, Lord Selkirk’s

Red River Colony no longer seemed much of a threat. And by 1824 Ashley’s mountain men had rediscovered South Pass and opened the Central Rockies to the American advance. Thus, by the time Long

(with Edwin James) published his cautious report on the West, the eagle had begun to scream all along the frontier from Canada to Mexico, and a government explorer or public servant of any kind

who warned against settling the continent too rapidly seemed somewhat anachronistic, to say the least.

7 The drive toward Santa Fe and the initial opening of the Southwest reached a crucial point in 1821. That year three expeditions

| set out in the direction of the New Mexican capital. The first was : commanded by a citizen of Franklin, Missouri, William Becknell.® | It was initially advertised in the Franklin Missouri Intelligencer as

| an expedition to collect wild horses on the Great Plains. Starting | in early September of 1821, Becknell at the head of about twenty | | experienced plainsmen rode out over the prairie from Franklin | to the Arkansas River, then turned south and crossed Raton Pass ! on the border of Colorado and New Mexico. There he learned from

some Mexican soldiers that independence had been declared and — Americans were welcome in Santa Fe. Proceeding to Santa Fe, he traded what goods he had for a rich profit in Mexican silver, and returned as fast as he could to Franklin, where he began preparing 5. Gregg: Commerce, Vol. I, p. 5. See also William Becknell: “Journal of Two Expeditions from Boon’s Lick to Santa Fe,” Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. II (1906), pp. 55-67.

The Rediscovery of the Southwest 65 for an even bigger venture the following year. On the way home he located a new route via the Cimarron River that would enable heavily loaded wagons to reach Santa Fe without crossing over Raton Pass. This route eventually became the Santa Fe Trail. After Becknell’s return, the Santa Fe trade never ceased to be the object of public attention in St. Louis and the surrounding towns. It became the subject of a stream of petitions to Congress for aid and

protection on the trail.® | |

Besides Becknell’s expedition, two more parties are known to have set out for Santa Fe in 1821. The first was led by Thomas James, a veteran of Manuel Lisa’s first operations on the Upper Missouri, who was venturing once more into the West to make a stake that would rescue him from bankruptcy back home in IIlinois.’ His partner was Robert McKnight, who besides trading was interested in rescuing his brother John from a Mexican jail where he had languished since his ill-fated venture of 1812. The JamesMcKnight expedition, after several close calls with the Comanches, | finally reached Santa Fe, where James tried with indifferent success to sell his trade goods while McKnight journeyed south to

| rescue his brother from prison in Chihuahua. A short while after the James-McKnight party reached Santa Fe, still another party, led by Hugh Glenn and Jacob Fowler, came in.

They had followed the Arkansas upstream as far as present-day Pueblo, Colorado. There they had gone into encampment while Glenn pushed on to the Spanish settlements to see if his party of Americans would be permitted to enter. He returned with some Spanish emissaries, who, according to Fowler, declared “that the mackeson provence Has de Clared Independance of the mother Cuntry and is desirous of a traid With the people of the united States.”® With this welcome news, the whole Fowler-Glenn party shouldered their gear and proceeded over the mountains to Taos, where they spread out their goods and commenced trading at last with the “mackesons.” The Fowler-Glenn and the James-McKnight parties returned to 6. See, for example, Alphonso Wetmore: “Petition of Sundry Inhabitants of the State of Missouri Upon the Subject of Communication between the said State and the Internal Provinces of Mexico... ,” 18th Cong., 2nd sess., Vol.

IV, H.R. Rept. 79 (1825). 7. Thomas James: Three Years. , ,

8. Jacob Fowler: The Journal of Jacob Fowler, Elliott Coués, ed. (New York:

Francis P. Harper; 1898 ). g. Ibid., p. 95.

66 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE St. Louis in the summer of 1822, neither of them a financial success. They were almost unique in that respect. So lucrative was the trade that on the way home they passed J. F. Cooper heading over Becknell’s trail as fast as he could, with pack mules full of trade goods.” Behind him came William Becknell himself at the head of a wagon train, back for a second venture within the year. This marked

the real beginning of the rich Santa Fe trade and the first time that loaded wagons were taken over the trail to the Mexican capital.

| By the end of 1824 the Santa Fe trade had become so important to Missourians that a young senator from that state, Thomas Hart Benton, rose in the Senate chamber, waving a map which showed the national road from Georgia to New Orleans and which had been _ given him by the aging Jefferson on Christmas Day, 1824, and de-

manded a similar favor for the new West—a federally sponsored international road from Missouri to Santa Fe.’ In presenting this

| petition, Benton spoke for the new American entrepreneurs, who, in replacing the French, were venturing farther and farther out on

the plains. He got his wish on March 3, 1825, when President Monroe signed a bill authorizing $10,000 for surveying and marking

the road, and $20,000 for securing the right of way from the Indians.* By 1827 the road was completed, and though most trading caravans ignored it in favor of various shortcut versions of the trail,

still it symbolized the fact that at long last the way to Santa Fe was clear. The vast prairies had been conquered by the efforts of the trappers and traders and government explorers, and the first great period of American exploration in the Southwest was thus

concluded. |

8 As the caravans rolled into Santa Fe, the adventurous plainsmen became merchants and shopkeepers whose days were spent haggling over calicoes, or kitchen knives, or copper kettles, and whose nights

. were an endless round of fandangos, and barroom brawls. Most of the traders grew restless after a short while. Money ran out. And if they were inexperienced traders, and numbers of them were, they 1. Thomas James: Three Years, p. 121. Fowler: Journal, passim. 2. Fowler: Journal, p. 154.

4. Ibid., p. 7. |

: 3. Quoted in Kate L. Gregg, ed.: The Road to Santa Fe (Albuquerque, N.M.: University of New Mexico Press; 1952), p. 6.

_ The Rediscovery of the Southwest 67 eventually found themselves with a whole stock of “mulas,” or unsalable goods, living off loans from friends—worse off than when

they left Missouri.’ In this case, the fur trade seemed the only answer, and the mountains beyond Santa Fe to the west in all direc-

tions, north and south, seemed virtually the answer to a trapper’s prayer. About this time, in February of 1822, while he was vainly trying to dispose of his somber fabrics in Santa Fe, Thomas James received

a visit from fifty haughty, hard-riding Ute Indians whose leader said: “Come and trade with the Utahs. ... We want your trade.... Come to our country with your goods.” Who could resist such an opportunity, especially if you were saddled with a load of “mulas” and your luck had run out at three-card monte? No wonder, then, that almost immediately parties of American traders and trappers began fanning out in all directions from Santa Fe and the northern outpost at Taos. In the course of their fur-hunting operations, they were to make several important contributions to the knowledge of the soon-to-be American Southwest.

In 1822 William Wolfskill, who had arrived in a caravan that same year, began his career as one of the outstanding men of the Southwestern fur trade. He took a band of men and trapped the Lower Rio Grande as far as the site of El Paso. Then the following year he did it again, with only one companion. In the winter of 1823-24, with Ewing Young and Isaac Slover, he crossed over the Continental Divide west of the Upper Rio Grande and explored the Chama and San Juan country of northwestern New Mexico. By the first of June he was back in Taos with $10,000 worth of furs.” This was the pattern. For the first few years after 1821, the trappers were content to work the valley and the tributaries of the Rio Grande. Some trapped the Upper Arkansas and then made their

way back to St. Louis across the prairies. But by 1824 they were ranging farther afield, especially north from Taos into the southern Rockies below the great trade battleground of the Hudson’s Bay and Rocky Mountain Fur companies. In 1824 alone, five parties are known to have traveled north from Santa Fe and Taos through the San Luis Valley and by way of the Uncompagre and Gunnison rivers into western Colorado and eastern Utah as far as the Green River, or else due west from Taos 5. Thomas James: Three Years, pp. 88—9, 96, roo. 6. Ibid., pp. go ff. 7. J. J. Hill: “Ewing Young in the Fur Trade of the Far Southwest, 1822— 1834,” Oregon Historical Soc. Quarterly, Vol. XXIV (1923), p. 7.

68 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE via the Chama, the San Juan, and the Dolores to the Green River. Besides Wolfskill’s party, there were groups led by Etienne Provost, Antoine Robidoux, William Huddart, and William Becknell.® Possibly there were others. Certainly there were enough so that by the middle of 1824 His Excellency, the Governor of Santa Fe, issued an order which forbade the taking of beaver in the northern provinces.® Almost before it had begun, as far as the Americans were concerned, the fur trade appeared to be officially closed. Mexico clearly didn’t

want its vast heartland explored and its riches tapped by foreign

traders and trappers. | | This did not stem from lack of interest in the interior, however.

One of the great and virtually unknown stories of Western exploration was the story of Spanish penetration westward and northward | into the San Juan, the Green, and finally over the Wasatch Range onto the Sevier River and the Great Basin. Between 1761 and 1765 Juan de Rivera, a veteran Spanish frontier fighter, had conducted three expeditions into the southern Rockies. He took his soldiers,

traders, and padres north via Taos and the San Juan, past the La Plata Mountains (near Durango, Colorado) to the Dolores River, then to the Uncompagre and finally to the Gunnison in central Colorado. In the vicinity of the Gunnison they met the Utes and other mountain tribes and a brisk trade was established. | After these first expeditions, little is known for the next ten years.

From time to time Spanish records show that the veterans of the Rivera expeditions were conducting trade with the northern Indians. In 1775, three of Rivera’s men, Pedro Mora, Gregorio Sandoval, and Andrés Muniz, got as far as the Grand River in western Colorado, possibly farther. And in 1805, when Governor Alencaster dispatched Manuel Mesta, aged seventy, to the Timpanogos River

(the Grand) to reclaim some Spanish horses from the Utes, his letter indicated that Mesta had been doing just that for the past

fifty years, or ever since Rivera’s first venture. | In 1776, in the greatest expedition of all, the Fathers Dominguez

and Escalante had led a band of men north from Abiquiu, New Mexico, past the La Plata Mountains and deep into the Rockies 8. Ibid.; Dale L. Morgan: Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co.; 1953), pp. 147—8; Le Roy R. and Ann W. Hafen: Old Spanish Trail, Santa Fe to Los Angeles (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Co.; 1954), pp. 94-101.

9. Phillips: Fur Trade, Vol. II, pp. 516—17. , :

1. J. J. Hill: “Spanish and Mexican Exploration and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. TI (Jan. 1930), Pp. 3-23.

|

The Rediscovery of the Southwest 69 across the Grand River to the White River and the Green—farther than any Spaniard had gone before. (See map, p. 11.) Eventually they crossed over the Wasatch Mountains of Utah and descended into the Great Basin near Utah Lake. Then they proceeded south along the mountain wall to the vicinity of the Hurricane Cliffs and

| present-day Zion National Park, where they turned east once again and crossed the Colorado River near Paria Plateau, just below the Utah-Arizona border. From there they marched south and east through the country of the Moqui and the Zuni in northeastern Arizona, on their way back to Santa Fe, which they reached on July 29, 1776.2 It was the most fantastic exploring venture of all those the Spanish conducted in the Southwest, and as late as 1824 Miera y

_ Pacheca’s map, a rather fanciful version of the country they traversed, was the basis for all maps of that region, including Humboldt’s map of New Spain of 1811, Pike’s maps of 1810, and the great Lewis and Clark maps of 1810-20.

But even after that, Spanish exploration in the Great Basin country was not concluded. In an almost forgotten expedition of

1811, Don José Rafael Serracino, the postmaster of New Mexico, , led a party out of Santa Fe in an effort to locate a mysterious Spanish settlement, which the Utes asserted lay beyond their territory in a country completely surrounded by wild Indians. Serracino’s

party traveled for three months northward past the Ute country until they were finally stopped by a “large river,” possibly the Snake

but probably the Grand, which they could not cross. “There he found,” according to the fragmentary account of his trek given by Pino, “many articles manufactured by Spaniards such as knives, razors, and awls; he obtained the same information there, that the manufacturers of those articles lived across the river (somewhere between the north and west ).” But, “since they could not tell him _ exactly where he could cross the river, he decided to return home.”

No one knows for certain just where Serracino’s exploration took him, but it is possible that he journeyed north and west past the Bear River and the Great Salt Lake to the Snake River, where he -~met some Indians who had had contact with the Columbia River tribes and others who were familiar with the Spanish coastal opera-

2. See my footnote 7, p. 39.

3. Pedro Bautista Pino: “Exposici6n sucinta y sencilla de la Provincia de Nuevo Mexico,” in H. B. Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, eds.: Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque, N.M.: The Quivira Society; 1942), p. 134. See also William Davis Robinson letter of March 10, 1821, in Niles National Register, Vol. XX (1821), pp. 22—3, which presents a confused account of a

| Mexican expedition in 1811 similar to and possibly identical with Pino's. |

|

70 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE tions at Nootka. If this is the case, then perhaps Serracino was pursuing the same mythical Spanish towns near the Snake that drew John Colter south from Jackson’s Hole in 1808. Perhaps, even

if he only reached the Grand River, what the Indians were in fact referring to was one of Manuel Lisa’s trading parties. In any case, the references in Drouillard’s map to Spaniards ten days’ march to the south of the Yellowstone no longer seem farfetched, nor do Lewis and Clark’s references to Spanish activity just south of Col-

ter’s route.

Spanish expeditions north into the Rockies, the Great Basin, and even to the Yellowstone continued well into the nineteenth century. As late as 1851, Brigham Young felt obliged to issue an order expelling all Mexican traders from Utah because they were dealing in

captured Indian slaves and children kidnapped from Mormon outposts.* Thus, when the American traders trekked north from Abiquiu to the Green River, they were actually not traversing new

country, but their achievement was important nonetheless. One of the traders was the portly Etienne Provost, whose band of trappers had been all but annihilated by the Utes under chief Bad Gotcha on the Jordan River in Utah the previous year.® Provost, Le Clerc, Becknell, Huddart, Wolfskill, or any of the men who led the swarm of parties that trapped in 1824 on the Green River and into the Great Basin might well have been the first to see the Great Salt

Lake (which no Spaniard records having seen), but to this date strict historical evidence awards the honor to Jim Bridger, who was part of Ashley’s brigade entering from the east via the Missouri and the Green and Bear rivers.®

J While files of American traders and trappers were meeting on the Green River in what because of its central location would become after 1825 an annual rendezvous, other men from Taos and Santa Fe were branching out to the West along the Gila and its tributaries to California. In 1824 a curious father-and-son combina4. See footnote 1, p. 68. Also see Lavender: Bent’s Fort, pp. 58-61. 5. Morgan: Jedediah Smith, pp. 147-8. 6. Ibid., pp. 182—3. See also the letter from Robert Campbell to Lt. G. K. Warren, April 4, 1857, in Reports of Explorations and Surveys, to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical Route for a Railroad From the Mississippi

River to the Pacific Ocean ... (Washington, 1859), Vol. XI, p. 35.

|

The Rediscovery of the Southwest — 71 tion rode into the New Mexican capital at the head of Sylvestre Pratte’s trading expedition.’ In a scene that resembled something out of a novel by Charles Dickens, Sylvestre Pattie of Gasconade, _ Missouri, despondent over the death of his wife, had left his eight small children with neighbors and relatives. Taking his eldest son, a brash young man named James Ohio, he had shed a tear and turned his back forever on family and civilization, to seek peace and

perhaps fortune out West. Ignorant of the intricacies of the fur trade, but excellent woodsmen, the Patties made their way up the Missouri as far as Council Bluffs, where they were turned back for neglecting to obtain a license to trap on the upper rivers. Instead of obtaining the license, however, father and son turned west to the Platte River, where they joined Sylvestre Pratte’s train for Santa Fe. Because of his frontier and military experience, the elder Pattie was elected leader of the train. No sooner had they arrived in New Mexico than fortune favored

them. The younger Pattie rescued the beautiful daughter of a former Spanish governor from “a fate worse than death” as a captive of the Comanches. When he deposited the rescued maiden, clad only

in his old leather hunting shirt, on her father’s doorstep, Pattie received official permission to ignore the governor’s edict against American trappers in New Mexico, and his career as an explorer

and trapper began.

Pattie’s story is a remarkable one.* How much is truth and how much is fiction no one will ever know—especially from his romantic Personal Narrative, which was published in 1831. Nevertheless, certain facts do emerge. In 1824, thanks to James Ohio’s gallant rescue, the Patties were able to trap along the Gila River of Arizona. Then in 1826, while Sylvestre Pattie took charge of the Santa Rita Copper Mines in the Sierra Mimbres of southwestern New Mexico, young

James Ohio Pattie, in the face of his father’s misgivings, joined Michel Robideau’s party of French-Canadian trappers bound for the Gila River and the Colorado. This party was massacred by normally friendly Papago Indians near the site of present-day Phoenix, Ari7. James O. Pattie: The Personal Narrative of James O. Pattie of Kentucky,

Timothy Flint, ed. (Cincinnati, Ohio: John H. Woods; 1831). Reference

rative. ,

based on J. B. Lippincott edition (Philadelphia, 1962), p. 40. Pattie’s dates are frequently confused. For an adjustment of his chronology, see J. J. Hill: “New

Light on Pattie and the Southwestern Fur Trade,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXVI (Jan. 1923), pp. 243-54. Also see Robert Glass Cleland: This Reckless Breed of Men (New York: Alfred A. Knopf; 1952), passim.

8. Unless otherwise stated, this account is based on Pattie: Personal Nar-

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oom McKenzie, 1818-21 ( partly conjectural)

@-@-0-@-0@=06- Bourdon, 1822 (conjectural)

eeevcesoooe Work test — — =n a ome Hudson’ s Bay Brigade Routes to California

Canada Moves South 91 on the rail Spanish river.” By this he undoubtedly meant the Green.

Moreover, his letter added: “Sa the Musasoury Last fall down as far is the falls,” which indicates that from the Green he made his way north as far as the Great Falls of the Missouri. Most interest-

| ing perhaps of all, he wrote “that Part of the Cuntrie is rouint of _ Beaver By the Americans for they hade fort there fue years agoe about 42 mile beloe Corta is old Fort.”! In speaking of “Corta is old Fort,” he was perhaps referring to the activities of a veteran French-Canadian trader named Courtin who had penetrated the _ Upper Missouri country shortly after Lewis and Clark.’ The third of McKenzie’s successors was his friend Alexander Ross, whose The Fur Hunters of the Far West is the only account _ of many of his adventures. Ross, in leading his brigade, experienced

_ the greatest hardship of all, being snowbound near present-day Sun Valley, Idaho, for over a month, with starvation and mutiny ever imminent. More important, Ross inadvertently brought the British fur trade back into direct contact with the Americans when

on October 12, 1824, a party of his Iroquois hunters returned to camp with eight American trappers who had saved their lives. The Americans were led by Jedediah Smith, and before the season was

| over they accompanied Ross and his men back to the Flathead Post __ —all the while reconnoitering the British operation completely. _ The Company’s home office called it a colossal blunder; after he served a short term at Flathead House, it rudely sent Ross off to retirement on the Red River. Smith’s expedition was the opening pressure of an American wedge that would eventually drive the

British from the Snake and the Columbia. Before this happened, | however, it would be 1811 all over again and the battle for the continent would have to be fought once more. 1 Ibid., pp. 122~3; Ross: Fur Hunters, p. 208. 2. See my Chapter 2, footnote 6, p. 45. 3. Ross: Fur Hunters, pp. 208-93. See also the manuscript version of Ross’s book, in the Yale Collection of Western Americana. Ross described Smith and his trappers as “shrewd, well-meaning men,” but his English editor, who appears to have censored as well as edited the manuscript, struck out the adjective “well-meaning,” leaving Jedediah and his men merely “shrewd” to the readers of Ross’s printed account. Sée especially p. 285. 4. Lavender: Land of Giants, p. 125; Frederick Merk: Fur Trade and Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; 1931), pp. 46, 351.

92 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE D Fortunately for the Hudson’s Bay Company, it had a number of officers who were equal to the task, and for nearly twenty years they managed to obstruct the American advance. One man in particular made a vital contribution. This was George Simpson. Only thirtytwo years old in the spring of 1824, Simpson had had an amazing four-year career in the Hudson’s Bay Company, rising from a raw

recruit to the position of joint governor of the entire Company. In 1824, partly as a result of information gained on his whirlwind tour of the Western outposts, but primarily on the basis of instructions from London that were similar in nature to those sent to the Royal Governors in the eighteenth-century American colonies, | Simpson began the reorganization of the Western Department.° Since the overall Company strategy appears to have been based | upon the expectation of an eventual American triumph in the Far West, Simpson set about developing the coastal trade by establishing a new port at the mouth of the Frazier River, in the event that

they would have to pull back from the Columbia. Then he established a new base, Fort Vancouver, farther inland along the Columbia River. Moreover, all other posts were either abandoned or forced into the strictest economy. As a final stroke, he appointed the ruth-

less Peter Skene Ogden leader of the Snake River brigade, with orders to range as far south as possible and to take the maximum , amount of beaver wherever he went. Scorched earth was the policy.

Ogden was to create a fur desert, a burned-over district into and beyond which it would not be profitable for rival American traders to pass. In the process, the Company would of course take maximum profits.®

The appointment of Ogden had great importance for the history of exploration, since he proved to be the greatest of all the British fur-trader explorers. The son of an American Loyalist who fled to _ Canada during the Revolution, Ogden was born in Quebec in 1797." 5. Merk: Fur Trade and Empire, passim. See also Lavender: Land of Giants, pp. 117—18, for a colorful description of Simpson’s visit to the Western out-

B Morgan: Jedediah Smith, pp. 131-2; Merk: Fur Trade and Empire, pp. 44-8, 252; E. E. Rich, ed.: Peter Skene Ogden’s Snake Country Journal (London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society; 1950), pp. xxxvii-li.

7. Biographical details based on T. C. Elliott: “Peter Skene Ogden, Fur

Canada Moves South 93 At the age of seventeen, he joined the Northwest Company as a clerk and during the years of conflict with the Hudson’s Bay Company he gained a reputation as the meanest and most ruthless of antagonists. Just for fun, he once forced a companion to climb a tree and then set fire to its lower extremities. On another occasion he assaulted a Hudson’s Bay official in his own post, leaving him at the point of death; and later, when he captured the post, he imprisoned twenty men, women, and children on starvation rations and with no sanitary facilities. So bad had his reputation grown that by 1820 he had been forced to flee to the Northwest country to stay beyond reach of the law. With the merger of the Hudson’s Bay and Northwest companies, his name was dropped from the employment roll with what seems to have been very little regret. Thus, when Simpson personally saw to his reinstatement and assignment to the Snake River Brigade, it was clear that the “Honorable Company” meant to turn its “ultimate weapon” loose on the Americans.

6 Whatever he had been before, however, Ogden led his outcast Snake Brigade with honor and skill for the next six years. Beginning with his first expedition into the Snake country, he repeatedly faced

disaster and survived. On December 20, 1824, he left Flathead House with a party of fifty-eight people, including the engagés and their wives and children. By the time he reached the Hell Gate on the Bitterroot River, near Missoula, Montana, he also had Jedediah Smith and his seven men for company. Then followed nearly two months of leapfrogging southward to the beaver country, with first Ogden, then Smith trapping out ahead. When they reached Bear River on April 26, near the present-day town of Grace,

Idaho, Smith and his men departed for good, leaving Ogden to move farther south into Cache Valley. On the march south, according to William Kittson, who kept a journal, one of Ogden’s trappers, Thomas McKay, climbed a high mountain and saw far to the west “a large lake which Bear River falls into.”$ It was the first con| Trader,” Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. II (March—Dec. 1910), pp. 2293 78; and Rich: Snake Country Journals, pp. xi—lxxix.

, (p. 40, n. 1). | , 8. Rich: Snake Country Journals, Appendix A, p. 232. Rich speculates that

| Ogden’s first camp on Bear River “may have been near Grace, Idaho”

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They had been out thirty-two days from the camp on the Stanislaus, and still the Salt Lake was not in sight. With Gobel and Evans

in a state of near despair, and food and water running low, Smith pushed on as fast and as far as he could, making as much as forty miles a day over the burning salt plain. On the twenty-fifth of June, in the bright sun of ten o’clock in the morning, Robert Evans gave out, and Smith and Gobel were forced to leave him stretched out on the plain under the shade of a small cedar tree. As Smith put it: We could do no good by remaining to die with him and we were

not able to help him along, but we left him with feelings only 3. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, p. 69. Francis Farquhar: “Jedediah Smith and the First Crossing of the Sierra Nevada,” Sierra Club Bulletin, Vol. XXVIII (June 1943), pp. 36—53.

4. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, pp. 69-70. 5. Sullivan: Travels of Smith, p. 19. My account is based on Smith’s journal, which is reproduced in Sullivan: Travels of Smith.

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The Mountain Men 135 known to those who have been in the same situation and with

the hope that we might get relief and return in time to save his life.®

Fortune favored them. After traveling for about three miles they reached a mountain, “and there,” Smith recalled, “to our inexpressable joy we found water. Gobel plunged into it at once, and I could

hardly wait to bath my burning forehead before I was pouring it down ... regardless of the consequences.” As soon as they could, they hurried back and revived Evans, then once again they pushed forward into the unknown. At last, on June 27, they came to a ridge, and ascending it they saw before them the

Great Salt Lake. They had done what no other white man, and probably no Indian, had ever done before. They had crossed the continent at its most difficult, over its highest mountains and across

its largest desert, the vast, primeval lake bed that was the Great Basin. For Jedediah Smith it was almost like a homecoming. Their troubles were not over, however, once they reached the lake. Crossing the Jordan River near its mouth took two days, and Smith _

almost drowned. Then they marched through Indian country past the lake, up the Bear River, and on July 3 they rode suddenly down out of the hills and into the trappers’ rendezvous, where, as Smith put it: “My arrival caused considerable bustle in camp, for myself and party had been given up as lost. A small Cannon brought up from St. Louis was loaded and fired for a salute.”®

15 Jedediah’s achievement as an explorer had been considerable. Not since Escalante had anyone penetrated the country west of the Colorado and south of the Great Basin. Smith and his men, follow-

ing the intricate canyons of the Virgin River as far as the lower Colorado, had all but laid out what was to become in a few years “the Old Spanish Trail” to California. They were the first after Garcés to follow the ancient Indian trading route over the Mojave Desert on into California. And they were the first Americans, perhaps even the first white men, to explore the great interior valleys of that pastoral province, and in so doing they discovered for them6. Ibid., p. 21. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid., p. 26.

136 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE selves California’s potential as a promised land for American settlers. But the greatest achievement of all belonged exclusively to Smith and his two companions Gobel and Evans. They were the _ first to cross eastward over the High Sierras, and they were the first to conquer the sandy wastes of the Great Basin. In only one respect

| had Jedediah failed. He had not found the Buenaventura, or any other easy highway to California across the arid wastes west of the Salt Lake.

However, when he crossed the Sierras and headed into the Great

_ Basin he had turned east at a latitude so far south that he could not be certain that a river did not cross the mountains farther north and flow down into the Sacramento, which he had come to call the Buenaventura. In point of fact, he had missed what would become the great immigrant highway of the future—the Humboldt River, which Peter Skene Ogden discovered a few years later. But Jedediah Smith was, after all, a fur trapper and his prime concern at the summer rendezvous was the party of men and the cache of beaver that he had left out in California in charge of Harrison Rogers. As soon as he could, he assembled a new party of eighteen men and started south past the Salt Lake and up over the rim of the Great Basin for the Mojave Villages on the lower Seedskeedee.® His route south on the second expedition varied slightly from that of his first, and when he reached the Mojave Villages his reception was completely different. During the months that had intervened between this and his last visit, the Mojaves had suffered a defeat at the hands of another party of white men—trappers from Taos led by Sylvestre Pratte who had killed a number of their tribe in a pitched battle. The atmosphere was definitely ominous when Smith and his men arrived at the Mojave Villages, but the Indians did not make their move until the final day, when they caught Smith and his whole party engaged in ferrying their supplies across the Colorado River. In a sudden attack they killed ten men and captured two squaws, destroying the entire party on the eastern bank of the Colorado. Smith and eight men were left stranded on a raft in midriver with only five guns, few supplies, and very little ammunition. Miraculously, they made their escape by drifting downstream and constructing a fort on the opposite riverbank, where they were able to hold off the Indians until nightfall and then made their escape westward into the desert. Even here they were not out of danger, for they were far south 9. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, pp. 70-1. 1. Morgan: Jedediah Smith, p. 239.

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— The Mountain Men 137 of the old Indian caravan route and it required all of Smith’s skill to bring them north again and locate the Mojave River, with its life-giving water. They made it, however, and on August 28, 1827,

they crossed over Cajon Pass and descended into the San Bernardino Valley, to throw themselves once more on the hospitality of the Spaniards. This time Smith and his men were not well received at all by _ the Mexican authorities, and a delay of two months ensued. Only after an American ship captain agreed to act as his sponsor was Smith allowed to depart. Ultimately, however, he went by sea aboard the ship Franklin and met his men near San Francisco, where they had been held in protective custody by the cornandante while Smith awaited the Governor’s pleasure. On December 30, 1827, he and his men took up the trail again, and this time made

their way north up the Sacramento and out of California. They had, in Smith’s words, “returned again to the woods, the river, the prairie, the Camp and the Game.” In retrospect, they would have been better off, had they stayed in California.

Smith’s route north took him to the head of the Sacramento, then west, probably via the Trinity River, to the coast, which he followed more or less, at times being forced inland by the terrain, until he reached the Umpqua River, on July 13, 1828. His route was such that it remained an open question whether the Buenaventura or any river like it in fact existed, for at the head of the Sacramento he turned toward the coast and thus did not explore the Pit River country, through which such a river might possibly flow. Instead, traveling via the coast, they reached the Umpqua, where they learned from the Indians that the Multnomah, or Willamette, was not far to the north. On the verge of reaching civilization, in the Hudson’s Bay domain, they relaxed, made camp, and

set their beaver traps. Smith and two men set out upstream in a canoe to look for game. He had not gone far when Indians swarmed

over his camp and in a brutal hand-to-hand fight overwhelmed and massacred all his men except Arthur Black, who, though wounded by a tomahawk, fled into the woods and escaped, carrying with him unforgettable scenes of his companions of the trail being beaten to death or scalped by the savages. 2. My account of Smith’s 1827 expedition is based primarily on Smith’s Journal, published in Sullivan: Travels of Smith, pp. 26-105; and Harrison G. Rogers’s second Journal, published in Dale: Ashley-Smith, pp. 242-75.

These are supplemented by Morgan: Jedediah Smith, and Morgan and

| Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps.

138 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Smith, too, nearly lost his life when his Indian guides set on him, but he and his two men managed to escape. Hurrying back to camp, they ascended a low hill and, looking down on their camp-

site, saw nothing but the battered remains of their companions. Knowing that their Indian enemies were all around, Smith and his men headed into the woods and, like Arthur Black, eventually made it in safety all the way to the Hudson’s Bay Company headquarters at Fort Vancouver. Back on the Umpqua lay his massacred band, men worth remembering: Rogers, Gaster, Hanna, Laplante, Lazarus, McCoy, Ranne, Reed, Daws, Lapoint, Marechal, Palmer, Swift, and Virgin. It was the worst disaster in the history of the fur trade. Altogether in his operations of 1827 Smith had lost twenty-

six men in two massacres, almost twice as many as Ashley had lost in the Arikara disaster which had closed the Missouri River in 1823.

16 At Fort Vancouver Smith and his men were treated with courtesies far beyond those required of protocol between two international business rivals. In the fall of 1828 Dr. McLoughlin dispatched

an expedition south under Alexander McLeod to recover Smith’s furs and equipment. Amazingly enough, a large part of the furs and much of the equipment, such as Jedediah Smith’s own journal in Harrison Rogers’s notebook, were eventually recovered from the Indians. The furs were sold to the Hudson’s Bay Company at a reasonable price, and the notebooks Smith retained when he returned to United States territory in the spring and summer of 1829. Smith remained at Fort Vancouver until March 12, 1829, when he took his departure in a boat bound upriver to Fort Colville near the Kettle Falls of the Columbia. During his stay at Fort Vancouver, Smith had had the opportunity of meeting the energetic Governor Simpson and of being present at the beginning of the construction of the new Fort Vancouver. Though Simpson was inclined to consider Smith an uncouth American, relations were cordial and Smith, in addition to passing on a certain amount of misinformation con-

cerning the interior country, also apparently drew a map for Dr. McLoughlin, which has not yet been found.’ Most significant of all, as his letter of October 29, 1830, to the United States Secretary of 3. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, p. 15.

|

The Mountain Men 139 War indicates (see p. 103), he kept his eyes open and noted the possibilities for a permanent agricultural and commercial settlement in the Northwest. In addition he passed on to the Secretary of War such data as the number of cattle and horses possessed by the British, the yield of corn and grain, and the number of cannon guarding Fort Vancouver. It was an excellent intelligence report. His long letter, co-signed by his partners, David E. Jackson and William Sublette—chronicling the ease with which loaded wagons and even milk cows could be taken over the prairies, through the Rocky Mountains via the South Pass, and from there all the way to the Pacific—was one of the most important contributions to a practical knowledge of the West ever made.* This letter by Smith, Jackson, and Sublette gained national prominence as Senate Document 39 of the second session of the Twentyfirst Congress of the United States. Along with it appeared two other

documents of the greatest significance which point up clearly the vital role of the mountain-man explorer in creating an image of the Far West and its destiny for the nation as a whole. The first of these was a report by William H. Ashley himself, calling for federal aid to the hazardous fur trade in the form of reduced tariffs on trade goods and a company of mounted riflemen to protect the trappers and traders.® As such, it was symptomatic of the instinctive reliance

of the Western entrepreneur on government aid in settling the West, as was mentioned at the outset of this chapter.

The other document was a report by Joshua Pilcher, another mountain man and head of the Missouri Fur Company. Pilcher had

spent the years 1827-30 out in the mountains, and he had made a thorough reconnaissance of all the British trading posts from Fort Vancouver north to Fort Colville and east across Canada to Lake Superior. His report was, if anything, more authoritative than that

of Smith, Jackson, and Sublette. Pilcher’s theme was simple. He described Fort Vancouver as a paradise for farming, cattle raising, and shipbuilding, a place “where a great city and powerful nation will eventually grow up,” and he voiced strong fears that the British would grasp this potential before the United States. Then, as if to point the way west for his countrymen, he declared that “nothing is more easily passed” than the Rocky Mountains. By the “head of the Platte,” he wrote, “I have crossed ... often, and always without delay or difficulty. It is in fact one of the best passes and presents 4. See my Chapter 3, pp. 103-4, for a discussion of this document. It is reproduced in Morgan: Jedediah Smith, pp. 343-8. 5. 21st Cong., 2nd sess., Sen. Doc. 39 (1831).

a

140 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

the best overland route from the valley of the Mississippi to the mouth of the Columbia. .. .”* Taken together, these three documents —Ashley’s letter on the fur trade; that of Smith, Jackson, and Sublette; and Pilcher’s report on the suitability of Oregon for settlement

and the easy overland road thereto—constituted what might be called the first emigrant guide to the Far West. Though it lacked the

all-important map and precise instructions as to the trail, it presented an accurate picture of the Far West and its potential, and in general indicated the way in which this paradise could be reached. And as a final touch it called upon the federal government

to see to it that American emigrants did reach the Columbia and that it would be secured to the United States. No clearer evidence of the mountain-man explorer’s sense of national mission exists.

17 When Smith departed from the Hudson’s Bay post at Fort Colville, his days as an explorer were not yet finished. From Colville he went north all the way to the Canadian border and beyond. Then he turned south and met his partner David E. Jackson just north

of Flathead Lake. From there the two moved south through the _ now familiar Bitterroot Valley and crossed over Monida Pass to Henry’s Fork of the Snake, where they met Sublette and accompanied his party to the rendezvous at Pierre’s Hole just west of the

| Tetons. In the fall of 1829 Smith and Sublette coursed north and , then east, passing just south of the Yellowstone Park area. An attack by Blackfeet scattered their party, and some of the men were

reunited, picturesquely enough, according to Joe Meek, right in

the midst of one of the geyser basins." |

No fur-trade party tarried long in Yellowstone Park, however, and this was no exception. Smith and his men crossed the ranges

due east of the park area, just as John Colter must have done twenty-two years before, and then headed down into the Big Horn Basin. Eventually they trapped their way south across the Basin, over the Owl Creek Mountains, and into the Wind River Valley, which they found unsuitable for a winter encampment. Ultimately

they moved north once again, to a winter encampment on the 6. Ibid.

7. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, pp. 77-8; Francis

Fuller Victor: The River of the West (Hartford, Conn.: R. W. Bliss & Co.; | 1870), Pp. 75-7. ,

The Mountain Men 141 Powder River, probably where it enters the mountains east of the Big Horn Basin.®

In the spring of 1830 Smith led one more hunt, this time west into the heart of the Blackfeet country around the Judith River tributary of the Missouri. But the Blackfeet were everywhere and trapping was not profitable.? By summer rendezvous time, he had had enough of the mountains. His letters of the previous year indicated that he longed for home and the companionship of what was left of his family and old friends.’ So that summer, at the rendezvous on the Popo Agee, or Upper Wind River, where Sublette brought his loaded wagons for the first time, Jedediah Smith sold out his interest in the fur trade and left the mountains forever.

He purchased a farm, and a town house with two servants in St. Louis, intending to enjoy the civilized affluence of an Ashley or a Chouteau. He had not turned entirely away from the West, however. The following spring of 1831, in one more attempt to add to his fortune before he settled down as a merchant with his brother, he headed into the Southwest at the head of a caravan bound for Santa Fe. While looking for water on the ever dangerous Cimarron | crossing, he met his death at the hands of Comanche warriors.” With his passing, at the age of thirty-two, was lost one of the greatest of all American explorers.

| Is

When Jedediah Smith died, much of his knowledge of the West died with him—as happened with so many of the great fur-trade

explorers. In the case of Jedediah Smith, this was an immense loss, for he had seen more of the West than any other man, and with a natural genius for geographic detail, greater even than that of Lewis and Clark, he had understood much of what he saw in geographic terms. It had been his intention when he returned from Santa Fe to bring together this knowledge, so painfully acquired, in the form of a journal and master map of the whole West, 8. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, pp. 78-9. 9. Ibid., pp. 79—80.

1. See Morgan: Jedediah Smith, Appendix B, pp. 349-66, where these letters are reproduced. I have also examined the original letters, which are in the Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. One other letter is in the possession of Mr. Floyd Risvold of Minneapolis, Minnesota. I saw a copy at the Kansas State Historical Society. 2. Morgan: Jedediah Smith, pp. 329-30.

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142 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE which he hoped to publish.’ Instead, his journals passed into the hands of Ashley, who did not publish them, although he did preserve them. All of Smith’s maps, however, disappeared. Thus, only fragments of what he had learned passed on to the generations immediately succeeding him, and this in widely scattered and ineffectual ways. His letters received widespread notice, especially that of July 12, 1827, to General William Clark, which was eventually published in France in the Nouvelle Annales des Voyages.* Some of the information he communicated to Dr. McLoughlin at Fort Vancouver found its way into the maps of Aaron Arrowsmith and A. H. Brué in Paris.’ General William Ashley passed on his copy of a Jedediah Smith map to David Burr, the official cartog-

| rapher of the House of Representatives, and Burr’s map of 1839 was perhaps the best representation of Jedediah’s geographical knowledge made public before modern times. Somehow, too, knowledge of Smith’s trek across the Great Basin reached the aged

Albert Gallatin in New York, and Gallatin incorporated Smith’s march on his “Map of the Indian Tribes of North America,” published as part of the American Antiquarian Society Transactions in 1836.7 And finally, as recently as 1953, the scholar Carl I. Wheat discovered perhaps the most thorough evidence of Smith’s mastery of Western geography, a Frémont map of 1845 on which Dr. George

Gibbs of Oregon, apparently using a Smith manuscript map, had sketched in almost all of the geographical knowledge that Smith had had, even adding notes made by Smith himself on his map.® From this it is possible to make a fair assessment of what Smith and his contemporaries had learned of the West—a vital part of the intellectual history of its time. In its broadest terms, the Frémont-Gibbs-Smith map fills in the entire country between the region covered by the Lewis and Clark map of 1814 and that covered by Zebulon Pike’s maps of the Southwest, and where it overlaps the other two maps it offers a correction of their geography. Its main contributions are: 3. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, p. 15. 4. “Excursion a Youest des Monts Rocky, extrait d’une lettre de M. Jedediah Smith ... Saint Louis ... 11 Oct. 1827,” Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, Vol. XXXVII (second series, Vol. VII), Paris, 1828, pp. 208—12.

6. Ibid.

5. Morgan and Wheat: Jedediah Smith and His Maps, pp. 15-26.

Vol. II (1836). | 7. Albert Gallatin: “Map of the Indian Tribes of North America,” American Antiquarian Society, Archaeologica Americana, Transactions and Collections,

8. Morgan and Wheat: Jedidiah Smith and His Maps, pp. 38-9.

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Something More Than Beaver 171 had no real experience in the Far West with its mountains and deserts, but it did number a family of Kentucky hunters, a few frontier veterans, and some border adventurers. It also included five hardy women and ten children. Setting out into the unknown with

no maps, no familiarity with landmarks, and only vague hearsay directions to guide them, they nevertheless persevered through heat and thirst and near-starvation, to blaze a first crude emigrant trail into California.

| From Soda Springs they followed the Bear River south almost to Great Salt Lake and then turned west into the barren desert-like

country north of the lake. Guided by Indians, they swung south at a point just below the Idaho border and reached Rabbit Spring, a forlorn spot. There the real hardships began as they failed to find the headwaters of Ogden’s River, their only guide to California. When they reached Pilot Peak, a prominent landmark due west of Salt Lake, they had begun to abandon their wagons and supplies, and by the time they crossed the Ruby Mountains, which jutted up out of the desert south of Ogden’s (Humboldt ) River, they had left all their wagons behind and converted to pack mules. In mid-September, however, they reached Ogden’s River, and from that point on followed it as far as the Sinks forty miles east of the Sierras. Their trail across the mountains was via Sonora Pass

and the Stanislaus River into central California, a difficult and dangerous route that proved to be generally impractical for anything but pack trains. Finally, however, on October 30, 1841, worn out by the mountain country and much reduced by a starvation diet of mule meat, coyote, and acorns, they came at last to the Valley

of the San Joaquin and their destination—Marsh’s Ranch. They were the first emigrant party to reach California, proving, with incredible perseverance and hardship, that it could be done. The experience of the Bartleson-Bidwell party proved valuable. J. B. Chiles, one of the group, headed back East the following year,

determined to lead another party to California. His return route took him via Tejon and Walker’s Pass across the southern flank of the Sierras into the Great Basin, then north to the Humboldt River. He followed the Humboldt as far as he could, then struck out overland to Fort Hall in Idaho. From Fort Hall he made a personal exploration of the Rocky Mountain West on a grand scale, heading due south to the headwaters of Bear River, then across to the Green, and then to the Old Spanish Trail, which he followed into Santa Fe. He reached Independence, Missouri, via the Santa Fe Trail, which

172 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

map, p. 48.) | |

by 1842 had become a well-marked avenue of commerce.‘ (See In 1843 Chiles made use of the experience he had gained as he led another emigrant party West to California. However, when he got as far as Fort Hall he abandoned the Humboldt River—Great Basin route and continued on to Fort Boise in western Idaho. From © there he blazed a trail due west via the Malheur River of Oregon and the forbidding country which surrounded it, to the Pit River country —

of northern California. By the time he and his party reached the coastal province, they too had been forced to abandon their wagons.

With great hardship, they made their way, sometimes hopelessly lost, across the lava beds and through the rough timbered country around Mt. Shasta, down into the Sacramento Valley. In attempting to turn the northern flank of the Sierras, Chiles had not been much more successful than had the leaders of the Bartleson-Bidwell party

in their march to the south.

Also in 1843, however, the mountain veteran Joseph Walker led a

party on a more direct route to the Humboldt River via Thousand Springs Creek. Continuing south past the Humboldt Sinks, the Walker party entered Owens Valley and successfully crossed over Walker Pass into the San Joaquin Valley. However, despite Walker’s

great experience and unsurpassed knowledge of the country, this party too was forced to abandon its wagons and hence could not claim the distinction of being the first to lay out a true emigrant

trail to California.® | |

This objective was attained by the Stevens-Murphy party in 1844 in what could be called the most important of all the overland trail explorations of the early emigrant period.” The party, which formed

at Council Bluffs, Iowa, in the spring of 1844, was composed of , twenty-three men, eight women, and fifteen children. More than half of this number consisted of the numerous members of the family of Patrick Murphy, a Missouri farmer. But, most important,

it also included at least three experienced mountain men: Caleb Greenwood, who had been to Oregon with the Astorians; Isaac Hitchcock, a veteran of forty years in the fur trade, who may have 4. Stewart: California Trail, pp. 32-5.

5. Ibid., Ibid.,pp. pp.42—51. 36-46. || 6.

7. Ibid., pp. 53-74. See also George R. Stewart, ed.: The Opening of the California Trail (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press; 1953), , which reprints the reminiscences of the Stevens-Murphy party of 1844.

Something More Than Beaver 173 been one of Bonneville’s men; and Elisha Stevens. Stevens was chosen the leader, and his knowledge and resourcefulness seems to have been chiefly responsible for the success of the expedition. They left Council Bluffs on about May 18, taking what was later

called the Mormon Trail north of the Platte River. By the fourth of July they had passed Fort Laramie and reached Independence Rock in time for an appropriate celebration. After they crossed South Pass and descended the Little Sandy, which flows to the Pacific, Isaac Hitchcock, who knew something of this particular stretch of the country, persuaded them to strike out due west across

the sage plain of western Wyoming toward the Green River (see map, p. 170). This required several days of hard travel, and then more difficult days from the Green to the Bear River, where they again struck the Oregon Trail. In making this forced march, they had laid out what came to be known as Sublette’s Cut-off. A famous

and important variation of both the Oregon and the California trails, this was essentially the track followed by numerous parties of early Rocky Mountain trappers as they headed for the beaver

grounds of the Green and Bear rivers. : _ At Fort Hall, Stevens and his party learned nothing of the fate of the expeditions, such as Walker’s, which had preceded them the year before. They were able to follow Walker’s tracks to the Humboldt River, however, after which they coursed down the Humboldt

_ to the now familiar Sinks. On this part of the trail, neither Greenwood nor Hitchcock was much help, but at the Sinks they met an old Indian chief named Truckee who directed them westward to a pass over the Sierras. With Stevens and two other members of

the party riding out ahead as scouts, the emigrants headed directly | - across Forty Mile Desert and into the mountains. This was the first. of a series of crucial decisions that resulted in the final breaking of the California Trail. Following the Truckee River, they passed Truckee Meadows, the site of modern Reno, and began the climb to Donner Lake high in

the mountains. By the time they reached the lake, the party had split into two sections. One small band, under Dr. John Townsend, mounted on horseback, headed due south and reached Lake Tahoe, from which point they easily crossed over to the American River and arrived at Sutter’s Fort. The main force, under Stevens, decided to abandon six wagons and most of the nonessential supplies at Donner Lake, leaving three men behind in a winter cabin to _ guard them. Then, with tremendous labor, they pushed and hauled

|

|

174 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE the rest of the wagons over the steep granite wall north of the lake that marked the crest of Donner Pass and the final entry into Cali-

fornia. Thus they were the first to take wagons down into the promised land, marking a clear but difficult trail for others to follow. It was a feat of exploration which because of the number of people involved has never been recognized as such. Stevens, Greenwood, Hitchcock, Murphy, and the others have, of course, received wide recognition as pioneers in California migration, but only rarely have they been classed as the important explorers that simple jus-

tice entitles them to be. | :

The rest of their story has little to do with exploration, but it does reflect something of the measure of the men (and women). Partway down the western slope of the Sierra, with snow descending in great quantities, the emigrants set up a winter camp. The women, one of whom had just been delivered of a baby, settled down to await the spring thaw. Most of the men marched off to Sutter’s Fort, where they took part in the Micheltorena uprising. that eventually culminated in the Bear Flag Revolt. At Donner Lake, the three men left with the wagons and property found themselves virtually buried by the deep snows that covered their cabin. Two of

the men, who were adept at manipulating snowshoes, set out for California, leaving behind Moses Schallenbarger, a teen-age member of the party who volunteered to sit out the long winter by himself

| rather than take to snowshoes. By the time spring came, most people had given up Schallenbarger for lost, but when Dennis Martin, who risked death himself in the still deep snows of Donner Pass, reached the lakeside cabin, he found Schallenbarger alive and in good condition. The young pioneer had managed to feed himself on foxes, which he trapped, and to keep his sanity by reading all of Dr. Townsend’s many books left in the cabin. And so, unlike the later expedition of 1846, which gave Donner Lake and Donner Pass

their names, this one had a happy ending.® | By the end of 1844 the trail to California was a fact, and members of the Stevens party, such as Caleb Greenwood, returned East to lead more emigrants over the route the following year. In 1845 two parties took the Stevens trail, one led by Greenwood, another by Lansford W. Hastings, a scout who had come to California by way of Oregon.® Frémont, too, pioneered a trail across the Great 8. Ibid., pp. 74-80. The reminiscences of Moses Schallenbarger are included in Stewart: The Opening of the California Trail.

9. Ibid., pp. 84—105.

|

Something More Than Beaver 175 Basin in that year, though it proved to be of little immediate use to emigrants.! Also in 1845, Hastings published his famous Emigrant’s Guide to Oregon and California, based on material gleaned from Frémont’s reports and data compiled from his own Western wanderings.” It became for a time the most famous of all emigrant guides and gained Hastings sufficient prestige as a scout to enable him to lead several parties west directly across the Great Basin Desert on a route that he improvised as he went along. There followed the disastrous crossing of the Donner party in 1846, however, in which under Hastings’ leadership the emigrants became trapped in the winter snows of Donner Pass and were reduced to starvation

and cannibalism. By 1849 Hastings’ reputation as a guide and explorer had sunk to a proper level of insignificance, if not disgrace.’ As the 1840’s passed, new overland routes were opened up almost every year (see map, p. 170). In 1846 Jessie Applegate and a com-

pany of Oregonians searched out a trail from southern Oregon to

| Lassen’s Meadows in northern California.4 The Aram company of | emigrants laid out a new version of the Truckee Trail over the mountains via Coldstream and Emigrant canyons.’ And also in 1846, T. H. Jefferson produced a map based on his experiences with

had seen.® |

Hastings which provided an accurate rendering of all the trails he In 1848 Peter Lassen laboriously blazed a trail northward from the Humboldt to Black Rock in northern Nevada and thence via

the Pit River, Mt. Shasta, and over Lassen’s Pass into northern California.“ In 1849 this became a much used, though somewhat impractical, trail to the gold fields. The most important new route 1. John Charles Frémont: Memoirs of My Life (Chicago: Belford, Clarke and Co.; 1887), Vol. I, pp. 430 ff. See also Thomas Salathiel Martin: “Narrative of John C. Frémont’s Expedition to California in 1845-46, and Subse-

quent Events in California Down to 1853, Including Frémont’s Exploring Expedition of 1848,” dictated to E. F. Murray (Sept. 5, 1878), Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California.

2. Lansford W. Hastings: The Emigrant’s Guide to Oregon and Califor-

nia... (Cincinnati, Ohio: George Conclin; 1845). ,

3. The best accounts of the Donner party are Stewart: The California Trail, pp. 176-84; George R. Stewart: Ordeal By Hunger: The Story of the Donner Party (New York: Henry Holt and Co.; 1936); and De Voto: Year of Decision

(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.; 1942), passim. ,

4. Stewart: The California Trail, p. 144. 5. Ibid., pp. 174-6. 6. This map is mentioned in Stewart: The California Trail, p. 148. See also Carl I. Wheat: Mapping the American West, Vol. II. 7. Ibid., pp. 215-16.

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Something More Than Beaver 177 was also located in 1848 when a company of eastbound Mormons, fresh from the discoveries at Sutter’s Mill, trekked out the Carson River Trail over the mountains from Placerville. This soon became the most widely used emigrant road.° In 1849 came the location of the Hudspeth Cut-off to the Humboldt River, and William Lewis Manley’s heroic march into California via Death Valley, which was discovered in the course of that difficult journey.® Then, in the 1850’s, every California town and hamlet had its pioneer company in the mountains searching for a wagon road over the Sierras that would direct emigrants and business its way. Nobles’ Wagon Road from Honey Lake to Shasta City, Jim Beckwourth’s trail from Bidwell’s Bar, the Henness Pass Road from Marysville, the Placer County Emigrant Road out over Squaw Valley, Johnson’s Cut-off from Placerville to Lake Tahoe, the Big Trees Road from Stockton, and the Sonora Road, laid out and discovered by Joseph C. Morehead, a veteran of Crabb’s filibustering expedition to Mexico, were the most prominent of many such trails

blazed eastward over the mountains, each with the idea that it would become the western terminus of an eventual transcontinental

wagon road. |

Frequently seen as a great and inevitable folk movement to the Pacific shores, these early pioneer expeditions were also important in the history of Western exploration. And despite the fact that few of the trail blazers stand out as great individual, classic explorers, what they accomplished nevertheless had immense practical value.

Their achievements as explorers were largely derived from the mountain man’s flexible view of the West and drew on the knowledge and experience of such men as Walker, Greenwood, Hitchcock

and Stevens; yet they added up to something more. They were the _ capstone of four decades of previous exploration in the West and at the same time the beginning of a new national era. 8. Erwin R. Gudde, ed.: Bigler’s Chronicle of the West (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press; 1962), pp. 112-29.

9. Stewart: California Trail, pp. 251-3. For the Death Valley FortyNiners, the best account is William Lewis Manley: Death Valley in ’49, Milo Milton Quaife, ed. (Chicago: R. R. Donnelley and Sons; 1927). See also Carl

I. Wheat: “Trailing the Forty-Niners through Death Valley,” Sierra Club Bulletin, Vol. XXIV, No. 3 (June 1939); and “Pioneer Visitors to Death Valley after the Forty-Niners,” California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. XVIII, No. 3 (Sept. 1939).

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246 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE on the trail was J. B. Chile’s trailbreaking California party, and be-

yond that, Elijah White’s caravan bound for Oregon. Coming up, | too, were Belgian priests bound for Father De Smet’s mission in the

| Bitterroot Valley; William Gilpin, an itinerant politician and future

! governor of Colorado; and Sir William Drummond Stewart, out for

his last hunt along the Seedskeedee before returning to his castle in Scotland. As far as one could see, travelers and their accouterments

dotted the landscape. | In an effort to break a new trail, Frémont took his men south

along the Kansas rather than the Platte River, crossed the mountains at the Cache de la Poudre River in central Colorado, and picked

up the emigrant trail at the Sweetwater after crossing over the © barren Laramie Plain (see map, p. 245). On September 6, they sighted the Great Salt Lake “stretching in still and solitary grandeur far beyond the limits of our vision,” wrote Frémont. And he added: “I am doubtful if the followers of Balboa felt more enthusiasm when from the heights of the Andes, they saw the great Western Ocean.”? Unaccountably believing the lake to be unexplored, they paused and devoted several days to that task. Then they pushed on via Fort Hall and the Snake River to the Columbia and Oregon. In traversing this country, Frémont made highly significant ob-

servations. He termed the barren Salt Lake benches “a bucholic place” and declared it a fine location for a settlement.’ Fort Hall he found a nuisance in British hands, but an American military post in that vicinity, he asserted, “would naturally form the nucleus of a settlement.”* In short, as an official explorer he was always alert to

possibilities for settlement. | |

When he reached the Dalles, Frémont considered his basic task completed, and leaving his party encamped, he pushed on down the Columbia to Fort Vancouver. Significantly, he did not trouble to inspect the harbor at the mouth of the Columbia. It was clear that

he represented interests that were commercial and agrarian in orientation and therefore related to the interior rather than the sea. Having reached Fort Vancouver, he had linked up his searches with those of Captain Wilkes and symbolically as well as scientifically his job was done. But this time Frémont had greater ambitions. He decided to turn south and explore the country between Oregon and California and in so doing perhaps to locate the Buenaventura,

4. Ibid., p. 217. 2. Ibid., p. 198. |

3. Ibid., p. 213.

When the Eagle Screamed 247 another avenue of inland commerce that supposedly led to the sea.

Though most maps of the day showed the Buenaventura quite clearly, no one had seen it, and there were rumors and even books, notably one by Washington Irving and Benjamin Bonneville, that said it didn’t exist at all except in the cartographers’ imagination.° Frémont saw it as his job to move south and find out if it existed. If it did not, then the Columbia, being the only river of its kind, took on added significance in the current negotiations with England. On November 25, 1843, he and his men marched south down the Des Chutes River and eventually, after several days of travel, came out on the western edge of the Great Basin, which Frémont clearly recognized as such, thereby becoming in a real sense its discoverer, though he was of course not the first to traverse its barren wastes. Near Lake Tahoe they found a likely avenue of approach to the Sierras and despite the fact that winter was already upon them they began a crossing of the mountains. The crossing took thirty days in all and was a fantastic test of endurance and courage. The Indian

guides deserted, others gave up and began chanting their death songs, at least one man went mad from fear and exposure. Another wandered off into the woods and was lost for years until one spring day years later he emerged back in Jefferson, Missouri.* Every day

the group faced cold and fatigue and hunger, and there was no respite from the everlasting trailbreaking through drifts as high as a

‘man. Eventually, however, man by man and mule by mule they struggled down from the mountains and emerged at Captain John Sutter’s idyllic ranch on the American River. There, among other things, they met J. B. Chiles and his party, who had earlier found an easier route over the mountains.’ Frémont’s view of California was important. He was one of the first and certainly one of the most widely read observers to point out its agricultural virtues. Mountain men such as Jedediah Smith and Zenas Leonard were well aware of California as a pastoral paradise, but their impressions had nothing like the circulation of Frémont’s

report and his work was one of the most important factors in per5. Washington Irving: The Rocky Mountains, Vol. II (see map). 6. The Jefferson, Missouri, Inquirer for Saturday, Nov. 22, 1845, carried the | following item: Frémont’s Baptiste De Rosier, “arrived in this city on yester-

day, bringing with him a certificate from Captain Sutter, dated Upper Helvetia, California, May 18th 1845, which states that Rosier having lost himself upon the plains, wandered about many days, he at last reached Sutter’s settlement on the Rio Sacramento.”

7. See my Chapter 6, p. 172. |

248 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE suading emigrants to come there. It was avidly read, in every one of its six printings, and passed around by would-be overland parties. Many set out for the West “guided,” as Sarah Royce remembered, “only by the light of Frémont’s travels.”8

After a stay in California, Frémont and his men moved down the San Joaquin Valley and crossed over the Tehachapi Pass (which

| they believed to be Walker’s Pass) into the desert country of the Great Basin. Their course east took them over the Old Spanish Trail laid out ten years before by Smith, Wolfskill, Amijo, and the moun-

tain men and traders out of Santa Fe. When they reached the Las Vegas meadows, they were joined by Joseph Walker, the former Bonneville lieutenant, and thanks to his masterful grasp of mountain geography they made their way east by means of the Duchesne

and White rivers, that run across northeastern Utah and northwestern Colorado, respectively, and via Robidoux’s station, the Green River, and the parks of Colorado. In so doing, they traversed _ some of the wildest country in North America—country that had long been the familiar haunt of Spaniards and trappers out of Taos, but which would need continual reexploration in the years to come, before its details finally became fixed in the civilized mind. All in all, Frémont’s trek of 1843-44 had been a great and epic journey, one that would have secured his place in history forever

had he done nothing else. As a result of his labors, he had accumulated a large collection of scientific specimens and data, and created a matchless cartographical picture of the West which was all the more valuable because it was largely based on fact. The first of his tasks was to draw all of this into tangible form as a

report and map that could be distributed throughout the country to promote the West and provide information to westbound emigrants. With the help of Charles Preuss, who drew his first great map of the West to supplement the report, and Jessie, whose prose style made his report read like the romance it really was, Fremont completed this task in masterful fashion. Though his report made few original

contributions to geographical science, it was comprehensive in scope and monumental in its breadth—a classic of exploring litera-

| ture. Most important of all, it was widely influential. To would-be emigrants like the Joaquin Millers and the Sarah Royces, it provided

a guide and inspiration. In Europe the great Humboldt noted its data in his Aspects of Nature and accorded Frémont the highest of praise as a geographer and explorer.® And Brigham Young, reading 8. Sarah Royce: A Frontier Lady, Ralph H. Gabriel, ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press; 1932), p. 3.

|

When the Eagle Screamed | 249 the report amid the disastrous breakup of Nauvoo, decided that since the Salt Lake Valley was remote, and at the same time “bucholic,” it was indeed “the place” of Mormon destiny.1

Despite his widespread success, however, one of the ironies of Frémont’s career was his failure either to move President Polk to activity in Oregon or to secure the enthusiastic backing of the Whigs, whose only interest in the West was still the Pacific ports. In terms

of executive and congressional policy, Frémont’s report seems to have had little direct effect. Polk had already made up his mind to secure California, and Fremont’s findings which indicated there was

no Buenaventura or interior river besides the Columbia failed to move him to more aggressive action in Oregon. “Like the Secretary [of War] he found me ‘young,’” wrote Frémont in disappointment, “and said something of the ‘impulsiveness of young men,’ and was not at all satisfied in his own mind those three rivers [alternatives to the Columbia River] were not running there as laid down.””

In the last analysis, therefore, Frémont’s contributions do not appear to lie in the field of pure science, or even in the field of high political strategy. Rather, as in the case of his 1842 expedition, his work was symbolic—a rallying point of Manifest Destiny that in the long run made Polk’s aggressive trans-Mississippi policy seem acceptable and even inevitable to large numbers of Americans. Littell’s Living Age perhaps caught the symbolic Fremont best—an American self-image at mid-century:

His name is identified forever with some of the proudest and most grateful passages in American history. His 20,000 miles _ Of wilderness explorations, in the midst of the inclemencies of nature, and the ferocities of jealous and merciless tribes; his _ powers of endurance in a slender form; his intrepid coolness in the most appalling dangers; his magnetic sway over enlightened and savage men; his vast contributions to science; his controlling energy in the extension of our empire; his lofty and unsullied ambition; his magnanimity; humanity, genius, sufferings and heroism, make all lovers of progress, learning, and

virtue, rejoice... .° |

9. Alexander von Humboldt: Aspects of Nature, Elizabeth J. Sabine, trans. (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard; 1849), pp. 51, 219. 1. Brigham Young, in an interview for The New York Times, quoted in Frémont: Memoirs, pp. 415-16. 2. Frémont: Memoirs, p. 419. 3. “John Charles Frémont,” Littell’s Living Age, Vol. XXVI (July, Aug., Sept., 1850), p. 208.

|

250 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE These sentiments were duly, if not appropriately echoed by John © L. O’Sullivan in the Democratic Review.‘ At last the imperial struggle for the West had been dramatized and broadcast to the people.

4: | The Mexican War presented new opportunities for exploration in the Southwest, and the army explorers who went out as a result of the conflict returned with new data, and new points of view concerning the West that shaped national policy for years to come.

| Preliminary to any conflict with Mexico was the necessity for (1) quieting the Indian tribes; (2) locating supply routes to the West; (3) generally reconnoitering the possible battleground to be contested by the two countries. All of these objectives were sustained by three army expeditions sent out into the West in 1845. In the summer of 1845 Colonel Stephen Watts Kearny, a veteran frontier cavalryman, took five companies of the First Dragoons and made a great circular patrol across the prairies to Fort Laramie, the south Pass, then along the mountain wall to St. Vrain’s, then Bent’s

Fort on the Arkansas River, and back to St. Louis again. The purpose of Kearny’s expedition was to test the capacity of cavalry for sustained operations in the field far from a base of supply, and at the same time to awe and pacify the Indians.5 He accomplished both tasks admirably, and in his report he advocated the annual cavalry foray, patterned after the French in Algeria, as a far superior method of controlling the Indians than having a string of expensive forts along the Oregon Trail, a policy advocated by Benton and Frémont. As a hardened frontier soldier, Kearny had a strictly military viewpoint. Any thought of the army post as a nucleus of settlement, as Frémont suggested it might be and as the Spanish presidio had been for centuries, would have brought only a smile of derision to his face. But if his view of the West was somewhat one-sided, his brief recon4. John L. O’Sullivan: “Annexation,” unsigned article in United States Maga-

zine and Democratic Review, Vol. XVII (July-August 1845), pp. 797-8. Also see his more popular statement in the New York Morning News, Dec. 27, 1845.

=. This account is based on Stephen Watts Kearny: “Report of a Summer

, Campaign to the Rocky Mountains .. . in 1845,” 29th Cong., ist sess., Sen.

Exec. Doc. r (1846), pp. 211 ff. Also see James Henry Carleton: The Prairie Logbooks, Louis Pelzer, ed. (Chicago: The Caxton Club; 1943); and Philip

St. George Cooke: Scenes and Adventures in the Army (Philadelphia: Lindsay and Blakiston; 1857).

When the Eagle Screamed 251 _ Nnaissance had clearly demonstrated that cavalry was not only feasible but indispensable to any sustained operation in the immense plains of the West and Southwest. In February of 1845, too, Frémont himself was ordered into the

field and commanded to ,

strike the Arkansas as soon as practicable, survey that river, and if practicable, survey the Red River within our boundary line, noting particularly the navigable properties of each... and determine as near as practicable, the points at which the boundary line of the United States, the 1rooth degree of longitude west of Greenwich, strikes the Arkansas and the Red River. It is also important that the Arkansas should be accurately determined.°®

He was to avoid long journeys to isolated points, and to so time his operation that his party would come in before the end of 1845. For once, Fremont was to be used on a tactical rather than a strategic mission. However, as soon as his party reached Bent’s Fort on the Arkansas, Frémont ignored his orders and divided his command, boldly sending the Colonel’s son, James W. Abert, down the Canadian River to complete the tactical mission, while he took a picked company of mountain sharpshooters and blazed a trail through the Central Rockies and across the Great Basin to California. Leaving camp on August 9, 1845, Lieutenant James W. Abert, assisted by the mountain men John Hatcher and Caleb Greenwood, conducted his difficult reconnaissance of the Canadian and Arkansas rivers with great skill and daring. It was not an easy mission. _ He had to lead his men straight through the heart of the dangerous ~ Comanche and Kiowa country. Only the fact that Greenwood and Hatcher were adopted members of the Kiowa tribe saved the expedition from massacre by the Indians who menaced them all along the

way.

Frémont, assisted by the redoubtable Carson, Godey, and Joseph

Walker, turned up the Arkansas River, skirted the Royal Gorge, crossed over the Tennessee Pass, and made his way via the White River, across the Grand and the Green, down the Duchesne and the 6. J. J. Abert to Frémont, Feb. 12, 1845, LS., T.E., R.G., 77, National Archives.

7. James W. Abert: “Journal of Lieutenant James W. Abert from Bent’s Fort to St. Louis in 1845,” 29th Cong., 1st sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 438 (1846). The De Zahara Collection at the Yale Western Americana Collection contains some letters from James W. Abert revealing his background and personality.

|

252 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Timpanagos rivers to the shores of the Great Salt Lake.’ Once again he had crossed the Continental Divide, and he had done it dramati-

cally at its most difficult latitude (see map, p. 245). From Great Salt Lake he headed west directly across the Great Basin, first to Pilot Peak, then the Humboldt Mountains, then dividing his party he cut diagonally southwest with a small force to the Humboldt sinks. It was a new transcontinental route, and in a letter to Jessie, Frémont wrote: “By the route I explored, I can ride in thirty-five days from the Fontaine-qui-Bouille River [Fontain River above Bent’s

Fort] to Captain Sutter’s; and for wagons the road is decidedly better.”® He was again thinking of strategic, long-range considerations and the best means to get settlers out to the Far West as fast as possible. That he was in Mexican territory did not seem to bother him at all. He regarded its destiny as inevitably American. Indeed,

once in California he bid defiance to Mexican authorities as he

moved leisurely north through the Salinas Valley, past Sutter’s Fort,

and into the Klamath country. There he received the famous and controversial visit from Marine Lieutenant Archibald Gillespie and

turned south into California in time to assist in the Bear Flag Revolt. He now would have a direct influence on the course of

international affairs, whether for better or for worse. , Though a controversy has persisted concerning Gillespie’s mis-

sion and whether Frémont received presidential orders to turn south into California—the latest evidence being Jessie Benton’s letter of March 21, 1847, which asserted that Frémont was “revenging a personal insult” and “knew nothing of the war”!— still it seems

| clear that in undertaking his strategic mission far beyond the scope of his orders Frémont must always have had the subversion of California in mind. Hence his instant and perhaps instinctive, if not impetuous, reaction in the Bear Flag situation. In the last analysis, not much more can be said for Frémont. He was a romantic, stormy figure in his own day, a man of many moods and differing fortunes and attitudes, yet withal attractive to many in his time. He perhaps disintegrates on close historical scrutiny, yet he was a representative figure of his time whose posture has perhaps more to tell us | about the 1840’s and 1850's than do his actual achievements.

.|

8. Frémont: Memoirs, pp. 432 ff. Unless otherwise stated, the account is _ based on this work. However, see also Thomas Salathiel Martin: “Narrative

of John C. Frémont’s Expedition to California in 1845-46....”

| g. Quoted in Frémont: Memoirs, p. 452. , ,

1. Jessie Benton Frémont to John Torrey, March 21, 1847, Torrey Papers,

New York Botanical Gardens. , |

When the Eagle Screamed | 253 o As the Mexican War developed, Army Topographical Engineers were assigned to each of the major field commands. The exception

was the command of Alexander Doniphan, marching south from | El Paso, which as it turned out, in the light of the future difficulties in determining the true location of the Mexican border, might well have been the one with which the engineers and surveyors should have been most concerned. The officers serving the field armies supplied much information, not only about the immediate theaters of operation, but also about the Indians and generally about life and its possibilities in the arid Southwest. Captain George W. Hughes, for example, in his report of the operations of Wool’s Army, sketched out the entire pattern of inner and outer Texas frontier defenses that

later was adopted by the War Department.” Hardcastle’s survey of the Valley of Mexico, in another case, was used as propaganda by those who favored the annexation of all. Mexico.? But, of all the

reconnoitering done in the Mexican War, perhaps the most important was Lieutenant William Hemsley Emory’s reconnaissance of the Far Southwest with Kearny’s Army of the West.* Realizing that some force beyond Frémont’s would be needed to secure California once the Mexican War had begun, President Polk,

at Senator Benton’s suggestion, ordered Colonel Stephen Watts Kearny to continue overland from New Mexico to California and complete its conquest. Accordingly, on September 25, 1846, Kearny

set out from the conquered capital of Santa Fe with 300 Dragoons and a topographical unit headed by Lieutenant William H. Emory bound across the Southwest for San Diego. A party of Mormon soldiers who volunteered for United States service was led by Captain Philip St. George Cooke and followed some days behind as a 2. George W. Hughes: “Report ... Communicating ...a Map Showing the Operations of the Army of the United States in Texas and the Adjacent Mexican States on the Rio Grande; Accompanied by Astronomical Observations, and Descriptive and Military Memoirs of the Country,” March 1, 1849, 31st Cong., 1st sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 32 (1850).

3. H.L. F. Hardcastle and M. L. Smith: “Map of the Valley of Mexico... ,”

30th Cong., 2nd sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 19 (1848-49). 4. William Hemsley Emory: “Notes on a Military Reconnaissance from Fort Leavenworth in Missouri to San Diego in California, Including Parts of the

| Arkansas, Del Norte, and Gila Rivers,’ 30th Cong., Ist sess., Sen. Exec.

Doc. 7 (1848). Unless otherwise stated, the account is based on this source, hereafter referred to as Emory: “Notes.”

|

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254 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE reinforcement.® Despite the fact that most of the country had been traversed at one time or another by Spanish conquistadors, Santa Fe

traders, and mountain men, and that it had been mapped by the great Humboldt in 1811, it was still, cartographically speaking, virtually unknown. The two best maps of the region, Mitchell’s map of 1846, and Tanner’s map of the same year, had been compiled largely from Frémont’s and Wilkes’s maps, but since neither Mitchell nor Tanner had seen the country, and Humboldt too had done his map

from conjecture, the entire Southwest remained to be accurately mapped. Emory, bluff, blunt, picturesque cavalry man though he appeared to be, was actually the perfect man for the task. He was a Maryland

aristocrat and friend of Jefferson Davis; the army was his career; but he was particularly interested in the scientific aspects of military

life. Hence his preference for the Topographical Engineers. Like many another Topographical Engineer, he considered himself one of a company of savants, and among his friends were numbered leading scientists of the day such as Louis Agassiz, Asa Gray, George Engelmann, Spencer F. Baird, and Joseph Henry.* Emory embodied

_ the outdoorsman and military man of action as Western savant. He was another Frémont, ready to use his explorer’s skill to help shape

the national destiny. |

Kearny’s route took him down the Rio Grande, where he met Kit Carson coming overland from California with the news of its early conquest. Thereupon Kearny dispatched 200 troopers back to Santa Fe and hastened on ahead with 100 men and the topographers. At

the Santa Rita del Cobre copper mines in the Sierra Mimbres of southwestern New Mexico he stopped to parley with the Apache Chieftain Mangus Colorado, then moved on to the Upper Gila River, which he followed west through rough country to the beginning of its great bend in Arizona. Guided by a Maricopa Indian, the Army of

the West marched crosscountry to the villages of the Pima and Maricopas, once fierce warriors who massacred the Robidoux trapping party, now peaceful farmers working the flood plain of the Gila River near the site of modern Phoenix. From the Pima Villages they pushed on to the junction of the Gila and Colorado, 5. Philip St. George Cooke, W. H. C. Whiting, and Francis X. Aubrey: Exploring Southwestern Trails 1846-1854, Ralph P. Bieber and A. B. Bender, eds.,

Southwestern Trails Series (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1938), |

Vol. VII. | 6. For a biographical sketch of William H. Emory, see Goetzmann: Army

Exploration, pp. 128-30. Also see D.A.B. ,

When the Eagle Screamed 255 and Emory fixed its position accurately for the first time. Kearny’s | command suffered greatly crossing the California desert, but finally after several days his army reached Warner’s Ranch in California,

where it was met by a detachment of marines under Lieutenant Archibald Gillespie, who had come east from the Pacific Coast.

A few days later, just beyond Warner’s Ranch, near the Indian village of San Pascual on the road to San Diego, Kearny’s army had its first major clash with the Mexican troops. It was a classic cavalry

charge in which saber and pistol were pitted against lances and flintlock. After the first bold rush, individual combat was the order of the day, and before the battle was over, eighteen Americans had been killed and thirteen wounded, while the Mexicans who retired from the field lost but two. Gillespie lay at the point of death, Kearny was badly wounded, and one third of all the American officers were

casualties of one kind or another. Victorious only by the merest technicality, the Army of the West found itself barricaded at a place

called Snooks Ranch, in serious danger of annihilation. Only the arrival of reinforcements brought by Kit Carson saved the day and enabled Kearny’s Army to “walk out” to the Pacific.” ‘When they reached the Pacific, which one mountain man thought was “a great prairie without a tree,” Emory’s task as an explorer was

temporarily ended. He had completed one of the important reconnaissances of the decade and his data were of both long-range and immediate significance. His map, which, except in one instance, was based solely on personal observation of the terrain, immediately

rendered all others, such as Mitchell’s, Tanner’s, and even Humboldt’s, obsolete.® It became a standard reference on the Southwest and guided countless overland parties to the Pacific. It also provided the Army with the vital geographical information needed to begin. containing the savage tribes which would be inherited with the new domain at the end of the war. In addition to his cartographic labors, Emory broadened his researches to encompass geology, botany, and zoology, but most important were his endeavors in what might be called the early science of man. Almost singlehandedly, he began the study of Southwestern archaeology with his careful examination of the Pecos ruins, arid 7. Arthur Woodward: Lances at San Pascual (San Francisco: California Historical Society; 1948) is the best secondary account of the battle. See also

: Emory: “Notes,” p. 108; and Edwin L. Sabin: Kit Carson Days, 2 vols. (New | York: The Press of the Pioneers; 1935), Vol. II, p. 529.

| 8. Emory: “Notes,” pp. 112-13. | 9. See map in Emory: “Notes.”

|

256 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE , the Casas Grandes along the Gila River. Inspired by Prescott’s re- _

cently published Conquest of Mexico (1843) and John Lloyd Stephens’s Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (1841), Emory speculated at great length on the origin of the Pueblo tribes whose ruins dotted his line of march. He concluded, quite correctly in the modern view, that no direct connection existed between the ancient Pueblo tribes and the Mayas and Aztecs farther south.! It was a scientific rather than a romantic conclusion and contrasted sharply with the views advanced by the long series of soldier-anthropologists and scholars who followed in his wake. For the next decade the Army, in the person of the officers of the Topographical Corps and other officers at lonely outposts, took the lead in promoting and developing the serious study of the ancient monuments of the Southwest. In a more contemporary approach to the science of man, Emory, who was himself a Maryland slaveholder, wrote: _ No one who has ever visited this country and who is acquainted with the character and value of slave labor in the United States

would ever think of bringing his slaves here with any view to profit, much less would he purchase slaves for such a purpose. Their labor here if they could be retained as slaves among peons nearly of their own color, would never repay the cost of trans-

portation much less the additional purchase money.? It was a sentiment that Webster would echo in his famous seventh of March speech on behalf of the Compromise of 1850.

More important perhaps in the long run for Western history, Emory observed: “In no part of this vast trail can the rains from Heaven be relied upon, to any extent for the cultivation of the soil. ... The cultivation of the earth is therefore confined to the narrow strips of land which are within the level of the waters of the streams and wherever practised in a community, or to any extent, involves a degree of subordination and absolute obedience to a chief, repugnant to the habits of our people.”? He thus anticipated the approach to the problem of arid lands taken some thirty-two years later by

John Wesley Powell in his Report on the Lands of the Arid Region, | even to the extent of proposing new settlement patterns based on water resources rather than 160-acre grid patterns traditionally 1. Ibid., pp. 131-4. 2. Ibid., p. 99.

3. Ibid., p. 98. |

|

When the Eagle Screamed 257 staked out against the landscape on the earlier frontiers.* From the beginning, too, Emory recognized, as Powell never did, that such a

system would hardly be democratic, but must involve some unpleasant degree of authority and coercion. Indeed, the only such successful applications of planned water use before the twentieth century appear to have been carried out under authoritarian Spanish and Mormon systems of government. From the beginning, a planned

approach to the West ran headlong into the basic Jeffersonian agrarian philosophy of the independent entrepreneur. The Topographical Engineers, as the years passed, were the first to experience this clash of frontier values in the West. One other result of Emory’s reconnaissance was all-important and had a direct impact on diplomatic relations between the United States and Mexico for the next decade. As soon as Emory returned to Washington, he advised Secretary of State Buchanan that any

Southern boundary line should include territory below the Gila River, since all hope of building a transcontinental railroad through the Southwest depended upon securing a route that ran as far south as 32 degrees north latitude.® The Mormon expedition led by Captain Philip St. George Cooke, which took a more southerly route through

Guadalupe Pass and Tucson, tended to confirm this judgment, except that, lacking instruments, Cooke failed to note that the only

suitable route actually ran south of 32 degrees and thus more territory would be needed. This innocent oversight generated no little sectional antagonism during the succeeding decade, and was responsible to a large degree for future American diplomacy.

6 The final important impact of the explorer upon the diplomacy of

American continentalism came with the actual settlement of the boundary line between the United States and Mexico. Here, because the disputed region was largely unmapped and hence unknown in precise terms, the explorer’s knowledge was a vital factor in the ulti-

mate diplomatic agreement which set limits to American continental expansion.

When Nicholas P. Trist composed the Treaty of Guadalupe4. John Wesley Powell: Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions of the United States (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office; 1878).

5. James Buchanan to Nicholas P. Trist, Washington, July 19, 1847, in Moore: Buchanan, pp. 368-9.

|

258 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Hidalgo, he did so almost entirely in ignorance of the geography of the country through which the boundary line between the two nations would run. His researches had been largely confined to the erroneous commercial maps of Mitchell, Tanner, and Disturnell and a report compiled by Captain Robert E. Lee based on the works of Moscaro, Antonio Barriero, and José Agustin de Escudero.* These works were likewise for the most part inaccurate, as Trist himself realized. “All of these geographical notes,” he wrote in a memo to himself, “are replete with errors; for nothing is positively known and the only basis for them consists of ill-formed conjectures and worse

information.”” Nevertheless, with time pressing hard upon him | after Polk’s order of recall, he managed to create a version of the boundary line which satisfied the Mexican negotiators. Article V of

_ the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, which described the boundary line, specified that it should run from a point three marine leagues out in the Gulf of Mexico, up the Rio Grande along its deepest chan-

nel, to the point where the river struck the southern boundary of New Mexico. Thence it would run westerly along the traditional | southern boundary of New Mexico, “which runs north of the town called Paso” (now Juarez), to its western termination, and thence northward along the western line of New Mexico until it intersected the first branch of the Gila River, or to the point on the line nearest

such branch, and then down it to the Gila, down the Gila to the Colorado, and then in a straight line to a point on the Pacific Ocean designated as one marine league south of the southernmost point of the port of San Diego as laid down by Juan Pantoja in 1802 in his

atlas to the voyages of the schooners Sutil and Mexicana. The southern and western limits of New Mexico were to be those speci-

| fied on J. Disturnell’s “Map of the United States .. . 1847,” a map known at the time to be inaccurate, as were all others available, but nonetheless pressed into service as an arbitrary definition of the limits of New Mexico.* The use of this map and the difficulty of deciding on the true boundary of New Mexico caused the most trouble in the final negotiations between the United States and Mexico. Because of this, the explorer as boundary surveyor was called upon to exercise maximum influence on the course of American history.

7. Ibid. |

6. Nicholas P. Trist: Memorandum, Jan. 1848, Vol. 29 (Jan. 28—-Feb. 13, 1848), Trist Papers, Library of Congress.

8. “The Treaty between the United States and Mexico... ,’ 30th Cong., Ist sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 52 (1848), pp. 43-5.

When the Eagle Screamed | 259 According to the treaty, each country was to appoint a commissioner and a surveyor who were to meet in San Diego one year from

the signing of the agreement and jointly see to the running and marking of the boundary line upon the earth. Because so many pro-

visions of the treaty depended on matters of geographical interpretation, it was evident from the beginning that the commissioners and surveyors would have a quasi-diplomatic status. Moreover, they

were political appointees, which interjected still another complication into what already promised to be a difficult and ambiguous Situation. —

From the beginning, the Army’s exploring corps, the Topographical Engineers, was associated with the boundary survey, but at first

in a capacity subordinate to that of the civilian commissioner and surveyor. The first American commissioner was John B. Weller, a defeated Democratic senatorial candidate from Ohio. He received his appointment in January of 1849, in one of the last acts of Polk’s _ administration. Something of a midnight appointee, with no obvious qualifications for a boundary commissioner, he was extremely unpopular with Zachary Taylor’s incoming Whig administration. The surveyor was A. B. Gray of Texas, a railroad enthusiast and freelance explorer who had served on Memucan Hunt’s Texan contingent on the U.S.—Texas Sabine River Boundary Survey.® Various Officers of the Topographical Engineers, including Lieutenants William H. Emory and A. W. Whipple, were assigned to the commission

to see to the actual execution of the exacting tasks of geodesy and

-- surveying. After a long delay due to difficulties in securing transportation north from the Isthmus of Panama, the American Commission finally arrived in San Diego, and on July 3, 1849, the Mexican Com-

mission under General Garcia Condé also arrived. From that date commenced the active boundary-survey operation.1 9. Goetzmann: Army Exploration, pp. 157-8. See also Paul Neff Garber:

The Gadsden Treaty (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press;

1923), pp. LI-I2. 1. José Salazar Ylarrequi: Datos de los trabajos astronémicos y topogrdficos dispuestos en forma de diario. Practicados durante el ano de 1849 y principio de 1850 por la Comision de limites Mexicana en la linea que divide esta republica de la de los Estados Unidos, por el geémetra de dicha comision, José Salazar Ylarrequi .. . (Mexico, 1850), p. 12. See also “Diario del Genl. Pedro Garcia Condé sobre los limites de las dos California .. . En relaci6én 2 con los trabajos astronémicos y topograficos,” MS. Archives del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Mexico City. General Condé’s diary has been hitherto unknown to historians, and I am indebted to the Mexican government for aid in locating it and for permission to examine its contents and quote from it.

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In Search of an Iron Trail , 969 Bill Williams thought the objective was simply to reach California and he wanted to circle south out of the valley entirely around the mountains. But Frémont wanted to go across the mountains. Ac-

cordingly, in mid-December, Old Bill led the party north up Alder | Creek, a tributary of the Rio Grande, right into the San Juan Mountains, an impassable wintry waste where the snow was more than ten feet deep and the temperature fell to 20 degrees below zero.

Somewhere in the snow Bill Williams lost his way and they turned north fifteen miles too soon, to reach what later ironically became known as Bill Williams Pass. By December 17, five days later, they

were 12,327 feet high, on Pool Table Mesa near Wanamaker’s Creek in southern Colorado, caught in a blinding snowstorm, the mules falling one by one, frozen to death. Old Bill Williams, himself numb with cold, had sunk into near insensibility. In desperation Frémont decided to turn back. The day after Christmas, from - acamp on Bellows Creek in the foothills of the mountains, Frémont dispatched four of his stoutest men, King, Brackenridge, Creuzefeldt, and Bill Williams, back to the Taos settlement for supplies. Then he waited.

Sixteen days later his party had heard nothing and Fremont himself determined to go for help. Taking Godey with him, he left

Lorenzo Vincenthaler in charge of the main camp, with orders to bring the equipment and follow him back to civilization. That was the beginning rather than the end of the ordeal. One by one the men failed in the bitter cold. Some lay down by the trail, exhausted, and froze to death. Others starved. Morain, a FrenchCanadian, went back up the trail to help his old friend Sorrel, and when he found him, he too sank into despair and stayed and slowly

died with him. After several days, the main party broke into two | segments. One, headed by Vincenthaler and consisting of the strongest men, determined to wait for no one. It was survival of the fittest. The other party, which included the Kerns, C. C. Taplin, Andrews, Cathcart, McGehee, and Stepperfeldt, decided to proceed more slowly, share whatever food they had, and not to leave anyone in distress. Neither plan worked with complete success. Disaster had already overtaken Bill Williams’s advance guard.

They had run out of food, and caught in the open on a vast plain, | they were on the verge of starvation. Henry King died and accord-

| ing to some accounts was eaten by the three survivors, Creuze| feldt, Brackenridge, and Williams. When Frémont found them,

! they were in an extremity of pain and exhaustion. | | 4. Brandon: The Men and the Mountain, p. 254.

270 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Eventually Frémont and Godey, with the help of some Ute Indians, reached a settlement and Godey returned with a rescue party while the Pathfinder pushed on to Taos in a totally exhausted

condition. One by one, Godey rescued the various clots of men strung out on the wintry trail behind him, and by January 28 they were on their way to survival. Manuel, an Indian, who was the first to give out, was found alive, but ten other explorers had perished. In all, it was one of the greatest disasters in the history of American exploration, made all the worse by the charges of cannibalism and the reprehensible conduct of Vincenthaler and

his comrades.

Frémont, however, was not entirely downcast. In fact, he was soon declaring: “The result was entirely satisfactory. It convinced me that neither the snow of winter nor the mountain ranges were obstacles in the way of a [rail]road.”> Then, taking the Southern, or 32nd parallel, stage route, he pushed on to California, leaving the remnants of his band in Taos under the painful necessity of

shifting for themselves.® | 3

Though Benton refused to believe it, and as late as February 7,

1849, rose in the Senate to propose a grand plan based on Frémont’s “discoveries,” the first Pacific railroad expedition had been

a total and even tragic fiasco.’ This deterred no one, and efforts to locate a railroad route continued more strongly than ever. Because of the weather, however, and because the Mexican War had focused attention on it, the Southern, or 32nd parallel, route along the Gila River began to command the greatest national attention. Military necessity, complicated by the eleventh article of the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, which made the United States responsible for restraining the Comanches and Apaches from raiding Mexico, demanded a border road. And there were even broader | considerations. In an open letter to Francis Markoe of the State Department, Colonel Abert of the Topographical Engineers de5. Quoted in Hine: Edward Kern ..., p. 61. 6. Hine: Edward Kern ... , pp. 61-6, records the unhappy plight of the | survivors of the party who were left behind in New Mexico. Benjamin Kern and Bill Williams were killed by Ute Indians in an attempt to collect some of

Frémont’s abandoned supplies. 7. Benton’s plan is in Hafen: Frémont’s Fourth Expedition, pp. 49-73. It is taken from the Congressional Globe, 30th Cong., 2nd sess., pp. 470-4.

In Search of an Iron Trail 271 clared: “The consequences of such a road are immense. They probably involve the integrity of the Union. Unless some easy, cheap, and rapid means of communicating with these distant prov-

inces be accomplished, there is danger, great danger, that they will not constitute parts of our Union.”®

In further open letters to the St. Louis Railroad Convention of 1849 and the Memphis Convention of 1851, Abert urged a plan

that incorporated a road and eventually a railroad along the Southern, or 32nd parallel, route, which would help police the border and at the same time link up with California. It would run east from the Rio Grande below Santa Fe, across Texas, cutting all of its principal rivers at the head of navigation, and come to a great fork at Nacogdoches, where one branch of the road would continue on to Vicksburg, Savannah, Charleston, Wilmington, Norfolk, and Washington. The other fork would slant north to Little Rock, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, and New York. Thus, in Abert’s

view, it was to be a truly national road, a great compromise in which everyone, North and South, would get something. Moreover,

in addition to transporting goods laterally across the country, the road would also connect all the southward-flowing rivers of Texas and thereby create a great economic network with the Texas Gulf ports, which in turn would lead to the establishment of a Caribbean

empire. As head of the Topographical Engineers, Colonel Abert was in a

position to implement these plans, and as early as the spring of 1849, in response to the urgent pleas of the Congressional delegates of Arkansas and Texas, he dispatched an expedition westward out of Fort Smith, Arkansas, bound for Santa Fe. The expedition, which generally followed Josiah Gregg’s Canadian River Trail of 1839, was led by Captain Randolph Barnes Marcy of the Fifth Infantry,

who was just beginning his career as a prominent Western ex- | plorer.1 Along with Marcy were two companies of the Fifth In8. Col. John James Abert to Francis Markoe, May 18, 1849, L.S., T.E., R.G. 77, National Archives.

9. Ibid. See also Abert to J. Loughborough, St. Louis, Sept. 24, 1849, and Abert to Glendy Burke, New Orleans, Dec. 17, 1851, L.S., T.E., R.G. 77, National Archives. 1. See Randolph B. Marcy: “Report of a Route from Fort Smith to Santa Fe,” 31st Cong., 1st sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 64 (1850); and James Hervey Simpson: “Report and Map of the Route from Fort Smith, Arkansas, to Santa Fe, New

| Mexico,” 31st Cong., 1st sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 12 (1850). Also see Grant Foreman: Marcy and the Gold Seekers (Norman, Okla.: University of Okla-

| homa Press; 1939). For a recent biography of Marcy, see W. Eugene Hollon’s

272 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE fantry, one company of the First Dragoons, and Lieutenant James

Hervey Simpson of the Topographical Engineers. Simpson had

arrived at Fort Smith on a steamboat crammed with eager gold- | seekers and he was well aware of the urgency of his mission. The

route west followed closely along the Canadian River, past the Antelope Buttes on the border of the Texas Panhandle—observed _by Lieutenant Abert in 1845—and then cut south across the Llano Kstacado of Texas, which Marcy termed “the great Zahara [sic] of North America,” to Cerro Tucumcari in New Mexico. They crossed the Pecos River at Anton Chico on St. John’s Day, June 24, 1849,

and four days later rode into Santa Fe (see map, p. 276). | Generally this was a highly feasible route, and emigrant parties bound for California were already beginning to use it. Simpson called it “superior” and “practicable” for a railroad, though he felt that “the time has not yet come when this or any other railroad can be built over this continent.” He felt that centers of population must precede the railroad rather than the converse, and that natural

resources must be exploited and made available.” In the face of headlong and grandiose plans for Western development, his was a sobering and practical voice. His conservatism does not seem so startling if one remembers that he predicted in 1849 that it would be twenty years before a transcontinental railroad would, in fact, be constructed. When it was constructed in 1868-9, however, he was one of its engineers. Marcy on the other hand declared enthusiastically: “I am, therefore, of the opinion that but few localities could be found on this continent which (for as great a distance) would present as few obstacles for the construction of a railway as upon this route.”4 He was even more enthusiastic, however, about his return route, which took him east from Dona Ana on the Lower Rio Grande, across the southern rim of the Llano Estacado, to Big Spring, Preston, and Fort Wachita. Though this route passed right through the territory of the fierce Comanches and Kiowas (who murdered one.

of his men), it was closer to Colonel Abert’s plan and had the ad- | vantage of a link with the Gila River route which terminated at

El Paso or Dofia Ana.5_ oe

excellent Beyond the Cross Timbers (Norman, Okla.: University of Okla-homa Press; 1955). . , 2. Simpson: “Report and Map... ,” pp. 21-2. 3. Ibid., pp. 22-3.

4. Marcy: “Report ... Fort Smith to Santa Fe,” pp. 191-2. 5. Ibid., pp. 196 ff.

In Search of an Iron Trail 273 4 Marcy’s early expeditions across Texas were supplemented in 1850—52 by the work of a special task force of explorers commanded | by Lieutenant Colonel Joseph E. Johnston, one of the highest-ranking officers in the Topographical Corps. Stimulated by the civilian

explorations undertaken in the summer of 1848 by John Coffee Hays and Captain Samuel Highsmith, who with a party of thirty-five _ Texas Rangers attempted to locate a trail across West Texas,* Colo-

nel Johnston launched a series of expeditions out of San Antonio designed to lay out dual-purpose military and emigrant roads across

the tortuous landscape of the Edwards Plateau and the Davis Mountains.’ Besides connecting the inner and outer rings of defen-

sive fortifications in Texas, these expeditions also linked central | Texas and a possible railhead with the Rio Grande, and they clearly

were important for a Southern transcontinental railroad. Essentially two routes were explored—a northern trail which cut directly across the Edwards Plateau of central Texas and crossed

the Pecos River at the Horsehead Crossing, and a southern trail which struck the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Pecos River and

_ then followed the Pecos north to the strategic Horsehead Crossing and a link with the northern route (see map, p. 276). The northern route was first discovered by Major Robert S. Neighbors, a federal Indian agent, and John L. Ford of the Texas Rangers and was later resurveyed by Lieutenant F. T. Bryan of Colonel Johnston’s Topographical Engineers.’ The lower, or southern, route was discovered in the winter of 1849 by Lieutenant W. H. C. Whiting of the Army Engineers and his assistant Lieutenant W. F. Smith of the Topographical Corps, who were also attached to Johnston’s command.® The latter route, which led first to Presidio on the Rio Grande, was

| the route taken by the Colonel himself when he accompanied Major Jefferson Van Horn’s command to El Paso.1 Numerous 6. Averam B. Bender: “Opening Routes Across West Texas, 1848-1850,”

, Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXVII (1933-34), p. 119. , 7. W. F. Smith: “Report ... of Routes from San Antonio to El Paso,” 31st Cong., 1st sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 64 (1850), contains most of the reports of Colonel Johnston’s exploring corps in Texas. 8. Bender: “Opening Routes Across West Texas,” pp. 119-20. See also Lt. F. T. Bryan, in Smith: “Report,” pp. 23 ff. 9. Smith: “Report,” pp. 4—7 ff. 1. Joseph E. Johnston, in Smith: “Report,” pp. 26—g9. See also S. G. French,

in Smith: “Report,” pp. 40-54. __ ,

|‘ 274 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | other army trails were laid out in Texas in the 1850’s, but these two routes, along with Marcy’s, proved to be the most practicable. Only the hostile Indians and the lack of timber and water were important drawbacks. To provide water, Colonel Abert exiled one of his most disagreeable young officers, Lieutenant John Pope, on

a three-year tour of duty (1855-58) prospecting for water by means of artesian wells drilled into the Llano Estacado. Though Lieutenant Pope was characteristically optimistic, the poor man spent most of his time in frustration, chasing Indians, replacing _ makeshift equipment, braving the elements, and drilling dry holes.? Clearly, there was not much water on the Staked Plains, and the © | technology of the 1850’s could barely produce what little there was.

||5

In the continued search for trails across the Southwest, two other important military expeditions were launched in the Ninth or New Mexico Military Department. The first of these was under the command of Colonel John M. Washington and left Santa Fe

| on August 15, 1849. Primarily it was a punitive expedition against the Navaho Indians, whose daring raids on outlying New Mexican | settlements had become particularly irksome. But accompanying the Washington expedition was Lieutenant Simpson, whose orders from Colonel Abert specified that he was to take whatever opportunity he could find to explore the Old Spanish Trail from Santa Fe via Abiquiu, St. Joseph’s Springs, and across the Upper Colorado | to Los Angeles. Colonel Abert was purposely vague in his instructions because he, like everyone else in official Washington, knew

very little of these interior trails. And the Spanish Trail in particular was somewhere between mystery and legend for even the most informed civilized geographers. ©

Simpson’s travels with Washington’s command in the summer

of 1849 took him out of Sante Fe, north and west to the Chaco River near the 36th degree of north latitude.? (See map, p. 276.) 2. Col. Andrew Atkinson Humphreys: “Report of the Office of the Pacific Railroad Explorations and Surveys, Nov. 29, 1856,” 34th Cong., 3rd sess., H. R. Exec. Doc. 1 (1856-57), p. 212. See also the correspondence between Pope and Humphreys: Pope to Humphreys, Sept. 14, 1855; Nov. 16, 1855;

Feb. 10, 1856; June 30, 1858; June 24, 1859; and Pope’s Reports to Hum-

National Archives. ,

phreys, 1857-58, all in L.R., Bureau of Explorations and Surveys, R.G. 48,

3. J. H. Simpson: “Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, New Mexico to the Navajo Country Made with the Troops under Command

In Search of an Iron Trail 275 There Colonel Washington’s troopers successfully invaded the | Chaco Canyon stronghold of the Navaho. A few days later the entire command marched westward into the Canyon de Chelly, another Navaho citadel. After a sharp, one-sided skirmish with the Indians,

the Navaho power was broken forever and Lieutenant Simpson was free to explore the Canyon de Chelly. He was the first white man to discover and describe its spectacular prehistoric Indian pueblos.

The return march from the Canyon de Chelly was via the Pueblo Bonito and Fort Defiance, thence due east past Zuni, Inscription Rock, and the Puerco River towns of New Mexico. Along the way Lieutenant Simpson examined some of the most important archaeological sites in the entire Southwest (see Chapter 9). With respect to the railroad, Simpson, supplementing his own observations with

information given him by the mountain man Richard Campbell (see p. 75), concluded that a good route existed from the Rio Grande due west past Zuni and across the Colorado to California. In effect, though his findings were not conclusive, he had located a new Southwestern trail that complicated the railroad problem by presenting a clear alternative to the road discovered by Lieu-

tenant Emory. |

His suggestions for a road west of Zuni were followed up in an expedition sent out in 1851 under the command of Captain Lorenzo Sitgreaves of the Topographical Corps. The Sitgreaves expedition, which also made significant contributions to archaeology and ethnology, marched along the Zuni and the Little Colorado westward across Arizona, past the San Francisco Mountains, to the Mojave Villages on the main Colorado.* (See map, p. 276.) Despite the presence of the skilled mountain-man guide Antoine Leroux, the group ran afoul of Indians and suffered a number of casualties, including Leroux himself, who was so badly wounded by a Yampais arrow that

he eventually was unable to function as guide. The surgeon, Dr. | Woodhouse, who kept a notebook recording his duties on the expedi| tion, was faced with virtually every medical problem, from poisoned-

| arrow wounds to rattlesnake bites, before Sitgreaves’s battered tary Department and Governor of New Mexico,” 31st Cong., 1st sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 64 (1850), pp. 55-168. Unless otherwise stated, my account is based on this source.

| 4. This account is based on Lorenzo Sitgreaves: “Report of an Expedition

Down to the Zuni and Colorado Rivers,” 32nd Cong., 2nd sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 59 (1853); and Dr. S. W. Woodhouse: “Journals,” MS., Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences.

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In Search of an Iron Trail 283 _ Dead in the center of the map, along Senator Benton’s 38th parallel route, another expedition was launched. It was to follow a trail

roughly similar to that taken by Frémont in 1848, except that it aimed for Cochetopa Pass instead of Bill Williams Pass. Moreover, though Benton filibustered mightily, it was not led by Frémont. Its commander was Captain John Williams Gunnison, who had served with Stansbury on the survey of the Salt Lake—a good choice, since

| the expedition was eventually to pass through Mormon country. It appears, however, that Gunnison and his men, even before they started out, believed the route to be impractical. There is some indication that Davis sent the party into the field with the object of proving Benton wrong, rather than locating a railroad route.® Thwarted in his efforts to have Fremont appointed to command, Benton again arranged a private survey and sent Frémont into the field on the heels of Gunnison’s party. And again Frémont came to grief in the San Juan Mountains. Before he reached civilization on

the other side of the mountains, the Pathfinder saw his entire expedition disintegrate, and on the verge of rescue one of his men perished, frozen to death in the snow.! Fortunately, however, Senator Benton backed up this venture by securing a princely appropriation of $250,000 and the appointment of Edward Fitzgerald Beale as Indian Commissioner to California. Beale quite naturally adopted the 38th parallel route as the “shortest” and most “practicable” route West, and he took along his kins-

, man, a newspaperman named Gwin Harris Heap, to publicize the advantages of the road. As a result of the trip, which in itself was rel-

atively uneventful, they produced a privately printed report which made the Cochetopa Pass route seem almost incredible in its eco-

nomic possibilities. This report was distributed throughout the country.’ To the south, along the 35th parallel—the route scouted by Sitgreaves in 1851—-an expedition led by Lieutenant Amiel Weeks Whipple took the field. Strenuously advocated by Representative 9. R. H. Kern to J. S. Phelps, Pittsburgh, May 29, 1853, Yale Collection of Western Americana. | 1. Nevins: Frémont, pp. 408—20. For a first-hand account, see S. N. Carvalho: Incidents of Travel and Adventure in the Far West with Colonel Frémont’s

Last Expedition, B. W. Korn, ed. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America; 1954), first published by Derby and Jackson, in New

York, in 1857. .

2. Stephen Bonsall: Edward Fitzgerald Beale (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons; 1912), pp. 65-6; Gwin H. Heap: A Central Route to the Pacific .. . (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo and Co.; 1854).

|

284 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Phelps of Springfield, Missouri,* the 35th parallel route was a compromise route that promised to satisfy the citizens of Arkansas, Tennessee, and Mississippi, as well as those of Illinois, since it would connect with the Illinois Central at Cairo. It was, moreover, direct, and it ran through country with good year-round climate. On these counts, however, the 32nd parallel route appeared to be the best. So convinced of this was Davis that he did not at first even deem it necessary to send expeditions out to explore it. Ultimately, he yielded to political pressure and sent two missions into the field to survey the 32nd parallel line—one from the West, led by the vet-

eran explorer of New Mexico, Lieutenant John G. Parke, and the other from the East, commanded by Captain John Pope, who even at this early stage of his career was addicted to self-advertisement from his “headquarters in the saddle.”4 In California, other expeditions coursed north and south between the Coast Range and the Sierras looking for passes over the moun-

tains and a connection between California and the Far Northwest.® There was at least one interesting omission from the routes selected. This was the 41st parallel route, parts of which had been explored earlier by Stansbury and the Warner-Williamson expedition. This route had the advantage of being on a direct line to San Francisco, and its central location gave it a good potential as a compromise route. In his final evaluation of the survey reports, Davis claimed that the Stansbury and Warner surveys, along with Frémont’s in 1843, had provided enough information.® But these mis-

sions had not included railroad engineers or provided much data , on grades, curves, or costs.

When the exploring parties took to the field they included not only Army Topographical Engineers and military escorts, but teams

of civilian scientists as well. Taking advantage of the opportunity offered by the great federal reconnaissance, the various scientific societies and colleges had lobbied vigorously in Washington, first to

persuade the Secretary to take a broad scientific approach to the 3. Goetzmann: Army Exploration, p. 287. For the source of Phelps’s enthu- — siasm, see John Pope to J. S. Phelps, Oct. 28, 1852, copy L.S., T.E., R.G., 77.

4. John Pope: “Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Railroad, near the Thirty-second Parallel of North Latitude, from the Red River to the Rio Grande,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. II, Pt. IV, pp. 51 ff.

5. Robert S. Williamson: “Report of Exploration in California for Railroad Routes to Connect with the Routes near the 35th and 32nd Parallels of North Latitude,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. V. 6. Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. I, Pt. I, pp. 12—1x6.

|

| In Search of an Iron Trail 285 railroad problem, and second to secure positions for their representatives on the surveys.’ The most elaborate expedition was Isaac I. Stevens’s Northernsurvey party. It was composed of two main sections. One, led by Stevens himself, headed up the Missouri by boat to its jumping-off point at Fort Union on the Yellowstone and Missouri rivers.’ A second major party, under Captain George B. McClellan, moved east across the Cascade Mountains of Washington searching for passes on the western end of the line. From time to time these major parties

| were subdivided into smaller units and the entire country between the 47th and the 4oth parallels was surveyed (see map, p. 268). The three principal problems were: (1) locating a pass across the Continental Divide; (2) turning the northern flank of the Bitterroot Mountains; and (3) crossing the Cascade Mountains. Relying on data from Lewis and Clark’s journals, the parties located no less than five passes over the Divide: Marias, Lo-Lo, Hell-Gate, Cadotte’s Pass, and Lewis and Clark’s Pass. Turning the northern flank of the Bitterroots proved to be easier than expected, much of the way consisting of the old routes taken by Canadian fur traders down from

lakes Coeur d’Alene and Pend d Oreille. They failed to locate a proper pass over the Cascade Mountains, however, because Captain

McClellan, displaying the same overcautious attitude that was to cost him victories in the Civil War, refused to test the snows in Snoqualmie Pass.® Had he done so, he would have discovered the de-

sired railroad route, since the snow in the passes was not as deep

as was generally believed. |

In his report to Davis, Stevens was highly enthusiastic, as might be expected. He claimed to have located two routes, depending on which terminals and which passes were used. The cost of construction would range between $90,338,649 and $95,927,880, and the winter snows at that latitude “would not present the slightest impediment to the passage of railroad trains.”1 Whenever he could,

| Stevens took the occasion to promote the potentialities of the North7. Goetzmann: Army Exploration, pp. 307—8. 8. Isaac I. Stevens: “Narrative and Final Report of Explorations for a Route

for a Pacific Railroad near the Forty-Seventh and Forty-Ninth Parallels of North Latitude from St. Paul to Puget Sound,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol.

XII, pp. 32-3. ,

pp. 1. Ibid.,3-6o. p. 351. , |

9. Ibid., p. 146. Also see Philip Henry Overmeyer: “George B. McClellan and

the Pacific Northwest,” Pacific Northwest Quarterly, Vol. XXXII (1941),

286 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE ern route, maintaining that the country “far surpassed” the Empire of Russia for the “cultivation of the great staples.” Others, including many citizens of Washington Territory, and

: members of his own exploring party, did not share Stevens’s views. | His naturalist, Dr. George Suckley, wrote to his brother from Fort

Steilacoom in January of 1854: | . ,

The general feeling here is in favor of a railroad route through the South Pass having a Y-shaped bifurcation, the one branch to San Francisco, the other Puget Sound. The extreme northern

route to the mind of all who went over it; including thatofour =|

railroad estimating engineer, who were unprejudiced seems | impracticably expensive. A road might be built over the tops of the Himaleyah mountains—but no reasonable man would undertake [it]. I think the same of the Northern route. Tunnels of

two miles in length are not our only obstacles; gullies, steep grades and deep cuts are bad enough, but the almost innumerable heavy and strong high bridges required and the large number of short and sudden curves, frequently of less than 1,000 feet radius, are very serious obstacles.’

: Such was its dissatisfaction with Stevens’s views that the legislature of Washington Territory commissioned Frederick West Lander,

a civilian engineer, to survey another route from Puget Sound to South Pass which branched off from the main emigrant trail. His report, which was favorable, was included in the final edition of the

Pacific Railroad Reports.4 |

9 Captain John W. Gunnison of the Topographical Engineers _ launched his 38th parallel expedition from Fort Leavenworth on June 23, 1853. (See map, p. 268.) His party included several vet- | erans of Frémont’s 1848 disaster, including Richard Kern, the topographer, and Frederick Creuzefeldt, the German botanist, who was one of those accused of cannibalism.’ The crucial phase of 2. Ibid., p. 331.

3. George Suckley to John Suckley, Fort Steilacoom, Washington Terr., Jan. |

25, 1854, Suckley Papers, Yale Western Americana Collection. | , 4. For Lander’s report, see Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. II, Pt. III, pp. 5-44.

5. See E. G. Beckwith: “Report of Exploration for a Route for the Pacific Railroad, by Capt. J. W. Gunnison, Topographical Engineers, near the 38th and 39th Parallels of North Latitude, from the Mouth of the Kansas River,

|

In Search of an Iron Trail , 287 Gunnison’s expedition was the survey of Cochetopa Pass in southern Colorado and the location of a railroad route westward out of

the San Luis Valley. In this endeavor they were only partially successful. Menaced continually by belligerent parties of Ute Indians, they nevertheless, with the help of Antoine Leroux, managed to cross over the San Juans via a good wagon road and reach the

valley of the Grand River. From there they made their way across Green River and through the Wasatch Mountains down into the

valley of the Sevier River. At this point Gunnison assumed his major task was completed, and the danger from Indian attack was over. But when they reached the Mormon town of Manti they found its citizens barricaded in their houses, fearful of an Indian attack. In a letter to his wife, Gunnison wrote from Manti:

There is a war between the Mormons and the Indians and parties of less than a dozen do not dare to travel. We did not know what a risk we have lately been running until coming here for I have been riding carelessly in the mountains hunting roads ahead and other curious capers.® It was his last letter. Early on the morning of October 26, 1853, as the cook was stirring the embers of the morning fire and Gunnison

was returning from his morning ablutions in the Sevier River, a party of Paiutes struck the camp from all sides. In the wild confusion of the Indian attack, Gunnison fell, riddled with arrows.

Creuzefeldt pitched forward beside the fire, and the troopers were | massacred as they fled in all directions. Only four escaped. It was | two days before the main survey party reached the scene of the massacre, and by that time the animals had made short work of what the Paiutes left." , The massacre of Captain Gunnison and his command was the worst disaster suffered by the Army in the West up to that time, and the publicity it received was a severe blow to advocates of a central railroad route through Paiute territory. Some, Mo., to the Sevier Lake, in the Great Basin,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. II.

See also Nolie Mumey: John Williams Gunnison (Denver, Colo.: Artcraft Press; 1955), which includes a translation from the German of Dr. James Schiel’s narrative and, most interesting, the Indian versions of Gunnison’s massacre, on which my account is largely based. See also the Gunnison Papers, Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California; Josiah Gibbs: “Gunnison Massacre,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. I (1928), pp. 67-75;

7 and Hine: Edward Kern and American Expansion, pp. 96—7.

6. Lt. John W. Gunnison to wife, City of Manti, Oct. 18, 1853, Gunnison

Papers, Henry E. Huntington Library. , 7. See footnote 5 on preceding page. |

288 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE however, blamed the Mormons rather than the Indians for the massacre, and it became one more grievance between the United States and Deseret that helped to bring on the Mormon War of 1857. The command of the expedition devolved upon Lieutenant E. G. _ Beckwith of the 3rd Artillery, who took the survivors into winter

encampment in Salt Lake City. Beckwith was genuinely interested in locating a central railroad route, and early the following spring he led a party which re-explored Stansbury’s trails over the Wasatch Mountains. He found the Weber River and the Timpanogos Canyons

ideally suited for a railroad.* |

After exploring the Wasatch Mountains, Lieutenant Beckwith increased the size of his party by signing on several veterans of Fré-

-mont’s second disaster who had staggered into Salt Lake City the

| previous winter.® Then he turned west to locate a route across the Great Basin and into California. This phase of the 38th parallel survey had been his own idea and he had obtained clearance from the

Secretary of War in February of 1854.1 It proved to be an enormously successful operation. From Salt Lake City he swung north to the 41st parallel and crossed the Great Basin via Pilot Peak and the Humboldt River to the base of the Sierra Nevadas near Mud. Lake. Then he located two suitable passes over the mountains and into the valley of the Sacramento River: Madeline Pass, and Nobles

Pass, which originated at Honey Lake and was already a wagon

route (see map, p. 268). |

In completing Gunnison’s survey, Beckwith had actually laid the direct central route that linked Warner’s California reconnaissance with Stansbury’s discovery of a pass near Lodgepole Creek in the front range of the Rocky Mountains. In so doing, he had anticipated

the actual route taken by the first transcontinental railroad. But

veys.LO| | |

since he was an artillery officer and not an engineer, he neglected to include cost estimates for the road and his report was virtually ig-

| nored by Davis and Humphreys in their final evaluation of the sur-

Though the Union Pacific eventually followed a central route, this was not necessarily the best route for the United States as of mid-century. Lieutenant Amiel Weeks Whipple led a party west , 8. Beckwith: Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. II, pp. 113-14. g. Carvalho: Incidents of Travel and Adventure, pp. 205-12. 1. Beckwith: Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. II, pp. 113-14.

In Search of an Iron Trail 289 from Fort Smith, Arkansas, in July of 1853 along what may well have been the most practicable route at that time—the 35th paral-

lel route (see map, p. 268). Whipple’s party included Dr. Jules Marcou, a Swiss geologist, and Heinrich Baldwin Méllhausen, an artist-naturalist who had been sent to America by Baron Von Humboldt, the great Prussian geographer. Mdéllhausen eventually returned to Germany, where he wrote so many novels based on his travels in the American West that he became known as the “German

Fenimore Cooper.”? | ,

| The route taken by Whipple’s party was essentially the Canadian River trail laid out by Josiah Gregg in 1839 and surveyed by Abert,

| and later Marcy and Simpson in 1849.3 West of Albuquerque they headed for Zuni; and from Zuni they were guided by Antoine Leroux, who had been with Sitgreaves in ’51 and only recently with the Gunnison party as far as Grand River. Whipple’s trail west of Zuni swung south of that taken by Sitgreaves and followed the Bill Williams Fork across Arizona to its junction with the Colorado River. Then, reversing Sitgreaves’s directions, Whipple took his men

up the Colorado as far as the Needles and then across the Mojave

Desert to San Bernardino. © |

| _ “There is not a doubt remaining,” Whipple reported, “that for construction of a railway the route we have passed over is not only prac-

_ ticable but in many respects eminently advantageous.” When he reported his cost-estimates for the road, however, Whipple made a | serious error. He nearly doubled the true costs, submitting an in-

| credible figure of $169,210,265 when in actuality the costs should have been $93,853,605, as he realized when he made his final estimates.® Because of the confusion over the costs, Whipple’s route, 2. Preston Barba: Baldwin Mollhausen, the German Cooper (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania and D. Appleton and Co.; 1914). See also Heinrich

: Baldwin Mollihausen: Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Coasts

: of the Pacific with a United States Government Expedition, trans. Mrs. | Percy Sinnett, 2 vols. (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans &

Roberts; 1858). , 3. See pp. 271-2. |

4. Amiel Weeks Whipple: “Report of Explorations for a Railway Route near the Thirty-Fifth Parallel of North Latitude from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. III, Pt. II, p. 132. See also the Whipple Papers, Oklahoma State Historical Society. 5. Ibid., p. 76. Compare with earlier estimate in A. A. Humphreys and G. K. Warren: “An Examination by Direction of the Hon. Jefferson Davis, Sec. of War of the Reports of Explorations for Railroad Routes frorn the Missis-

sippi to the Pacific, Made under the Orders of the War Department in 1853-54 , ».+, 33rd Cong., 1st sess., H. R. Exec. Doc. 129 (1855), p. 57.

| .| . 290 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

the only one with a real chance as a compromise route before the Civil War, appeared in a far less favorable light than it deserved. Nevertheless, it continued to have numerous supporters. Somewhat anticipated by A. B. Gray’s civilian survey of the Southern route in 1853,° the official surveys of the 32nd parallel route by Lieutenant John G. Parke and Captain John Pope were important and they more than confirmed the enthusiastic expectations of the Topographical Bureau. In the winter of 1854 Parke surveyed a trail through the Chiracahua Mountains of Arizona via Nugent’s Wagon Road, and in the spring of 1855 he improved the route by locating still another pass.? The interesting thing about Parke’s trails is that they were located after the negotiation of the Gadsden

Purchase. Had he been sent into the field earlier, the purchase would not have taken place, and there would not have been the re- |

lated Boundary Survey difficulties. |

At the eastern end of the line, in Texas, Captain Pope explored the Guadalupe Mountains of New Mexico in search of a suitable railroad pass and then led his command along the southern border of the dreaded Staked Plains of Texas. When it became necessary to cross the plains, Pope sent his subordinates out instead, while he “explored” Lieutenant Bryan’s trail via Horsehead Crossing of the

Il

| Pecos and Big Springs. Pope was extremely enthusiastic about the Southern route in his report and even went so far as to speculate at some length about its potentialities for tapping the entire trade of

northern Mexico.® : |

Out in California, Lieutenant Williamson performed the crucial service of exploring the southern passes over the Sierra Nevadas,

| and he reluctantly concluded that no feasible railroad pass existed

I 2. | |

6. See A. B. Gray: Southern Pacific Railroad, Survey of a Route for the Southern Pacific R.R. on the Thirty-Second Parallel by A. B. Gray, for the Texas Western R.R. Company (Cincinnati, Ohio: Wrightson and Co; 1856).

7. John G. Parke: “Report of Explorations for That Portion of a Railroad Route, near the Thirty-Second Parallel of North Latitude Lying between Dona Ana, on the Rio Grande, and Pimas Villages, on the Gila,” Pacific Railroad

Reports, Vol. II, Pt. V. See also Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. VII, Pt. I, pp. . 3 John Pope: “Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Railroad, near the Thirty-Second Parallel of North Latitude, from the Red River to the Rio Grande,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. II, Pt. IV.

In Search of an Iron Trail 291 at the western end of the 32nd parallel line. Instead, he recommended a route from Fort Yuma via Cajon or San Gorgonio Pass to Los Angeles, rather than San Diego, and a subsequent swing north through Tehachapi Pass into the San Joaquin Valley.® Williamson’s report should have been a severe blow to the advocates of the 32nd parallel route, for his discoveries tended to reinforce the claims of Lieutenant Whipple, who had surveyed the 35th parallel line. Even today the Southern Pacific Railroad into San Diego is forced to dip southward into Mexico before it reaches its destination. The final phase of field operations on the Pacific Railroad Surveys

was the Williamson-Abbott expeditions north from California in search of coastal routes between California and the Northwest.' Despite some difficulty with Indians, the Army Topographers located two practical coastal routes, one east of the Cascades, and one to the west of them. The west one, which closely approximated the old Hudson’s Bay brigade trail, would involve a difficult series of ridges between the Upper Sacramento and the Des Chutes River—

the rough country where Klamath and Pit River Indians were accustomed to ambush the trappers—but the survey engineers were ultimately able to circumvent the Klamath country by way of suit-

able passes on either flank. The effect of the Williamson-Abbott coastal surveys was to strengthen the position of San Francisco as _ the logical Western terminus for the railroad, since it was now certain that from it in either direction, north or south, branches of the

railroad could run. |

12

The evaluation of the Pacific Railroad Surveys took place in two stages. A preliminary report was issued by the War Department in 1855,” and then beginning in 1857, in a series of large quarto vol-

umes, the final report was issued. The two reports differed considerably. In the 1855 version, Davis and Humphreys dismissed the

Stevens, Gunnison, and Whipple reports rather easily in favor of the 32nd parallel line. And, indeed, the Secretary’s ready conclusion g. Robert S. Williamson: “Report of Exploration in California for Railroad Routes to Connect with the Routes near the 35th and 32nd Parallels of North Latitude,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. V, pp. 41-3. 1. Henry L. Abbott: “Report upon Explorations for a Railroad Route from the Sacramento Valley to the Columbia River,” Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. VI.

2. See footnote 5, p. 289.

292 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE , was that “the route of the thirty-second parallel is, of those surveyed, ‘the most practicable and economical route for a railroad , from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean.’”? The surprising fact was that on close examination not one but a number of feasible

routes had been discovered, including Lander’s South Pass line, Beckwith’s trail along the 41st parallel, and Whipple’s compromise line along the 35th. Moreover, the obvious advantage of the 32nd parallel route had begun to fade as a result of Williamson’s failure to locate a good pass into San Diego. As a result of the surveys, then,

the confusion that confronted Congress was actually heightened. | Davis did his best to dispel that confusion by continuing to advocate the 32nd parallel route, despite its poor points, in the final

version of the survey reports. In reviewing the claims of the other , sectional routes, he stressed their disadvantages, uncritically accepted reports condemning them—such as McClellan’s erroneous belief that impossible snows blocked Snoqualmie Pass—and paid _ scant attention to such newly discovered routes as Lander’s and Beckwith’s, though he ultimately termed Beckwith’s 41st parallel —

route the best after the Southern route.‘ oe

The result, of course, was failure. In the face of such obvious partisanship, no Congress could agree to build the road, and the debate continued. As Zedekiah Kidwell of Virginia concluded, Davis, by his failure to adjust to the winds of politics and shift his support to a compromise route such as the 35th parallel route, had “harmed the South he sought to serve.”> No one at that time, however, con-

sidered the reasons for Davis’s refusal to compromise in the interests of national expediency. But, in the light of history, the reasons are clear. For nearly ten years since the Mexican War the Topographical Bureau and its trained engineer-explorers had concentrated the bulk of their attention on the Southwest. Science itself, in the persons of countless army engineers, had pointed the way to

a Southwestern route. Davis, well aware of this backlog of evidence | gained from experience in the field, could not bring himself to yield - to what he considered political expediency. Blinded by his long experience in military affairs, and emotionally committed to the South

besides, Davis stood on the scientific evidence derived from the | 3. Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 29. 4. For a detailed analysis of Davis’s conclusions, see Goetzmann: Army Ex-

ploration, pp. 295-304.

5. Ibid., p. 303. See also Zedekiah Kidwell: “Supplementary Report in Reply to the Comments of the Sec. of War,” 34th Cong., 3rd sess., H. R. Misc. Doc.

44 (1857), p. 6. |

In Search of an Iron Trail 293 years of Topographical Engineer reports. His position was made _ Clear in a speech to the Senate in 1858. “If the section of which I am

a citizen has the best route, I ask who that looks to the interest of the country has a right to deny it the road.”* Thus ended the last _ real opportunity for a compromise between North and South over the development of the West. The responsibility for this failure has rested primarily on Davis, but it was also a function of the very explorations and explorers themselves. In this case, knowledge only

served to increase the already existing confusion. :

13 |

Even after the failure of the Pacific Railroad Surveys of 1853, the search for a transcontinental railroad route continued. In the summer of 1859, Captain James Hervey Simpson, who had been attached to the United States expeditionary force in Utah, made an extensive reconnaissance across the Great Basin from Camp Floyd _ in Utah to Carson City and Genoa at the base of the Sierra Nevadas."

His guide, John Reese, had taken him along a new trail south of any explored previously, and when he returned to Camp Floyd, Simpson had laid out such an improved route that the Chorpenning Mail Line and the Russell, Majors, and Waddell Company adopted it instantly (see map, p. 307). But it was not suitable for a railroad. What was practical for stagecoaches and wagons would not do for the locomo-

tive. In taking the jouncing stage over the Sierras from Genoa to _ Sacramento, Simpson had given very little thought to the finer

points of railway engineering. |

Still the need for a transcontinental railroad persisted. By 1860 there were over 300,000 people in California, the vast majority of whom demanded a link with the East, for economic and political reasons, but also for other motives such as homesickness and the simple desire for closer contact with their past. The craving for a “window to the East” was also enhanced by the great mineral strikes

recently made in Nevada, at such places as the Comstock on the 6. Jefferson Davis: “Remarks on Pacific Railroad Bill, Dec. x4, 1858,” in | Dunbar Rowland, ed.: Jefferson Davis: Constitutionalist, 10 vols. (Jackson, Miss.: Mississippi State Historical Society; 1923), Vol. II, p. 317. 7. James H. Simpson: Report of Explorations Across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah for a Direct Wagon-Route from Camp Floyd to Genoa, in

: 1876). 8. Ibid., p. 35. | 7 ,

| Carson Valley in 1859 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office;

294 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE eastern slopes of the Sierras. Any railroad line that crossed the Sierras even as far as Nevada was certain to be a paying proposition. Therefore, from the California point of view—and because of the discovery of gold and the heroic efforts of the wagon-trail scouts, who had seen to the population of the region, there was a California point of view—the railroad was no longer a grandiose dream. It

was a practical necessity. |

, Almost coincidental with this realization had come a shift in — technology that made a new approach to the problem feasible. This ©

_ was the emergence of the railroad specialist. Whereas in 1853 the | army had dispatched artillerists and topographers and fortification engineers to search out railroad routes, by the end of the decade there were enough men trained and experienced in railroading to

make railroad exploration a vastly more practical undertaking. Once again, new questions and new techniques needed to be ap-

plied to an old problem. |

Typical of the new men was Theodore D. Judah of Bridgeport, Connecticut.® Judah, unlike so many engineers of his day, was not

| an alumnus of West Point. He had attended Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute in Troy, New York. And afterward he made a distinct

_ career of railroading, working first on the New Haven, Hartford, and Springfield, then on the Connecticut River Railway, which with its hilly terrain and steep slopes was a foretaste of things to come,

out West. Before he was thirty, Judah had planned and built the | sky-high Niagara Gorge Railroad and he had served as head of construction for the important Buffalo and New York Railway. By 1854, when he was called West to California to build a line eastward

into the Sierras from Sacramento, Judah was a thoroughly experienced railroad man. Indeed, he was almost a genius in his special trade. In the course of constructing the Sacramento Valley Railroad eastward to Folsom on the western slopes of the Sierras, between 1854 and 1856, Judah, like most other men in California, became _ interested in the transcontinental railroad to the point of obsession. _ After he had completed the line to Folsom, he struck out on his own to explore the passes over the Sierras. In 1857 he published an extensive pamphlet entitled A Practical Plan for Building the Pacific Railroad, and he became known locally as “Crazy Judah.” With

|||

these qualifications, he was deemed, at the 1859 Railroad Conven- | 9g. Biographical data on Judah based on Oscar Lewis: The Big Four (New York: Alfred A. Knopf; 1938).

In Search of an Iron Trail 295

sent the case for California. | tion in San Francisco, the ideal man to go to Washington and pre-

In 1860 he returned to California to gather additional data about railroad passes over the Sierras. In all, he explored five basic routes over the mountains: one from Folsom via the Middle Fork of the American River, a continuation of the Sacramento Valley Railroad; another via Nevada City and the Yuba River, known as the Henness Pass Road; a third via Yuba Pass, Downieville, and the Truckee River; and a fourth via Beckwith’s Pass, which had been located

during the great reconnaissance of 1853. But he rejected all of these in favor of a fifth line that he had located with the help of a frontier druggist, “Doc” Strong of Dutch Flat, California. Early in the spring of 1860 he received a letter from Strong and as soon as he could he hurried to Dutch Flat to look over the druggist’s pro_ posed route. Together they discovered a massive monocline, or in-

clined ramp, rising upward unobstructed between the Yuba and Bear rivers into the Sierras all the way to Donner Pass. This was the

ideal route over the first and steepest crest of the Sierras, and | though they didn’t stop to examine it closely at that time, they were certain that the valley of the Truckee River would take them over | the second crest and down into Nevada. In “Doc” Strong’s drugstore they excitedly drew up the articles of association for a Pacific Railroad and, in the months that followed, attempted to sell shares to finance a thorough and scientific survey of the Donner Pass—Truckee routes. By the end of the summer they had succeeded, and the Central Pacific Railroad Company was unofficially formed. The subscribers were the now famous big four, Leland Stanford, Charles Crocker, Collis P. Huntington, and Mark

Hopkins, and some lesser-known men, Lewis A. Booth, Charles Marsh, and James Bailey. The money provided by these men enabled Judah to make a thorough engineering survey of the road in 1861, complete with barometric profiles, calculation for grades, curves, tunnels, bridges, etc., a vastly more sophisticated survey than those conducted by the Topographical Engineers. His only mis-

calculation was in underestimating the amount and effect of the snowfall.

The Central Pacific Railroad Company was formally organized in June of 1861 with Leland Stanford as its president, and Judah was sent to Washington to secure federal backing for the road. It seems clear that at the outset Stanford and his partners professed a desire to secure federal aid for a transcontinental railroad, while in fact they intended to push the line only as far as the lucrative

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312 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Mormon outpost, where he was given daily religious sermons by | the zealous Raynolds.®

Along with the Pacific Railroad Surveys, the Mexican Boundary | Surveys, and incidental discoveries made in the course of construct- | ing the Mullan Road from Fort Walla Walla to the Upper Missouri, these latter-day expeditions comprised the major opportunities for scientific exploration in the American West before the Civil War. They were all exciting and important, and largely the projects of the federal government. Taken together, their findings, particularly in the fields of science and art, afford the best idea possible of the impact of what might be called “the Humboldtean world view” upon the development of the West. For this reason, the overall scientific results of these expeditions of the 1850’s will be considered in the

| following pages according to their emergence as separate disciplines. A consideration of the important scientific discoveries and their ambiguous consequences for the march of empire is perhaps |

3|

a fitting capstone for the era of Manifest Destiny as it is reflected in

the history of Western exploration. 7 | The first task of the Humboldtean scientific explorers of the 1840's and 1850's was the compiling of an overall map of the West based upon actual exploration and trigonometric and astronomical

surveys. David Burr’s map of 1839 encompassed virtually a sum |

| total of the knowledge of the mountain men which had survived in cartographic form, but it was hardly scientific and had few if any | accurately determined points. The early Topographical Engineer charts were no better. Captain Washington Hood’s map, with its —/ rectangular Salt Lake, derived whatever accuracy it had from plagiarized portions of Aaron Arrowsmith’s Hudson’s Bay maps. And even as late as 1844 Lieutenant Emory’s map of the Southwest was 9g. William F. Raynolds: “Report on the Exploration of the Yellowstone and the Country Drained by that River,” 4oth Cong., 2nd sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 77

(1868). See also Raynolds’s diaries for the expedition, in Yale Western | Americana Collection, in which Raynolds recounts his attempts to convert :

Hayden to Christianity. ,

1. See John Mullan: “Report and Map of Capt. John Mullan, United States Army, of his Operations While Engaged in the Construction of a Military Road from Fort Walla Walla, on the Columbia River, to Fort Benton, on the Missouri River,” 37th Cong., 3rd sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 43 (1863).

The Great Reconnaissance 313

boldt back in 1811. | |

compiled from hearsay sources little better than those used by Hum-

Joseph N. Nicollet, in his surveys of the Dakotas and the Mississippi, had shown the way. His “Map of the Hydrographic Basin of the Upper Mississippi River” was based on some 90,000 instrument readings and 326 distinctly determined astronomical points.” With its overall regional concept of a “hydrographic basin,” Nicollet’s map and the accompanying report were years ahead of their time. Had he lived one more decade, Nicollet would undoubtedly have become the official government cartographer of the whole trans-Mississippi West. But he died suddenly in 1843, alone and relatively unknown

except to the scientific community. _ His protégé Fremont carried on the cartographical work assisted by the moody German, Charles Preuss. As a result of the Pathfinder’s epic marches through the West, several highly important Western maps emerged. Most significant was the map accompanying his report of 1843-44. The first with any scientific basis to portray the West comprehensively, it charted only the country observed along the line of march, except for one erroneous departure.

Frémont, in an understandable guess, made Utah Lake, a freshwater body, part of the Great Salt Lake. Fremont’s map also indicated the Great Basin, with the resounding descriptive legend: “The Great Basin; diameter 11° of latitude, 10° of longitude; elevation above the sea between 4 and 5000 feet; surrounded by lofty mountains; contents almost unknown, but believed to be filled with rivers and lakes which have no communication with the sea, deserts, and oases which have never been explored, and savage tribes which no

traveler has seen or described.”? It was a cartographic landmark and guided thousands of travelers westward to the Pacific. Various

| adaptations of the map found their way into privately printed emigrant guides and thus it had an even greater, though unmeasurable, secondary influence. The most useful “Frémont map” was printed in seven sections in

1846. It was drawn by Charles Preuss from Frémont’s data and followed the emigrant trail westward providing information on weather, grass, terrain, Indians, and wildlife. It was studded with descriptive comments from Frémont’s narrative of his expedition of 2. J. N. Nicollet: “Report Intended to [lustrate a Map of the Hydrographic Basin of the Upper Mississippi River,” 26th Cong., 2nd sess., Sen. Exec.

Doc. 237 (1840-41). , 3. See map in Frémont: Report.

|

|

|

| 314 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE 1843-44 and provided the most authentic guide for the Western traveler until the various cut-offs and alternative trails began to emerge.*

After Frémont’s maps, the most practical of the day were those drawn by Lieutenant, later Major, William Hemsley Emory. His map of the Far Southwest, made while marching across New Mexico and Arizona to California with Kearny’s Army of the West, in fact constituted the first instrumental survey of that region.» It was

| accurate for the most part, considering his rather crude instruments and the little time available to an army on the march. Its one failing was that it did not note properly the great bend of the Gila

| River. This made little difference, however, to the thousands of argonauts who used the map as published by Congress, and took the |

| Gila Trail to California.

But it mattered to Emory, and on the Mexican Boundary Survey of 1850-57 he was greatly concerned to compile an accurate map.

This seemed especially urgent because of the obvious errors in Disturnell’s map which played such a vital part in the treaty negotia-

tions with Mexico, and because of the necessity for a chart showing the true boundary between the United States and Mexico as the American and Mexican commissions were struggling to lay it out. Emory’s map which ultimately came out in 1853 was the most accurate rendering of the Southwest ever made up to that time, though

it still had certain faults and omissions. Particularly, it failed to show the possible East-West railroad passes north of the 32nd parallel.é |

The most important of the maps drawn by the Topographical Engineers was Lieutenant Gouverneur Kemble Warren’s map of 1857, which accompanied Jefferson Davis’s final report on the

||

Pacific Railroad Surveys.? A monumental work which encompassed

the whole West, Warren’s map was, in a sense, the culminating achievement of the Great Reconnaissance period. For the first time, a reasonably accurate, instrument-based outline of the entire complex geography of the West was available. Only twenty-six when he produced the map, Warren was something of a cartographic genius. In order to construct the master map of the West, he had to

4. See Charles Preuss: Topographical Map of the Road from Missouri to — Oregon ...In VII Sections (Baltimore: E. Weber and Co.; 1846). 5. See map in Emory: “Notes.” 6. See map in Emory: “Report on the United States and Mexican Boundary Survey,” 34th Cong., 1st sess., H.R. Exec. Doc. 135 (1857). 7. See Warren’s map in Pacific Railroad Reports, Vol. XI.

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Still another form of scientific art had to do with ethnology and the W sci f archeology. Before the camera, the only way of recording e

‘ i° ei ei«1C

l art e

dp ting studies of prehistoric Indian cultures was by means of drawings, which, even in the late nineteenth century, were highly

romantic in style. Portfolio | presents examp ;

The illustrations in this section are examples o e arti °

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econstruction of the Pueblo of Hungo Pavie. Lithograph from a drawing

by hemade Si diti the expe Navajo in R.K H. d Kern on theto Impson 10on € country ava] 8 This i onabl curate reconstruction. Courtesy Barker Center

1849. is is a reasonably accu . y

for Texas History, University of Texas

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: eS AN RAR nee RAN wae Eso vg aPERE |.—oe . avanti wah ea ee peeks Peo sMe aetwa : AL fuHEE One BS :SANA eg aN wes _. — salatanhivadail aNS ay eeBae nee * kde: ae oe ieHe eee SSN ee Anan Seecet Seay aes‘3 S RARE Sekai NGA aiiaanntiie: “has : 1D. Whitney to W. D. Whitney, San Francisco, March g, 1872, Whitney —

1. Smith: Virgin Land, passim. ,

The New Mountain Men: California’s Geological Survey 389

the middle class. Whitney was never really aware of its complexity, though he and his survey became its victims.

For the Survey itself, there was much to be said. It marked a transition between the old general surveys and those which focused

on specific problems like mountain-making and the age of gold-

bearing strata. As such, it served as an almost unique training ground for civilian scientists in the West who were not under | military supervision. Thus it formed a nucleus of civilian-oriented

experts who staffed the later national surveys and ultimately helped upset army control of Western exploration. Often overshadowed by the later, more famous national surveys, the California Survey was an institutional. proving ground, a means of training able new scientists, a generator of new enthusiasms for a conservation approach to the West, and perhaps most of all a glorious adventure in a new dimension of exploration—the surmounting of

the High Sierras and their incorporation into the horizon of human _ knowledge. But before the civilian scientific explorer, however . heroic his feats, gained ascendency in the West, the military was once again to have its day in the sun.

CHAPTER XI

The Army Way

AFTER Appomattox, the United States Army once again faced West. Though greatly reduced in size as a result of the Army Act of 1866,

the military was confronted in the postwar years by a series of Western problems that overshadowed anything it had faced before the war. A great rush of settlers had moved West, led by a horde of voracious prospectors who, in much greater numbers, duplicated the feats of the fur trappers of a bygone day in that they invaded every valley, gulch, and river bed in the mountain West in search

| of the big bonanza. Wherever they went, however unpromising and inaccessible the site, tent cities sprang up, and civilization came to the wilderness. With civilization came more population and an in-

| creasing demand for transportation, and by 1868 at least three railroad projects and several important wagon roads were underway, pushing out across the plains through the buffalo country and into the mountains. Inevitably they clashed with the Indian,

brushing him aside, killing his buffalo, reducing his domain, , threatening his very existence. As early as 1866, the great Indian

wars had begun and the Army was faced with a new kind of con- | flict—a guerrilla war extending over vast distances and every conceivable kind of terrain. Moreover, the enemy was like nothing the civilized soldier had seen before—a mobile, resourceful fighter who knew the country and could live off the land no matter what

the hardship. In addition, the Indian was not without allies. The Indian agents of the Interior Department who sold him guns and supplies had a certain cynical appreciation of him, and back in the East, groups of prewar Abolitionists turned from the South to the West with a newfound, vocal interest in the redman. 390

The Army Way , 391 It was not only his resourceful enemies that complicated the soldier's task. Each false-front hamlet and tent metropolis de| manded federal military aid, chiefly to subsidize its own somewhat premature economic enterprises. And when political representa| tives were unable to secure the desired military aid, the miners and settlers frequently created new rushes and even new Indian wars that forcibly commanded military attention. Just as the early fur trader had had the luxury of direct access to his government, so too

did the sourdough and his frontier friends the itinerant lawyers and politicians. Caught between two fires, and with a force of only 45,000 men to guard the enormous Western frontier and garrison the conquered South, the Army’s situation seemed precarious, if not almost hopeless. And yet, to the professional soldier, it also offered

an opportunity. Threatened with displacement and alienation in | the postwar rush to civilian industrial development, he could perhaps once again assume an important place in the social evolution of his time. The settlement of the West was a great and inevitable epic adventure. As part of it he could once again, as in the days before the war, become an important member of society. For some, with the bugle calls of Gettysburg and Cedar Creek and a hundred other battles still fresh in their ears, it offered a chance for glory. For others it was an opportunity for service.

2 Paradoxically, out on the pressurized postwar frontier, the first military necessity was accurate information. Despite the years of

prewar experience in the West, and the monumental efforts of several generations of military and civilian explorers, there was still not enough useful and reliable geographical information about the country. As the settlers reached out into ever more remote regions, a demand arose for data concerning mountain passes, transportation routes, Indian strongholds, river courses, resources for farmer,

miner, and railroader, and even such prosaic things as the degree of annual rainfall. New technology and new goals, not to mention new theaters of operations, demanded that fresh maps be drawn and new reports be submitted. Because of the Indian dangers and the lack of appropriate existing institutions with financial support, civilian agencies could not undertake the task. Thus the Army returned to conducting scientific explorations and surveys over the

392 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | whole West, even to the extent of reviving in an informal manner

the old Bureau of Explorations and Surveys under the Chief of Engineers. This bureau was not the only, or even the major, means employed

| by the Army to gather information, however. The military employed

| at least three different institutional approaches to the problem. In the first instance, the Chief of Engineers assigned at least one of his exploration officers to each of the military departments in the West, where he served for all practical purposes as an intelligence officer, coordinating the field reports of various scouting parties onto a master map of his particular region, and often conducted field expeditions himself. Secondly, beginning in 1867, the Army employed Clarence King, formerly of the California Geological Survey, to conduct an extensive scientific reconnaissance of the 40th parallel from the California border to the Great Plains. His path was roughly one hundred miles wide, following the line of the transcontinental railroad, and was primarily oriented toward the location of resources which would sustain the railroad and its settlers. Third, in 1871, Lieutenant George Montague Wheeler, an ambitious officer of the Engineer Corps, commenced what came to be called the United States Geographical Surveys Beyond the 1ooth Meridian. Wheeler’s Survey was an attempt to divide the West into ninety-four enormous geodetic quadrangles and within this frame-

work to construct, in systematic fashion, a definitive map of the country. Each of these approaches, though necessarily involving a measure of duplication, was thought by the War Department to be important in its own right and the best service it could afford to the cause of Westward expansion. The fate of each of these operations constitutes in a very real sense the story of army exploration in the

postwar West. | | | | 3

The most demanding of the explorers’ functions fell on the engi- —

neer officers attached to the Western military departments. In the _ postwar West there were six major departments, each commanded by a major general. In 1866—67, for example, the following divisions existed: Dakota, commanded by General Alfred H. Terry; Missouri, under General W. S. Hancock; the Platte, under General Philip St. George Cooke; the Gulf, headed by General Philip Sheridan; California, under General Irwin McDowell; the Columbia, un-

|

The Army Way 393 der General Frederick Steele; and the Arkansas, under General E. O. C. Ord. From time to time these departments were redrawn and their commanders changed, but the engineer officer’s function remained the same. He had to serve at least two masters, the departmental commander, who might order him into the field at any time, and the Chief of Engineers, who demanded results in the form of maps, mineral surveys, and wagon-road estimates. In addition, his printed reports were closely scrutinized by a number of civilian critics including congressmen, territorial representatives, speculators, and members of the National Academy of Science. His position was indeed precarious and his role an exacting one, but by the same token the enormous range of his commitments made him

an influential part of the Army’s Western operations. | There is no systematic way to describe these far-ranging duties.

For the most part they were somewhat loosely-coordinated on a national level, arising when the opportunity and/or the demand presented itself. Some of the earliest reconnaissances were conducted in the Department of the Pacific in an attempt to keep pace with prospectors branching out into the interior from California. In 1865 Colonel R. S. Williamson pioneered military roads from Susanville to Fort Bidwell in northern California and then on to Fort Klamath in Oregon. The following year he struck out into the Great Basin on a reconnaissance from Fort Churchill to Ruby Valley and Silver City, laying out a path for military detachments assigned to protect adventurous miners bent on exploiting the riches of eastern Nevada.! In 1866, too, as previously recounted, Clarence

King and James Gardner accompanied a detachment of cavalry across the Mojave Desert to Fort Mojave on the Lower Colorado River. In the course of their march, they explored large portions of northwestern Arizona between Prescott and the Colorado River.

that river.

Out of these ventures and Lieutenant Joseph C. Ives’s 1857 expedition up the Colorado grew a marked concern for the exploration of

The exploration of that unknown river and the location of northsouth routes across the Great Basin became the two most important projects of the Department of the Pacific. By 1866 the Mormons

had established an outpost at Callville on the north bank of the Colorado River just below the Grand Canyon, and from all directions prospectors were converging on that region. Arizona promoters, fresh from a minor mineral boom in that territory, had 1. Report of the Chief of Army Engineers, in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” 40th Cong., 2nd sess., H.R. Exec. Doc. 1 (1867), pp. 53-4.

|

| 394 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE initiated a new Colorado steamboat line that had pushed through Black Canyon, which Lieutenant Ives had assumed to be the head

of navigation, and in 1866 Captain Rodgers on the Esmeralda reached Callville itself.2 The Mormons, eager for explorers’ aid in opening up the canyon region, advertised the Colorado River country above Callville as “better than the 100 miles just below,” and Captain R. S. Mansfield, in his report to the Chief of Engineers, added soberly, ignoring the obvious, that there was “no reason to doubt” this information.®

Then, in the fall of 1867, a dramatic event occurred. One James White, a prospector, drifted into Callville aboard a crude log raft. He was dragged from the river, “a pitiable object, emaciated and

haggard . . . his mental faculties, though still sound, liable to wander and verging on insanity.”* When he could talk, he told his rescuers that he had drifted for fourteen days down the Colorado through canyons and whirlpools. He thus claimed to be the first man through the Grand Canyon. The military, as well as everybody else, were interested. Perhaps the best account of White’s trip is contained in a letter he wrote to his brother some three weeks after

his rescue: |

Callville, September 26, 1867. Dear Brother it has been some time sence i have heard from you i got no ance from the last

letter that i roat to you for i left soon after i rot i went prospected with Captin Baker and George Strole in San Won montin Wee found vry god prospeck but noth that wold pay then we store down the San Won river we travel down a bout 200 miles than we cross over on Calorrado and camp we lad over one day wee found out that he could not travel down the river and our horse was sore fite and we had may up our mines to turn back when wee was attacked by 15 or 20 utes indis they kill Baker and George Strole and myself took fore ropes off our

hourse and a ax ten pounds of flour and our gunns wee had 15 miles to woak to Colorado we got to the river jest at night we

bilt a raft that night wee got it bilt abot teen o clock tha night.

wee saile all that night wee good sailing from three days and | 2. Report of Chief of Army Engineers, in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,” 40th Cong., 3rd sess., H.R. Exec. Doc. 1 (1868—69), p. 1188. 3. Ibid., p. 1189.

4. Statement of Dr. C. C. Parry, first published in the Transactions of the Academy of Science of St. Louis, Vol. II (1868), pp. 499-503, quoted in Dr. Harold A. Bulger: “First Man Through the Grand Canyon,” The Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, Vol. XVII (July 1961), p. 324.

,|

The Army Way 395 the fore George Strole was wash of from the raft and drown that left me aline i thought that it wold be my time next i then poul off my boos and pands i then tide a rope to my wase i wend over falls from 10 to 15 feet hie my raft would tip over three or fore times a day the third wee loss our flour and for seven days

i had noth to eat to ralhide nife cober the 8—9 day i got some muskit beens the 13 days a party of indis frendey they wold not give me noth eat soi give my pistols for hine pards of a dog i ead one of for super and the other breakfast the 14 days i rive at Callville where I was tak carie of by James Ferry i was ten days with out pants or boos or hat I was soon burnt so i cold hadly walk the ingis tak 7 head horse from us jous i can rite

you halfe i under went i see the hardest times that eny man ever did in the world but thank god that i got thrught safe | am well a gin and I hope the few lines will fine you all well I send my best respects to all. Josh ance this when you git it P drech yor letter to Call ville Arizona.

Josh ass Tom to ancy that letter that i rote him several yeas a goe.

James White.®

Though White’s story was believed by his contemporaries who had never seen the canyons of the Colorado nor tested its distances, a later generation of explorers and historians of the river has been almost unanimous in considering it a hoax. John Wesley Powell, who as the first official explorer of the Grand Canyon was hardly a disinterested observer, neglected to mention White at all in his report, though he had met and talked with him.® Frederick Dellenbaugh, participant and chronicler of the second Powell expedition,

and historian of the river, called White’s story “a splendid yarn” | and White himself “a champion prevaricator,” but Dellenbaugh appears to have based his comments on a later journalistic embellishment of White’s rather simple narrative.’ The most searching 5. Ibid., pp. 322-3. 6. William Culp Darrah: Powell of the Colorado (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press; 1951), p. 109. 7. Frederick Dellenbaugh: The Romance of the Colorado River (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons; 1906), p. 183. Dellenbaugh’s account of White’s voyage is on pp. 174-83, and it is clear that he based his analysis on Parry’s report as touched up by William Bell in New Tracks in North America, second edition (New York: Scribner and Welford and Co.; 1871), rather than White’s own story as reprinted in Bulger, “First Man,” pp. 322—3, and in the present account.

|

396 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE , analysis of White’s story was conducted by another river explorer, Robert Brewster Stanton, who interviewed White in 1907 and in the course of the interview managed to reveal numerous instances of White’s singular ignorance of the river.’ No one had really improved on Stanton’s analysis and his criticism of White based upon

the prospector’s numerous errors concerning the river itself and also upon the impossibility of his having made so long a voyage in the time alleged to have elapsed must thus stand as representative. Most damaging was the fact that it took the efficient John Wesley Powell over 42 days to cover approximately the same distance that White claimed to have progressed in 14. It is altogether possible, however, that White, delirious and starving, lost track of the time and indeed drifted in a comatose state for days through the canyons.

Stanton concluded nevertheless that White had entered the Colorado south of the Grand Canyon and that his voyage had been a relatively short one of 60 miles downriver.?

A later generation of historians, notably R. E. Lingenfelter and

_ Dr. Harold A. Bulger, have attempted to defend White.! Lingen- _ felter, like Stanton, suggests that White went south, not north, from the San Juan River, but that he entered the river near Navaho Creek above the Grand Canyon. Bulger, referring to a letter written

by White when he was eighty, notes that White consistently maintained to the end of his life that he was north of the San Juan. Indeed, this appears to be the most consistent element in his story. Bulger, concentrating on the overland aspects of White’s journey, carefully traces his route to White Creek Canyon on the Colorado | north of the San Juan and south of Cataract Canyon. Then he accounts for the four days of placid sailing through comparatively quiet Glen Canyon, and numerous other discrepancies in White’s story, in what is so far the most convincing case for the defense of _ the old prospector. Bulger did not manage to solve the time problem, nor did he adequately explain White’s apparent ignorance of the lower river. Thus, like the equally intriguing mysteries of John | Colter’s exact route and James Ohio Pattie’s trail to the Yellowstone,

the precise achievement of James White must remain, at least for 8. Robert Brewster Stanton: Colorado River Controversies, James M. Chalfant, ed. (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co.; 1932), pp. 3—93. I have also examined

Stanton’s manuscript research notes and collected papers in the Historical

g. Ibid. |

Manuscripts Division of the New York Public Library. See also the Frederick Dellenbaugh Papers in the same repository. 1. See footnote 4, p. 394. Also see R. E. Lingenfelter: First Through the Grand Canyon (Los Angeles: G. Dawson; 1958).

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The Army Way 397 the time being, a mystery. It seems clear, however, that he was not

the deliberate prevaricator that Dellenbaugh and others have labeled him, for, in contrast to Powell, he did very little to exploit his feat, beyond publishing his story in Outing magazine. He left that to creative writers like Dr. William Bell and the novelist John W. DeForest.”

Two tantalizing facts remain. White and his ill-fated companions

were definitely known to have been in the San Juan region in the summer of 1867, and in September of that same year White was dragged from the Lower Colorado, the victim of what was obviously

a harrowing experience. Clearly he had had more than a casual contact with the river and the unexplored canyons around it.

4 White’s appearance at Callville, and the subsequent publication of Dr. C. C. Parry’s interview with him in the Transactions of the St. Louis Academy of Sciences, made a marked impression on the army explorers. Major Williamson enclosed Parry’s account in his report to the Chief of Engineers and proposed two expeditions to probe the mysteries of the Colorado. The first was a cautious plan to ascend the river in stages, thereby avoiding any sudden confrontation with cataracts or whirlpools. This plan was later followed by — Lieutenant George M. Wheeler. The second was a proposal to send a party from Virginia City via Paranagat to the Upper Colorado, where the explorers would then assemble a boat and float down the river, taking their chances with nature’s hazards. Williamson himself volunteered to undertake this mission.* But by the end of 1868,

when his report was submitted, it was too late. John Wesley | Powell’s Colorado venture was already underway. In his report for 1869 the Chief of Engineers declared: “The continuation of the exploration of this river above Callville, Utah, has been postponed

in view of the enterprise now in progress under the direction of Professor Powell.” 2. Among the earliest accounts of White’s trip was the one that appeared in William Bell: New Tracks in North America. In 1871 the Connecticut writer John W. DeForest utilized White’s story as the basis for his lurid novel Over- ©

land (New York: Harper.and Brothers; 1871). — , :

3. Report of the Chief of Army Engineers, in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War,’ 40th Cong., 3rd sess., H.R. Exec. Doc. 1, Pt. II (1868), pp. 1190-4. . Ibid. 5. Report of the Chief of Army Engineers, in “Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 41st Cong., 2nd sess., H.R. Exec. Doc. 1, Pt. II (1869), p. 68.

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The Army Way 399 From the Lower Colorado the Department of the Pacific moved

on to other enterprises. In 1869 Lieutenant George M. Wheeler led the first of his many expeditions into the West. Operating under direct orders from General E. O. C. Ord, Wheeler led an expedition southward from Camp Halleck, Nevada, on the Central Pacific Railroad line, along the eastern boundary of Nevada to the Mormon settlements near present-day Las Vegas in the southern part of the new state. Wheeler’s mission was to search out a new military road over which troops could be moved from the Central Pacific to posts in Arizona and Nevada, where they could protect the |

mining camps from Indians and keep a watchful eye on the Mor-

mons. His reconnaissance was a grueling one that lasted five months, or until the end of November 1869, but it was a noteworthy accomplishment. He had made the first north-south traverse of the

Great Basin since the days of Peter Skene Ogden, and he had reached the Colorado River at Callville not. long after Powell had completed his voyage at that point—thus making Wheeler one of the earliest of the latter-day explorers to enter the “Plateau Province.” The young lieutenant derived further satisfaction from the fact that along the way, in eastern Nevada, he managed ‘to name

his first mountain after himself.® — — |

Still another noteworthy project undertaken by the Department of the Pacific was the venture in 1869 by Captain Charles Raymond to far-off Alaska, America’s newest territory. Not the earliest or the most significant of Alaskan explorations, Raymond’s expedition is nevertheless indicative of the Army’s pioneering role in opening up new territory and promoting new ventures in settlement. Raymond, born in Hartford, Connecticut, was one of a series of brilliant engineer officers developed as a result of the Civil War. He had attended Brooklyn Polytechnical Institute, then West Point, where in 1863, while still a cadet, he was commissioned an officer on the staff of General Darius N. Couch—himself a plant collector on the prewar

frontier—and fought through the battle of Gettysburg. He then returned to West Point, where he was graduated at the head of

his class in 1865. By 1867 he was a captain in the elite Corps 6. George M. Wheeler: Preliminary Report Upon a Reconnaissance Through Southern and Southeastern Nevada, Made in 1869 (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1875).

|

| oO |

400 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE of Engineers. The Alaskan venture was his first major independent

command.’ | | The expedition had been ordered in response to a particular de-

mand. Far up on the Yukon River, which runs from east to west across central Alaska, the Hudson’s Bay Company had established a fur-trading post on what was claimed to be American territory. Captain Raymond, as an expert in geodetics, was ordered north to determine the exact location of the post, and should it be on American soil, to take possession of it. He was to proceed from Fort _ Hamilton on the west coast of Alaska up the Yukon, and along the way make a general reconnaissance of the country, its resources, and the “number and disposition of the native tribes in its vicinity.” He was also to determine the amount and nature of the British fur trade in the region, thus performing a duty similar to those performed by American explorers of an earlier day at Fort Astoria. On April 6, 1869, accompanied by one assistant, John J. Major, he sailed from San Francisco aboard the brig Commodore bound for Sitka.® At Sitka he was joined by his escort, Private Michael Foley, gth U. S. Infantry. By the first week in July they had reached Fort

Hamilton on the Lower Yukon and the party had swelled to thirteen | men. Appropriately, on July 4, 1869, they embarked in two whaleboats towed by a small river steamer which had been brought north aboard the Commodore. Twenty-seven days later, after a long trip up the twists and turns of the Yukon, they arrived at remote and

slightly ramshackle Fort Yukon, which stood almost precisely on | the Arctic Circle. Though they had not the luxury of a cabin accom-

modation, Raymond and his men had accompanied the first suc-

cessful steamboat trip up the river. |

They soon brought bad news for the British, as Raymond was able to determine, after elaborate astronomical observations, that Fort Yukon indeed stood upon American soil. He promptly took

| formal possession of the post and ordered the British traders out. They accepted like gentlemen, however, perhaps glad of the chance to leave their remote outpost, and whatever possibility had existed

| for America’s first skirmish on the Arctic Circle disappeared in a burst of good fellowship. Raymond had done what he could for the American fur-trading interests. By September 27 he had come back

down the picturesque river, past the Kaujuk Mountains, Horse

7. D.A.B. a 8. Charles W. Raymond: “Report of a Reconnaissance of the Yukon River, July to September, 1869,” 42nd Cong., ist sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 12 (1870). Unless otherwise stated, my account is based on this source.

|

The Army Way 401 Island, and the Russian mission, and he embarked on that day for San Francisco. Raymond’s report was extremely competent, though it provided

little in the way of original information. As he himself carefully pointed out, there had been at least seven expeditions into the region before his own, including one in 1863 by Ivan Lukeen, and another in 1866 by the scientists of the Western Union Telegraph Company,

William Healy Dall and Frederick Wymper. The results of their labors had already been published in two books, Dall’s Alaska and Its Resources and Wymper’s Travels in Alaska and on the Yukon. Raymond’s map, though more accurately determined than the others, was actually the fifth map of the region produced since 1842. More than anything else, Raymond’s expedition represented the almost spontaneous, stimulus-response approach taken by the army departments and the Corps of Engineers to the need for information and aid to Western settlement. His expedition also keynoted the fact that though Alaska was a new, almost exotic possession, in

the eyes of the military it was still part of the old frontier and

would be treated in the same routine manner. |

6 While the Department of the Pacific was turning its attention to remote Alaska, equally interesting developments were taking place in the Department of the Dakotas. These involved the official rediscovery of another exotic place—Yellowstone Park. Though numerous fur trappers, prospectors, and even missionaries since the days of John Colter had made their way into parts of Yellowstone,

as late as 1866 it remained a mystery to scientific explorers—a mystery made all the more intriguing by the trappers’ stories of fabulous geysers, smoking pools, multicolored lava pots, and burn-

ing rivers. In 1859-60 Captain William F. Raynolds, with Jim Bridger as his guide, had tried and failed to enter the park area by crossing the towering Absarokas, and he was forced to detour around it to winter quarters on the Oregon Trail. It thus remained a blank spot on the army maps.® 9. William F. Raynolds: “Report on the Exploration of the Yellowstone and the Country Drained by That River,” goth Cong., 2nd sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 77 (1868). See also Raynolds’s field notebooks for this expedition, and the reports of his subordinates, in Raynolds Papers, Yale Western Americana Collection.

| 402 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | By the mid-sixties this blank spot was becoming an increasing irritation. John Bozeman had opened his Powder River Trail to the

Three Forks country, and swarms of miners invaded that region, where John Colter had run for his life scarcely fifty years before. At Alder Gulch they hit the bonanza and Virginia City sprang up, the fief of Henry Plummer, greatest of the Western desperados. It was typical Western El Dorado, which, despite or perhaps because of its unsavory reputation, daily attracted new swarms of prospectors. To the north in Montana, near strategic Bozeman Pass, the Army constructed Fort Ellis and stationed an in_ fantry regiment to guard it and as many Montana inhabitants as possible. But to the south of Fort Ellis, and to the east of Virginia City, lay Yellowstone, another of those regions held in awe and respect by the Indian, which to the prospector offered an irresistible

temptation. It was inevitable that sooner or later the Army must turn its attention to the exploration, and if necessary to the policing,

of this territory. |

As early as 1866, spurred on by rumors of Captain W. W. De Lacy’s successful penetration of the region in 1863,' the citizens of Virginia City, Helena, and Bozeman began to think of a joint military-civilian expedition to the Upper Yellowstone, and by 1867 active efforts were being made to organize such a party. In 1867 and 1868 the effort failed, however, due to Indian outbreaks in the Gal-

latin Valley and the lack of troops necessary for the escort. Normally venturesome citizens, as one observer put it, suddenly found “pressing business engagements” which prevented their accom-

| panying any expedition.? But in 1869, when the venture was re-

| vived, with its usual dismal result, three men—David E. Folsom, C. W. Cook, and a ranch hand named Peterson—decided to take the risk on their own. They provided themselves with horses, camping equipment, repeating rifles, Colt revolvers, and the inevitable and

necessary pick, pan, and shovel. Setting out from Helena, they followed the Yellowstone River to its headwaters in Yellowstone 1. For an account of De Lacy’s expedition, see Henry Gannett: “Geographical Fieldwork of the Yellowstone Park Division,” in Twelfth Annual Report of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, 2 -vols.

(Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1883), Vol. I, pp. 464-5. Also see Walter W. De Lacy: “A Trip Up the South Snake River in 1863,” Historical Society of Montana, Contributions, Vol. I (1876), pp. 113> N. P. Langford: The Discovery of Yellowstone Park (privately printed, 1905), pp. ix—xx.

The Army Way 403 Lake and then crossed westward over the divide to the Madison River, which they followed up as far as present-day Excelsior Geyser. Then, by a route which is not precisely known today, they made

their way out of the park area and returned to Helena. They had found no gold, but they had seen such marvels that they were reluctant to tell about them to an assembly of citizens unacquainted with their reputation for veracity.° In 1870, however, Folsom prepared an account of his trip for the

Western Monthly Magazine of Chicago, and though most of the copies of that journal were destroyed in a fire, their feat became common knowledge.‘ A larger follow-up expedition was planned for 1870, and N. P. Langford of Helena, soon to become the first director of Yellowstone National Park, went to St. Paul and approached General W. S. Hancock for a military escort. With popular enthusi-

asm at a high pitch, Hancock could hardly refuse, so once again | the Army was committed to a Yellowstone venture.°

The civilian contingent of the second Yellowstone expedition consisted, in addition to Langford and General Henry D. Washburn,

Surveyor General of Montana, of Cornelius Hedges, Samuel T. Hauser, Warren C. Gillette, Benjamin Stickney, Truman C. Everts, Walter Trumbull, Jacob Smith, Charles Reynolds, Elwyn Bean, and two Negro cooks.* When they arrived at Fort Ellis, they were with great reluctance provided with a meager escort of five men and one officer, the able Lieutenant Gustavus C. Doane. Lieutenant Doane’s

orders left most of his duties unspecified except those of escort and protection, though he was apparently selected for the expedition because of his knowledge of geology and geography.’ The combined party of nineteen men left Fort Ellis on August 22

and marched southeast toward the Yellowstone River. Their route required them to pass through hostile Indian country and they mounted guard duty every night. Numerous signs indicated that they were being carefully watched by Crow Indians, whose Absaroka domain they were entering, and by the time they reached the Yellowstone itself, signal fires appeared on neighboring mountain tops, marking their progress. On one occasion two strag3. Ibid., pp. x—xi.

4. Ibid., p. xi. 5. Ibid., p. xii. 6. Ibid. This volume contains Langford’s diary of the Washburn-Doane expedition. 7. Gustavus C. Doane: “The Yellowstone Expedition of 1870,” 41st Cong., ard sess., Sen. Exec. Doc. 51 (1870—71).

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, was one of the celebrated scandals of the days of rampant robber-

barons in science.? : | |

Marsh was also a reformer, however, and on his last important Western expedition, in 1874, he met Chief Red Cloud at his Nebraska reservation. Learning that the Indian agent was cheating and profiteering from the redmen, Marsh went to Washington and initiated an investigation of the Indian Bureau which embarrassed

the government and highlighted the Indians’ plight. Primed with information obtained by army officers contemptuous of the Indian

Bureau, Marsh succeeded finally in securing the resignation of Columbus Delano, the Secretary of the Interior.* In his own way, 2. See Osborne: Cope; and Schuchert and Le Vene: Marsh, passim. For

|

Marsh’s activities as a collector, see Schuchert and Le Vene: Marsh, pp. 169—

_ 225. They neglect to mention, however, that Marsh’s field collectors, being unfamiliar with the scientific purposes of the fossils, often were extremely careless in removing the specimens from the rock matrices in which they were found. Cope’s collectors were guilty of the same fault. See Michele La

1965. |

Clergue: “The Laramie Controversy in American Geology,” unpublished paper

presented to the Midwest Junto of the History of Science Society, April 2,

The climax of the Cope-Marsh feud came on Jan. 12, 1890, when the New York Herald published Cope’s attack on Marsh, accusing him of pla-

giarizing from his assistants, and on Jan. 19, 1890, when it also printed Marsh’s reply headed, “Marsh Hurls Azoic Facts At Cope.” Perhaps Marsh’s

unkindest sally was the one in which he demonstrated that Cope had

described the giant reptile Elasmosaurus “wrong end foremost.” Cope apparently had mistaken the head for the tail and vice versa. 3. Schuchert and Le Vene: Marsh, pp. 139-68. Also see Marsh Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection, for letters from the military informing Marsh of the agency frauds. He was personally thanked by General George A.

The Army Way 429 the Yale paleontologist had helped the Army gain sweet revenge on its civilian tormentors, and he had helped Red Cloud, who became his fast friend, even to the extent of visiting Marsh’s New Haven

mansion. He had also become a famous figure in his own right, one whose importance in the world of civilian science would event-

ually have crucial, if ironic, significance for the fate of all army exploration in the West. The 1870’s were, however, his great days as a field explorer. As the exotic shapes of prehistoric beasts began to be assembled for school children in Yale’s Peabody Museum, it was clear that he had discovered a new Western horizon. He had in fact revealed and dramatized much of ancient America.

By the same token, the predominantly civilian character of _ Marsh’s expeditions, and other simultaneous developments, made

it clear that the days of the pure military reconnaissance were rapidly passing. By 1876 the Bureau of Explorations and Surveys, and the whole field intelligence division of the Army Engineers, was languishing for lack of funds. Congress had cut its appropria-

tions and nothing that General Humphreys said in his plaintive annual reports had any effect. The emphasis had shifted to a more sophisticated approach to Western exploration. But though this phase of its activities had been curtailed, the Army played a great role for a time in developing the newer, more sophisticated academic approaches to scientific exploration in the West. Museum, Yale University.

|

CHAPTER XII

The West of Clarence King

THE most noteworthy of Army-sponsored exploring achievements was Clarence King’s Geological and Geographical Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel. A widely heralded venture of its day, King’s

survey, like that of Frémont in an earlier time, has rarely been viewed as a phase of military operations in the West. Henry Adams,

for example, after terming the Congressional enabling act for the Survey, almost the “first modern act of legislation,” took pains to emphasize that King had organized the Survey as “a civil—not military—measure.”! However, King received his appointment as director of the Survey and the entire appropriations for the work, as a result of military rather than civilian backing.” Moreover he received

his commission directly from Secretary of War Stanton and he regularly reported to and took orders from General Andrew Atkinson Humphreys, the Chief of Army Engineers.’ To obscure this fact is to distort not only the nature of his survey, but the entire institutional relationship of government explorations in the post-Civil War West. In its sponsorship of the King Survey and its extreme hospitality to wide-ranging and even experimental scientific ventures, the Army proved actually to be on the side of progress rather than, as is commonly held, on the side of tradition and reaction. This per-

haps explains the surprise and even indignation of the military when they were attacked by scientific men on these grounds in the | late seventies.

1. Henry Adams: The Education of Henry Adams, Modern Library Edition (New York: Random House; 1931), p. 312. 2. See Chapter 10, p. 385. Also see Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 94-5. 3. For evidence of King’s working relationship with General Humphreys see “Letters Sent by Clarence King to General A. A. Humphreys, 1867-1879,” Records of the United States Geological Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel, R.G. 57, National Archives. 430

|

The West of Clarence King 431 But if the King Survey was military in origin and administration, it was, by the same token, decidedly different from most army operations. King was allowed to write his own orders, and to pick his own staff, all of whom were civilian scientists. His parties included no officers of the Engineer Corps. The only direct connection with the Army, once the Survey was in the field, was its dependence upon military outposts and quartermaster depots for

supplies, the constant use of military escorts, whose value had been demonstrated in the Arizona adventure of 1866, and King’s | obligation to clear all of his activities with General Humphreys. This freedom contributed in important ways, and not only to the effi-

ciency and sophistication of his scientific work. It also resulted in the gradual emergence of a spirit of independence among civilian explorer-scientists that eventually helped to overthrow army rule in this field. Paradoxically, therefore, in attempting to range it-

| self on the side of scientific progress and intellectual freedom, the Army sowed the seeds of its own destruction as a factor in high-level

national science and exploration in the West. |

The plan for a scientific survey of the Fortieth Parallel country took final shape in King’s mind one brilliant autumn day in 1866 when he and James Gardner looked out from the sunny slopes

of Mount Conners across the Great Basin to the purple haze of mountains beyond,‘ but he had been thinking about leading his own grand survey of the Cordilleras and the Great Basin for some time before that. While working on the Whitney surveys, as early as 1864, he had whiled away his idle hours subconsciously designing emblems and badges for the various surveys which he planned to lead. Once he even boldly printed in his notebook: “The U. S. Interior Survey C. R. King, Supt.”® Judging from Whitney’s own correspondence, he too believed King would eventually lead his own survey of the arid basin regions southeast of the Sierras. What surprised Whitney, and everyone else, was the magnitude and in-

genuity of King’s eventual plan.® :

Anyone who knew Clarence King should not have been sur-

prised, however. When Henry Adams, who always admired energy, described him as an “Alcibiades or Alexander,” the “best and bright-

est man of his generation,” he was hardly exaggerating at all.‘

4. Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 141. i , 5. See, for example, “Field Notes and Observations on Yosemite, Oct.—Nov.

64,” B-2, King Papers, Huntington Library, San Marino, California. 6. J. D. Whitney to W. D. Whitney, San Francisco, April 29, 1867, Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection.

7. Adams: Education, pp. 311, 416. oe

||

, 432 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Born in Newport, Rhode Island, in 1842, the son of a Canton trader

who died shortly after his son’s birth, Clarence King had always been an enthusiastic many-sided person.® Well reared, handsome, athletic, and yet of a speculative bent and immersed in the causes a of the day, King gave the appearance, by the time he entered Yale in the fall of 1860, that he was destined for greatness. At Yale he found his opportunity. Scorning the traditional classical education offered by the college, he enrolled instead in the new Sheffield _ Scientific School and there allied himself with progress, success, and intellectual excitement. _ | The Sheffield Scientific School stood at the corner of Prospect and Grove streets, several blocks down College Street from the old

Yale Fence, traditional heart of the campus. This was appropriate, because it occupied a rather anomalous place in the Yale _ education program. Since the college already had a scientific program staffed by many of its best professors, the Sheffield School served the function of a graduate school and a place for special advanced work with the great men of the day. There King worked with

_ the chemist George Jarvis Brush, and with William H. Brewer. He also studied geology under James Dwight Dana, whose lectures, so

| full of fascinating stories about Dana’s South Seas expedition with Wilkes, must have given King his first enthusiasm for the life of an

| explorer-scientist.° Among his classmates in scientific studies was Othniel C. Marsh soon to be his co-worker and benefactor. Brewer’s

' letters from California, which Brush read him, inspired King to become a field geologist and go West.1 Taking his boyhood friend and Yale classmate James Gardner with him, King set out across

the country for California in 1862, and they had their historic

1863. |

meeting with Brewer on a Sacramento paddlewheeler in the fall of

_ The California Geological Surveys became King’s graduate school and their formative relationship to his career is obvious.

|||

What is not so obvious, however, is the fact that as much as any-

8. The best biographical treatment of King is Wilkins: Clarence King. Also see Clarence King Memoirs, The Century Association (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons; 1904), which contains important articles on King by a number

Congress.

of his closest friends. In addition, see Biographical Papers, A 1-6, King Papers, Huntington Library, and S. F. Emmons Papers, Boxes 30 and 31, Library of

9. See James Dwight Dana: “Lectures,” MSS., Dana Papers, Beinecke Li-. brary, Yale University. See also Gardner’s impression of Dana’s lectures, quoted in Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 38. 1. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 42.

The West of Clarence King 433 thing else King’s career was shaped and his opportunities created by his contact with the Yale scientists. European-trained and interested in the special problems of their new disciplines, the Yale

scientists and their friends at Harvard and in Washington were men of power who came to play a vital role in the institutionalization

of science in America. Able, sophisticated, full of energy and

singleminded dedication, they virtually paralleled the captains of | industry in their organizing abilities. King almost immediately became their favorite, and his outstanding success in California served to confirm their expectations. Thus, when he went to Washington in 1866, armed with Colonel R. S. Williamson’s written support for his Fortieth Parallel Survey, he was also not without friends in the world of organized science. Agassiz of Harvard, Dana and Brewer — of Yale, Baird of the Smithsonian Institution, and even Whitney of California stood ready to help him in some capacity. It was thus

no real surprise when in the winter of 1867 he left Secretary of | War Stanton’s office, at the age of twenty-five, with an appointment in his pocket that was coveted, so Stanton said, by at least “four major-generals.”2 __

When he chose his assistants for the Survey, King also chose men from the world of advanced science rather than the usual allpurpose naturalists of a bygone day. His first choice was of course James Gardner, who would serve as chief topographer. Thanks to

his excellent training under Hoffmann on the Whitney Survey, Gardner had become one of the foremost field topographers in the

country, and he refused the new chair of geodesy at Harvard's Lawrence Scientific School to join King. Excitable and somewhat egotistical, Gardner basked to a certain extent in the sunny light of King’s personality. He did not like the Army with its red tape and

its strong-minded officers, as he was to demonstrate later in his career. Moreover, he was a maverick with little sense of esprit, and as a leader he was far inferior to King and came near to wrecking the Survey during its first year in the field.2 He was an able topog-

rapher, however, and a dedicated scientist. | For his geologists King chose two men with backgrounds almost

identical if not superior to his own. They were the Boston-bred brothers James Duncan Hague and Arnold Hague. James D. Hague had attended the Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard, then the 2. Clarence King Memoirs, p. 385. 3. See, for example, William Whitman Bailey to Brother, Carson City, Feb. 19, 1868; Bailey to Lode, Carson City, March 1, 1868, Bailey Papers, Huntington Library.

r , ee 434 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

_ University of Gottingen and the Royal School of Mines at Freiburg. King had known him since 1862, when they met at the Sheffield Scientific School. Arnold Hague had attended the Sheffield Scientific School, the universities of Géttingen and Heidelberg, and the Royal School of Mines. They were both good friends of King at the time of their selection as members of the party.’ _ In addition to these two geologists, King also selected a third, Samuel Franklin Emmons, who, after graduating from Harvard in 1861, had also found his way to the Royal School of Mines in Ger-

many. There he had met and become fast friends with Arnold Hague, and Hague recommended him to King. Emmons, with his quiet competence and dedication, soon became one of King’s life-

_ long friends and one of the best of his field leaders.® | All of these men belonged to the newer generation of scientists. They were young men—J. D. Hague was thirty-one, Arnold Hague twenty-six, Emmons was also twenty-six, and King himself was only twenty-five. They came to their work with marks to make and unencumbered by the naturalist tradition of an earlier era. As botanist on the Survey, King hired William Whitman Bailey, Jr., the son of the eminent professor of biology at West Point. The elder Bailey, long a close friend of John Torrey, was an expert in

a algae and microscopic biology and had been a pioneer in the technique of microscopy in the United States. He had had a long and close relationship with army explorations to the West and it was perhaps fitting that his son should accompany King’s expedition as his introduction to a scientific career. After a year in the field, however, young Bailey’s health gave way and he was replaced by Sereno Watson, another Yale man. Watson arrived in King’s camp on the Truckee in the summer of 1867, a physical wreck. Very shy, tall and thin, with spectacles for his nearsighted eyes, Watson was past forty and a failure in the eyes of the world. He had journeyed

to California with the idea of starting a new life as a scientific worker on the King Survey. He had come a good part of the way on foot, and when he arrived in the Survey camp, he looked it. King 4. The best short biographies of the brothers are in Bartlett: Great Surveys, pp. 147-8. See also D.A.B. In addition, see King to Humphreys, New Haven, April 6, 1867, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. This letter also mentions Gardner’s refusal of the chair of geodesy at Har-

| vards Lawrence Scientific School.

Archives. ,

5. Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 148. See also D.A.B.; and King to Humphreys, New Haven, May 8, 1867, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National

|

The West of Clarence King 435 hired him with no salary as a camp helper out of pity.* Before the year was out, he had more than proven himself as a botanist, however, and his rival, the youthful Bailey, wrote home to his brother: “My fellow botanist, Watson, is a most excellent worker, and makes neat and admirable notes. He should have my place and I wish to

the Lord he had. I have felt discouraged ever since he came.” Watson eventually did secure Bailey’s place, and after the King Sur-

vey was over, he went on to become one of the outstanding botanists in the country and curator of the Gray Herbarium at Harvard.

To complete his team of outstanding assistants, King added Robert Ridgeway, a young amateur ornithologist from Mt. Carmel, Illinois, who had become a protégé of Spencer Baird through cor-

respondence;* Henry Custer, a Swiss and a veteran of the Army’s , Northwest Boundary Survey under General John G. Parke; and Timothy O’Sullivan, Matthew Brady’s photographer with the Army

of the Potomac in the Civil War. O’Sullivan, of whom little is known, was an outstanding photographer, and as a result of his labors on the King Survey, and later on the Wheeler Survey, he produced the first photographs of the Great Basin and the Grand Canyon and Colorado Plateau country. Though the members of the King Survey were often bored with his stories of the Civil War—

“one would think he had slept with Grant and Meade and was the direct confidant of Stanton,” wrote Bailey—still they remembered him as “a good fellow.”® He pulled his weight.

Besides these more famous men, there were others: F. A. Clark | and W. D. Wilson, topographers; and a number of teamsters and , camp men, and, once out in Nevada, Sergeant Edward Schwartz and twenty men of the 8th Cavalry as escorts. All in all, it was an able and professional group.

2 King’s orders, which he wrote himself, suggest better than any-

thing else the magnitude of the task he had undertaken and the confident spirit with which he approached it. They were as follows: 6. Ibid., p. 150. 7. William Whitman Bailey to Lode, Big Bend of the Truckee, Nevada, Aug. 14, 1867, Bailey Papers. 8. Bartlett: Great Surveys, pp. 151-2. 9g. William Whitman Bailey to Lode, Big Bend of the Truckee, Nevada, Aug. 14, 1867, Bailey Papers.

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LEGEND:

Pee PeeHbeeeee 6 Central Pacific Railroad

omens «= Wheeler, 1869

e-0-0-0-0-0-0-@ Wheeler Parties, 1871-72 | XXXXXXXXXX Wheeler Colorado River Party, 1872

| The West of Clarence King 437 The object of the exploration is to examine and describe the geological structure, geographical condition and natural resources of a belt of country extending from the 120th meridian

eastward to the 105th meridian, along the goth parallel of

| latitude with sufficient expansion north and south to include | | the line of the “Central” and “Union Pacific” railroads and as much more as may be consistent with accuracy and a proper

progress, which would be not less than five degrees of longi- | | tude yearly. The exploration will be commenced at the 120th meridian where it will connect with the geological survey of California, and should, if practicable, be completed in two

years. .. . It should examine all rock formations, mountain ranges, detrital plains, coal deposits, soils, minerals, ores, | saline and alkaline deposits . . . collect . . . material for a topographical map of the regions traversed, ... conduct. . . barometric and thermometric observations [and] make collections in botany and zoology with a view to a memoir on these sub-

jects, illustrating the occurrence and distribution of plants and animals.!

| He planned, in short, to make a sweeping but systematic recon-naissance across northern and central Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and | southern Wyoming from the Sierras of California to the front range

of the Rocky Mountains, encompassing the Great Basin and the central Cordilleras. Only the Pacific Railroad Surveys and Henry

| Engelmann’s march westward with Captain James Simpson in ~ 1857-59 had approached King’s project in magnitude and scope. He intended to survey the land forms of the region, map them with a new degree of accuracy now made possible by methods de-

veloped on the California Survey, and he planned to examine closely all the possibilities for economic development along the | line of the railroad, particularly those having to do with mining. | In addition, there was an added military increment not stated but clearly in the minds of those who were concerned with subduing the Indians and settling the West. General Sherman’s overall military

policy for transforming the trans-Mississippi region depended greatly upon pushing the railroad through the Indian country and with it a wedge of settlers who would become self-sufficient and fan

out in ever increasing numbers, eventually overwhelming the red1. For evidence that King wrote his own orders, see Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 96. For the crders, see Humphreys to King, March 21, 1867, Letters Re-

ceived, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. :

438 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE men with civilization and sheer population.? King’s survey contributed mightily to that long-range strategy. Even his scientific findings were directly relevant to military considerations.

3 After a farewell dinner at Yale College, the advance elements of King’s staff sailed from New York on May 1, 1867, and King himself

followed ten days later. They crossed the Isthmus of Panama and coasted up the Pacific to San Francisco, where King and his group

arrived on June 3. The advance corps had already moved on to Sacramento and there they were bivouacked in a field outside of _ town, practicing for the rugged months that lay ahead. Tents were pitched and saddles slung on racks outside the door. Then the men began the difficult work of breaking in the mules and then breaking the tenderfeet to the mules. “I take a little ride every day on mule

back,” wrote young Wiliam Bailey, “and am at present afflicted with a most grievous tail. What with my knife and six shooters, canteen, spurs, etc. I am quite a knight errant.” Then he added Slightly later, still in pain and less jaunty: “King says for my comfort there is no bum on earth but what will get hardened to it.” On the third of July they started eastward on the difficult trek — | over the Sierras, eleven men on horseback, two freight wagons, an instrument cart, and a remuda of mules and spare mounts. They were bound for the Donner Pass. This was the route taken by the

a _ Central Pacific Railroad, and along the way straw-hatted coolie | __- workers could be seen hewing a path for the road out of the solid

rock of the Sierras. OO | | The first base camp was established at Glendale near the siteof __

| modern Reno on the Truckee Meadows, thirty miles from sky-blue | _ Pyramid Lake and an equal distance from the new town of Carson City. There King joined the party on the fifteenth of July and began

| to map his strategy for the assault on the alkali deserts and rugged mountains that stretched out endlessly before them. Though he had at first been reluctant to devote much of his energies to topog2. For General Sherman’s policy, see Robert Athearn: General William Te- _ cumseh Sherman and the Settlement of the Far West (Norman, Okla.: Uni-

versity of Oklahoma Press; 1956). ,

3. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 98. 4. William Whitman Bailey to Lode, Camp 1, Sacramento, California, June 16, 1867; and Bailey to “Dear Bro,” Camp 1, Sacramento, California, June 30, 1867, Bailey Papers, Huntington Library.

The West of Clarence King 439 raphy, King soon saw that the first order of business was the construction of an accurate map upon which to register his geological and economic data. The Central Pacific Railroad’s map drawn in 1864 was apparently unknown to him, or was considered inadequate, so he set his parties to work on a block of territory 150 miles in length and 100 miles wide between California’s Sierras and the Shoshone Mountains to the east, an area of some 15,000 square

miles. |

King’s method, as he himself admitted in the preface to the Atlas of the Survey, was that of a reconnaissance rather than a

true geodetic survey. He worked on the base-line and triangulation method, using the sextant and the zenith telescope for astronomical checks on the work. This method, which depended largely on timing the period of immersion of the satellites of Jupiter and other similar astronomical phenomena, had been developed by the Corps of Topographical Engineers before the Civil War, particularly on the Mexican Boundary Survey. What made King’s survey somewhat more effective, however, was the now perfected technique of using a lighter theodolite for observations from mountain peak to moun-

tain peak as part of the triangulation process. This enabled his topographers to concentrate, as they did, upon the mountain ranges and cover relatively large areas of territory in a short time. It was

also far more accurate than the old army method of gauging distance by means of an odometer pulled along the line of march on a one-wheeled vehicle. As a final check on the most difficult part of his topographic work, the longitude readings, King eventually was able to make use of the telegraph rather than the old-fashioned and delicate chronometers. This system, even today in Europe, is referred to as “the American system” of geodetic surveying. On July 17 Sergeant Schwartz and the cavalry escort arrived— a tough lineup of troopers with knives stuck in their boots—and the

actual surveying work could begin. After himself conducting a preliminary survey of Peavine Mountain, King dispatched a number of parties in different directions. Some studied the silver-bearing

rocks of the Virginia Range. Emmons, Arnold Hague, and Henry Custer went west to the Hot Springs Range near Humboldt Sink. Gardner and Clark explored the Truckee Mountains, while King led the main party through the Canyons of the Truckee and down to its great bend, where, plagued by heat and mosquitoes, he established another camp. James Hague, Tim O’Sullivan, and Robert Ridgeway were sent west to examine Pyramid Lake, and while there —

they attempted to run the rapids of the Truckee for the first time

440 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE in a small sailboat, only to meet disaster when the boat struck a rock. The only casualty, however, was O’Sullivan’s pocketbook with 300 dollars in gold pieces in it, which was used to weight a line cast

to the shore and fell into the turbulent Truckee. Pyramid Lake itself proved interesting but dangerous. The wildlife, especially the pelicans, were beautiful, but the rattlesnakes who dominated the island of the lake caused the explorers some consternation.® Meanwhile, back on the Truckee, malaria began to strike down the members of the survey party. Bailey had been sick from the _ outset and he was glad when Watson showed up in camp to help him with his duties. King, too, was ill, and the rest of the party suffered intensely from the heat. Tempers grew short and at least one prostrate member of the party refused to ride in the wagon, declaring: “I'd go on foot sooner than accompanying the latter [Gardner] any day.”® King decided to move out of the Truckee River country and the march grew more and more painful as malaria spread through the group. At Coffman Station they met a strange hermit who believed he was guarding Christ’s mount of temptation, and he cheered them up by proclaiming “desolation thy name is Humboldt.”* The heat became so intense that Emmons tried to squeeze into the shadow of a telegraph pole, while Bailey,

with a naiveté perhaps induced by the sun, wrote his brother: , “There are wells out here which are said to cause Gonnorhea,” and

apparently Professor Silliman later offered confirmation of the story.* Eventually they reached Parker’s Station on the very edge | of the Humboldt Sink, known to the local inhabitants as “the worst place between Missouri and Hell.” By this time the explorers were in desperate straits, with most of the men down with malaria, and resolution fast failing. At the outset of his career, King was faced with disaster. There was nothing to do but move quickly, and he took his men into the mountains to the town of Oreana, hoping that the altitude would cure their ills. This did no good, however, and they 5. The best account of this phase of the Survey is John Sampson (T. O’Sullivan): “Photographs from the High Rockies,” Harper's New Monthly Magazine, Vol. XXXIX, No. 232 (Sept. 1869), pp. 465—75. See also King to Hum-

phreys, Camp 12, Truckee River, Nevada, Aug. 3, 1867, Fortieth Parallel

Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. ,

14, 1867, Bailey Papers.

6. William Whitman Bailey to Lode, Big Bend of the Truckee, Nevada, Aug. ,

8. Ibid. a

:|

7. William Whitman Bailey to Lode, Camp 18, West Humboldt Mountains,

fifteen miles from Unionville, Sept. 6, 1867, Bailey Papers. | |

The West of Clarence King 441 moved north to the little mining town of Unionville, another deso-

late place. There a hospital was set up in a building used as the local jail, and the men convalesced while in the basement below a murderer clanked in his chains.° Faced with failure, King refused to give in, and almost immediately he took the remaining able-bodied men and marched south to the Stillwater Ranges, just east of the Carson Sink. There, while adjusting his theodolite atop Job’s Peak, he was suddenly struck by a bolt of lightning. “I was staggered and my brain and nerves [were] severely shocked. The theodolite was thrown and badly injured,” he reported to General Humphreys.! When Clark helped him to his

feet and back to camp, he discovered that his right arm and side had turned brown. After a week he recovered enough to resume work, and soon was enjoying the experience “immensely.” During this period he managed to complete the survey of the Silver Hill

and East Humboldt Range? - |

Henry Custer, still suffering from “the mountain ail,” had also been in the saddle and at work. Although they did not reach their objective, the Shoshone Range nearly halfway across Nevada, King

deemed that they had progressed for enough east and began to

work backward over the dreaded Humboldt and Carson Sink country. For the rest of the season they worked in a westward direction. Emmons, now partially recovered, surveyed the Black Rock Desert and mountain country in the northwest corner of Nevada. Custer finished his work on the Humboldt River down as far as Oreana, then collapsed again. Gardner returned to San Francisco to recuperate. O'Sullivan, Bailey, and Ridgeway, the latter two still in bad condition, marched from Unionville directly to rendezvous at Glendale. By mid-October, King and James D. Hague had completed

a survey of the mines in the Humboldt district, and then had

survey area.* | |

- gone north to the Silver City, Idaho, silver fields on the edge of the

On November 26, the whole party reassembled at Glendale. Gardner had returned to survey Winnemuca Lake, and the rest of the men had recovered their health. They headed for winter g. Bailey’s letter to Lode (see footnote 7 on the preceding page) indicates the

degree of serious illness in the party. ,

1. King to Humphreys, Virginia, Nevada, Dec. 18, 1867, Fortieth Parallel |

Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. See also William Whitman Bailey to Lode, Unionville, Nevada, Humboldt Mts., Sept. 29, 1867, Bailey Papers.

2. Ibid. 3. Ibid.

442 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE quarters, in comparatively good condition, most of the men going to cheaper lodgings in Carson City, while King, Gardner, and the geologists put up at Virginia City in the great silver-mining district. From winter encampment at Virginia City, King reported the results of his year’s work to General Humphreys. Though he esti-

mated that at least twenty percent of his party’s effectiveness had been wasted by the siege of malaria, still he had reason to be proud of his achievements. “We have covered a block of country extending from the one hundred and twentieth Meridian eastward to Long. 117° 30’ and reaching [from?] Lat. 39° 31’ to 41°.” He

added: “This is in every way the most difficult and dangerous country to campaign in I know of on the continent.”4

In addition to the mapping and general geological reconnaissance, the explorers had collected some two thousand rock specimens, examined numerous mines, and established three hundred barometrical stations at which some two thousand observations were made. “Our economical results alone,” King concluded, “I believe are worth to the Government all I have expended.” They

had, as King wrote, “turned a threatened failure into a very com-

plete success.”5 |

The winter of 1867—68 was an extremely severe one, with blinding rainstorms, floods, and heavy snowfalls, but King managed to

turn the season to good account. During the day he and his geologists, Emmons and Hague, explored the Comstock, searching out the whole complex of tunnels and shafts that bored into the heart of Mt. Davidson. Tim O’Sullivan arrived from Carson City and took

some magnesium-flare photos deep down in the stopes, the first such pictures ever taken underground in the United States. Working through all kinds of weather, they slowly gathered the geological and mechanical data that was to make their combined volume

| on the mining industry a classic. Down south in Carson City, the topographers worked over the huge maps drawn to a scale of two miles to the inch. And in the interim they all had their moments of relaxation in the boom-town atmosphere of Washoe. Bailey found

, 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. |

The West of Clarence King 443 consolation in the young mistress of his boardinghouse and reported the dramatic shooting of the local sheriff,® while King in his

best Newport attire, including lemon-colored gloves, dazzled the ladies of Virginia City." They all felt a fresh enthusiasm for the coming season’s work. King’s example created a new spirit. Once again nothing was impossible. _ 6)

The season of 1868 began on May 8 even before the snows had

cleared in the mountains. Two parties took the field. One under Emmons and J. D. Hague journeyed first to Austin, Nevada, the most recent of the great silver boom towns, and then eighty miles southward to the Toiyabe Range and its mining outposts. Another party, under Henry Custer and Sereno Watson, mapped the area east of Unionville, and on June 22, two Humboldt River parties worked eastward to the crest of the Shoshone Range. King remained behind at Carson City to answer to a lawsuit over some hay his men

had “borrowed” from an irate Truckee farmer. In between legal tangles, King managed to visit Pyramid Lake and finish up his work on the Comstock. By a stroke of good fortune, he purchased the underground notes for 1862, 1863, and 1864 from R. H. Stretch, the former Mine Superintendent of the Comstock, and these notes provided him with data on the rich upper portions of the vein then caved in and inaccessible. With the notes, King concluded, “I can unhesitatingly say that we have the most thorough account of any great silver mining district in the world.”* | From the survey of the Comstock two important considerations emerged. The geologists, all well trained in chemistry, noted that over 40 million dollars’ worth of ore had been wasted in the relatively short period of eight years, due to faulty smelting. James D. Hague set to work on new formulas and processes that would reduce this waste. King addressed himself to the question of ore resources and concluded that, contrary to Whitney’s pessimistic report, signs indicated substantial further reserves at a greater 6. William Whitman Bailey to Brother, Carson City, Jan. 6, 1868; Feb. 19, 1868, Bailey Papers.

7. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 113. 8. King to Humphreys, July 10, 1868, Camp near Austin, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

|

444 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE depth.® This was confirmed by the great strike of 1874, the richest bonanza of all in the Comstock. The field parties rendezvoused with King at Austin, and on July 3 he once again sent them out in four details. Gardner returned to the astronomical station at Job’s Peak, and for most of the season

he repaired the errors in his topographical work of the previous year. Hague and Clark moved east for forty miles north of the overJand wagon road, as far as Ruby Valley. King and Custer paralleled

them to the south. Emmons moved far ahead some two hundred miles to the ranges on the edge of the Salt Lake Desert.! On August 1o they met at Fort Ruby near the Central Pacific

line, and James D. Hague was sent to Colorado to make engineering studies of the mines in that region. In the month of July the whole

middle section of topography had been worked up from the Shoshone Mountains eastward, and Emmons had covered the ranges on the edge of the Salt Lake Desert, including Don Don Pass, and then had worked backward to Fort Ruby. During this period one of the soldiers of the escort deserted and fled west. King, realizing what

a blow to morale a successful desertion would be, gave chase for a hundred miles through northern Nevada. Finally, using a timehonored Western stratagem, he “headed him off at a pass” in the Havilah Mountains. Stealing up with drawn revolver, King surprised the deserter over a campfire. “I captured him in a hand to hand struggle in which I nearly lost my life,” King reported, “and only saved myself by dodging his shot and cramming my pistol in his ear in the nick of time. I lodged him in Austin jail and the fact of his capture forever reduced the soldiers and the working

men of the survey to obedience.”” |

Then the survey work went on. King explored the Ruby Range. — Emmons worked up the country north of the Humboldt River, and Hague, moving on a belt to the south, covered all the country, as

King put it, “lying in a triangle whose three points are Franklin Lake, Pilot Peak, and Humboldt Wells.”* After a rendezvous at Humboldt Wells in eastern Nevada, they all turned their attention northward. Hague followed the railroad around the north end of

9. Ibid. |

1. King to Humphreys, Aug. 13, 1868, Camp near Ruby, Nevada, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. 2. “C.K.’s notes for biographical notice of him,” Biographical Papers, A-3, King Papers, Huntington Library. Also quoted in Wilkins: Clarence King, . 118-19. a King to Humphreys, Newport, R.I., Nov. 14, 1868, Fortieth Parallel Survey

Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. |

|

: The West of Clarence King 445 the Salt Lake through a barren and waterless country. Emmons followed along just north of Hague, “thoroughly demolishing the so-called ‘desert coal-field’ which in reality,” according to Emmons, “had no existence whatever.”* King journeyed north to the awesome

canyons of the Snake River, which he saw for the first time. He found it such an inspiring sight that he wrote an article on it for Bret Harte’s Overland Monthly.> By October 14, all of the parties had finished their season’s work and they converged on Salt Lake City. The property was stored and the horses left to the tender care of Porter Rockwell, the Mormon elder, better known as the notorious leader of the sinister Danite avengers. This was appropriate, for he was the kind of authentic Western character that King would have liked. On October 20 the explorers started East for a month’s

vacation. |

King’s second season had been an even bigger success than the

first. Except for a short stretch south of the Great Salt Lake, he and his men had completed the topography and geology all across the Basin as far as the Salt Lake. It covered now a belt a hundred miles wide and over five hundred miles long. His collections ran to fifty large boxes, which were shipped to Washington and there dazzled Eastern scientists. Most important, however, were his

| studies of the silver mines and his first thoughts on the overall geological structure of the Great Basin region. The former was significant because it was the most complete study of its kind, particularly as it related to the Comstock sections. More than anything else, this impressed both scientists and business-minded Congressmen. King rightly recognized its importance and immediately put Emmons and J. D. Hague to work composing their volume, The Mining Industry, of which King’s Comstock study formed one part. Doubtless remembering Whitney’s mistake in publishing his

“impractical” paleontology volume first, King saw to it that his series of publications got off on the proper useful level. His other consideration was in the realm of theory, or historical

geology. In crossing the Great Basin, he noted that it was not a single basin at all, but two basins, one just east of the Sierras in the Humboldt Sink region and one large area whose remnant was the Great Salt Lake. In between was a great upland plateau area some 6,000 feet high, studded with ancient mountains.® Topo4. Ibid.

379-85. |

5. “The Falls of the Shoshone,” Overland Monthly, Vol. V (Oct. 1870), 6. Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 122-3.

|

446 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE graphically, this was not the new discovery King believed it to be, since Simpson and Engelmann had seen the basin in much these same terms on their prewar expedition. Their observations, how-

ever, were not to be published until 1875. What was new was King’s recognition that both of these depressions had been ancient Pliocene lake beds later fed by the great mountain glaciers of the

West at a time roughly contemporaneous with the coming of the polar ice cap to the East. Though he did not trace out the shore-

line of the lakes with the exactness of Grove Karl Gilbert of the Wheeler Survey, King nevertheless succeeded in making a major contribution to the knowledge of Western geology. Gentleman that he was, however, King deferred to Gilbert, allowing him to publish his classic Lake Bonneville first, and thus Gilbert, whose work was more complete, received the honor of naming the ancient lake. and being acclaimed its “discoverer.”’ King gained some measure of satisfaction in that he “discovered” and named the other ancient lake, Lake Lahonton. In a typical stroke of the imagination, King followed Frémont’s example on the Humboldt and named his lake after an explorer who never saw the Great Basin at all, but had at

least imagined its waters. It was well that King had produced these dramatic results. His

appropriation was now exhausted and his two-year term was ended. He would have to wrestle Congress for survival. And Congress that

year was feeling bearish on the subject of government surveys. With his usual skill, however, King went to Washington, set up headquarters, displayed his wares, and so thoroughly captured key Congressmen— including Ben Butler, who liked his survey because there were no West Pointers on it—that Congress passed a special

6|

appropriation for him attached to the Sundry Civil Bill. Technically, he could, if he chose, move out from under the Army, but _ King remained loyal to the Engineers and went on with plans to work up his data under the usual military auspices.

Having received his appropriation, King returned to Salt Lake City, arriving on May 15, some days after his main party. As usual, he had several plans all operating at once. While he organized his 7. Ibid. See also Grove Karl Gilbert: Lake Bonneville, Monographs of the United States Geological Survey, Vol. I (Washington, 1890), p. 17. 8. Clarence King Memoirs, pp. 384-5.

|

The West of Clarence King 447 parties for the field, replacing lost equipment and mapping his assault on the towering Wasatch Mountains, he also left James D. Hague back in Boston hard at work on his report on the mining industry, and Arnold Hague at Yale finishing up a chemical analysis

of the ore-reduction process. Personally elated at the results achieved so far in this field, King wrote to General Humphreys: The chemical investigations have proved to be of greater value than we dared to hope: at first survey of results, it appears that we have discovered the great error of the silver process, and by a slight variation of the chemical conditions we have succeeded in raising the percentage of yield from 64 and 66 per-

cent to 93 and 95 percent.® -

He was cautious, however, and deferred public announcement of

this breakthrough until he could test it in actual operation in a Nevada silver mill. , | The task confronting the field parties for the summer of 1869 was that of carrying the Survey eastward through the Wasatch Mountains, and the tangled Uinta and Green River country beyond,

to the Green River Divide, which King believed would mark the end of his labors. Accordingly, he moved his base camp to Parley’s Park, twenty-five miles east of Salt Lake City, and sent three parties

out on various missions. After finishing a study of the desert south | of Salt Lake, Emmons proceeded via the Provo River eastward to the canyons of the Du Chesnes and then north to the Uintas, where he traced out the crest of that lofty range. King himself followed the railroad route through Echo Canyon and thence to the Bear River, and along it to its headwaters in the Uintas. Their most important work on this trip was the discovery of substantial coal formations in the Green River country east of the Wasatch Mountains. In his report King declared : “Our investigation of the complex ques-

tion of the coal formation has been entirely settled, resulting in a | full knowledge of the occurrence of the coal rocks and a most satis-

factory estimate of the unopened fields.” He also added that his geological samples and indeed his close examination of the Uintas provided “new data which will definitely complete the explanation of the great Cordillera mountain system.”! He saw the Uintas as once towering mountains worn down to their present heights by 9g. King to Humphreys, Salt Lake City, Utah, June 17, 1869, Fortieth Parallel

Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. , |

1. King to Humphreys, Aug. 26, 1869, Camp Parley’s Park, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

|

448 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | the great glaciers whose meltwaters had flowed into the basin, forming Lake Bonneville. That summer, too, he devoted some time to examining the country to the north near Snake River in an effort

| to discover where the great Pliocene lake had emptied its waters Into the sea. The outlet he located, however, was later proven, by G. K. Gilbert, to be incorrect.” These two kinds of observations by King, the one economic and the other in the realm of theory, illustrated quite clearly the dual emphasis of his work, and the one ex-

| plains in a sense the acceptance of the other by Congressmen and

the public at large. | a 7

While King and Emmons were threading the difficult country east of the Wasatch, another assistant, R. Davis, along with F. A. Clark, Sereno Watson, and Robert Ridgway, was engaged in a | marine survey of the Great Salt Lake itself. The lake had risen nine feet since Stansbury’s survey of 1850, and its entire outline had | been changed. Some 600 square miles had been added to its area, thus necessitating a new mapping project. The task was made difficult by the sudden destruction of their party’s boat when it struck a rock in the lake. Fortunately, however, they managed to cling to the capsized hull, their eyes stinging from the briny water, _

and they were ultimately rescued.° |

| By mid-August most of the new survey work for the year was completed. King returned to Salt Lake City, where he auctioned off

his surplus equipment at a sale made picturesque by the presence | | of Brigham Young and a coterie of stern, hard-bargaining Mormon 7 _ bishops. Emmons and Arnold Hague, who had rejoined the field party, returned back across the Basin, along the 4oth parallel, to review the results. J. D. Hague restudied the Colorado gold fields, and Clark spent ten days examining the White Pine mining district in the middle of the Basin country. He was joined in that work by

Hague.‘ oe | | |

All of the parties met at Argenta, Nevada, at the end of September,

___ thus officially closing the season. Ridgway headed back to Wash_ ington to work on his collections, and Watson, in company with Pro-

fessor Daniel Cady Eaton, a Yale botanist who had been King’s somewhat cantankerous guest for the summer, took the cars for

2. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 126. oe

3. King to Humphreys, Salt Lake City, Utah, June 17, 1869; July 15, 1869, . Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. Also see “Notes:

4. Ibid. | _ | | Oo _

Journey to Church, Gunnison and Frémont Islands, June 23, 1869,” Scientific Papers, B-7, King Papers. Bartlett: Great Surveys, pp. 176-7.

: The West of Clarence King 449 New Haven. King and Hague headed for San Francisco, exhausted.

The irrepressible King refreshed himself, however, by plunging into the artistic and literary life of San Francisco with his old friend Bret Harte of the Overland Monthly. Out in Utah, King had written | of his “intense yearning” to complete his “analytical study of Nature and drink in the sympathetic side.”> He had also demonstrated _ this facet of his personality by including the painter Gilbert Munger

in his entourage of that year. As the explorers lounged about the meadows of Parley’s Park, catching trout and observing the beauties of the mountain scenery, Munger transformed their scientific thoughts into huge, four-foot Ruskinian portraits of the grandeur and sublimity that surrounded them.® Out in San Francisco, King

capped off all these sentiments with a literary breakfast at the Union Club in honor of his friend Bret Harte.’ Then in late November he headed East and back to the world of science.

|7

| In the winter of 1869-70 it was clear that the mercurial King _ had grown tired of routine survey work, no matter what its mo| mentary excitements. He now desired to settle back and work up his many findings into a grand synthesis that would make them more directly relevant to the science of the day. He also enjoyed the companionship of the great and near great in Washington, Boston, and New Haven, where he had finally established his headquarters. For the most part his work was done and he desired to reap its re-

wards. |

With some dismay he received General Humphreys’s orders to _ take to the field again. Nevertheless, he dutifully obeyed, sending his regrets to the Spencer Bairds that he could not summer with them in Woods Hole, and he then headed West once again, the victim of his own success.® Reluctant though he was to undertake new explorations, King soon conceived of a project that led to one of his greatest discoveries. He took the now completed railroad to 5. Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 128-30. See also King to Humphreys, Camp near Argenta, Nevada, Oct., 1869, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives; and “Miscellaneous Notes, 1869,” D-17, King Papers,

Huntington Library. 6. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 128. 7. Ibid., p. 130.

8. Ibid., pp. 133-4.

|

|

450 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE San Francisco, stopped off for another round of raconteuring with Bret Harte, and then headed north to Mt. Shasta, bent on a detailed study of mountain-making. Emmons, who went with him, was sent north to Mt. Rainier, while Arnold Hague went on to Mt. Hood.

| King’s party headed up the Sacramento to the Shasta country, and on September 11 they climbed Mt. Shastina, a shoulder of the main peak, and looked down onto a field of ice. They had discovered the

first active glacier in the United States. By taking a different approach to Shasta’s solemn cone, King and his men had seen a sight no member of the California Geological Survey had ever seen,

and it was a sight of crucial importance.® The discovery of the glacier added great support to King’s reconstruction of Western geology, which depended to a large extent on the action of glaciers in the comparatively recent Tertiary times. It clearly gave him the upper hand in his scientific dispute with Whitney over the history of Yosemite. Emmons’s and Hague’s almost simultaneous discovery of glaciers farther north in Mts. Rainier and Hood also added weight

| to King’s interpretation.

With the discovery of the glacier, King now reached a much wider audience upon his return to the East. There were the many people who disputed his claim, alleging that they, not he, had dis-

covered glaciers many years before. |

Besides the glacier enthusiasts, there were those who urged King to popularize his exploits in a literary work. Foremost of these was

| James T. Fields of the Atlantic Monthly, who succeeded in persuading King to do a series of sketches for his magazine. Then King concluded an agreement with James R. Osgood for a popular book of fictionalized and semi-fictionalized stories about his experiences

out West. Though he always affected surprise that his stories appeared one day in book form, King actually worked as hard at his literary tasks, and perhaps with greater enthusiasm, than he ever did at his scientific endeavors.2 When Mountaineering in the Sierra

Nevada finally appeared in February of 1872, it was the result of many hours of labor and long periods of self-doubt about his true merits as a man of letters. It was a great book and caught something no scientific report, however well written, could ever do. With his literary license, King not only presented the grandeur

and the dangers of the High Sierras, but he also managed to re- | 9. Ibid., p. 136. Also see King to Humphreys, Oct. 10, 1870, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. 1. Ibid., p. 144. 2. Ibid., pp. 141-3.

|

The West of Clarence King 451 capture the local color and exoticism of the disappearing frontier and its picturesque people. As well as anything in print could do it, King’s stories of degraded redmen, California bandits, Nevada desperadoes, and the forlorn Newtys of Pike, brought the West and its people brilliantly to life. This was a side of his career that had not been revealed in the sober letters to General Humphreys, but as much as anything else he did, it represented King and his time.

8 Having risen to the heights in his discoveries of 1870, King desired to pursue his studies of mountain-making and vulcanism further in 1871. He even planned an expedition to Mt. St. Elias in _ Alaska, but he was sternly rebuked by General Humphreys, who ordered him back into the Rockies to finish his surveys as far as the Great Plains.*? King did, however, manage to work in one trip

to California, where, ironically enough, he made his erroneous ascent of Mt. Whitney, or rather Sheep Rock, which in a storm he mistook for that lofty peak.* Then he hurried back to Fort Bridger, Wyoming, arriving on June 27, in time to supervise the field-survey operations once again.

Perhaps the most difficult year of the survey was 1871. Forest fires, deserts, drought, and the rugged country between the Green River and the Front Range taxed all of the field parties under Emmons and Hague to the utmost. King himself was peripatetic. He saw to the surveys in June and early July. Then he rushed back to Washington to supervise the final work on the mining volume. By August he was in the mountains again, and in Estes Park, Colorado, he had his famous meeting with Henry Adams, the Harvard historian who would one day be the sole means of keeping his name

alive. Besides the meeting with Adams, King had one further adventure in 1871. In the autumn, as he was making his final survey of the Uintas, King sighted a large grizzly bear. He gave chase, and the bear led him for miles across sagebrush plains and sand dunes into a labyrinth of eroded gulleys. Suddenly the grizzly 3. King to Humphreys, New Haven, Conn., Jan. 23, 1871; Humphreys to King, March 28, 1871, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National

Archives.

4. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 145. 5. King to Humphreys, Camp on Henry’s Fork of Green River, Oct. 8, 1871, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. Also see Adams: _ Education, pp. 310-13, for an account of the meeting.

452 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE disappeared. It was mid-morning before the hunters found him again, holed up in a cave. Daring what no mountain man would have even considered, King took his single-shot Ballard and crawled

into the cave after the grizzly. All he could see were two glowing eyes in the dark, but he fired. Then abruptly he felt himself being __ dragged by the ankles face down on the cave floor and backward out of the opening. One of his hunters had, with some damage to King’s

features, rescued him. No irate bear emerged, and when they

| had entered his brain.® , |

gingerly crawled back to see, they found him dead. King’s bullet

9 After a brief respite in Hawaii with Arnold Hague during which _ he carefully examined the bubbling volcanic craters, even to the extent of descending into the cone of Mauna Loa, King returned

to his duties with the Fortieth Parallel Survey.‘ The season of 1872 involved operations across the whole length of the parallel. ;

King operated primarily out of California, in the vicinity of Mt. Humphreys, though he visited his field-survey parties in Nevada

| and Wyoming. Emmons, Wilson, and Hague set forth from Fort Fred Steele in Wyoming, and their task was to carry the topographical work ahead as fast as possible. All in all, it was a busy season that did not leave time for much else.®

_ In the spring and summer of 1872, however, a series of events

were taking place that would come to a climax as the capstone of | King’s entire career. Early in 1872, two grizzled prospectors, Philip Arnold and John Slack, had appeared at a San Francisco bank and _ attempted to deposit a bagful of uncut diamonds. Having done so, they disappeared. But the diamonds came into instant prominence.® | 6. Clarence King Memoirs, pp. 340—3; “Manuscripts and Correspondence by a

Clarence King, p. 3.

Contributors to Memoirs,” A-3, King Papers, Huntington Library; Wilkins:

, 7. Wilkins:Clarence King, pp. 155-7. _

8. King to Humphreys, Fort Fred Steele, Wyoming, July 3, 1872, Fortieth

|||

Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

9. The most accurate account of the Diamond Hoax is in S. F. Emmons’ | Field Notebooks, “The Diamond Discovery of 1872,” Acc. 1113, R.G. 57, National Archives. A typed copy of this is also in the Emmons Papers, Box 32,

Library of Congress. King’s account of the affair is in King to Humphreys, San Francisco, Nov. 27, 1872, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. This version is less accurate than that of Emmons because it infers that King and Gardner alone had located the site of the diamond

| | The West of Clarence King | 453 They were shown to William Ralston, a director of the Bank of California, and then to a number of other capitalists in the city, who were all intrigued as to their origin. A search was instituted and Arnold and Slack were quickly located. When quizzed, they reported that they had found the diamonds at an undisclosed site. They consented to take a representative of the capitalists to the site, but insisted on blindfolding him first. After disembarking from the

Union Pacific Railroad, they led General David Colton on a four- | | day trip through mountains and canyons to the site of their discovery, where he, too, found diamonds, and rubies, and a number of other precious stones. Extremely cautious, the California businessmen then took Arnold and his diamonds to New York, where Charles Tiffany, upon examination, pronounced the gems “a rajah’s ransom.” They had, as one writer put it, discovered “the American Golconda™'—a vast field of gems virtually untouched by the hand of man, just waiting to be exploited by sound business enterprise. If they succeeded, Amsterdam itself might well move West. Immediately they formed a nationwide syndicate, the New York and San Francisco Mining and Commercial Company, which bought the rights to the diamond fields from Arnold and Slack for about $600,000, and they prepared

to float a public stock issue of $12,000,000. To insure that everything would be absolutely safe and sure, the syndicate hired the most cautious mining engineer in the West, Henry Janin, and he too examined and was dazzled by the diamond field, reporting in _ the public print that he had personally invested in it and that he considered “any investment at the rate of forty dollars per share or at the rate of four million dollars for the whole property, a safe and attractive one.” During this time, the syndicate had managed to keep the location of the diamond fields a strict secret, and as the news of the discovery

leaked out, men with imaginations and the strong acquisitive instincts of the day went wild. Most people located Golconda in fields. The New York Times for Nov. 27, Dec. 5, Dec. 6, Dec. 7, and Dec. 8, 1872, also carried reports on the hoax. The earliest full-length work on it is Asbury Harpending: The Great Diamond Hoax and Other Stirring Incidents in the Life of Asbury Harpending, James H. Wilkins, ed. (San Francisco: J. H. Berry Co.; 1915). This account is inaccurate. See also A. J. Liebling: “The American Golconda,’ The New Yorker, Vol. XVI (Nov. 16, 1940), pp. 40~—8. The best modern accounts of the hoax are Bartlett: Great Surveys, pp. 187~—205; and Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 159-71. In general, I have followed Emmons, Bartlett, and Wilkins. 1. Liebling: “Golconda.”

454 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Arizona, others in Nevada, and almost every day prospectors wandered into Denver announcing they had found gems. Not since Coronado had followed Cibola halfway across North America had sO many men so assiduously pursued windfall wealth. All along

the transcontinental railroad, spies watched the trains for suspicious parties of prospectors. Even the telegraphers were not to be trusted.

King and the other members of the Fortieth Parallel Survey were of course fascinated by the rumors of the diamond discovery, particularly inasmuch as it very probably lay in the heart of country they had crossed many times. They were suspicious. Never in all the weary years of surveying and geologizing had they found gems

or even a formation that looked as if it might contain such precious stones. When King visited Emmons and Wilson at camp near Fort Bridger in midsummer, they begged to be allowed to institute a search of their own for the stones, but King, with one eye on the War Department, put it off until the end of the season, when they had completed their routine work. Meanwhile he did some speculating on his own. The location of the diamond field could not be in Arizona, he knew, because the flooded condition of the Snake [Little

Snake], Bear [Yampa], and Green rivers precluded any foray in that direction during the past summer. Piecing this fact together with Janin’s description of the location of the field “upon a mesa near pine timber,” King realized that “there was only one place in that country which answers to the description, and . . . that place lay within the limits of the Fortieth Parallel Survey.”? _ When King, Emmons, Gardner, and A. D. Wilson all met at the

was. ? |

office in Montgomery Block on the eighteenth of October, they com-

pared the results of their thinking and, King remembered: “Curi-

| ously enough Mr. Gardner and I had without formerly mentioning the subject reached an identical conclusion as to where the spot Actually, some ingenious detective work had been done by Em-

mons and Wilson, as well as Gardner and King. On the fifth of

October, while on the westbound train just out of Battle Mountain,

Nevada, Emmons and Gardner had noticed a party of Eastern surveyors who were joined at Alta Station in the Sierras by Henry Janin. They were obviously returning from the diamond fields, so Gardner and Emmons struck up a conversation and gleaned what

2. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 162. |

3. King to Humphreys, San Francisco, Nov. 27, 1872, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

|

The West of Clarence King 455 bits of information they could. They didn’t get much out of Janin and his friends, but they did learn that Janin’s earlier trip to the diamond fields had taken only three weeks, not enough time to go to

Arizona. A. D. Wilson, who had been in the Green River country

that summer, reported that the party had disembarked from the train somewhere between Green River and Rawlins. Putting this together with the data about the flooded Green, Yampa, and Snake rivers, they narrowed the field of possibilities considerably. Em-

mons had further learned that Janin had camped at the foot of a pine-covered mountain which had snow on its slopes as late as

| June, and Gardner pried from his surveyor the observation that their camp had been on the northeast side of a mountain from which they could see no other high peaks either to the north or to the east. Emmons, Gardner, Wilson, and Hague, who joined the game, concluded that there was only one place the diamonds could be—a peak just north of Brown’s Hole, some forty miles east of

Green River, right in the country where Utah, Wyoming, and Colorado came together. King agreed completely, and they made plans for an immediate departure for the site. Everything had to be kept secret, of course. King did not even inform General Humphreys. Instead, just before they boarded the

train—in separate parties, with sieves and shovels—he sent a dispatch from Fort Bridger to the General, on October 28, telling him he was off on a reconnaissance of Brown’s Hole.

They departed from Fort Bridger on a bitter-cold day. It was October 29. For the next few days they worked their way north through the most unpleasant, freezing weather imaginable. Emmons reported that the horses “became encased in balls of ice.”* Four days out, they crossed the icy Green River and struck a deep | gulley cutting into the side of the mountain they were aiming for. There, out of the biting wind, they made camp and the search began. A few hundred yards out of camp, they found a mark on a tree, then Henry Janin’s official water claim, then more mining notices, and finally a small sandstone mesa stained with iron deposits. This must be the spot. Quickly they got down on hands and knees. They probed until dark, finding one diamond apiece on the | first try. “That night,” remembered Emmons, “we were full-be-

5. Ibid. 7

lievers in the verity of Janin’s reports, and dreamed of untold wealth

that might be gathered.”

4. Emmons: Field Notebooks. See footnote 9, p. 452.

456 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | The next day, ignoring the sweeping wind and the shriveling : cold, they surveyed the entire area, picking up quantities of stones. They learned, however, that the diamonds did not occur anywhere else but in the mesa where they first found them. By the afternoon

| they began to get suspicious. King discovered that the gems were always found in a ratio of twelve rubies to one diamond. Then they noticed that most of the stones were in anthills and places where the earth had been ever so slightly disturbed. Their suspicions heightened when one man found a diamond delicately perched atop an anthill where, had it been there long, it would surely have been washed away. Later they found evidence that the stones

had been pushed into the anthills with a stick, and some disturbed places even had human footprints around them, though this was not conclusive since Janin and others had worked the site. To be

sure, on the third day they checked the stream beds and other places where diamonds must surely have settled, and they dug a | deep pit far into the sandstone formation. All this yielded nothing. |

Golconda was a fraud. |

Just as they concluded this, a stranger appeared. He was an unscrupulous New York City diamond dealer who had followed their labors for days through field glasses. When he learned that the diamonds were a hoax, he declared: “What a chance to sell short.”° This reminded King of the grave responsibility they bore, and that night they made plans to slip out and beat the diamond

dealer back to civilization. The next day King and Wilson left before dawn and rode all day, forty-five miles through the badlands,

directly to Black Butte Station. They arrived just in time to catch the train for San Francisco.

In San Francisco, King first sought out his friend Janin and confronted him with the evidence. Then they went to the company

| directors, and King presented a letter with his findings. Ralston and Company stalled for time and begged King to keep quiet until they could sell out, but he refused. They did gain a few days, however,

by persuading King to take Janin and the others to the diamond fields for a final check. When they returned, crowds had gathered

,,|

outside the bank waiting for a dramatic announcement from Ralston. The San Francisco tycoons had been duped by Arnold and Slack and caught by King. There was nothing to do but reveal the whole story. Ralston and his partners published King’s letter and the syndicate assumed full responsibility and repaid the stock6. Ibid.; Bartlett; Great Surveys, p. 199.

The West of Clarence King 457 holders. There were many who still continued to believe, however, that the scheme had originated with the syndicate in the first place.

| Slack disappeared, and Arnold, back in Kentucky, bought a safe and coolly stored his loot. In 1879 he was shot in the back and the loot disappeared. Meanwhile King was the hero of the hour. The San Francisco

Bulletin called him “a cool headed man of scientific education who esteemed it a duty to investigate the matter in the only right way, and who proceeded about his task with a degree of spirit and

strong common sense as striking as his success.” The Fortieth Parallel Survey as a scientific endeavor, according to the editor, had proven its practical value. Back East, Whitney, who was still fighting his own battle against the oil swindles, rejoiced at King’s success. “Who’s the King of Diamonds now?” he asked. “And isn’t he trumps?”®

Unbelievably, however, General Humphreys was displeased. Upon receiving King’s official report, he replied soberly: “As these Fields are situated within the limits of the Survey you have charge

of, it was eminently proper that they should be included in your operations and an exhaustive examination of them be made.” But, he added: “The manner of publicly announcing the results of the examination should I think have been different.”® In short, King should have gone through channels. But perhaps General Humphreys’s stiffness can be excused, for by 1873 the Army was begin-

ning to feel the competition from rival civilian surveys under the Interior Department. In view of increased Congressional opposition, it had to be jealous of whatever laurels fortune cast its way.

lO During the winter of 1872—73 King rested from his labors of

the previous season and enjoyed his heightened status in San Francisco society, where every notable from Ben Ali Haggin to George Hearst paid homage to him. Even more than this, he enjoyed the company of his literary friends, especially Horace F. Cutler, the “Batchelor of San Francisco,” who shared his enthusiasm for Don Quixote, and for whom King wrote one of his most mem7. Quoted in Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 203. 8. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 171. 9. Humphreys to King, Jan. 10, 1873, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

458 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE orable stories, “The Helmet of Mambrino,” a fictionalized account of the search for the barber’s basin worn by the valorous knight of

La Mancha.' In the summer of 1873, however, he went back to , work, combining private ventures in mine-consulting with a review

of the Fortieth Parallel geology. Part of the summer he spent in the East, urging his men on in their various enterprises and touring the White Mountains with Emmons. In September, on the way to Nevada, he met W. A. Goodyear and discovered his error in climbing the wrong Mt. Whitney. He detoured south, and in one easy afternoon's hike on September 18, he attained the long-elusive summit of his favorite mountain, thus rectifying his last embarrassment as a Western explorer. On that trip, too, he crossed the Sierras __

and prospected in California’s Inyo and Owens Valley for the Paleozoic fossils that would provide the last link in the chain of evidence for his volume on the geology of the basin region. In this, too, he was completely successful. All during the summer and fall of 1873, however, he suffered recurring bouts of illness which made his field work difficult. When he arrived in New York in November of that year, he was happy to see that at last his labors in mountain

and desert were over.’ |

AS a great and epic feat of exploration and adventure, the King Survey surpassed everything else that had been done in the latterday West except perhaps Major Powell’s dramatic descent of the Grand Canyon. But the most important result of his adventures was the monographs produced with incredible diligence and insight by King and the members of his staff. The keynote to his scientific approach was contained in a letter to General Humphreys:

“The day has passed in geological science,” he wrote, “when it is | either decent or tolerable to rush into print with undigested field operations ignoring the methods and appliances in use among ad- | vanced investigators. It is my intention to give to this work a finish which will place it on an equal footing with the best European pub-

| lications, and those few which have redeemed the wavering reputation of our American investigators.” This he succeeded in doing. His volumes on the Fortieth Parallel Survey, dealing with a massive 1. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 174. “The Helmet of Mambrino” is included in Clarence King Memoirs, pp. 5—115.

2. Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 176-83. King to Humphreys, 47 Lafayette Place, N.Y., Dec. 17, 1873, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. In the latter, King discusses his Paleozoic and Azoic fossil discoveries and also mentions his recurring illnesses. 3. King to Humphreys, Feb. 25, 1874, Fortieth Parallel Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

:|

The West of Clarence King 459 section of North American geology, were the first thoroughly professional studies of the Western environment, and they became a model for all others to follow. For the completion of the volumes, he had the services of most of his original team. Gardner, however, having finished the huge Atlas of the Survey, resigned to join F. V. Hayden’s Geological Survey of the Territories, and there he abruptly, and much to King’s dismay, began a feud with his old employers, the Army.? Emmons journeyed to Europe to purchase microscopes with which to examine the rock samples, and he returned, at King’s request, with Professor Ferdinand Zirkel of Leipzig, the foremost expert on the new science of microscopical petrography. Zirkel at once set to work examining the thousands of rock sections that the geologists had assembled. The result of his labors was Volume VI in King’s series, Microscopical Petrography, which came out in 1876.5 Imperfect though it was in certain instances, and paralleled to some extent by

Caswell’s work on the same subject, in the Black Hills Survey, whose publication was, however, held up by politics,* Zirkel’s vol-

ume was nevertheless a pioneer work. Using new instruments which revealed a hitherto inaccessible microscopic world, Zirkel materially changed the direction of geologic studies in the United States. Almost all the volumes produced by King and his men were impressive. Hague’s and King’s Mining Industry (1870)" had set the

standard and appeared to quiet Congressional worries about practicality. Sereno Watson’s Botany (1871 )® almost immediately became a classic. It related the various forms of plant life to the immense variety of country Watson had traversed, and it included a substantial catalogue of plants worked up by such authorities as

Basin. |

| George Engelmann, Edward Tuckerman, and Daniel Cady Eaton. | It was for years the only reference book on the flora of the Great

| In 1877 Arnold Hague and S. F. Emmons produced their volume 4. See, for example, James T. Gardner to J. D. Whitney, May 7, 1874, Washington, Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection. Also see

, Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 174-5

5. Ferdinand Zirkel: Microscopical Petrography, Professional Papers of the _ Engineer Department, U. S. Army, No. 18 (Washington, 1876). 6. See my Chapter 11, p. 424. 7. James D. Hague and Clarence King: Mining Industry, Professional Papers of the Engineer Department, U.S. Army, No. 18 (Washington, 1870). 8. Sereno Watson: Botany, Professional Papers of the Engineer Department. U. S. Army, No. 18 (Washington, 1871).

|

|

460 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE on the descriptive geology of the Fortieth Parallel.® In it they described in ordered fashion the main topographical features of the five major regions the Survey examined, which were the two basins

and the plateau of Nevada and Utah, the country between the Wasatch and Green River, and the final section from Green River to the Front Range. It formed Volume II of the series. The year 1878 saw the publication of Volume IV, which was actually three separate monographs.! There were two studies of paleontology. The first was written by the indefatigable Fielding Bradford Meek and dealt with invertebrate fossils from the Lower | Silurian to the Tertiary. The second was a special study of the specimens from the Eureka and White Pine districts, by R. P. Whitfield and James Hall of Albany. Part III, written by Robert Ridgeway, was on ornithology, a study which delighted the naturalists of the day, particularly Ridgway’s mentor, Spencer F. Baird. A final volume was completed in 1880. This was Professor Othniel C. Marsh’s first full-length work, Odontornithes: A Monograph on the Extinct

Toothed Birds of North America. Marsh was a close friend of King’s, and King had followed his pursuit of the ancient fauna of

the West with great interest, dovetailing his own studies of the Bridger Basin, the Morrison Formation, and the John Day Basin with the findings of Marsh in these regions. During the course of administering the surveys, King had visited Marsh’s collections at Yale many times. He was one of the first to view Marsh’s fossil horse series. Though he frequently in jest warned Marsh that his extensive collections, coming to rest in New Haven, were threaten-

ing to tilt the continent, King had a great respect for the Yale paleontologist and counted it fortunate that he was able to include Marsh’s volume in his series, with General Humphreys’s permission.2 Widely regarded as the “missing link” in Darwin’s evolutionary series, Marsh’s discovery of toothed birds in ancient America

ton, 1877). ,

Q. Arnold Hague and Samuel Franklin Emmons: Descriptive Geology, Pro- | fessional Papers of the Engineer Department, U. S. Army, No. 18 (Washing-

1. Fielding Bradford Meek: Paleontology (Part I); James Hall and R. P.

ington, 1878). ! | Whitfield: Paleontology (Part II); Robert Ridgeway: Ornithology (Part III), Professional Papers of the Engineer Department, U. S. Army, No. 18 (Wash-

2. Othniel Charles Marsh: Odontornithes: A Monograph on the Extinct Toothed Birds of North America, Professional Papers of the Engineer Department, U.S. Army, No. 18 (Washington, 1880). 3. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 207.

The West of Clarence King | 461 was a dramatic accomplishment that called forth great praise from European scientists. When Huxley came to America he went almost immediately to Yale to see Marsh’s collections, and Darwin himself,

besieged by critics, added his praise and thanks.‘ | Perhaps the two extremes of the survey results are represented by Gardner’s Atlas and King’s own volume, Systematic Geology.’ The outstanding feature of the Atlas was the rapidity with which it was produced. Whereas engineer officers and even Whitney procrastinated for years over their maps, Gardner had his done almost as soon as the Survey was finished. The large octavo folio included one overall map of “The Cordilleras of the Western United States,”

a survey of the entire territory traversed, and ten smaller maps. The smaller maps, drawn originally to a scale of two miles to the inch and then photographically reduced to four miles to the inch, were arranged in two identical series. The first was a Topographical

Series of the five sections represented in Descriptive Geology, namely the Rocky Mountains, the Green River Basin, the Utah Basin, the Nevada Plateau, and the Nevada Basin. The topographical maps concentrated chiefly on the mountains and the rivers, but the method of hachuring, a brush technique, though beautiful, was so vague as to somewhat obscure the sense of altitude and

| Il

depth. The geological maps, covering the same regions, were better. A final inclusion was a series of general geological cross-sections of the kind that were traditional in geological reports. A handsome production, Gardner’s Atlas appears nevertheless not to have been the outstanding contribution to geography it might have been, perhaps due to his haste in compiling it. —

The capstone of the entire series was King’s Systematic Geology.’ Disdaining a mere report of his findings in the field, King attempted

to be truly scientific, and out of his many samples and field observations to compose a history of Cordillera geology that would reveal 4. Ibid., p. 208. 5. Clarence King: Systematic Geology, Professional Papers of the Engineer

Department, U. S. Army, No. 18 (Washington, 1878). , 6. See Introduction to Atlas, Professional Papers of the Engineer Department,

U. S. Army, No. 18 (1878).

7. See footnote 5 on this page. Unless otherwise stated, my description is

based on this work.

|: 462 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

the laws and principles of geologic science. It was a vast improvement on Whitney’s comparable study. He began chronologically with the earliest period, the Archean or Pre-Cambrian Period, in which a whole continent now hidden but similar in topographical features with that of the present day rose

up, its dominant features lofty mountains rising to Himalayan

| heights of 30,000 feet, with solid escarpments rising as much as 10,000 feet. And in between were profound valleys rapidly being | filled by a process of erosion on a massive scale. Then the PreCambrian continent sank. In the East it was a gradual process, but in the West the drop was sudden. There followed a long period of Paleozoic immersion in which a great sea washed over most of Western America and the lofty Wasatch became a mere atoll barely

showing above the billowing salt sea. During this period, King reasoned, great climatic changes and periods of emergence and subsidence must have occurred, for there were six different layers of sedimentary deposition, including the Wasatch Limestone, the Weber Quartzite, and the Upper Coal Measures of the swampy | Carboniferous. Some of these layers, deposited over a long period of time, were as much as 12,000 feet thick, and between the 1os5th and the 112th meridian they thickened from 1,000 to 32,000 feet.

_ At the close of the Paleozoic, the West sank again, breaking off at the Wasatch Fault, and the sea deepened, while to the east a mediterranean ocean appeared on the site of the Great Plains. As this shallow sea washed westward, gradually rising and subsiding, it formed the Rocky Mountain Red Beds of the Triassic, and then the Jurassic, in whose Morrison and Canon City formations of central Wyoming Marsh had found gigantic dinosaurs. Then came the Cretaceous. A warm shallow sea advanced and retreated at least four times, leaving behind fossil mollusks and cephalopods. It was the last great ocean to cover the Rocky Mountains. Beyond the

, Wasatch, however, the Paleozoic seas remained undisturbed throughout the Mesozoic Era.

Then suddenly at the end of the Cretaceous, the last period of the Mesozoic Era, the Great Plains abruptly domed and the mountains arose, “causing the sea to retire altogether from the interior of America, absolutely obliterating the mediterranean ocean which had divided the eastern and western land masses... . since the close of the carboniferous.”* Later, as G. K. Warren had pointed out, the whole region tilted some 7,000 feet, draining off all water into the 8. Ibid., p. 356.

|

The West of Clarence King 463 Gulf of Mexico, and, King dramatically observed, “not a species remained.”®

The next great period was the Cenozoic Period, in which during

the Eocene huge fresh-water lakes appeared in the heart of the Rocky Mountains along the Green River Basin. They extended through parts of New Mexico and Colorado as far south as Arizona. In the subsequent Miocene Period the lakes multiplied and spread,

introducing entirely new forms of fresh-water life. And just at the close of the Miocene two new basins began to appear along the Wasatch and Sierra fault lines. This was a period of what King called “orographical displacement.” Mountains rose. The “crust yawned and enormous volumes of lava rolled out, overwhelming neighboring lands.” Especially along the fault lines east and west, the Miocene and Pliocene periods saw tremendous explosions and fracture and fire. They were, King concluded, “immense exhibitions

of telluric energy.” |

This was followed by the glaciers, not the tremendous grinding Greenland Cap to the east, but rather a series of local glaciers that

scooped out the V-shaped valleys of the Uintas and the Sierras. In between, there were raging torrents of meltwater that poured down through the mountain valleys carrying boulders as big as houses that swept everything before them. And then another glacial period followed. In all, King concluded, there were “two periods of precipitation with a drier interval.”* The two lakes, Lake Bonneville and Lake Lahonton, originally formed in the Pliocene period, sank

deeper into the floor of the Great Basin at this time. Then during the period of dryness they all but disappeared—only to be filled by the furious cascades of the second period of glacial disintegration. During this time the Western mountain topography took its present form, and since the last glacial era, the region appeared to be in the midst of another long dry period. It was this condition which caused King and his colleagues, not to mention the generations of previous Argonauts who inched across the vast dreary wastes, so much difficulty and travail. With the publication of King’s Systematic Geology,

| the Great Basin in all its complex history had at last been dis9. See King’s restatement of this point in Clarence King: “Catastrophism | and the Evolution of Environment,’ A Commencement Address to the Sheffield Scientific School, June 26, 1877 (n.p.). Copy in Yale University Library.

p. 19. This address is a first, and shorter, version of Systematic Geology. | 1. King: Systematic Geology, pp. 435-6. 2. See footnote 9 on this page. 3. Ibid. 4. King: Systematic Geology, pp. 478, 487.

464 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | covered and incorporated into the sophisticated world of science. _ It was a story only a trifle less dramatic than Genesis. In the midst of composing his great synthesis of Western geology, King had an opportunity to draw even more profound conclusions from his work, which placed it in the mainstream of scientific specu_ lation. He was asked to deliver the commencement address to the class of 1877 of the Sheffield Scientific School. King used this occasion to launch a sweeping attack on the whole school of Uniformi- —_

tarian geologists and biologists who, since Darwin, had come to dominate American and European science. The address, entitled

“Catastrophism and the Evolution of Environment,”> sprang di- | rectly from his observations of the countless instances of catastrophe in the geologic history of the West, and he used his dramatic American evidence to confront the followers of Lyell, and indeed all the British Uniformitarians and their disciples, whom he termed “an army of scientific fashion-followers.”° With an eloquence that _ echoed the futile rhetoric of his friend Louis Agassiz, King unfolded

his Western story to an audience which included not only the students of Sheff, but O. C. Marsh, his friend, and one of the great —

Darwinians of his time. | The disagreement between Uniformitarians, who were “impris-

oned” in the present, and Catastrophists, who reached all the way back to the sudden primordial terrors of primitive man, was simply a debate over the rate of change in the environment, King argued. Given this basic difference, the Uniformitarians, seduced by biology

and mesmerized by the iron logic of Malthus, had failed completely | to note the geologic record. Looking only at fossil links, they had not noted the “mechanical rupture, displacement, engulfment, crumbling and crushing of the rocky surface of the globe.”? The result was that they had projected the gradual change observable in the present into the geological past, ignoring great changes in the

rate of energy and accelerations which must have been felt by every living and perishing species in the ancient past. Carrying the argument directly to Marsh, King told his audience: “Between each two successive forms of the horse there was a catastrophe which seriously altered the climate and configuration of the whole region in which these animals lived.”® He added that “Huxley and Marsh assert that the bones prove descent. My own work proves that each

5. See footnote 9 on the preceding page. -

7. Ibid., p. 26. | 8. Ibid., pp. 36—7.

6. Clarence King: “Catastrophism and the Evolution of Environment,” p. 10.

| The West of Clarence King 465 new modification succeeded a catastrophe.”® The only species that survived, in King’s view, were those which were extremely “plastic” and could change with the sudden catastrophes that destroyed their

more rigid brethren. He concluded with a resounding statement that echoed Agassiz at his best: “A mere Malthusian struggle was

not the author and finisher of Evolution. . . . He who brought to , bear that mysterious energy we call life upon primeval matter, bestowed at the same time a power of development by change, arranging that the interaction of energy and matter which make up the environment should, from time to time, burst in upon the current of life and sweep it onward and upward to ever higher and better manifestations. Moments of great catastrophy, thus translated into the language of life, become moments of creation, when out of plastic organisms something new and nobler is called into

being.”” |

King’s brave sally was for the most part greeted by his scientific

friends with embarrassment, though Henry Adams came to base much of his philosophy of history upon it. King had dramatically demonstrated in the long view the relatively sudden local changes in the environment, using as examples his Western discoveries, and to this extent evolutionists might be forced to make minor concessions. But his terminology caught him on the horns of the

| same cruel dilemma that had vanquished Agassiz a decade before. Did he mean by “plastic” those species which most readily adapted

to the environment? If so, he had offered no real challenge to Darwin’s theory. If not, he was forced into a kind of teleological Lamarckianism in which the Creator caused certain species—the giraffe perhaps, or the cephalopod, or even Henry Adams’s favorite,

the Eocene lemur—to change characteristics overnight in order _ to stay alive through the basaltic floods or the long glacial winters.

| It appeared that in the heightened emotion of a June afternoon’s commencement, King, a humanist at heart, had overreached him-

| self. Fortunately Marsh and his Darwinian peers recognized the brilliant achievements of his work on the Fortieth Parallel Survey, and the Yale address passed by, a minor friendly skirmish in the war between science and theology. Instead of condemning him, by 1879 they all combined to propel him to the pinnacle of success, the first directorship of the United States Geological Survey. 9. Ibid., p. 37. 1. Ibid., p. 34. 2. Ibid., p. 37. 3. Henry Adams: Education, pp. 224-36, 312—13, 399-402.

466 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE The significance of King as a Western explorer is not difficult to estimate. Working within the traditional army framework, he had

brought discovery to a new height. By carefully surveying the whole vast basin and range country, he had not only located new resources and suggested ways of adjusting to a non-agricultural frontier. He had also made Western exploration a newer, more ex-

citing, more exact science. Abandoning the purely descriptive, which he loved, he devised laws and rules of environmental development. He outlined scientific sequences of cause and effect. And he utilized all the latest scientific theories and techniques, such as Richthofen’s mathematical law of eruptive sequences and Zirkel’s microscopical petrography. Moreover, he assembled a nucleus of brilliant professionals who were interested in the specific problems of Western geology, from volcanoes to glaciers, men who could and would continue on in their own right. Thus, his glamorous example, and his very demonstration of the whole horizon of possibilities and

opportunities for highly trained academicians in the West, contributed as much, if not more, than anything else to the rapid displacement of the soldier-engineer as the key figure in Western exploration. Above all, he had incorporated the West into the realm of academic science.

CHAPTER XIII

The Last Stand of the Army Explorer

THE third phase of post-Civil War army exploration in the West was Lieutenant George Montague Wheeler’s Geographical Surveys of the Territories of the United States West of the 1ooth Meridian.

Comparatively little-known and largely uncelebrated, Wheeler’s surveys represented an attempt by the Army to instill a professional spirit in its Western exploring activities to the point where it could regain scientific prestige in its own right, and with it control over all geographical activity in the Far West. Wheeler, who graduated sixth in the class of 1866 at West Point, was a soldier born a generation too late.! Ideally, he belonged with the old prewar Corps of Topographical Engineers, but he came into

| the world in Hopkinton, Massachusetts, in 1842, the very year of _ John C. Frémont’s first dramatic trip to the Rocky Mountains, and he began his work as an explorer just as John Wesley Powell was completing his voyage through the last completely unopened region of the West. By the time Wheeler was graduated from West Point, where he had spent the war as a cadet, the Army was in eclipse, and he was a newly minted second lieutenant at a time when experienced officers were the most abundant commodity on the national labor market. Thus, as a soldier he was one among many, and as an explorer he was simply too late. Perhaps it was only his

after all. |

West Point record and his fortunate marriage to the daughter of Francis Preston Blair, Jr., that saved him from a career of monotonous garrison duty and made him, in spite of all odds, an explorer As a second lieutenant, he was soon assigned to General E. O. C. Ord’s command in California, where, working under the influential 1. D.A.B. Also see obituary in The Army and Navy Journal, May 6, 1905,

467

which was taken from The New York Times of May 5, 1905.

468 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Colonel R. S. Williamson, who had put Clarence King on the path to fame, he learned the exacting trade of military topographer. By 1869, as was previously related,? he had gained promotion to first lieutenant and led his first independent expedition—an old-style

| reconnaissance south from Fort Halleck on the Central Pacific line through eastern and southern Nevada. His diligence in the 1869 expedition, which lasted for five grueling months, and covered _ 82,000 square miles, plus his great ambition, which prompted him

! to project even grander reconnaissances than any of his fellow officers, placed him almost immediately in the forefront of new army explorers in the West. His work in 1869 was in the forbidding

southwestern desert regions of Nevada and Utah, south of the Fortieth Parallel Surveys, where Josiah Dwight Whitney had expected Clarence King to concentrate his operations after his 1866 venture into that region. The area, though penetrated many times

by previous explorers, had never been, as Wheeler put it, “instru- | mentally explored.” In 1867-68 Williamson and others had been interested in the Colorado River, particularly after James White’s appearance, but upon receiving orders from higher up, they had reluctantly abandoned the area to Powell’s civilian operation.® But even given the success of Powell’s civilian voyage, Wheeler, as a military explorer, was responding to another and different set of needs peculiar to the Southwest. Not only was he interested in an area largely bypassed by most surveys of his day, and avoided by experienced officers as the Botany Bay of military banishment, but he was also, as an explorer and topographer, in a position to provide something vitally needed by Lieutenant Colonel George M.

Crook’s command, accurate geographical maps of the rugged

| Apache and Paiute country. From a military standpoint, a largescale mapping venture in the Far Southwest was of the greatest necessity. Wheeler, eager and anxious to create a career for him_ self in the grand tradition of prewar explorers, was willing to provide for this necessity, whatever the monotony, risk of exposure to

desert elements, and danger from the Indians. ,

Several other elements contributed to Wheeler’s spectacular rise.

Though King’s survey was clearly under military jurisdiction, it consisted almost entirely of civilian academicians and as such

| offered little in the way of career opportunities to peacetime sol-

2. 3. See See Chapter ChapterI1, 11,p.p.394. 397.| ,| ,

|

| The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 469 diers. Moreover, the sudden emergence of the Powell and Hayden

surveys under the auspices of the rival Interior Department presented a serious threat to military leadership. This rankled the officers of the regular army like General Humphreys, and he used every power at his command to promote Wheeler’s proposals. Second, Wheeler was able to capitalize, paradoxically enough, on the

backing of the scientists, who supported King on a quid pro quo | basis, as his correspondence with King’s patron, Professor O. C. Marsh of Yale, clearly indicates. Thus, though he lost all priority

| in the “Plateau Province” to Powell, by 1871 Wheeler, scarcely thirty years of age, emerged as leader of his own elaborate survey. This survey, thanks to his efforts in the next two years, gradually took form and became the important “United States Geographical _ Surveys West of the 1ooth Meridian.” By dint of two years of hard work in the field, Wheeler became head of an entire bureau of exploration in his own right. And with him he carried the Army’s hopes for survival in competition with the able captains of civilian

science. |

2 What contributed most to Wheeler’s sudden success as a Western explorer was his spectacular exploration of 1871. Under orders from General Humphreys, he was sent to explore and map “those portions of the United States territory lying south of the Central Pacific Railroad, embracing parts of Eastern Nevada and Arizona.” “The main object of this exploration,” General Humphreys explained patiently, “will be to obtain topographical knowledge of the country traversed by your parties, and to prepare accurate maps of that section. ... it is at the same time intended that you ascertain as far as practicable everything relating to the physical features of the country, the numbers, habits, and disposition of the Indians who may live in this section, the selection of such sites as may be of use for future military operations or occupation, and 4. G. M. Wheeler to O. C. Marsh, Washington, D.C., March 4, 1871, Marsh Letterbooks, Peabody Museum, Yale University. For Humphreys’s pride in

, army achievements, see A. A. Humphreys to James A. Garfield, Washington, | D.C., Feb. 5, 1873, Humphreys Papers, Pennsylvania State Historical Society.

5. Capt. George M. Wheeler: Preliminary Report Concerning Explorations and Surveys Principally in Nevada and Arizona (Washington, 1872), pp. II-i12.

|

|

470 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE the facilities offered for making rail or common roads, to meet the wants of those who at some future period may occupy or traverse this part of our territory.” In his spare time he was to survey the mineral resources of the country, the geological formations, the vegetation, its suitability for agriculture, the weather, and establish a number of astronomically observed points of latitude and longitude. The detail included in General Humphreys’s orders indicated clearly that he had high hopes for the results of Wheeler’s

expedition. — , oe |

To accomplish his many objectives, Wheeler assembled an excellent force. He recruited Lieutenant D. A. Lyle of the Second

United States Artillery from as far away as Alaska, and after a frustrating tangle with his regional commander, Lieutenant D. W. Lockwood of the Engineers reported for duty in August. Wheeler also secured the services of Acting Assistant Surgeon Walter J. Hoffman, due to the good offices of Spencer F. Baird at the Smithsonian. Timothy O’Sullivan, of the King Surveys, served as photog-

rapher. In addition, Wheeler took along Grove Kar] Gilbert, one of the greatest of all American geologists, and his friend Archibald Marvine from the University of Pennsylvania. The expedition of 1871 was Gilbert's first extensive experience in the West, and from his observations of the barren lake-bed landscapes of the Great Basin, he conceived his idea of the configuration of ancient Lake Bonneville.“ Finally, in addition to topographical assistants, packers, and men of the cavalry escort, Wheeler introduced a new figure—a type that was to play an increasingly important role in the publicity-conscious efforts of the new explorers. He was a reporter, Frederick W. Loring of Boston, Massachusetts. Noting the singular success of Powell, Hayden, and King in the field of public relations, Wheeler hoped that O’Sullivan’s photographs and Loring’s

articles would dramatize his work in the Southwest. The various parties assembled on May 3 at Halleck Station on

6. Ibid. ,

| the Central Pacific Railroad, thirty men in all. After an initial move _ west to Carlin, Nevada, Wheeler divided his forces up into various | survey parties who zigzagged southward, east, and west across Nevada, visiting mining districts at Battle Mountain, Bull Run, 7. G. K. Gilbert: “Report on the Geology of Portions of Nevada, Utah, California, and Arizona, Examined in the Years 1871 and 1872,” Report Upon the Geographical and Geological Explorations and Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office;

1875), Vol. III, Pt. I, p. Ig.

|

|

| The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 471 |

Eureka, Belmont, Pioche, and the Paranagat Valley.® Frederick W.

| Loring enlivened the march with his satirical observations of | . Cowitch, the Shoshone chief who wanted “muck-a-muck” for his braves, and knew “a heap.” He also told stories about Brigham Young, who wore a pair of light-gray trousers “stained in one or two places,” and “a heavy cloak, which partially hid his obesity,” and of the old California scout who was proud of the fact that a friend of his, aged forty, had just married a girl of eight. “Well,” said the old scout in one of Loring’s articles, “we develop early here in California. There air seven or eight children married

in Owen’s Valley; and one gal of twelve has been divorced from her first husband, and married her second.” (Spit) “We develop in California—we do.” Neither Loring’s jaunty manner nor the scientists’ preoccupation with their many duties could relieve the difficult conditions under which they all labored, however. Miles of arid waste and _ volcanic rubble passed underfoot. The heat rose to 118 degrees.

| And in July the worst was to come. The various field parties converged on Death Valley from Camp Independence, Owens Valley, and from the Armagosa River. On the twenty-fourth and twenty-

fifth of July, Lieutenant Lyle’s party lowered themselves down rocky Break Neck Canyon in the Panamint Range and set out across

the upper end of Death Valley from Last Chance Spring to Gold Mountain. Their guide, a prospector named Charles Hahn, deserted

| them on the first day and was never seen again, though a body believed to be his was later found. Following Lieutenant Lyle, Wheeler, with the main body, also lost his guide [Wm. Egan], but on August 23 Wheeler too managed to make his way across the valley to Furnace Creek in the Funeral Mountains.! Lyle and Wheeler were not the first men to enter and explore Death Valley. A band of California-bound gold seekers had wandered into its gloomy wastes in December of 1849. Lost and in danger of starvation, they had split up into a number of bands, each desperately seeking a route across the Panamint Range on the far side of the valley. Three men perished, as one by one each of the parties, Jayhawkers, Mississippians, Georgians, Bennetts, and 8. Wheeler: Preliminary Report, passim. My account is based on this source, unless otherwise stated.

9. See Frederick W. Loring: “A Council of War,” p. 183; “A Glimpse of Mormonism,” p. 215; “Into the Valley of Death,” p. 574, Appelton’s Journal of Science, Literature and Art, Vol. VI (Aug. 12 and Nov. 18, 1871). 1. See “Report of Lt. D. A. Lyle, Second United States Artillery,” in Wheeler: Preliminary Report, Appendix B, pp. 80—3. See also pp. 16-17.

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The Last Stand of the Army Explorer — = 473 Briers, made their way in different directions up out of the desert. | When the last party, the Briers, crossed over the divide of the Panamint Range, they had looked back over the scene of their prolonged hardships and in a burst of true inspiration called out “Goodbye Death Valley,” thus affixing its name forever.” Later other men had entered the valley, lured by a piece of solid silver alleged to have been discovered there by one of the original _ Argonauts and used for a gunsight. Dr. E. Darwin French, one of the silver seekers in search of the lost “Gunsight Mine,” explored the valley in 1850 and again in 1860. He was perhaps the first man to use its picturesque name in print.? And in 1861 Dr. J. R. N. Owen

led a team of the California Border Survey across its dazzling alkali flats. The Owen expedition was distinguished chiefly by the presence of three camels, Maya, Touli, and Catchouk, who

| stood the trip in splendid fashion.* |

But though the valley had been traversed before, the Wheeler expedition found it nonetheless difficult. The thermometer reached 120 degrees, and even Loring’s jauntiness was gone as he nearly | succumbed to sunstroke. Wheeler devoted only a paragraph to his experience in Death Valley, but it was revealing.

The route lay for more than 39 miles in light, white, drifting , sand, which was traversed between 5 am and 6 pm., the center | of the desert being reached about meridian. The stifling heat, great radiation, and constant glare from the sand were almost

overpowering, and two of the command succumbed near nightfall, rendering it necessary to pack one man on the back of a mule to the first divide on the route, where a grass sward was reached at the end of the long sandy stretch, while the second, an old and tried mountaineer, became unconscious for

more than an hour in nearly the same locality.® | It was in the best tradition of army exploration, and in retrospect Wheeler must have enjoyed it. The California newspapers, how2. Carl I. Wheat: “Trailing the Forty-Niners Through Death Valley,” Sierra Club Bulletin, Vol. XXIV, No. 3 (June 1939). Also see William Lewis Manly: Death Valley in ’49 (San Jose, Calif.: Pacific Tree and Vine Co.; 1894). 3. Wheat: “Pioneer Visitors to Death Valley After the Forty-Niners,” California Historical Quarterly, Vol. XVIII, No. 3 (Sept. 1939), pp. 195-214. 4. See Arthur Woodward: Camels and Surveyors in Death Valley, Publication No. 7, Death Valley ‘49ers, Inc. (Palm Desert, Calif.: Desert Printers, Inc.; 1961). ne George M. Wheeler: Report Upon United States Geographical Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office; 1889), Vol. I, p. 45. Hereafter cited as Wheeler: Final Report.

474 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE ever, found Wheeler and his party something less than heroic. They accused the lieutenant of abandoning the two guides in the desert

to die, or perhaps murdering them. He was also reported to have hung up a local Indian boy by his thumbs from a wagon tongue, _ and on another occasion he was accused of having staked out four

more redmen in the desert until they sold him their mules at a fair price. Wheeler was no lover of the Indians. He referred to them © as “barbarians,” and “savage assassins,” and he deplored the peace policy so often urged by the Interior Department. Yet it is difficult

to believe the newspaper picture of him, particularly since Egan, the guide reported murdered, apparently later reappeared in the mining district of St. George in southern Utah, a deserter and nothing more. Still, as Clarence King’s near disaster of 1866 demon-

strated, they were in dangerous country and, out of fear, may per-

haps have resorted to stern measures.® |

Having sounded the depths of Death Valley, Wheeler turned to his next objective, the exploration of the Colorado River upstream from Camp Mojave. Since Powell had already coursed down the river, with its roaring rapids, in 1869, and in 1871 was just completing a second, more scientific survey of the river, Wheeler’s plan seems at first somewhat quixotic—especially as he intended to go

upstream, fighting the terrible rapids all the way. He had his reasons, however. From the time of James White’s emergence from

the river at Callville in 1868, and even before that, as early as the Ives expedition of 1857, the Army had been concerned with three basic aspects of the river country: the possibility of extending the | head of navigation far up into the canyon country as a means of supplying troops in that forbidding region; the location of transportation routes and wagon roads into the same area that would | facilitate communication between the Central Pacific Railroad and the Far Southwest; and finally the assessment of the possibilities of the river for irrigation and reclamation purposes. A rapid cruise down the river could accomplish none of these objectives—so Wheeler adopted the army way, and went upstream. His expedition was an elaborate one. Lieutenants Lockwood and Lyle made for St. George, Utah, and established two supply bases on the north side of the river, one at Pah-Koon Springs, and the other at Grand Wash. Along the way they explored parts of the Virgin River and the whole area around present-day Hurricane _ Mesa and Zion National Park. Then Lieutenant Lockwood crossed 6. Bartlett: Great Surveys, pp. 343-4.

The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 475 , over the river and established another supply base between Truxton Springs, Arizona, and Diamond Creek, the objective of Wheeler's _ river party. The geologist Gilbert accompanied this party for a time and thus was afforded an opportunity to examine the plateau country and the great volcanic cone of the San Francisco Mountains to

the south. It was Gilbert who first applied the name “Colorado Plateau’ to all the north rim country. Wheeler journeyed due east from Death Valley to Camp Mojave

near the present-day Needles, Arizona. There he secured three riverboats and a barge, and assembled a party consisting of Gilbert, Dr. W. J. Hoffman, Tim O’Sullivan, E. M. Richardson, Frank Hecox,

F. W. Loring, six boatmen, one sergeant and five privates from Company C, 12th Infantry, and the Mojave chief “Captain” Asquit and thirteen of his braves.

They set out from the landing at Camp Mojave on September 16, 1871, with O’Sullivan on one of the boats, appropriately named “The Picture,” already at work with his wet-plate apparatus photo-

graphing their departure.’ Slowly they made their way upriver, through Painted Canyon, around the Big Bend, and into Black

Canyon (see map, p. 436). Dazzled by its vertical walls and romantic vistas, Wheeler nevertheless soberly concluded that “al-

though [it was] interesting in the extreme,” it did not “equal in grandeur what was expected of it from the description given in Ives’ Report.”® No canyon scenery, however, could have matched Egloffstein’s Dorésque visions which illustrated Ives’s Report. On September 25, they passed the deserted site of Callville, then Las Vegas Wash, making camp at the foot of Boulder Canyon. By this time they had begun the heavy labor of towing the boats against the strong current. Above the Virgin River they entered Paiute coun-

try, and the Mojaves began to grow apprehensive, since this was the stronghold of their traditional enemies. Wheeler, however, suc-

ceeded in securing a truce between the tribes, and the expedition struggled on, past Grand Wash and up to the Grand Canyon proper. At the Ute Crossing, just below Grand Canyon, they paused for a day to regroup for the final dash to Diamond Creek. Then, taking

fifteen days’ rations, they continued up the river, with Gilbert scouting ahead, to gain time to make his sketches of the great geological sections made visible by the action of the river. Soon they 7. Wheeler: Final Report, pp. 156—70. Unless otherwise stated, my account is based on this source. For the name of the boat “Picture,” see p. 158.

| 8. Ibid., p. 159.

|

476 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE began to hit the rapids, which were, in Wheeler’s restrained language, “more formidable than any yet seen.”® On October 21 they passed a rock which marked the supposed upriver progress of the Mormon scout O. D. Gass and four men in 1864. At Vernal Falls two boats capsized and the party broke up into sections, each making dreary wet camps along the riverbank. Two men were injured, and the difficulties mounted. Wheeler wrote: “I have several times during the day despaired of reaching Diamond Creek in time to join the relief party there, as each rapid in turn seems to be more powerful than the last... .”! At Disaster Rapids another boat capsized and was wrecked spilling its contents, including Wheeler’s valuable notes, into the muddy Colorado. It took three precious days to work the boats around this point, and Wheeler’s notes and collections were never recovered. By October 15, having lost some of their provisions in the marine

disaster, Wheeler and his men were on emergency rations. There was no game to replenish their supply, and the river was proving more formidable than ever. Wheeler wrote hopefully on October 17:

“Speculations are rife to-day as to the prospect of either want and starvation and inability to get out of the canon, and yet I believe there will be some loophole in event of the utmost emergency.”

Even the Indians became discouraged at being sealed in by the towering canyon walls with little or no food, leaking boats, and only

_ the surging river ahead of them. Desperate by now, Wheeler dispatched Hecox and Roberts overland for the relief party, while Gil-

bert calmly observed the planet Venus. |

The next day, in a last effort, led by Wheeler and Gilbert personally, they reached the mouth of Diamond Creek at last. There a fishing pole and line indicated that the rescue party was indeed alerted

and ready with the much-needed supplies. On the twentieth of October the rendezvous was made and they were saved. Wheeler had at least duplicated Ives’s feat of 1857 and he had done it the hard way, by water. Wheeler and his scientific party left the river at Diamond Creek and headed overland to Truxton Springs. The rest of the men and Indians were left behind, to cruise back downstream at their leisure, or perish, and they fade from history at this point. What Wheeler had accomplished by his river trip is difficult to say. Long before he reached Diamond Creek, he had passed the

9. Ibid., p. 163. , 1. Ibid., p. 164. 2. Ibid., p. 167.

|

The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 477 head of navigation, and his men were far too busy staying alive on the turbulent waters to locate wagon trails. Even the imperturbable Gilbert had his difficulties in making geological and astronomical observations along the way. O’Sullivan’s pictures and the crude map which Wheeler produced are perhaps the main additions to knowledge, and spectacular as they were, they hardly seemed worth the effort of the river hardships.

One further note of disaster punctuated the expedition. Three members of the party, Frederick Loring, William Salmon, and P. W. Harnel, started for California via the overland stage and on Sunday, November 5, they were attacked by a band of Apache Indians near _ Wickenburg, Arizona, and all but two occupants of the stagecoach were killed. Loring’s career as a publicist for the Wheeler expedition was thus abruptly terminated and Wheeler was left with the melan-

choly duty of communicating the sad news to Loring’s father in far-off Boston.’ As late as 1889, when he finally published his report on the expedition, Wheeler was outraged at Loring’s death. It was, he concluded, “one of the evidences of the mistaken zeal, of the then peace-at-any-cost policy, that was for so long a time applied to the

settlement of the Indian problem. Unfortunately, the bones of murdered citizens cannot rise to cry out and attest the atrocious murders. .. .” He noted, however, with grim satisfaction, that the “redskin assassins” had ultimately been found and punished by

General Crook.* | oa

In his report for 1871, Wheeler recognized that “the day of the path-finder has sensibly ended,” and he proposed a broad plan for the “complete reconstruction of the engineer map of the Western Territories,” which ultimately led to the complete change in his surveys by 1873.° Yet in 1872 his field operations were still largely of the pathfinding or reconnaissance variety, rather than the accurate surveys of broad regions he was proposing. And though he recognized the value of base-line and trigonometrical surveys, and actually established six astronomical stations that year, his chief concern seems to have been to meet his competition by reexploring the Colorado Plateau and Grand Canyon region. The most interest-

, 3. Ibid., p. 35; Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 348. , 4. Ibid. 5. Wheeler: Preliminary Report, pp. 60-1.

478 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE ing results of this work were the photographs of William Bell and

the drawings of John E. Weyss, the former Mexican boundary topographer and Civil War mapmaker who accompanied the field parties. Weyss’s views of the Grand Canyon country, such as his famous portrayal of “The Crossing of the Fathers,” though hardly in a class with W. H. Holmes’s remarkably accurate studies of the same mesa and canyon country, nevertheless were impressive renderings of that remote locality visited by Escalante nearly one hundred years before. In his prospectus for 1873, Wheeler again declared that “the time has come to change the system of examination, from that idea of

exploration which seems to attach itself to a linear search for great and special wonders, to a thorough survey that shall build up |

over. | _

from time to time, and fortify our knowledge of the structural rela-

tion of the whole.”* By this he meant that the day of the great individual explorers in the manner of Frémont (or. Powell) was As early as the summer season of 1873, he had two distinct

parties in the field beginning work on a systematic trigonometrical and astronomical basis. One party, which he led, operated out of Southern California, while the other party, commanded by Lieu-

tenant W. L. Marshall, began its work from Denver, Colorado, having as its duty the survey by triangulation of Colorado south of the Union Pacific line and west of the front range.” But that summer in Colorado, near the headwaters of the Arkansas, Lieutenant Marshall ran into parties of the Hayden Survey. Before long, four out of five of Hayden’s geological field parties were operating in the _ Twin Lakes region.’ Thus the absurd spectacle presented itself of two surveying parties, their instruments placed on the same remote mountain peaks, surveying the same wilderness territory. Congress, however, saw no humor in the situation at all. _

|4

In 1874 the Townsend Committee on Public Lands of the House _ Of Representatives met to consider the problem of duplication in 6. Wheeler to Humphreys, Washington, D.C., Feb. 3, 1873, in Wheeler: Notes Relating to Surveys in the Western Territories of the United States (n.d., n.p.), Yale Collection of Western Americana, p. 7. 7. Statement of Lt. W. L. Marshall, March 1, 1874, in 43rd Cong., Ist sess., H. R. Report 612 (1874), pp. 71-2. Hereafter cited as Townsend Report. 8. Ibid.

|

The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 479 | Western surveys, which by this time had become acute. The investigation was instigated by the War Department in an effort to assert its authority over all the surveys, and thereby check the advances made by the Interior Department, but the political pressure was by no means one-sided. According to Wheeler’s geologist H. C. Yarrow, Hayden declared in 1873: “You can tell Wheeler that if he stirs a finger or attempts to interfere with me or my survey in any way I will utterly crush him—as I have enough congressional influence to do so and will bring it to bear.”® Hayden did indeed have enor-

| mous influence in Congress. His letter files reveal that for several years he had been supplying members of Congress with that explorer’s equivalent of the railroad pass—free sets of lavishly illus_ trated books, geologists’ reports of value to would-be prospectors, and sets of sun pictures and stereopticon slides of the marvels of the West enough to delight anyone’s favorite nephew.' Indeed, throughout the seventies the various surveys vied with one another in these lavish photographic productions for propaganda purposes.’ Then, too, he could bring to bear against the Army an impressive backing by the various scientific and academic pressure groups, all

of which had something to gain if purely civilian enterprise prevailed.

To this end, Hayden and Gardner, who had joined his survey, by 1874 began to assail the major scientific centers in the country with promotional material. In May of 1874 Hayden wrote to Josiah Dwight Whitney on behalf of his cause: “The friends of Civilian Science must now come to the rescue. This cause appeals to every scientific school in the land. Ask all your friends to write to such members of Congress as they know protesting... .” He added: “It is a fight for dear life with the odds against us but Congress is evidently in our favor, and there the work must be done.” By May 13 Gardner was applying even more direct pressure. “It is a great crisis for the science of the country,” he wrote with almost evangelical zeal. “There must now be decided whether civilians who have deg. Ibid., p. 63. Dr. F. Kampf also supported this testimony. 1. For many examples of this practice, see Letters Received File, United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Territories (Hayden Survey), Interior Department Records, R.G. 57, National Archives.

2. Wallace Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.; 1954), pp. 174-91. Wheeler also produced three collections of photographs, which he distributed to interested parties. See Wheeler Papers,

Yale Western Americana Collection. | 3. F. V. Hayden to J. D. Whitney, Washington, D.C., May 3, 1874, Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection.

| 480 sos EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | voted years to science are to direct the scientific work of the country. Can you not write an article on the general principles involved and

: get The Nation to print it? I hope Yale and Harvard will speak. up | nobly in this crisis. It is no time for trimming and we shall remem- | ber the friends that stand by in this awful struggle. The weakbacked men will be marked by the stand they take.” Then, in another hurried letter, that same day he added: “It is a great issue for science and you have given us much help in this time when we are strained to the utmost. Hayden ordered 600 of the large sized photographs to be sent to you as soon as they can be printed.” Whitney, who regarded Hayden as “an enthusiastic man, ignorant of course,” and did not trust him personally, nevertheless fell into

line.® | | In the 1874 hearings the Army was immediately put on the de-_ fensive. It was clear to most observers that Wheeler had been delib-

erately surveying areas already covered by previous parties in an obvious attempt at empire building. Moreover, Wheeler’s haughty refusal to testify on matters of War Department policy did nothing __

| to aid his cause, and his intemperate exchange with Hayden caused them both to be censured for bad manners in the committee report.’ Most of the civilian scientists—some of whom had quarreled with Wheeler while serving under him—now stood together against the military. The issues of the power struggle were clearly focused for them, and they felt that the Western surveys could better be staffed by their protégés than by men from West Point who kept the civilian

scientists subordinate to their authority.°® |

Powell, deliberately picking the worst example of Wheeler’s work, declared flatly that his maps were inaccurate and useless for geological purposes.? Hayden asserted that “there is not a single

square mile of the Rocky Mountain region sufficiently accurate and | in detail on the engineer maps that we could use for geological purposes.”! And Gardner alleged that Wheeler had “marched around and looked into but did not enter . . . great regions as large 4. James T. Gardner to J. D. Whitney, Washington, D.C., May 13, 1874,

Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection. |

5. James T. Gardner to J. D. Whitney, Washington, D.C., May 13, 1874,

Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection. |

6. J. D. Whitney to W. D. Whitney, Cambridge, May 13, 1874, Whitney _

Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection.

9. Ibid., p. 51. 7. Townsend Report,p.18. 8. Ibid., pp. 73-7.

1. Ibid., p. 39.

|| The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 481

| as Connecticut and Rhode Island together,” so that perforce “a large amount of the topography” had to be “left to the imagination of the draughtsmen.””

Based on half-truths and differences of opinion, these were

nevertheless stunning blows to Wheeler’s survey, the more so because they were backed up by numerous academic letters of protest. The most prominent of these was from Yale College, signed by President Noah Porter, O. C. Marsh, and all the scientists except James Dwight Dana, who was under some obligation to Wheeler since he had received permission to incorporate Wheeler’s (and Gilbert’s ) researches into his new textbook of geology.®

_ In 1874, however, Wheeler mustered enough strength to survive, undoubtedly because he enjoyed the support of President Grant.* And, in fact, all the surveys were left in the field stronger than ever. The Yale letter was quietly replaced by another which denied opposition to Wheeler,® and the Townsend Committee concluded that, though the Hayden and Powell surveys were more accurate, “there

is an abundance of work for the best talents of both the War and Interior Departments in the scientific questions of the Western Territories for many years to come.” Characteristically for its time,

it felt that there was a public value in encouraging unrestrained competition between the various branches of government service.® Looking back on the Congressional struggle of 1874, Wheeler must

have felt some disappointment at his failure to assume control of all Western exploration, but it must also have been with relief and no little gratitude that he named the highest mountain peak that year for James G. Blaine.” Survival, next to complete success, was most important. 2. Ibid., p. 59. 3. Ibid., pp. 73-7. For the Wheeler-Dana relationship, see Wheeler to Gen.

, A. A. Humphreys, Washington, D.C., Nov. 11, 1873, Wheeler Papers, Yale Western Americana Collection. Wheeler granted Dana permission to publish

his material in preliminary reports in journals and “for insertoin [sic] in a new edition of his work on Geology.” 4. See “Message of the President,” May 2, 1874, 43rd Cong., 1st sess., H.R. Exec. Doc. 240 (1874). 5. See Exhibit No. 11, “Disclaimer of Faculty of Yale College Concerning Geographical and Geological Surveys West of the Mississippi,” June 9, 1874, 43rd Cong., 2nd sess., H.R. Report 149 (1874). 6. Townsend Report, pp. 16—18. 7. Wheeler to Hon. James G. Blaine, Washington, D.C., Feb. 8, 1875, Wheeler

. Survey Records, R.G. 77, National Archives.

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|

|

— = 482 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

5

In response to the charges brought out in the hearings, Wheeler paid more attention to the latest scientific techniques in his surveys. He set up three separate astronomical observatories, including one housed in a specially constructed brick building in Ogden, Utah.

He abandoned the meander system, based on measurement by odometers, in favor of base-line and trigonometric triangulation entirely, and he began experimenting with contour maps instead of representing topography in vague, hachured sketches. He further addressed himself to problems of agricultural settlement in the arid

lands, branching out into irrigation surveys and attempts at land classification and the redirection of settlement patterns, clearly anticipating by several years John Wesley Powell’s celebrated and influential Report on the Lands of the Arid Region, published in

| 1878. In concerning himself with these matters Wheeler was no pioneer, however, since as far back as Kearny’s Mexican War reconnaissance of 1846, Lieutenant William Hemsley Emory had looked

at the dry Southwest and called for new settlement patterns based on the realities of topography and watercourses rather than on the 160-acre grid pattern of the public-land surveys.®

|6

Each year, from 1874 on, the Wheeler Surveys became more extensive and his atlas of maps increased. In 1874 itself, there were two field divisions operating in California and Colorado.® But under

each of these divisions there were two and five field parties, respectively, including one that provided the paleontologist E. D. Cope

with the opportunity to make his greatest discovery, the Eocene beds of northern New Mexico, with their distinctive remains of early mammals. Along with Dr. Oscar Loew, he also discovered and explored some of the half-hidden citadels of the vanished Indian cultures along the San Juan River.” 8. See my Chapter 7, pp. 256-7. 9. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1875. 1. E. D. Cope to Father, Sept. 14, 1875, Cope Papers, American Museum of Natural History, New York. Cope’s field diaries for the period are also in this collection. The letter of Sept. 14, 1874, is also quoted in Osborne: Cope, pp. 200—T.

2. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1875, pp. 166—78. ,

The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 483 In 1875 seven parties were in the field, including a special expe-

dition operating out of Santa Barbara which uncovered a new archaeological horizon and forwarded rich collections to the Smithsonian Institution.? That same year Lieutenant Hoffman Birnie led

another expedition into Death Valley, exploring it from north to south as well as from east to west, thereby completing the accurate mapping of that remote region.* In 1876 Wheeler’s work became more “practical,” as one of the six field parties concentrated on a detailed study and map of the Comstock Lode, though King’s survey

had already produced its classic work on the subject, and Dan De Quille’s Big Bonanza, surely a more famous work, came out that same year (1876). Another of the parties “explored” and remapped Lake Tahoe and Carson City, suggesting that they were beginning to run out of wildernesses to conquer.®

In 1877 and 1878, in an operation perhaps grown too elaborate for its own good, Wheeler sent nine parties into the field in three divisions: Colorado, California, and Utah. His surveyors triangulated from five separate base lines, checking their results against those obtained at astronomical observatories in Ogden, Utah; Fort Bliss, Texas; and the Dalles in Oregon. Survey parties covered the entire eastern slope of the California Sierras and moved north into Oregon, while other groups surveyed parts of Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, Nebraska, Montana, and New Mexico.® So eager was Wheeler to complete the mapping of the West that he proposed to General Humphreys that he be allowed to keep his parties in the field the year round. In the winter season the men could be shifted

south to the Mexican border country and thus lose no time.’ By 1878, however, his men no longer precisely shared his enthu-

siasm. Their waning excitement was evident in the decline in quality of their reports. Lieutenant Symons, exploring in northern California, began one section of his report with the memorable travelogue phrase: “Bidding adieu to Rabbit Creek and its myriads of little scampering inhabitants. . . .”8 A journalist accompanying one of the Colorado divisions described how they all kept busy study3. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1876, pp. 312-28. Also see Wheeler: Final Report, Vol. VII, pp. 1-292.

4. Ibid., p. 132. 5. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1877.

6. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1878, 1879. 7. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1878, pp. 101-2. 8. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1879, p. 215.

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The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 485 ing “a sprightly humming bird [which] stole among the flowers and robbed them of their honey with his dainty bill.” Thus, in the spring of 1878, the House Committee on Appropria-

tions, noting that all the Western surveys were growing at a rate somewhat greater than Parkinson’s Law, refused to vote funds for their continuation until an investigation was made of the possibilities for their consolidation and condensation. This was really a vote of no confidence in Wheeler’s work, and it marked the beginning of the end of large-scale army exploration in the West. Nevertheless, as commander of the Surveys West of the 1ooth Meridian, Wheeler could look back with some pride at his achievements in promoting the study and settlement of the West. At a total cost, by his own estimate, of some $496,895.51, he had surveyed over a third of the country west of the 100th meridian. He had been

one of the first (though admittedly in no case the first) scientific explorers of Nevada, Arizona, and the Plateau Province of southern

Utah, and western Colorado. His astronomical work, which involved literally thousands of observations, even Powell admitted deserved to be “ranked with the best that has ever been done.” By his own count, Wheeler had supervised some twenty-five publications, including his extensive annual reports and seven large volumes of final reports on geography, astronomy, geology, paleontology, zoology, botany, archaeology, and history. By the time he

finished, he had produced some seventy-one maps, including a geological as well as a topographical atlas, seven economic or landuse maps, and special maps of the Comstock and the Grand Canyon.” To be sure, many, though not all, of these maps were on too large a scale to be useful for recording geological formations. But

Wheeler’s survey, as the title implied, was a geographical rather than a geological survey, and the geologists were, more often than

| not, auxiliaries to the main parties of topographers, which perhaps g. William Henry Rideing: “The Wheeler Expedition in Southern Colorado,” Harper's New Monthly Magazine, Vol. LII (May 1876), p. 800. Rideing, an

English journalist, later published a book about his experiences with the Wheeler Survey in the West. See Rideing: A-saddle in the Wild West (Lon-

don: J. C. Nimmo and Bain; 1879). :

1. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 233. Between 1867 and 1878 Congress appropriated the following amounts to the four surveys: Hayden, $690,000; Wheeler, $550,000; King, $387,000; and Powell, $259,000. See William Culp Darrah: Powell of the Colorado (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press;

1951), Pp. 243. | |

2. Wheeler to Humphreys, April 28, 1878, Wheeler Survey Records, R.G. 77, National Archives. Powell’s admission of the excellence of Wheeler’s astronomical work appears in Townsend Report, p. 51.

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The Last Stand of the Army Explorer 487 explains their frequent dissatisfaction with his surveys. For military operations and for a general basis of information leading to settlement, Wheeler’s geographical approach and his topographical maps were more than adequate. In addition to this, his artists and photographers made some of the best of all the pictures of the Old West; and the Smithsonian Institution profited richly by the 43,759 specimens of natural history received from his collection parties.* Individually the geological work of Gilbert, the paleontological discoveries of Cope, and the archaeological publications of Cope and Loew were of first-rate importance; and the geological work of J. J. Stevenson, the zoology of Coués, and the Santa Barbara ethnol-

, ogy of Yarrow were by no means unimportant. In a modest way, Wheeler himself had been a pioneer, though not an innovator in advocating land-classification and planned settlement in the West. Along with Whitney in California, he was the first man to point up the public implications of Western resources. Like the California — geologist, he regarded the vast mineral deposits, the timber stands, and the rivers as too valuable to be left completely in private hands without some federal supervision. They belonged ultimately to the people and it was the government’s job, in his view, to control them.+*

In this sense he went far beyond his contemporaries in Western exploration, and had his surveys not died in 1879, a new Western policy might well have arisen from his work. Nevertheless, as of 1879, Wheeler’s survey, scientifically speak-

ing, was out of date. Though he tried to modify the old army way and incorporate the lessons and techniques learned on the King, Hayden, Whitney, and Powell surveys, his work was essentially only another great reconnaissance reminiscent of pre-Civil War days. As such, it was clearly overshadowed by the more skillful, practical and theoretical work of better-educated scientists from other surveys who had moved past geography and were interested in the particular and profound problems of an age of increasing specialization. Wheeler’s work, in the last analysis, was too broad and superficial. In a tactical sense, it represents a false tunnel, one 3. Wheeler to Humphreys, April 28, 1878, Wheeler Survey Records, R.G. 77, National Archives.

4. Wheeler: Annual Report, 1876, pp. 75-7; Final Report, pp. 173, 179-81, 194, 223—7. See also Wheeler to Dr. J. O. Rothrock, March 22, 1880, Wheeler

Survey Records, R.G. 77, National Archives. Note that Wheeler’s earliest

comments on irrigation, and the idea that water rights should go with

the land, precede those of Powell. With regard to mining, see Wheeler to A. A. Humphreys, Jan. 23, 1872, Wheeler Papers, Yale Western Americana Collection.

488 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE of the abandoned mine shafts of learning—a clear case, for the most part, of the discontinuous and the non-cumulative aspects of science.

Despite the fact that the Army continued to send out the usual Western scouting parties (many of which produced important local results ), all official large-scale army exploration in the West, except

for Alaska, where the military played a prominent role, ended in 1879 with the consolidation of the Western surveys under Clarence King as director of the United States Geological Surveys. By 1878 President Grant was gone, and the military lost whatever preponder-

ance it had in Washington. No Western party, or so-called “land

ring,’ wished to defend the army surveys, though the Western politicos likewise disapproved of the centralized and federalized Geological Survey.® Times had changed, and Wheeler and his sur-

veys and the Army suffered a signal defeat at the hands of Powell, King, and the special committee of the National Academy of Sciences picked to recommend a consolidation policy to Congress. That committee produced a report that condemned the Wheeler Surveys

and called for centralized civilian control of the Far West, its exploration, and indirectly its exploitation and settlement.® In ac- | cordance with American tradition, the military gave way before the civil, and the scientific patronage of the Western surveys—though : ultimately not of the Public Land Office Surveys—was placed firmly in the hands of the Academy. Perhaps, as far as the Army was concerned, this was all for the best. The “starving time,” when the West

was sparsely settled and the danger from Indians still necessitated the clanking cavalry escort, was over. As some of the other explor- ers’ accounts were already suggesting, and perhaps as a result of

begin. | |

their influence, the day of the spa and the tourist was about to

5. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 248. See also the speeches by Western congressmen: Martin Maginnis (Montana), Thomas M. Patterson (Colorado), D. C. Haskell (Kansas), and John D. C. Atkins (Tennessee), Feb. 18, 1879, Cong. Record, 45th Cong., 3rd sess., Vol. VIII, Pt. 2, pp. 1202-11. 6. “Report of the Committee of the National Academy of Science, Nov. 6, 1878,” 45th Cong., 3rd sess., Sen. Misc. Doc. 9 (1878~79). The members of the committee were: O. C. Marsh, James D. Dana, William B. Rogers, J. S. Newberry, W. P. Trowbridge, Simon Newcomb, Alexander Agassiz. See also J. W. Powell to O. C. Marsh, Sept. 24, 1878, Marsh Letterbooks, Peabody Museum, Yale University, which reveals Powell’s attempt to influence Marsh’s

committee; and J. W. Powell to Secretary of the Interior Carl Schurz, pp. 971-75, Letters Sent, Jan. 2—Dec. 31, 1878, Rocky Mountain Survey, Interior

Department Records, R.G. 57, National Archives, in which Powell actually edits Marsh’s report.

CHAPTER XIV

FF. V. Hayden Gilded Age Explorer

DURING the last days of army exploration in the Far West, the military explorer, as has been apparent, came to be faced with severe competition from other branches of the federal government. The surveyors of the Public Land Office had crossed the Mississippi and with chain and compass were gradually inching westward, applying their gigantic grid pattern in regular fashion

upon the flat contours of the Great Plains. One weakness, however, | of the Public Land Survey, and there were many, was its very mechanical and abstract quality. All lands-—hills, river bottoms,

deserts, badlands—everything in its path was to be laid out in base lines and staked off in unrealistic grid patterns. This was its

primary function, and it left little room for speculation as to | proper use of the land. Moreover, its progress was such that it actually pushed the frontier before it as adventurous prospectors, _ cattlemen, and squatters moved on ahead to choice lands where they could have preemption rights when the public surveyors finally did arrive. What was needed was a team of explorers who

could range out ahead of the land survey and the pioneers, and quickly open up the new country, locate its resources, classify its lands for proper settlement, and thus point the way for rational

and efficient use of the country.

| In 1869 such a team was formed. It was called the United States Geological Survey of the Territories, and it became an agency of the Interior Department. As such, it competed directly with the army surveys, forming the means whereby the soldier-explorer was gradually replaced and the civilian scientist assumed full control of Western exploration. The story of the Interior Department Surveys, which constitutes the bulk of the next two chapters, has 489

490 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE many similarities to the story of the military surveys, but the civilian operation went far beyond the military one. Conceived and

executed as direct aids to the settlement and conquest of the wilderness, as were the military surveys, the Interior Department Surveys had, in addition, a profound effect upon institutions back home. The discoveries made in the great Western laboratory, the rivalries generated, the unusual and startling confrontations with _ undreamed-of reality all wrought great changes in the national approach to the West, and in the end effected on the highest level the complete institutionalization of natural science in its approach to Western America. This was a decisive chapter in the history of

a|

| science as well as a crucial episode in the conquest of the frontier.

One of the two men who brought the Interior Department Surveys into national prominence was a curious self-made man of science named Ferdinand Vandiveer Hayden. Born in Westfield, Massachusetts, in 1829, he was sent by his widowed mother, like

some child out of.a Victorian novel, to live with an uncle on a farm near Rochester, New York.! While growing up on the farm,

Hayden apparently dreamed of greater things, for when he reached the age of sixteen he refused his uncle’s offer of adoption and set off on his own to become “a professional man.” He taught

| school for two years, then realizing the deficiencies of his education, he made his way to Oberlin, Ohio, and there, penniless but eager for knowledge, he persuaded the president of Oberlin College, the Reverend Charles Grandison Finney, to allow him to work his way through to a degree. Finney, the greatest revival preacher of his day, was a leader in the abolitionist movement, and his convert Theodore Dwight Weld had led a revolt against

: the Lane Theological Seminary of Cincinnati in 1833 which eventually resulted in the transfer of the entire body of student abolitionists to Oberlin. By 1847, when Hayden arrived, Oberlin was the leading center of this activity. Hayden, however, seemed some1. John Wesley Powell: “Ferdinand Vandiveer Hayden,” Ninth Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior 1887-88 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office; 1889), pp.

,|

31—8. See also Charles A. White: “Memoir of Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden, 1829~1887,” National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoirs (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences; 1893), Vol. III, pp. 395—413. Unless otherwise stated, biographical details on Hayden are based upon the above.

|

: F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 491 what oblivious to the idealistic movements surrounding him and instead appears to have pursued his regular studies with a singlemindedness that led his teachers and classmates to view him as an “enigma.” He was “the boy of the class,” no espouser of social causes, “an enthusiastic dreamer, who would never conquer in practical life.” The class historian wrote of him some twenty years after graduation that, despite his remarkable persistency and hard study, no one prophesied success for him.’

| But Hayden had other interests. While at Oberlin he studied most closely with the young geologist John Strong Newberry, and Newberry urged him to continue his studies with his own mentor,

James Hall of Albany. Thus, already imbued with the desire to become a geologist-naturalist, Hayden enrolled in the Albany Medical College and in 1853 was granted an M.D. Much of his time, however, was spent with Hall, who was then at work on his monumental Paleontology of New York State, the model for all subsequent state surveys. Hayden soon became Hall's protege and even lived in Hall’s house. Upon his graduation in 1853, Hall sent

him on his first geological expedition. In 1849 Dr. John Evans had explored the Dakota Badlands and had written a report on their rich fossil deposits which was published by David Dale Owen in 1852. It then attracted Hall’s attention.’ Involved in the Pacific Railroad Surveys of 1853, and fancying himself the geologist of the nation, Hall decided to dispatch Hayden to Dakota to make fossil collections. In the spring of that _ year Hayden, accompanied by the paleontologist Fielding Bradford Meek, ascended the Missouri River on a steamboat to Fort Pierre

and then made an overland trip to the Badlands. From the outset Hayden ran into difficulties. The Culbertson-Evans Northern Pacific Railroad Survey expedition attempted to keep him from leaving St. Louis, on the grounds that he was poaching on their discovery.

Then they attempted to break up his expedition by hiring Meek. In a heated exchange, which was finally resolved by the forthright

honesty and patience of Meek and the good offices of George Engelmann and Louis Agassiz, who happened to be in St. Louis at the time, Hayden was thoroughly chastened, but allowed to

conduct his expedition.* | 2. Powell: Ninth Annual Report, p. 32. 3. Merrill: Geology, pp. 501—4.

4. Major portions of the correspondence concerning this affair are in Merrill: Geology, pp. 699-707. See also F. B. Meek to James Hall, St. Louis, May 19, 1853, Box 5, James Hall Papers, New York State Museum, Albany, N.Y. In

|

492 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | When Hayden returned to Albany, he broke with Hall and began his own independent career.® In 1854, sponsored by the Chouteau

family and various learned societies, he returned to the Dakotas and spent the next two years exploring alone through the Indian

country from Fort Pierre in South Dakota to Fort Benton in Montana, and down the Yellowstone to the Big Horn. During this time he covered most of the important sites between the Missouri and the Yellowstone, and his collections relating to the Cretaceous

| strata began a new chapter in the history of Western geology. His work in the Near Northwest was the beginning of the concentration on particular rather than general problems by Western geolo-

gists. (See Chapter 8.) |

Collaborating closely with Meek, who told him where to look and what to look for, Hayden had spectacular success, and the team of Hayden and Meek achieved sudden prominence—so much prominence, in fact, that Meek, too, moved out of Dr. Hall’s house and went to work for the Missouri State Survey. Later Meek went

to Washington, where in 1859 he set up bachelor quarters in a house of low repute with John Strong Newberry.”

By 1856 Hayden’s reputation had grown to the extent that Lieutenant G. K. Warren eagerly solicited him as geologist to his Dakota expedition of that year. He also accompanied Warren on his abortive Black Hills expedition of 1857.8 Hayden’s discoveries and Meek’s evaluations took on greater importance as their knowledge accumulated with repeated expeditions. Modeling their work after that of James Hall, they assembled a stratigraphic column ranging from the lowest level of Azoic or Granite Rocks through the Potsdam Sandstone, which they were the first to discover in Western America, to the latest or Quaternary Age. This established the first such standard stratigraphic model for the West. Newberry himself, in his exploration of the Grand Canyon, related his find-

O02. |

addition, see F. B. Meek: “Field Notebook, 1853,” and Vol. III, Fielding

B. Meek Papers, Smithsonian Institution.

5. White: “Memoir of Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden”; Merrill: Geology, p. 5. For example, see Meek to Hayden, Albany, May 4, 1854, Hayden Survey Letters Received, R.G. 57, National Archives.

7. John Strong Newberry to Hayden, Washington, D.C., Jan. 12, 1860, Hayden Survey, L.R., R.G. 57, National Archives. For evidence of Meek’s troubles with Hall, see Meek to Hayden, Albany, May 4, 1854; Columbia, Missouri, Aug. 13, 1854; May 8, 1858, Hayden Survey, L..R., R.G. 57, National Archives. 8. See G. K. Warren: Preliminary Report; and Merrill: Geology, p. 711.

| F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 493 ings to it, as did Henry Engelmann in his transcontinental march

with Captain Simpson in 1857-59. In addition to creating the earliest fundamental order in Western geology, Hayden, always _ with Meek’s guidance, produced a geological map of the Yellowstone—Upper Missouri country that was far superior to any of its predecessors.®

Then, narrowing their sights somewhat, Hayden and Meek made two further discoveries of prime importance. They located

five separate layers of Cretaceous horizon which became the standard for all future geologists.1 They followed Hall’s example and cut loose from European terminology and analogies, naming

the Cretaceous sections after the localities where they were dis- | covered: “Fort Pierre Group,” “Fort Benton Group,” etc. In this way they began a sequential chain that was not related to global or cosmic geology but was a simple picture of American reality as they saw it. It thus constituted a great scientific step forward. All of this required the utmost precision in the study of the characteristic invertebrate fossils of the Cretaceous Period, and the major share of the credit clearly belongs to Meek, for this was preeminently his field. His letters indicate that he provided most of the guidance for Hayden, but they also indicate quite clearly that he could not have functioned without him, for he deeply respected Hayden.? Thus, the criticism leveled at Hayden by Powell on this count in 1878 would appear to be uninformed, if

not viciously unfair. |

_ So adept did Hayden and Meek become in their study of fossil stratigraphy that by 1857, in the Dakotas, they had also discovered the existence of numerous fresh-water lakes and estuaries of the Eocene Period, thus antedating by a decade King’s later discoveries of the same horizon in the Rocky Mountains.’ In 1858, on _ a joint trip to Kansas, they also helped to clarify the discovery of the great beds of the Kansas Permian later made famous by Professor Hawn.*

1. Ibid. ,

g. For the stratigraphic column and the geological map, see Warren: Preliminary Report, p. 63, and passim.

2. See the nearly 300 letters in the Hayden-Meek correspondence, Meek Letterbooks, Meek Papers, Smithsonian Institution, for an idea of the close working relationship that existed between these two men. 3. Warren: Preliminary Report, p. 65; Merrill: Geology, p. 508; Powell: Ninth Annual Report, p. 37. 4. F. B. Meek: Field Notebook, Nos. 5 and 6 (1858, 1859), Fielding B. Meek

Papers, Smithsonian Institution. |

494 , EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE In addition to their work with invertebrate fossils, Hayden and Meek, and Hayden in particular, collected numerous specimens of vertebrates which they shipped back to Dr. Joseph Leidy at the University of Pennsylvania. As the Dakota specimens poured in, Leidy was kept busy producing descriptive papers for the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences. Before he was finished, he and his co-workers had firmly established the science of vertebrate

paleontology in America. His greatest work bore the romantic title “The Ancient Fauna of Nebraska,” but included the Dakota specimens. In it he revealed the existence of great varieties of ancient life—camels, elephants, rhinoceri—all species thought to _ have been confined to the “older” parts of the world.®

Leidy’s greatest discovery was the early horse. Long before Professor Marsh put together his sequence, Leidy had already established the existence of the horse in North America, tracing its fossil ancestors back into the Miocene and Pliocene.® His study

was almost contemporaneous with the appearance of Darwin’s great work and did not receive the acclaim due it because, unlike Marsh’s work, the Darwinian controversy had not yet arisen to draw attention to it. A primitive step in the direction of Darwinian synthesis, Leidy’s work, like that of Meek and of Hayden, was actually the first attempt at an American series of causally related developments in this field and furthered the scientific revolution wrought by the Dakota expeditions. By 1860, when Hayden completed his last prewar expedition to the Yellowstone and Wind River Mountains with Captain Raynolds, the science of geology in West-

ern America had broken loose from classical European models and was now firmly established in local induction. It had become a true science. One of the important factors in this scientific breakthrough may well have been the education of Hayden, Meek, and Leidy. Unlike Agassiz, Whitney, King, Marsh and the later professionals, they had not received extensive scientific training in Europe. Instead, Hayden and Meek worked with Hall and absorbed the local lessons of the New York State Survey. Leidy was an M.D. and a teacher

tion; 1853). ,

5. Joseph Leidy: “The Ancient Fauna of Nebraska,” Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. VI, Art: 7 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institu6. See Joseph Leidy: “On the Fossil Horse of America,” Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol. III (1857), pp. 262—6. Also

see Henry Fairfield Osborne: “Biographical Memoir of Joseph Leidy,” National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoirs, Vol. VII (1913), Pp. 33996. See especially pp. 344, 356—68.

F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 495 in Philadelphia, and though he had numerous European contacts, he stayed close to the local scene and the evidence presented by his gigantic specimens. Whitney’s comment on Hayden’s lack of education, related earlier, was therefore misleading. His local background in naturalism had, it was true, certain shortcomings that became apparent in his later work, but it had advantages that far outweighed the disadvantages. He was by no means “ignorant and uneducated.” He merely represented a different scientific circle

|3

with a different background. _

With the outbreak of the Civil War, Hayden turned to his medi-

cal practice and in 1862 was appointed an acting assistant Surgeon of Volunteers, in which capacity he served throughout the war.” By 1866 he had resigned his commission, accepted a professorship in absentia at the University of Pennsylvania, and returned to the Badlands of the Dakotas for more fossils.* All through the long hot summer of that year he labored with a team of volunteer diggers to unearth prehistoric turtles and other fantastic specimens.

Unlike the military explorers, he had nothing to fear from the |

stones running.”® |

Indians. They held him in awe, calling him “the man that picks up:

By the end of 1866, however, except for his appointment at the |

University of Pennsylvania, Hayden was unemployed. It was obvious that he could not continue his free-lance expeditions indefinitely. He needed some visible means of support. And in 1867 Spen-

cer Fullerton Baird of the Smithsonian Institution came to his

rescue. He informed Hayden that the new state of Nebraska had a

certain sum of federal money left over from its territorial days which had been granted to the state by Congress for a geological survey to be conducted under the auspices of the General Land Office.! This was a break from precedent and it offered Hayden the chance to lead his own survey. Quickly he marshaled support from

Generals Warren and Humphreys, the already powerful O. C. Marsh, and from the Smithsonian Institution. Perhaps his most effective backing came from General “Black Jack” Logan, the po7. Powell: Ninth Annual Report, p. 35. 8. Ibid. g. Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 4.

1. Ibid., p. ro.

496 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE litical boss of Illinois, who, representing Chicago interests, had an obvious concern with developing the resources of the hinterland soon to be tapped by railroads operating out of that city.?

| Hayden’s first survey, which he made with the help of James Stevenson, his longtime comrade, F. B. Meek, and Dr. C. A. White,

the state geologist, bore many of the characteristics of his later work.? It was a county-by-county examination of the resources of Nebraska, supplemented by a broad range of technical geological observations. His interests ranged from the location of coal and limestone deposits to observations on the cultivation of farms and fruit trees. Almost anything that constituted an economic resource he highlighted in glowing terms calculated to please the local inhabitants. Even the barren stretches of western Nebraska he predicted would have “a fine stock-growing” future. From the outset, _ too, he stressed a favorite theory borrowed from British and French

scientists such as Sir John F. W. Herschel and M. Boussingault, _ that with cultivation and the planting of trees on the plains would come increased rainfall. This observation, actually a European — idea, and its more detailed promulgation by Professor Cyrus Thomas in his reports for subsequent years, became known as the “rain-follows-the-plow” theory, and caused Hayden no little scienti-

braska boosters.® |

fic embarrassment in later years, though it mightily pleased NeHayden’s first report, a pamphlet of some fifty-nine pages, was so well received that the copies were all distributed and it had to be reprinted in 1873.6 In 1868 he received a further appropriation of $5,000, this time attached to the Sundry Civil Bill, and he extended his surveys out beyond Nebraska to the Rocky Mountain region. This was his chance, as he later put it, to examine “those sections which appeared at the time to be the chief objective points

64. , | |

2. See “General Letters Received,” 1867—69, Hayden Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. Also see Powell: Ninth Annual Report, pp. 42-3. 3. See F. V. Hayden: “First Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey of the Territories Embracing Nebraska” (1867) in First, Second, and

Third Annual Reports of the United States Geological Survey of the Territories.... (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office; 1873), pp.

7. Ibid. p. 15. 5. See Henry Nash Smith: “Rain Follows the Plow: The Notion of Increased Rainfall for the Great Plains,” Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. X (Feb. 1947), pp. 169-94.

6. See footnote 3 on this page. Hayden: “Prefacatory Note,” First, Second, , and Third Annual Reports.

F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 497 of emigration and improvement.” In general he followed the line of the Union Pacific Railroad, beginning at Cheyenne and working west toward Fort Bridger, but along the way he made digressions. In August, accompanied by Louis Agassiz and James Hall, he followed up the Little Laramie across the Wyoming—Colorado border to the Snowy Mountains, noting the existence of the now familiar Cretaceous beds even in the mountains. Along the way, the party paused to examine the gold diggings in the Medicine Bow Moun-

tains, and to remark upon the great future of lumbering in the mountain region.® _

On a second side trip, this a hunting expedition with Francis Preston Blair, Jr., he left Fort Sanders and journeyed south via the Big Laramie to North Park, Colorado, where he observed “myriads of antelopes quietly feeding in this great pasture-ground like flocks

of sheep.” Then in September he continued westward from Fort | - Sanders to the end of the line, or Separation Point, near Fort Bridger, thus concluding his year’s labor.? He had seen a great deal of country that was new to him and he had made significant collections on which he planned to base a new geological map of the West.

_ He had also pointed out the attractions of Wyoming and Colorado. 4:

Once again the government was pleased, and in 1869 Hayden received a doubled appropriation of $10,000 to continue his work. This time, too, he was removed from the jurisdiction of the General Land Office and required instead to report directly to the Secretary of the Interior.1 His survey became officially known as the United States Geological Survey of the Territories. His plans for 1869 were much more extensive than ever before. Assembling a party which

included James Stevenson; the artist Henry W. Elliott; Reverend

Cyrus Thomas, entomologist; Persifor Frazer, Jr., mining engineer; | E. C. Carrington, zoologist; and B. H. Cheever, along with three teamsters, a cook, and a laborer, he set out to explore all along the 7. Hayden to Columbus Delano, Washington, D.C., April 25, 1874, Letters Sent, Hayden Survey Records, R.G. 57, National Archives. 8. For an account of the 1868 expeditions, see Hayden: First, Second, and

Third Annual Reports, pp. 67—102. |

9. Ibid., pp. 86-102. The quote appears on p. 87. 1. Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 16. See also U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. XV, p.

306.

498 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | mountain wall from Denver over Raton Pass and into Santa Fe. Then his itinerary included a return via Taos, the San Luis Valley, and the famous South Park (see map, p. 472). As usual, his objectives were mixed, but practical considerations predominated. He

! highlighted such things as the evidences of the fresh-water lake beds of the Tertiary, and he made huge collections of fossils, including that most famous of Western specimens Inoceramus, but he also noted the location of coal beds and iron ore that promised to make Colorado the Pittsburgh of the West. The Reverend Thomas developed his “rain-follows-the-plow” thesis at greater length, giv-

ing careful consideration to possible land classification and irriga-

tion, and Persifor Frazer wrote a special detailed report on the

mines and minerals of Colorado.?

The report of 1869 was so well received that the 8,000 copies printed were all distributed in three weeks. In fact, Hayden was

| left without a personal copy. Thus the pattern for his future successes was set. Using the reconnaissance technique and depending upon army posts for supplies, he could cover an immense amount of territory each year, combining his geological pleasures with the

serious pursuit of practical prospecting in the public interest. So wide was his range that nothing escaped his attention. If the coun-

try was too mountainous for settlement, he stressed its scenic | beauty and picturesqueness, and Elliott made drawings to document his observations. In remote corners, mineral springs would attract tourists, and game would attract hunters and sportsmen. All the while, such basic things as timber stands, farm and pasture lands, precious mineral veins, rivers, coal and lignite beds, and iron deposits occupied his full attention. Geology was important insofar

as it contributed to these objectives and as it served a basic educational function, for Hayden was a product of his age. No radical or reformer, or even a giant intellect, not one of the professional elite,

| geologist. |

but a self-made man, he was par excellence the businessman’s

o)

By 1870 his appropriation had grown to $25,000, and in a behind-the-scenes political struggle he had managed to defeat Gen2. Hayden: First, Second, and Third Annual Reports, pp. 103-251. For the organization of the survey, see p. 105. 3. Ibid., pp. 236—8, 229-51, 201-28.

| F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 499 eral Land Office Commissioner Joseph B. Wilson, preventing him

| from launching a rival survey,‘ though he was not able to impede | the meteoric rise of John Wesley Powell. | Hayden’s expedition of 1870 was the largest to date. It included | twenty men, four heavy wagons, and two army ambulances. In addition to his usual assistants, Hayden also took along Sanford Robinson Gifford, a noted Hudson River landscape painter, and | William Henry Jackson, the greatest of all Western photographers.® Jackson had been born in Keeseville, New York, in 1843 and very early had displayed great artistic talent.* By the time he was in his teens, he was working as a touch-up man and background illustra-

tor for photographers in upstate New York and nearby Vermont. Little by little he mastered the art of photography. His early self-

| portraits, depicting among other things his extreme youth, are testimonials to the rapidity with which he learned his trade. After serving as a combat artist during the Civil War, he returned home,

but a quarrel with his fiancée caused him to change his life. In 1866 he headed West, first as a bullwhacker to Salt Lake City, then on with a wagon train to California. He returned eastward to Julesburg, Colorado, in 1867 with a herd of wild horses.

The following year, in partnership with his brother, he bought a photography studio in Omaha, Nebraska, where, though two photographers before him had sold out in disgust, he soon had a thriving business. Many of the earliest street scenes and interiors of Omaha, now displayed in that city’s Joslyn Art Museum, were the work of Jackson. In his spare time he went with the local missionaries to Indian villages and acquired the patience and tech-

niques required for photographing the redmen. | In 1869 he initiated two momentous enterprises. First he married Mollie Greer, and then, after a six-day honeymoon on a slow-moving Missouri River steamer, he left his bride and set out along the

Union Pacific Railroad to photograph it for the first time. These early photographs along the railroad line, often taken from a haz4. For evidence of this struggle with Wilson, see Spencer F. Baird to Hayden, Oct. 29, 1870, and Nov. 10, 1870, Letters Received, Hayden Survey, R.G. 57, National Archives. 5. F. V. Hayden: Preliminary Report of the United States Geological Survey of Wyoming (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office; 1871), pp. 3-8. Hereafter cited as Fourth Annual Report. 6. Biographical details for William H. Jackson taken from William H. Jack-

son: Time Exposure (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons; 1940). Also see Le Roy R. and Ann W. Hafen: The Diaries of William Henry Jackson, Frontier Photographer (Glendale, Calif.: The Arthur H. Clark Co.; 1959), pp. 11-20.

900 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE ardous perch on the cow-catcher of engine #143, gained him fame overnight. Somewhere along the line in Wyoming he met Hayden, who was impressed enough by his work to make a special trip to Omaha to secure his services for the 1870 expedition.’

| In appointing Jackson to his survey, Hayden was not just attempting to use the dramatic new medium to publicize his work, though throughout the years of his surveys he came to employ Jackson’s photos.more and more as propaganda, presenting them as gifts to compliant congressmen. In the main, Hayden was interested in using whatever artistic means he could to convey the complex reality of the West. Elliott’s drawings had been excellent, _ but nothing could match the new measure of accuracy afforded by the camera. It could be argued that Jackson’s ability to capture the many scenes of sublime beauty in the West on his photographic plates and stereopticon slides did more than anything else to publicize the “tourist’s West.” It also had the effect more than once of causing Hayden to focus upon isolated and beautiful natural phenomena in his expeditions rather than upon more scientifically valuable objectives. But in the long run Jackson’s photos entailed

far more advantages than disadvantages. His views of exposed rock strata aided the geologist, and his photography of barren, jagged landscapes gave planners a new and more realistic view of the problems confronting the Western settler. And, finally, his portraits of the surviving Indians were among the few means available for conveying a picture of the aborigines as they really were. In short, Jackson, like the avant-garde writers, the scientists; and even the local colorists of his time, was helping to usher in a new era of realism that would in part replace and at the same time, as far as subject matter was concerned, parallel the romanticism of an

earlier day. |

Hayden’s party assembled at Camp Carlin, near Fort D. A. Rus- : sell, in early August of 1870.*° They followed the line of the Union Pacific Railroad, keeping first to the north via Red Buttes, Sweet-

water River, and South Pass to Fort Bridger (see map, p. 472).

| Then they turned south and explored Henry’s Fork, parts of the Green River, the Uinta Mountains, Brown’s Hole, Bridger’s Pass, the Medicine Bows, and then headed on to Cheyenne. They were hardly traversing new country, for Hayden and his men had seen

7. Jackson: Time Exposure, pp. 186—7. , account is based on this source. ,

: 8. Hayden: Fourth Annual Report. Unless otherwise stated, the following

|

F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 501 most of it before, and Clarence King’s parties were engaged in exploring the same region. Still, this journey provided excellent opportunities for making useful geological and economical observations, and it gave Jackson a marvelous chance to photograph new country. In the course of his hurried reconnaissance, Hayden was, as usual, extremely perceptive. He pointed out the Tertiary lake _ beds of the Rocky Mountains almost at the same time that King did,

and in the Medicine Bows he noted evidence of the existence

in centuries long past of great glacial action and then the furious melting which caused erosion on a scale that could not be duplicated by present forces. But whereas such evidence Jed King to a catastrophist position, Hayden took time into consideration and remained a more scientifically correct uniformitar-

ian.

The report of the season’s activities [The Fourth Annual Report] ran to some 501 pages of text, nearly ten times the size of Hayden’s previous reports, and it was a proper reflection of his achievements. Adopting a diary or itinerary style for his work, Hayden sacrificed organization for speed in placing his miscellaneous observations before the public.® Unlike King, who preferred to digest his findings in his carefully considered Systematic Geology, Hayden believed in getting as much scientific data before the world as quickly as possible. Without Meek’s theoretical structure, which had reinforced his earlier work, Hayden’s later reports declined in quality, though they invariably contained so much fascinating material that they | are of interest to geologists even to the present day. As Hayden saw it, revealing the wonders and resources of the West to the widest possible audience, scientific and non-scientific, of his day had become his life’s work. “Never has my faith in the grand future that awaits the entire West been so strong as it is at the present time,” he wrote in the preface to his report for 1870, “and,” he continued,

“It is my earnest desire to devote the remainder of the working days of my life to the development of its scientific and material interests, until I shall see every Territory, which is now organized, a State in the Union.”! To this end, he worked with businessmen—whom he went out

of his way to praise and thank—politicians, soldiers, scientists, school children, emigrants, and anybody else who had any connection with Western development, and thus his reports had to be 9. Ibid., passim. 1. Ibid., p. 7.

902 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE written honestly, but favorably whenever possible, and in layman’s

language.’ It is not surprising that they did not please reformers like Powell, and the highly trained professionals of the National Academy. Still, if the report of 1870 is any measure, they had their

value. |

His book stands as a prime example of a miscellaneous and

positive approach to the West. It included two sections on the general geology of the region traversed by the Survey, a long report by Cyrus Thomas on the agricultural possibilities of each region, including reflections on the cattle industry and the land-grant system, a list of new species of orthoptera, a paleontological report by

Meek, a study of the “Tertiary Coals of the West” by James T. Hodge, John Strong Newberry’s first important work on the ancient lakes of Western America, a paper by Leidy on vertebrate fossils,

one by Leo Lesquereux on fossil plants, and another by E. D. Cope | on the fossil reptiles and fishes from Kansas to Wyoming. The work concluded with R. S. Elliott’s “Report on the Industrial Resources

of Western Kansas and Eastern Colorado,” and six catalogues of specimens collected by the party. It was obvious that not all of these papers were the work of Hayden and his surveyors. Some, such as Lesquereaux’s, were written by Eastern specialists and included by

Hayden in the manner of the old Topographical Engineers and their reports. He had thus padded his volume with materials of uneven quality, so that it really formed a kind of annual scientific journal. The main advantage of this was that he was able to secure _ the services, prestige, and loyalties of many otherwise unavailable scientific giants of his day. His lack of discrimination and his pretention in these reports, however, made him extremely vulnerable to critics. But in 1870 there were few if any critics on Hayden’s horizon, and his survey, increasing in size, importance, and popularity, was heading for its greatest days.

6 Perhaps the most famous expedition of Hayden’s career was gen-

erated by an event that took place somewhat to the north of the scene of his previous season’s exploration. In the summer of 1870 the Washburn-Doane expedition had begun the rediscovery of the Yellowstone wonderland as described in a previous chapter.’ Its 2. Ibid., pp. 7-8. 3. See Chapter 11, pp. 403-6.

F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 503 adventures and striking discoveries, not to mention the harrowing experience of Truman C. Everts, who was separated from Washburn’s party for over a month, were relayed to the public in every conceivable manner. Articles appeared in the newspapers. Scribners published an account of the trip. Langford lectured in the East and buttonholed Congressmen. And Lieutenant Gustavus Doane published an admirable brief report in the government document series which was short enough to be read by all, and vivid enough to call attention to the long-concealed beauties of the Yellowstone. All of this had immediate appeal to Hayden, who planned to carry his

surveys north into the, to him, familiar Upper Missouri country anyway. So, with the help of James G. Blaine and his own large fol-

lowing in Congress, Hayden secured an appropriation of $40,000 to finance an official exploration of the Yellowstone.+*

James Stevenson hurried out to Ogden to begin organizing the expedition as quickly as possible. Hayden, Jackson, Elliott, and the others followed, making a rendezvous in early June.® Along the way

Hayden acquired several new men, among them A. C. Peale, a mineralogist, and Antoine Schoenborn, a topographer and an old friend from the prewar days of the Raynolds expedition. Schoenborn, who unfortunately committed suicide in Omaha on the return

trip, was the first professional topographer employed by Hayden since the outset of his survey. One further addition to his party, and an extremely valuable one, was the great landscape painter Thomas Moran. A vastly underestimated painter, Moran was a colorist and

a romantic whose gigantic canvases, along with those of Albert Bierstadt, did much to create the legendary West of vivid contrasts and enormous expanses that became so appealing to the succeeding generation of nature lovers and tourists who came in the wake of the public surveys. Moran always believed he was painting the truth in nature, but his primary achievement went beyond simple depiction and deserves greater attention today. He painted, quite literally, the sublime psychological reality of the West, in which if a mountain was larger than life, a cloud formation somewhat overdramatic, and the rainbows seemed artificial, still it all added up to a portrayal of the impact of the magnificent scenery on those who were viewing it for the first time. Like the paintings of Bierstadt and Church, Moran’s canvases called up in the viewer inner 4. William Turrentine Jackson: “Government Exploration of the Upper Yellowstone, 1871,” Pacific Historical Review, Vol. XI (June 1942), pp. 187—200.

Also see Bartlett: Great Surveys, p. 40.

5. Bartlett: Great Surveys, pp. 40-1; Hayden: Fifth Annual Report, p. 3.

004 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE feelings of the sublimity of nature and the inconsequence of man.

These were true emotions, recognized even by the roughest of Western veterans, who, critical of sham and unreality in portraits

| of the West, were among his greatest admirers.

Hayden’s expedition, composed of seven wagons and thirty-four

| men, departed from the Mormon city on June 11, 1871.° They were headed for Fort Ellis, far north in Montana territory, above the park area. Their route took them over the Snake River scablands, along trails blazed by mountain men and Hudson’s Bay brigades so

many years before. Then they headed for Virginia City in Alder Gulch, virtually a ghost town, now picked over by forlorn Chinese coolies. From there the way lay through the rocky, timbered region that had once been the domain of the warlike Blackfeet. At last, in the first week of July, they reached Fort Ellis. There they found the Barlow-Heap military expedition (see Chapter 11) preparing for its own reconnaissance of the Upper Yellowstone. They decided to join forces whenever possible, but on July 15, one day before Barlow and Heap were ready, Hayden and his men left Fort Ellis with their wagon train and headed for Boetler’s Ranch in the valley of the Yellowstone, three days’ journey away. At Boetler’s Ranch they again rendezvoused and discarded the cumbersome wagons, somewhat to the disadvantage of Jackson, who had to pack all his photographic equipment on muleback. On July 20 the joint expedition departed from the ranch and started up the Yellowstone River. The first night out, two mountain hunters

regaled the explorers gathered around the campfire with tales of the “old days” in Yellowstone, which included all the unbelievable accounts of its marvels that Hayden had heard from Jim Bridger years before. The next day’s march took them past the first of these sites, the iron-red Cinnabar Mountain, then the Devil’s Slide, a great

hill intersected by two perfect walls of lava. By the end of the third day they reached the dazzling multicolored pools of Mammoth Hot Springs, where their hopes of being its discoverers were somewhat dashed by the presence of some anonymous invalids who were calmly taking the mineral baths. So impressive was the site, however, that Moran produced one of his greatest paintings from sketches made on the spot. In addition Jackson’s dramatic view of 6. The organizational details and narrative of Hayden’s Yellowstone expedi-

tion are in Hayden: Fifth Annual Report. See also Hayden to Columbus Delano, Ogden, Utah, June 8, 1871; Bottler’s Ranch, Emigrant Gulch, Yellowstone River, July 18, 1871; Yellowstone Lake, W.T., Aug. 8, 1871; Ft. Hall, Idaho Territory, Sept. 20, 1871; Bottler’s Ranch, Emigrant Gulch, Yellowstone R., Aug. 28, 1871, Letters Sent, Hayden Survey, R.G. 57, National Archives.

||

||.

| F. V. Hayden: Gilded Age Explorer 905 the frail but dashing Moran peering into the deep cerulean blue of a steaming pool is one of the best photographs he ever made. Along the way, Hayden filled his notebook with geological ob-

servations, as he made the first such professional examination of the complex formations of the park. Very quickly it became apparent, if the Devil’s Slide and the Mammoth Springs hadn’t already indicated so, that the Yellowstone country was perhaps the best place in the world to study incipient volcanic activity and igneous intrusion. Vast floods of basalt were interspersed with layers of Cretaceous strata, and they were often folded into the anticlinal wrinkles that signal the mountain-making process. Metamorphic rocks abounded as in no other place in the West, and great canyons cut by the rivers revealed entire ages and geologic horizons. The Yellowstone was indeed a perfect laboratory for the geologist. Unfortunately Hayden could pause only briefly at each of the exposures, and his was perforce only a superficial surface reconnaissance of an enormously complicated region, but one that raised

numerous questions for future geologists. oe

Returning to the Yellowstone from Gardiner’s River, they passed

Tower Creek, a region of “wonderful ravines and canyons,” and began the ascent of Mt. Washburn. From atop Mt. Washburn, Hayden got a different view, that of the topographer. “We caught the ©

| first glimpse of the great basin of the Yellowstone, with the lake,” he wrote, “which reminded one much, from its bays, indentations, and surrounding mountains, of Great Salt Lake. To the south are the Tetons, rising above all the rest, the monarchs of all they survey,

with their summits covered with perpetual snow.” Within his 360

| degree view, too, were the Madison Mountains, the Gallatins, Emigrant Peak, and, far off, the distant ridges of the Big Horns. From Mt. Washburn the party made its way down into the Yel-

lowstone Basin, which, as Hayden saw it, had been in Pliocene _ times “one vast crater,” the scene of “as great volcanic activity as that of any portion of the globe.”* Out of the thousands of vents and

fissures the fluid interior of the earth had once poured in a long catastrophic night of volcanic violence and horror. The falls of the Yellowstone were something else again. From out of a green meadow the falls dropped abruptly in two great cas- cades, the mass “detached into the most beautiful snow-white, beadlike drops” which struck the basin below and ricocheted some two hundred feet. The whole presented, in Hayden’s inadequate prose,

8. Ibid., p. 81. | 7. Hayden: Fifth Annual Report, p. 80.

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John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 541 Emma Powell went on to visit relatives in Detroit. The Major headed for Washington to prepare for his harrowing descent of 1,500 miles of unexplored Colorado River. It was to be the climactic

event of late-nineteenth-century exploration, and would mark the opening up of the last completely unknown territory in the continental United States.

Oo

In Washington, Powell again secured authorization to draw gov-

ernment rations, but little else besides the best wishes of the Smith- | _ sonian Institution. Before going East, he had commissioned a Chicago boatbuilder named Bagley to construct four special craft for his proposed voyage. Three of them were to be twenty-one feet long

and built of oak, with watertight compartments at either end to _ assure buoyancy even in the roughest of water. The fourth was made of light pine and was only sixteen feet long. It was to serve as a pilot boat for the others and was designed to float in otherwise inaccessible places. In designing these boats, Powell drew not only on his personal knowledge of the Colorado and its specific prob-

lems, but also on his years of river experience. They were good craft, and before he loaded them on a flatcar for Green River Station

on May 4, 1869, the Major had personally tested them in a cruise on Lake Michigan. The chief source of financial support for the Colorado River voy-

age was again Powell himself. Other contributors were Illinois Normal, Illinois Industrial University, and the Chicago Academy of Sciences, and also the Union Pacific and Burlington railroads. For his team of nine explorers Powell chose a curious collection of men. Walter Powell, enormously strong and completely loyal, went along of course. Jack Sumner, Oramel Howland, his brother Seneca, Bill Dunn, a mountain hunter, and Billy Rhodes Hawkins—all men

from the previous year’s campaign—also signed on. Then there was Andrew Hall, a young plainsman and Indian fighter with a lively sense of humor, and George Bradley, a soldier whom the Major had met at Fort Bridger in 1868, who said he “would explore the river Styx” if it would get him out of the Army. This the Major

easily accomplished with the aid of his friend General Grant. To round out the original ten, there was Frank Goodman, one of that

| ubiquitous breed of nineteenth-century English sportsmen who

042 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE seemed almost as numerous in the mountain West as the Indians.° All these men agreed to work for little or no pay, and the Major,

of course, put money into the venture, so that it was an amateur undertaking in the best sense of the word. It has been observed that on this crucial voyage Powell failed to take any scientific men along, though many were available, especially through his contacts at the Smithsonian. This seems a serious omission, especially as his surviving correspondence gives no indication that he even tried to secure the services of anyone trained in natural history, except perhaps Dr. Vasey of Bloomington, who accompanied him on his

| first trip West. |

Most of the men were already assembled at Green River City when the Major arrived on May 11. While they were waiting for Powell, they were accosted one day by a curious character named Captain Samuel Adams who claimed he had congressional authorization to take charge of the river trip. He borrowed money from members of the party, who remained skeptical of his story and waited in nearby Bryan for the arrival of Powell. When he told his story to the Major and produced his worthless credentials, he was sent packing. Adams later turned up, however, in Middle Park, Colorado, where his fallacious stories of having already navigated

the Colorado River gained him the backing for a disastrous competing voyage down the Grand River. While Powell and his men were somewhere below the junction of the Green and the Grand, Captain Adams smashed his last vessel—a homemade raft—on the rocks of Cedar Canyon, and the walk back to civilization concluded his ex-

_ ploring activities.1 | | |

The next few weeks at Green River were weeks of training and preparation for Powell and his men. They learned to handle the boats, and Powell devised a system of flag signals to be sent back by the lead boat to warn of impending difficulties. Some of the men

also learned to handle such instruments as the sextant and the barometer. Oramel Howland acquired the techniques of charting the river’s course by the meander system and he was assigned this task on the trip. Supplies were assembled, tools stowed away, and on May 24, 1869, with jaunty cries of departure, they pushed away from the bank about noon and began their dangerous voyage. They 9. For biographical data on the members of the first Powell Colorado River expedition, see Darrah: “Biographical Sketches and Original Documents of the First Powell Expedition of 1869,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV

(1947), Pp. 29-30, 89, 93-4, 106-8, 109-12.

1. Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, pp. 50~-3, 77-84.

: John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 543 had only a rough idea of what lay before them down the unknown river and its canyons, and many fantastic tales of gloom and disaster to reflect upon as they rowed away.

They made a picturesque fleet as they drifted along.? Powell, with Jack Sumner and Bill Dunn, led in the light boat, christened the Emma Dean, and then came Walter Powell and George Bradley in the Kitty Clyde’s Sister, Andrew Hall and William Rhodes Hawk-

ins in the Maid of the Canyon, and the Howland brothers and Frank Goodman in the No Name. The first day they made eight miles before stopping to make camp. But the second day three of the boats ran aground on a sandbar and the difficulties of the voyage had properly begun. No one was to hear from them again for thirty-seven days, or until they reached the Ute Indian Agency below

the Uinta Mountains, which lay directly across their path. In the meantime interest in their expedition had been heightened all over the country by reports in the newspapers of Omaha, Springfield, and Chicago of their demise in the crushing rapids of the Upper Green River. A confidence man named John A. Risdon made a brief career out of posing as the only survivor of the wreck, until he was exposed by Emma Powell, who never doubted for her husband’s safety despite the dire reports.?

Meanwhile, the Major and his men traversed the fairly easy stretches of the Upper Green, where, though the river wound through cliffs 1,200 feet high, it was, according to George Bradley, “deep and calm as a lake.”* When they reached the Flaming Gorge just below Henry’s Fork, however, the rapids began and stayed with them all through the Uintas. They passed Flaming Gorge, Horseshoe Canyon, Kingfisher Canyon, Red Canyon, and came into the 2. Unless otherwise stated, this account is based on Powell: Exploration; and Darrah: “Biographical Sketches and Original Documents of the First Powell Expedition of 1869,” pp. 9-148. This last includes the edited texts of the George Y. Bradley Journal, the letters of Major Powell to the Chicago Tribune, the letters of W. H. Powell to the Chicago Evening Journal, the letters

of O. G. Howland to The Rocky Mountain News, J. C. Sumner’s Journal, Major Powell’s Journal, and geological notes by Major Powell. The original manuscript of the George Y. Bradley Journal is in the Library of Congress, and I have studied it. A copy of J. C. Sumner’s Journal is in the Robert Brewster Stanton Collection of the New York Public Library, and I have also consulted it. Another manuscript copy of the Sumner Journal and several _ loose sheets from what are apparently Sumner’s original notes can be found in the Smithsonian Institution. 3. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 129. 4. Darrah, ed.: “Bradley Journal,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV (1947), p. 32.

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John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 545 _ valley of Brown’s Hole. Whole days were spent in shooting the rapids. At times they had to let the boats down the roaring currents by means of ropes. At other times they laboriously unloaded the heavy boats and portaged them around rough spots. On June 1 they reached a particularly difficult obstruction—a series of falls in Red Canyon—and found painted on a prominent rock in midstream: “Ashley 1825.” Powell, who misread the date as 1855, believed Ashley to be a prospector who came to grief at this point on the river, after which he trekked out to Salt Lake City and assisted in

| the building of the Mormon Temple to earn money for his passage home.} Like the exploits of the old Spaniards, the achievements of

the fur-trade explorers less than fifty years before were already fading from memory. They named the falls Ashley Falls, appropriately enough, and spent most of the day lining around them. Whenever he could, Powell left the boat camp and climbed out of the canyons for a look at the plateau country. At this point his side trips and the delays to take measurements did not irritate his men, but later, as the food supply ran low, they became a source of discontent. Near the foot of Brown’s Hole, Powell climbed out on the plateau over, looking the entrance to forbidding Lodore Canyon. Its height above the river was over 2,000 feet, and he wrote, in a letter to the Chicago Tribune that was later incorporated into his final report on the can-

yon voyage, that he and some of his men had walked to the edge of the canyon and looked down 2,000 feet below. “I can do this now,” he wrote, “but it has taken several years of mountain climbing to cool my nerves, so that I can sit with my feet over the edge, and calmly look down a precipice 2000 feet. And yet I cannot look on and see another do the same. I must either bid him come away,

orAlways turn my head.” | | aware of the sublime beauty of the scenery as well as the mysteries that lay ahead, Powell reported, in the characteristic romantic fashion of his day, his impressions on facing the Canyon of Lodore:

This evening as I write, the sun is going down, and the shad-

ows are settling in the canon. The vermillion gleams and roseate hues, blending with the green and gray tints, are slowly

changing to somber brown above, and black shadows are

6. Ibid., p. 80. | 5. See footnote 8, p. 539. Also see Darrah, ed.: “Major Powell’s Letters

to the Chicago Tribune,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV (1947), p. 78.

046 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE creeping over them below; and now it is a dark portal to a region of gloom—the gateway through which we are to enter on our voyage of exploration tomorrow. What shall we find?? On June 7, in Lodore Canyon, the first major accident occurred. Riding ahead in the Emma Dean, Powell saw a particularly difficult fall. He signaled the boats behind, but Oramel Howland failed to see his frantic gestures in time. He was just a few seconds too late in pulling in for shore, and as a result, the boat and its three men

shot over the falls and into the boulder-torn rapids. Rearing and pitching, sometimes lost in the foam, the boat glanced off one rock, jammed briefly, then slipped off and headed two hundred yards downstream to a second rapid, where it crashed broadside into a boulder and broke in half. The men were thrown like dolls into the river. Powell and the others ran along the bank, powerless to help. Fortunately, no one perished. O. G. Howland swam to an island in the middle of the river, as did his brother Seneca. Frank Goodman clung desperately to a slippery rock downstream, the water washing over him. They were finally rescued, but the boat was completely

wrecked, with Powell’s precious barometers in it. Gloom settled over the camp that night and Powell debated with himself whether to cross overland to Salt Lake City for more barometers or go on without them. They named the rapids “Disaster Falls.” | The next day, however, they found part of the boat still intact, and Sumner rescued the barometers and with them a keg of whiskey which Howland had smuggled aboard.® After that, Disaster Falls

had more pleasant connotations. Lodore Canyon, nevertheless, proved continuously difficult. There were rapids throughout, and no

relief in sight for days. On one occasion they nearly lost another boat, the Maid of the Canyon, as it slipped from their grasp and went down the rapids alone, and miraculously was unharmed. There were few comfortable campsites and Bradley commenced to grumble in his secret diary.1 When they did find a campsite, a brush fire roaring down to the water’s edge caused the loss of valuable equipment and nearly trapped them. But finally, on June 18, © they broke free of Lodore and sailed out into the comparative tran- | _ quillity of Echo Park, near the junction of the Yampa. Eight days later they were in Uinta Valley near Berthoud’s crossing and the 7. Ibid. Also see Powell: Exploration, p. 21. 8. Darrah: “Major Powell’s Letters,” pp. 80-1; Powell: Exploration, pp. 24-5.

See also Darrah: “Bradley Journal,” p. 36. 9. Darrah: “Major Powell’s Letters,” pp. 80—1. 1. Darrah: “Bradley Journal,” p. 37.

|

| John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 547 site of Escalante’s crossing nearly a hundred years before. There

they paused for several days to trek out to Pardyn Dodd’s Ute Agency up the Uinta for supplies and to send their first letters home.

| It was only then that the people back home knew for sure that Risdon’s announcement of their death had, in Mark Twain’s terms, been “a little premature.” _ Frank Goodman left the party at the Ute Agency, having seen

| enough of the river. And the men grew impatient to continue the voyage. Supplies, because of the overturning of the boats, the fire, etc., had grown dangerously low and the Ute Agency had very little to spare. But Powell took his time, deliberately making observations and overhauling the gear. He was a careful man, and he was on a scientific mission. By July 6 he was ready, and they finally sailed

| off down the river. |

Danger in every form accompanied them. On July 8, Powell climbed a steep cliff along the river and was trapped on a ledge, | unable to go backward or forward, with only the rocks and the river below. He held on to the cliff with the frantically clutching fingers of his one arm, but these began to cramp and lose their grip. Above him Bradley coolly considered a means of rescue and hit upon the expedient of lowering his long underwear down to the Major. In one

desperate gamble Powell let go of the rocks and as he started to

| teeter backward grasped hold of the dangling longjohns. Bradley pulled him up to safety.? For the next week they swept on down the river through Desolation Canyon, then Cool or Gray Canyon, which cuts across the Tava-

puts Plateau. Suddenly they were out of the canyons and drifting past Gunnison’s Crossing. But this was only a brief respite. Past the

San Rafael Valley, they turned into Labyrinth Canyon and then its successor Stillwater Canyon. On the seventeenth of July they reached the junction of the Grand River, a point surrounded by towering walls, broken spires, and eroded canyons, clearly not a

site where anybody had ever laid out a city. They had come 538 |

miles. The next few days were spent in exploring this strategic junction.

Powell climbed the heights, from which he could trace the winding courses of the Green and the Grand. “Away to the west,” he wrote, “are lines of cliffs and ledges of rock—not such ledges as you may have seen where the quarryman splits his blocks, but ledges from

which the gods might quarry mountains... and... cliffs where 2. Ibid., p. 46; Powell, in Exploration, pp. 33-4, describes this incident as having taken place on June 18. _

|

048 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE the soaring eagle is lost to view ere he reaches the summit.”? To _ the east he could see the Sierra La Sal, the site of Captain Moss’s silver rush. “Wherever we look there is but a wilderness of rocks: deep gorges, where the rivers are lost below cliffs and towers and | pinnacles; and ten thousand strangely carved forms in every direction; and beyond them the mountains blending with the clouds.” Out of all this scenic grandeur Powell was also fashioning a scientific view of the river and canyon country. No other locality in the world presented such an opportunity for the study of geologic proc-

esses, and even in the rush of his adventure Powell did not

neglect the opportunity. | |

Below, the men caulked the boats, made new oars, and grew impatient at the delay. Food was running low and time was precious. On July 21, they started again. Almost immediately they hit rough water as they shot through Cataract Canyon. By July 28 they were past its termination, marked by Mille Bend Crag. Then another canyon, deep and narrow, appeared, then the Dirty Devil

River, so named by Bill Dunn because of its sulphurous odor. Below _ the Dirty Devil they struck massive Glen Canyon, the Henry Mountains not quite visible to the west. On the twenty-ninth of July they had sighted up along the red canyon walls just above Glen Canyon

a ruined cliff dwelling some two hundred feet above the river.® Parts of the walls of what had been a three-story dwelling still stood, lost in the depths of the canyon and undisturbed for centuries. On the wall below were hieroglyphic inscriptions scratched on the

rock, and above, on the rim of the canyon, stood a ruined watchtower, its rickety ladder still more or less intact. Powell had discovered the Far Western limits of the Cliff Dwellers’ culture that — Macomb had observed along the San Juan in 1859 and that was to prove so startling and romantic to Jackson and Holmes at Mesa

Verde a few years later. |

At the end of July they reached the San Juan, and a day later | the Paria where it flows into the Colorado at Lee’s Ferry. Along the way they passed the site of Escalante’s crossing on his return from

Utah in 1776. Ahead of them, bounded by the Vermilion and Echo cliffs, was beautiful Marble Canyon, perhaps the most dangerous |

4. Ibid. |

run of all. In Marble Canyon the river narrowed and the walls 3. Powell: Exploration, p, 58.

5. Ibid., p. 68. See also Darrah: “Bradley Journal,” p. 56; and “J. C. Sumner’s Journal,” pp. 116-17.

|

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 949 seemed to grow higher. There were few good camping places, and even the gorgeous scenery grew monotonous. On August 10 they reached the Little Colorado, which marks the entrance to the Grand Canyon itself. Their last big trial was ahead of them. In his entry for August 13 Powell grasped the drama of the occasion:

We are now ready to start on our way down the Great Unknown. Our boats, tied to a common stake, are chafing each other, as they are tossed by the fretful river. They ride high and buoyant, for their loads are lighter than we could desire. We have but a month’s rations remaining. . . . We are three quarters of a mile in the depths of the earth, and the great river shrinks into insignificance as it dashes its angry waves against the walls and cliffs that rise to the world above. .. . We have an unknown distance yet to run; an unknown river yet to explore. What falls there are, we know not; what rocks beset the channel, we know not; what walls rise over the river, we know not. Ah well! we may conjecture many things. The men talk as cheerfully as ever; jests are bandied about freely this morning; but to me the cheer is somber and the jests are

ghastly.

Down they plunged into the Grand Canyon for days, through stupendous cataracts that swamped their boats, past unyielding granite boulders with the walls rising higher and higher until they towered over a mile above the river. There was little time now for side trips or scientific observations. One bone-jarring crash followed

another and entire days were spent lining past impossible points, or gambling with the current when there was no foothold along the sheer indifferent walls. Rain and floods and rushing freshets complicated their work. On August 16 they pulled in at Bright Angel

Creek and there found mealing stones and more Indian ruins, proof that someone sometime had survived in that fearsome gorge. By August 21 the dreaded granite was past them except for occa-

sional patches, but the river was still swift and the marble walls sheer. Lava intrusions began to appear and volcanic cores were 6. Powell: Exploration, p. 80. Bradley wrote in his journal for August 13:

“We camp tonight at the head of the worst rapid we have found today and the longest we have seen on the Colorado.” Referring to James White’s claim,

he added: “I am convinced that no man has ever run such rapids on a raft, though it is possible he might pass along the shore and build another raft below and so work his way out but I pay little heed to the whole story.”

Darrah: “Bradley Journal,” p. 63. |

| ne | 900 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

visible on the south shore. On the twenty-fifth they made thirtyfive miles, and Powell recorded the simple word “Hurrah!” The next day: “A few days like this and we are out of prison.”® But the last stretch proved to be the worst. On August 27 they were stopped

by a series of rapids that began with a fall of eighteen to twenty feet. To continue seemed impossible, but as they went into camp, the Major determined to try it in the morning. That night after supper Oramel Howland announced his intention to leave the river and walk out over the Shivwits Plateau to the Mormon settlements. Bill Dunn stuck with him, as did his brother Seneca, with some reluctance. The others, canvassed by Powell, agreed to try the river with the Major. By his calculations, their destination, the Virgin River settlement of Callville, was less than ninety miles ahead. Nothing could dissuade the Howlands and Dunn, however, and the next morning they took their departure in a sad, friendly farewell while the Major and his men faced the river in the two remaining boats.°

7. Powell: Exploration, p. 95. |

8. Ibid., p. 96. 9. Ibid., pp. 98-9. Stanton and Chalfant, in Colorado River Controversies, seriously question the veracity of Powell’s report of the expedition, in particu-

lar of his implication that Dunn and the Howland brothers deserted the river party at Separation Rapids. They assert that Powell ordered or forced Dunn, whom he disliked, to leave the party and that the Howlands went with him. The chief evidence for this thesis consists of two accounts, one by the embittered Jack Sumner in 1907, and another by Billy Rhodes Hawkins

in the same year. Hawkins also produced the life preserver that Powell allegedly wore on his canyon trip. See Stanton and Chalfant: Colorado River Controversies, pp. 135-232. A picture of the life preserver appears opposite page 224. Credence is lent to Stanton’s account by the excellent. work that he did in demonstrating (see pp. 97-137) that Powell had used materials from his 1871-72 expedition in his report of the 1869 voyage in such a way as to make it seem that they were part of the first trip. Stanton also pointed out that Powell suppressed all mention of the second river expedition in his famous report of 1875.

However, Stanton appears to have been piqued because Powell either

ignored or spoke disparagingly of his Colorado River expedition of 1889-90, and hence cannot be considered entirely impartial. Moreover, in his journal entry for Aug. 28, 1869, Bradley mentions no mutiny or bitterness, but simply states: “Three men refused to go farther (two Howlands and Wm. Dunn) and we had to let them take to the mountains. They left us with good feelings though we deeply regret their loss for they are as fine fellows as I ever had

the good fortune to meet.” (Darrah: “Bradley’s Journal,” p. 70.) Jack

Sumner is less helpful. His journal for Aug. 28 states: “O. G. Howland and W.H. Dunn decided to abandon the outfit and try to reach settlements on the head of the Virgin River.” (Darrah: “J. C. Sumner’s Journal,” p. 122.) Both of these are at variance with Stanton’s account and tend to support Powell,

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 551 The plan was to line the boats down as far as possible in two stages, then to trust to the current for the rest. Bradley’s boat went first and the line was slowly paid out to its limit, but the foaming, rushing river pulled him ahead and the boat swung like a battered pendulum at the end of the line. With all hope lost, Bradley reached for his knife to cut the line, but suddenly the stern post tore loose

from the boat and it shot down the cataract. Calmly taking the stern oar, Bradley gave one, two, three strokes, turning the boat with the current, which shot him past the rocks and into the waves and foam. “Bradley is gone so it seems,” wrote Powell, remember-

ing his thought on the occasion,’ but then out of the waves the craft emerged, and there stood Bradley on his half-submerged boat, waving his hat in triumph. Sumner and Powell ran along the cliff, while Walter Powell, Hawkins, and Hall tumbled into the remaining

boat and in helter-skelter fashion, broadside and tumbling, they too ran the last great rapid of the Colorado.

Three days later they rounded a bend in the river and came ‘upon some Mormons fishing. It was a father, his two grown sons, and an Indian boy, and they had been alerted by Mormon authorities to watch for debris and other telltale signs of Powell’s expedi-

| tion, which it was feared had perished somewhere on the river above. But Powell and his loyal men had survived and reached their

destination at Callville. They had done what no other men had ever done before. They had dared the river and they had won, and in so doing they dispelled the last great mystery of the American West. But not without cost. As they sat on the shore of the Colorado

at the little Mormon camp, restoring their worn-out bodies with delicious melons brought down by the people of St. Thomas, their companions of the river, Oramel Howland, his brother Seneca, and Bill Dunn, lay dead somewhere out on the Shivwits Plateau, felled from behind by Indian arrows.

6 Powell returned to civilization a hero. Newspapers all over the country carried accounts of his stirring voyage, and the death of though the circumstances under which the entries were written are unknown. Because the journals were written at the time of the events and before any post-expedition recriminations arose, I have accepted the Bradley-Sumner journal versions and hence Powell’s own version of the affair at Separation Rapids. 1. Powell: Exploration, p. 102.

9902 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE | the three unfortunate mountaineers served to heighten the story. In the fall and winter of 1869 the Major lectured all over the Midwest from Detroit, where he was reunited with his wife, to the Illinois towns where he had worked as a teacher. As he repeated his

experiences before lyceum audiences, Powell gradually refined his ideas about the canyon country and improved his oratorical style until he became a polished performer. As his biographer, William Culp Darrah, has pointed out, Powell had a good deal more

to say in the way of scientific generalizations about his voyage than most historians have been willing to admit.? However, compared to the later clarifications and precise definitions of his official report of 1875, his early impressions of the Plateau geology seem slight, though they contain some of the seeds of his later work. In Detroit he lectured on the concept of erosion, comparing the Colo-

rado to the Mississippi and estimating that it had taken 60,000,000 | years to make the present canyon passage. Then, as a reporter for the Detroit Post observed, “He dwelt at some length on the formation of lakes and streams at altitudes above the timberline and the clouds; also their influence on the surface as their streams washed down century after century. .. .”8 Almost immediately after returning, he was persuaded by Dr. William A. Bell to submit an account of his voyage to the Royal Geographical Society.* This became Powell’s first written réport, but

it was not published by the Royal Society. It appeared as an appendix to Dr. Bell’s popular book, New Tracks in North America, which also carried the story of James White’s canyon trip. In this ~ account, too, Powell briefly alluded to the various processes of erosion, though he dwelt primarily on his adventurous experiences and descriptions of the scenery.® Likewise, his geological field notes which have survived appear to be more descriptive than conceptual,

so that one must conclude that the precise ideas that Powell later advanced about the canyon country were perhaps present after his first voyage, but only dimly and imperfectly formed.’ Moreover, he had little to bring back, and most of the astronomical data con-

cerning the upper river had been lost in the massacre of Oramel 2. Darrah: “Geological Notes by Major Powell,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV (1947), pp. 132-3. 3. Quoted in Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 147. 4. Dr. William A. Bell to Powell, London, Nov. 18, 1869, L.R., Powell Survey,

R.G. 57, National Archives. ,

5. See Bell: New Tracks, p. 560. :

6. Ibid. 7. Darrah: “Geological Notes,” pp. 134-9.

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 553 Howland, for Powell had inadvertently given him both sets of notes

on the first phase of the trip through July 2. Thus, it was already clear to the Major that another, more thorough study of the river and its canyons and plateaus would be necessary. This time, however, when he went to Washington he was much better received, and Congress appropriated $10,000 for a “Geographical and Topographical Survey of the Colorado River of the West.”® Out of this appropriation Powell received no salary, and he continued to hold his professorship at Illinois Normal, but at last he had formed a survey that was “official” and in some way comparable to the other great national surveys of the day. Taking his cue

from King, whose operation he considered the best of its kind, Powell very early decided that his next explorations should not be just another river-plateau reconnaissance, but should be firmly based on an accurate topographical survey of the whole region. There was no other way to acquire a sense of geological order from the mass of fantastic shapes and complicated forms that had con-

fronted him in the Plateau Province. The study of the techniques of topographical mapping involved long and difficult work for Powell and his men, but from the first the value of these efforts was

never doubted, and topography even more than geology became basic to Powell’s approach to the West for the rest of his long career.

7 In the late summer of 1870 Powell went West to begin preparations for a second expedition down the river. He arrived in Salt Lake City on August 20 with F. M. Bishop and Walter Graves, who were

to act as topographers in the exploration of the plateaus north of the Grand Canyon. Powell had two chief objectives: to find a way to bring supplies down to the river so that he and his men would not have to face starvation as before; and to learn more precisely the fate of his lost men. Aided by Hamblin, he gained the confidence of the Shivwits and learned that they had killed his men by mistake,

after confusing them with a party of prospectors who had killed one of their women.® In talking with the Shivwits, the Major be8. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 152-3. 9. Paul Hyde Bailey: Jacob Hamblin, pp. 289—306; Powell: Exploration, pp. 106-32; Powell: “An Overland Trip to the Grand Canyon,” Scribner’s Monthly, Vol. X (Oct. 1875), pp. 659—78; Charles Kelly, ed.: “Capt. F. M. Bishop’s Journal,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV (1947), pp. 159-62.

004 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE came fascinated with their culture and their legends. This represented a further heightening of that interest in ethnology that became Powell’s prime interest in later life. He also developed, along with a sensitivity for their culture, a compassion for their wretched situation that deeply stirred him. With Hamblin as his guide, Powell crossed the Shivwits Plateau, | climbed Mt. Trumbull, from which he overlooked the whole canyon country, and then made a difficult descent due south via the Pa-runu-weap and Mu-koon-tu-weap canyons of Zion to the banks of the

Colorado in lower Grand Canyon. (See map, p. 518.) Then he returned to Kanab and began preparations for another expedition. Again with Hamblin as leader, he headed due east to the Paria, where he located a good supply base for the coming year at what soon became Lee’s Ferry. Then, crossing the Colorado in an improvised boat, Powell, Hamblin and their party moved on to what Powell called “the Ancient Province of Tusayan,” or the Hopi Villages in northwestern Arizona.” Oriabi and its six sister villages had been familiar territory to Hamblin since he visited them twenty-two

years before,? but to Powell they were endlessly fascinating. The

scene of a disastrous Spanish defeat which the Indians still remembered in inscriptions, and visited by Lieutenant Ives in 1858, they meant even more than that to Powell. They were the living successors to the mysterious structures which he had encountered in the canyon voyage and along the Vermilion Cliffs bordering the _ Paria and Kaibab plateaus. Slowly an ethnological picture began to grow in his mind as he linked them with the Utes and Paiutes to the north and the ruins

encountered by explorers to the east. On the basis of the Hopis’ own legends, and their present-day conflicts with the Navaho and Apache, he reasoned that a great civilization had once existed in the valleys of the. Colorado and its tributaries, but slowly, under the

pressure of warlike northern invaders (the Athabascan Apache, | for example), the town dwellers had retreated into mountain fortresses, where they struggled with the hostile environment for survival and gradually died out, or moved southward.® It was the beginning of Powell’s matchless comprehension of Indian ethnol1. Bailey: Jacob Hamblin, pp. 289-306. 2. Ibid., pp. 317-18. Also see John Wesley Powell: “The Ancient Province of Tusayan,” Scribner’s Monthly, Vol. XI (1876), pp. 193-213.

Ibid., pp. 195-206. | 4.3.See Chapter 9, p. 308. , , | 5. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 158.

|

|

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 555 ogy, a subject which appealed to him far more than did geology. Almost immediately he became aware of its practical utility, for in early November he went with Hamblin to Fort Defiance, New Mexico, and helped conclude the first treaty between the nomadic Navahos and the Pueblo towns.® By the time he returned to Salt Lake City, Powell was quite ready, from all points of view, to launch

his second river expedition and his comprehensive survey of the Plateau Region.

8 Realizing that the scientific results of his first river voyage were

inadequate, Powell projected his second expedition on a much broader scale. He delegated problems of supply to Jacob Hamblin and the Mormon scouts, and much of the topographic work of the river survey to A. H. Thompson and F. M. Bishop, and he himself made only part of the river trip of 1871-72." At intervals he crossed

6. Ibid., pp. 158-9. ,

7. The most complete published narrative of Powell’s second Colorado River expedition is Frederick Dellenbaugh: A Canyon Voyage, published by G. P. Putnam in 1908 and reprinted by the Yale University Press in 1926 and 1962. This was for a long time the only published account of the expedition, since Powell chose to ignore it in his official report of 1875. In 1939, however, J. Cecil Alter and Herbert E. Gregory edited the “Diary of Almon Harris Thompson” for the Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. VII (1939), pp. 3-140. In 1947,

William Culp Darrah and others began publishing the remaining primary materials relating to the second river trip of 1871-72. This series of publications has become the most important source of information concerning the trip. See Darrah: “Major Powell Prepares for a Second Expedition”; Ralph V. Chamberlin: “Francis Marion Bishop (1843—-1933)”; Charles Kelly, ed.: “Capt. Francis Marion Bishop’s Journal,” and “Letters of Capt. F. M. Bishop to the Bloomington Pantagraph,” in Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV (1947), pp. 149-255. Also see “The Exploration of the Colorado River and the High Plateaus of Utah in 1871-72,” Utah Historical Quarterly, Vols. XVI—-XVII (1948—49), pp. 1-540, which contains biographical sketches of the members of the expedition and reprints the journals of Stephen Vandiver Jones, John F. Steward, W. C. Powell, W. C. Powell’s description of the Hopi Towns, and three letters by Andrew Hall. E. O. Beaman’s journal was published as “The Canon of the Colorado, and the Moqui Pueblos” in seven installments, running from April 18, 1874, to May 30, 1874, in Appleton’s Journal, Vol. XI (1874), pp. 481-4, 513-16, 545-8, 590-3, 623-6, 641-4, 686-9.

- In addition, see the Frederick Dellenbaugh Papers, New York Public Library, for Dellenbaugh’s manuscript Diary, and those of Almon Harris Thompson, Mrs. Almon Harris Thompson, and Stephen V. Jones, and a

copy of the John F. Steward Diary originally presented to the Chicago Historical Society. The Walter C. Powell Diary is to be found in the museum at

556 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE and recrossed the Plateau Province between the Colorado and Salt Lake City, carefully studying the terrain, much of which was not visible from the depths of the river canyons. He also went to Wash-

ington to secure further aid for the Survey, and to purchase a house—symbol of his determination to hold and maintain what, after his resignation from Illinois Normal in early 1872, was to

become a permanent government position. _ |

Significantly, Powell’s operations from 1871 to 1874 involved a

much more informal relationship with the government than any of the other surveys. Through a clerical error, but perhaps too as a result of Powell’s deliberate strategy, his survey was not at first under the control of the Interior Department. He was required to report only to the Smithsonian Institution.* In addition to saving him the tedious labor of clearing everything through essentially nonscientific channels, this also made him a special protégé of the professional and academic scientists, who, congregating around the Smithsonian, were fast coming to dominate official scientific activity in the West. These were important advantages for Powell, | and he made good use of them for the next three years. In many ways the expedition of 1871 was anticlimactic. Its itinerary was too complicated to make it dramatic, and as Wallace Stegner has astutely observed, its special glories really belong to the Major’s second-in-command, A. H. Thompson.® As in the first expedition, Powell largely ignored the world of professional scientists in choosing his crew, and of the first group only Jack Sumner was asked to accompany the 1871 party.1 Sumner was unable to do so, however, and so the personnel of the 1871 expedition was made up

| of relatively inexperienced nonprofessional friends and relatives. Grand Canyon National Park. Another relevant source of information is the Robert Brewster Stanton Collection, also in the New York Public Library. This collection contains not only material from Stanton’s Colorado River expedi-

tion of 1889-90, which is beyond the scope of the present book, but also the extensive material collected by Stanton as background for his book Colorado River Controversies, much of which bears directly on the Powell expedition, as discussed above, in footnote 9, pp. 550-1. The Still Pictures Section of the National Archives contains an extensive collection of the photographs taken on the expedition by Beaman and Hillers. Unless otherwise stated, my. account is based on the above sources, and the excellent

secondary works of Stegner, Darrah, and Bartlett already cited. , 8. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 205.

9g. Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, pp. 136—45. 1. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 163.

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 557 It was in keeping with the practices of the day, when nepotism reached even into the office of the President, but it was hardly ideal for scientific purposes. The most important member was Almon H. Thompson, who as the Major’s brother-in-law had accompanied his first expedition in 1867. Thompson, a teacher of mathematics, was at the time superintendent of schools in Bloomington, Illinois. And though he was to become an expert topographer through hard experience in the field,

at the outset he had no qualifications whatsoever, either as a drafts- | man or as a riverboat man. Assisting Thompson were Stephen Vandiver Jones, principal of the Washburn, Illinois, schools, and John F. Steward, a war veteran, inventor, and amateur student of geology whom the Major had met in the trenches at Vicksburg, where both had been searching for fossil-shell specimens. Still another academician was F. M. Bishop, once a Powell student and

more recently a teacher at Illinois Normal. Bishop had accompanied Powell on the Plateau expeditions of 1870 and could thus be considered more experienced than most.’ Then, in imitation of Hayden and Wheeler, Powell included a

| photographer, E. O. Beaman, who had been recommended by the New York photographic supply firm of E. and H. T. Anthony Company.? Beaman was not the Major’s first choice for the job, but at

least he was a professional and had some experience in the field in the Middle West, so he was signed on. The artist of the expedition

was Frederick Dellenbaugh, seventeen years old, and an able, enthusiastic youth who besides his brief art training in Paris had also

his family relationship to A. H. Thompson to recommend him. Dellenbaugh, in the course of the 1871 expedition, painted the first pictures of the Grand Canyon and he likewise proved to be the most accomplished of Thompson’s assistant topographers. For the rest of his life Dellenbaugh, who became a professional explorer and globetrotter, counted the 1871 canyon voyage as his most memorable experience, and his exciting book, A Canyon Voyage, was for a long time the only published account of the expedition.* The other members of the party were Andrew Hattan, the cook;

John K. Hillers, a teamster who eventually became the expedition’s photographer; Frank Richardson, who deserted soon after the 2. Biographical data derived from Utah Historical Quarterly, Vols. XVIXVII, cited in footnote 7, pp. 555-6. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid.

| 008 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

group got underway; and Walter Clement Powell, the Major’s first

cousin.® | Later, out in Utah, two more men joined the party, James Fenne-

more, a photographer from Savage’s Photography Studio in Salt Lake City, who replaced Beaman for a short time, and William Derby Johnson, a graduate of the University of Deseret, who along with Dellenbaugh came to serve as one of Thompson’s topographic assistants.®

This then was the colorful party which assembled at Green River City in the spring of 1871 and climbed aboard the three new boats

that the Major had had once again especially constructed. These

boats, named the Emma Dean, the Nellie Powell, and the Cafonita,

were decided improvements over the first vessels. They had the added advantage of a watertight compartment amidships, which increased dry-storage space, added buoyancy, and contributed to _ the broadside strength of the craft. At the last minute, the Major decided to lash a chair to the middle deck of his boat, the Emma | Dean, and for most of the voyage there he sat, alternately staring intently down the river and reading aloud to his men from volumes of poetry which he carried along to relieve the monotony of the

voyage. |

On the twenty-second of May 1871, under a “brilliant sun” and

a “sky of sapphire,” as Dellenbaugh described it, the travelers packed the last of their gear into especially designed waterproof bags, waved goodbye to the little knot of well-wishers, and pushed out into the Green.’ It was as if Lindbergh had taken off a second

time alone in The Spirit of St. Louis for Paris—a daring second

contest with fate, and as such it did not seem any the less dangerous to the men because it had been done before. “Read Jack Sumner’s Journal .. .” wrote Walter Powell. “Tis enough to make one’s hair

stand on end.”® | : |

The itinerary of the trip is very difficult to follow (see map, p. 518). From May 22 to July 7, 1871, they coursed down the upper stretches of the Green from Flaming Canyon to the foot of Lodore. At this point Powell left the river party and headed overland, in-

5. Ibid. ,

tending to meet them at the mouth of the Uinta, a rendezvous which he was unable to keep. After waiting at the Uinta [Duchesne] 6. Ibid. 7. Dellenbaugh: A Canyon Voyage, p. 9. 8. Utah Historical Quarterly, Vols. XVI—-XVII (1948—49), pp. 259-60.

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 559 for twenty-two days, from July 14 to August 5, the river party, with Thompson in command, pushed off downstream and reached Gun-

nison’s Crossing on August 29, at which time they were reunited | with Powell.? The Major accompanied the river survey as far as the

| Crossing of the Fathers, which they reached on October 10, and then he again departed on a survey of the surrounding Plateau - country, which took him as far as Kanab. There he established a base camp for the winter phase of the operation. The river men ran Glen Canyon and reached Lee’s Ferry at the mouth of the Paria

on October 23. No great disaster had occurred, but they had all had their fill of river travel. For several weeks the prospect of starvation had faced them, until Pardyn Dodds of the Ute Agency showed up at the Crossing of the Fathers with supplies, and even then they were reduced to wearing rags and battered shoes which afforded no protection from either sun or rocks. Jones had suffered a badly wrenched leg. Hillers was bitten by a scorpion; Bishop and Steward began to feel their old war wounds; and the Canonita had been abandoned up north at the desolate mouth of the Dirty Devil.

All told, it had not been an easy trip, and they were glad to leave the river at this point. By December they had all settled into camp near Kanab and begun the serious work of topography.! The first task was laying out the nine-mile base line along the earth’s surface from which the primary triangulation could be conducted. Then the surveyors split up into teams which ranged over the Kaibab Plateau and extended as far west as Hurricane Mesa. At this time Powell conducted his exploration of present-day Zion National Park, which he described in his official report as having taken place not in 1872, but as part of his trek of 1870.” It seems clear that he predated this exploration to heighten the romanticism of the Scribner's magazine articles on which the report was based. It is also quite possible that he wished to appear to have anticipated Wheeler’s parties which had entered

the region in 1871 while conducting their abortive ascent of the Colorado River? _ In February, Powell left for Washington after securing Thompson’s agreement that he would work through to spring with or 9g. Alter and Gregory: “Diary of Almon Harris Thompson,” pp. 25, 27-31, I-—2.

t Dellenbaugh: A Canyon Voyage, p. 165. |

p. 149. |

2. Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, pp. 148-9. : 3. See Chapter 13, pp. 475-6. Also Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian,

|

560 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE Without pay.* With the Major gone, the men worked on as usual, except that Steward was forced to retire due to pain from his war wounds, and E. O. Beaman resigned to conduct his own independent expedition south across the Colorado to Oriabi.> No one knew

quite what the Major’s plans were, and Thompson’s correspond- | ence with his chief indicates that he, too, was not a full party to Powell’s considerations.* Much of Thompson’s time seems to have been taken up with the training of a new photographer. Fennemore proved to be an indifferent hand. Walter Powell had failed miserably as Beaman’s assistant and then had grown extremely jealous

when Jack Hillers emerged as an outstanding practitioner of the wet-plate trade.” | | By the end of May 1872 Thompson and his men had completed a preliminary map of the Grand Canyon region, and the Professor, as he was called, set off on an overland march of his own (see map,

p. 518). Taking Dellenbaugh and several other men, he made a reconnaissance north from Kanab past the White Cliffs and Kaiparowits Peak into Potato Valley, in search of the Dirty Devil River. At this point they discovered a new river, the Escalante, the last un-

known river in the United States. Then they moved on, north and east across the Aquarius Plateau and around the Henry Mountains, which they also discovered, to Crescent Wash near the mouth of the Dirty Devil. There they reclaimed the Canronita, and Dellenbaugh, Hillers, Johnson, and Fennemore rode the boat downstream to Lee’s Ferry while Thompson retraced his steps back across the

mountains and plateaus to Kanab.® ,

Although Thompson’s exploration received little publicity in Powell’s report, it was one of the most important conducted in the course of Powell’s survey. Besides ranging over much unknown country, and underscoring its agricultural possibilities, Thompson 4. Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, p. 139. See also J. Cecil Alter and Herbert E. Gregory: “The Diary of Almon Harris Thompson,” p. 63. Powell made the agreement with Thompson regarding pay on Tuesday, Dec. 12, 1871.

5. Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, p. 140; Alter and Gregory: “The Diary of Almon Harris Thompson,” p. 67. See also E. O. Beaman: “The Canon of the Colorado, and the Moquis Pueblos,” Appleton’s Journal, Vol. XI

(May 2, 1874), p. 548. |

6. See A. H. Thompson to Powell, Kanab, Feb. 7, 1872; Feb. 8, 1872; Winsor, A.T., March 11, 1872, L.R., Powell Survey, R.G. 57, National Archives. Also see Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 180. 7. See letters cited in the preceding footnote. Also see Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 173.

8. Dellenbaugh: A Canyon Voyage, pp. 195-214. ,

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 561 had laid the groundwork of data for the later geological studies of

Clarence Dutton on the High Plateaus of Utah, and Grove Karl Gilbert’s monumental Geology of the Henry Mountains.

| Dellenbaugh and the others waited at Lee’s Ferry for several weeks, observing the fanatical leader and his family hard at work in Lonely Dell. They did what they could to help him and wondered

secretly if it were possible that this mild-mannered old man had engineered the notorious Mountain Meadows massacre of westbound Missouri emigrants.® By August 17 the whole party, with the

exception of Bishop and Beaman, was assembled at Lee’s Ferry. Powell, Dellenbaugh, Walter Clement Powell, Jones, Hutton, Hillers, and Thompson then started down the river through dreaded Marble Canyon. The water was much higher in the summer of 1872

and the traveling was exceedingly difficult. The boats moved so fast that it sometimes became impossible to control them. At least once the Major was heard to utter: “By God, boys, we're gone,” as the boats plunged down the foaming cataracts.1 On another occasion Hillers almost drowned in a raging whirlpool, and but for his life preserver Powell would have perished in the same treacherous vortex. When on September 7 they reached Kanab Canyon, where Jacob Hamblin was waiting for them, Powell decided that they had explored the river far enough, and the second canyon voyage was officially ended. Though the data on the lower stretches of the Grand Canyon was extremely meager, due to his harrowing experiences in this region in 1869, Powell decided to rely on Ives’s map as

far as Diamond Creek, and on his own notes and whatever could be gained from a land survey.” It was the only time in his life that Powell backed off from a challenge, but in this instance it probably saved the lives of all of his men and with them the future of the Powell Survey. From the advantage of hindsight, it was a wise decision.

From September to December of 1872 Powell and his men reexplored the Shivwits Plateau, mapping the lower canyons by land,

and then at the end of the year they returned to Kanab to finish Thompson’s map. On February 16, 1873, Dellenbaugh, after a difficult trek through the wintry snows of central Utah, arrived in Salt

Lake City with the completed map encased in a homemade tin tube.’ It was forwarded on to Washington, where Powell was al9. Ibid., pp. 210-14. 1. Ibid., pp. 215—41. The quote appears on page 221. 2. Ibid., pp. 242-3.

3. Ibid., pp. 250-9, 262-7.

062 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

famous survey. |

ready hard at work promoting further appropriations for his now

Sg

The significance of Powell’s exploration of the Colorado and _ the plateaus and mountains of Utah went far beyond mere adventure into the unknown. Not only had he and his men conquered the long mysterious river and discovered the last unknown river (the Escalante) and mountain range (the Henry) in the continental United States;* they had also made their work meaningful in every conceivable way by focusing upon particular problems of social and scientific significance. As Powell himself remarked in 1874: “Exploring expeditions are no longer needed for general purposes.”®

In contrast to his rivals in the West, he confined his activities to those subjects that interested him. Taking his cue from Clarence King, Powell quickly grasped the fact that no survey of the country was really valuable unless it was based on accurate topography, and Thompson’s maps became the keystone of his enterprise. Thus, in contrast to Hayden, who realized the importance of topography

much later, Powell saw the complex canyon and plateau country in an orderly fashion. Facts were clearly related, the land and its features laid out in a rational manner before him, and one general_ ization led in a logical sequence to another. Unlike the other survey operations, Powell did not attempt to cover all fields of knowledge. He all but ignored botany and zoology

except as they related to his main interests in geology and ethnology. He made no attempt, moreover, to survey mining regions, to experiment in metallurgy or chemistry, or to contribute practical data to eager businessmen. Powell remained a scientist with a remarkably clear view of the single, central problem that lay behind

all his study of the West, namely the problem presented by the environment to people who wished to settle in the West and make use of it. Adaptation, a good Darwinian word, was the key to most of his thought, and unlike many of his contemporaries, he learned from the people who had already experienced the problems of the West, particularly the Mormons and the Indians. A central theme 4. This has been pointed out by Wallace Stegner, editor of The Exploration of the Colorado River (Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press; 1957), p. xiii. ' 5. Powell to Secretary of the Interior, April 24, 1874, in George M. Wheeler:

, Notes Relating to Surveys in the Western Territories of the United States (n.p., n.d.), Yale Western Americana Collection. ,

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 563 runs through all of his thought: institutions and techniques devised in what he called the humid Eastern sections of the United States could not be successfully transplanted to the new and challenging Western environment. His mission, as he saw it, was to describe

accurately the new environment and point up its lessons for the onrushing tide of civilization. It was a pedagogical mission, appropriately enough, and as civilization and its spokesmen gradually invested the West, it ultimately became a reforming mission. Building on Thompson’s maps and his own extensive explorations in the field as the Powell Survey continued from 1871 to 1879,

| the Major produced two important works of geology: the second half of his Exploration of the Colorado River of the West (1875), and the Report on the Geology of the Eastern Portion of the Uinta Mountains (1876). Despite dry-sounding, academic titles, these are two of the most exciting Western books ever written and formed the basis for the development of an altogether new approach to geology. Here paleontology, which had preoccupied most of the other scien-

tific explorers in the West, was passed over in favor of structural | geology and, most important of all, an examination on a grand scale of the vast earth-shaping processes that produced the canyon and plateau country. A confirmed uniformitarian, Powell was less interested in the geological past as reconstructed and “philosophical” history than he was in what could be learned for the present and the future from a study of the processes of change that had shaped the past. It was a subtle but important distinction that permeated every page of his geological writing. Both of his geological books are in the realm of descriptive geol-

ogy, but out of the multitude of his scientific experiences of the | Western landforms, he devised a series of basic definitions that have stood the test of time. The most important of these are the concepts of base level of erosion, which is the lowest point of erosion in the region and the level toward which the streams and rivers are trending; antecedent valleys, or valleys carved in periods prior

to the present erosion system; and consequent valleys, or those carved in more recent times after a period of uplifting and folding. Like the good teacher that he was, Powell whenever he could devised precise terms that defined and clarified the phenomena he was describing. Transverse valleys, longitudinal valleys, and their variations such as diaclinal, cataclinal and monoclinal valleys, are some of the precise terms applied by the Major to landforms that had appeared merely picturesque to other scientific explorers.® 6. See Powell: Exploration, p. 160.

|,

| 564 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE : And, with his definitions and diagrams in mind, he was able to reconstruct the process that created the Plateau Province in spectacular fashion. Most famous was his description of the relation-

ship of the Colorado River to the Uinta Mountains. | Again, the question returns to us, why did not the stream turn round this great obstruction, rather than pass through it? The answer is that the river had the right of way; in other words it was running ere the mountains were formed; not before the

rocks of which the mountains are composed, were deposited, _ but before the formations were folded, so as to make a moun- |

tain range. |

The contracting or shriveling of the earth causes the rocks

near the surface to wrinkle, or fold, and such a fold was started athwart the course of the river. Had it been suddenly formed, it would have been an obstruction sufficient to turn

the water in a new course to the east, beyond the extension | of the wrinkle; but emergence of the fold above the general surface of the country was little or no faster than the progress of the corrasion of the channel. We may say, then, that the river did not cut its way down through the mountains, from a height of many thousand feet above its present site, but, having

an elevation differing but little, perhaps, from what it now has, | as the fold was lifted, it cleared away the obstruction by cutting a canon, and the walls were thus elevated on either side. The river preserved its level, but mountains were lifted up; as the saw revolves on a fixed pivot, while the log through

| which it cuts is moved along. The river was the saw which | cut the mountains in two.’

7. Ibid., pp. 152-3. For a modern interpretation of the geologic history of the Colorado Plateau country, see Charles B. Hunt: Cenozoic Geology of the Colorado Plateau, Geological Survey Professional Paper 279 (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1956). Hunt is in general agreement with

the Powell thesis that the Colorado River was antecedent to the main up- |

lifting of the plateau, though he sees the situation as being more complex. He substitutes the concept “anteposition,” which “refers to the arching of | a canyon so that a stream becomes ponded and deposits sediment upstream from the arch. When downcutting is resumed, a new superposed course is developed in the stretch represented by the reservoir. But the low point on the rim of the reservoir is the raised portion of the old valley; this becomes the new spillway and downstream from this point the new valley has the aspects of antecedence” (p. 1). See also pp. 73—87, in which Hunt develops this thesis more extensively and presents a diagrammatic history of the Colorado Plateau. By demonstrating that the various canyons of the Colorado are of different ages, Hunt appears to have modified Powell’s “log and saw”

|

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer — — 965

It is instructive to compare this clearly reasoned uniformitarian description with Clarence King’s poetic and spectacular generalizations about nature’s grand catastrophes in the Rocky Mountains,

or Josiah Dwight Whitney’s persistent refusal to admit that the Yosemite was not formed one day, eons of years ago, when the valley floor suddenly collapsed and fell several thousand feet. King

and Whitney, however, ran counter to most geologic thinking of the day, which in 1870 was predominantly uniformitarian, and it is misleading to magnify Powell’s work, as some writers have done, by using this contrast to make his theories seem more revolutionary than they really were.® Powell’s great strength was the master-

ful clarity and precision of his descriptions of earth processes | which had been taken for granted for some time by less perceptive geologists. Patiently and simply he explained uplift, synclinal and anticlinal folding, faults, lateral displacement, and cliff erosion until they almost seemed to be his own concepts, though all these phenomena had been observed and described by others. Uniformitarianism itself seemed almost his own invention. Hear him now instructing his public: Thus it is that the study of the structural characteristics of the valleys and canons teaches us, in no obscure way, the relation between the progress of upheaval and that of erosion and cor-

rasion, showing that these latter were pari passu with the former, and that the agencies of nature produce great results—results no less than the carving of a mountain range out of a much larger block lifted from beneath the sea; not by an extravagant and violent use of power, but by the slow agencies which may be observed generally throughout the world, still acting in the same slow, patient manner.®

Or climb with him to the cliff at the end of Labyrinth Canyon _ “and look over the plain below, and you see vast numbers of buttes

scattered about over scores of miles, and every butte so regular and beautiful that you can hardly cast aside the belief that they

are works of Titanic art... . But no human hand has placed a concept in the direction of Newberry’s earlier view that the river was ponded and spilled over obstacles in its path, creating the canyons. See Chapter 9, p. 319, of the present work. 8. See, for example, Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 217; Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, p. 118. 9. Powell: Exploration, p. 162.

966 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE block in all those wonderful structures. The rain drops of unreckoned ages have cut them all from solid rock.”! It was no wonder that, with his maps and colorful diagrams, or

| even with a blackboard and a piece of chalk, the Major made an irresistible teacher, one who could sway lyceum audiences and congressional committees alike. He was a scientist of brilliant lu-

cidity with the imagination of a conjurer. When his first major

| report was published in 1875, it sold out immediately.

10 — As the Powell Survey continued through the seventies, other

able geologists joined his staff. In 1873 the Major succeeded in | winning Grove Karl Gilbert away from Wheeler’s survey—an act

for which Wheeler harbored bitter resentment, though he contin- | ually proclaimed that his venture was not a geological one.? Gil-

bert, like Powell and Hayden, was a product of local scientific | training and apprenticeship.? He graduated from the University | of Rochester, worked for a time in Ward’s Natural History Establishment, which furnished specimens for school laboratories, and then joined the State Geological Survey of Ohio, under John Strong Newberry. Due to the influence of Archibald Marvine, he secured a

place with Wheeler’s survey in 1871 and accompanied the army explorer across the West from Death Valley to the canyons of the Colorado. Gilbert’s great work on ancient Lake Bonneville, as previously mentioned, began as a monograph publication of Wheeler’s

survey. But by 1873 Gilbert had felt the restriction of army discipline and army command and, perhaps chafing a bit under the leadership of young Wheeler, resigned to join Powell.

As chief geologic assistant to Powell, he published his classic book The Geology of the Henry Mountains in 1877. The Henry Mountains project had originally grown out of Thompson’s discovery in 1872, but Gilbert soon made it his own. In the Henrys assisted by William H. Holmes, he formulated the laccolith or dome

principle, which proposes that the mountains were created by a

1. Ibid., p. 174. , , ,

2. Wheeler to G. K. Gilbert, Washington, D.C., June 7, 1874, L.S., Wheeler Survey, R.G. 77, National Archives. 3. See Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, pp. 155—8; and William M. Davis: “Biographical Memoir of Grove Kar] Gilbert, 1843-1918,” National Academy of Science Biographical Memoirs, Vol. XXI (1927)

|

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 567 huge bubble of lava that did not come to the surface but instead bowed up the layers of rock above it into a gigantic dome or laccolith. This was an entirely new theory of mountain-making. In 1880 came Gilbert’s final treatise on Lake Bonneville, published by the United States Geological Survey under Powell's di-

_ rection. But before that he made important contributions to the study of erosion, rainfall, and the measurement of the lake beds in Utah.* These were practical contributions that called for great ingenuity in devising schemes to measure river flow and lake-bed expansion and in the construction of workable rain gauges. More than anyone else, Gilbert followed in the direct line of Powell's environmentalism. Another of Powell’s important assistants who kept the Survey work going while the Major was in Washington was, paradoxically, an army man, Captain Clarence Dutton. Dutton was a Yale graduate and of the same school and type as Clarence King, who graduated two years later.> He was in the same class as the powerful QO. C. Marsh—a factor which aided Powell in the struggle over the

consolidation of the geologic surveys in 1879. Dutton, an obscure

and forgotten figure on the Yale campus today, was one of the school’s many prominent nineteenth-century scientists. He stayed in the Army after the Civil War and found himself stationed at the Watervliet Arsenal in West Troy, New York, with a great deal of time on his hands, whereupon he began studying the new Bessemer steel process. Occasionally he published a paper on the subject, and conversed with James Hall of Albany, who had already promoted so many scientific careers. By 1871 Dutton had been transferred to Washington and in the meetings of the local philosophical society met most of the prominent Washington scientists of the day. In 1874 Powell offered him a place on his survey, and with Joseph Henry’s help a special act of Congress was passed assigning Dutton to the Survey staff on detached duty. He remained with the Major for fifteen years. Dutton was a scientist, but like King, he had a bent for artistic expression that made his reports read like poetic travelogues. He was an artist with words whose sensitivity for nature rivaled that 4. Ibid. See also the chapters by Gilbert in Powell: Report on the Lands of the Arid Region of the United States: Chapters IV, “Water Supply,” and VII,

“Irrigable Lands of the Salt Lake Drainage System.” |

5. See biographical sketch in Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, pp. 158-74. Also see George F. Becker: “Obituary of Major C. E. Dutton,” American Journal of Science, fourth series, Vol. XXXIII. No. 196 (April 1912), pp. 387-8.

568 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE of the best painters of the day, and his work could be compared, as Wallace Stegner has compared it, only with the spectacular landscape diagrams of William H. Holmes.* The two men, who later worked together on Dutton’s major work, The Tertiary His-

tory of the Grand Canyon District, developed superb accuracy in , noting the features of the land. In Dutton’s case this took the form

| of romantic word pictures, and in Holmes’s it resulted in panoramas of canyon and mesa (see pp. 336-9 in Portfolio IT). Dutton’s chief books were the Tertiary History of the Grand Can-

yon District (1882) and The High Plateaus of Utah (1880). The 1880 work was a detailed study that filled in the earlier observations of Powell and extended them into the beautiful park-like region that

rises above the canyon country as a capstone to the Plateau Province. Dutton was also interested in technical problems. He wrestled for a time with the theory of isostasy, the idea that as the ocean floors sank under a load of sediment the land masses gradually rose and bent or cracked, causing displacement of the kind observed in

the Plateau Province. He also studied vulcanism, traveling over much of the world observing lavas and comparative volcanic action,

and in passing he made a study of the Charleston earthquake of 1884.7 No one since Richthofen, with his ideas of the sequence of lava flows, had contributed so much to the study of vulcanism as Dutton. Moreover, by the end of Dutton’s career, he had even improved on the great Richthofen, whom King and Whitney had so

admired. |

_ Gilbert and Dutton, like Thompson, were only two of the many scientists Powell helped to train in the course of his surveys. They were, however, characteristic of the many leaders of science who derived from their relationship with Powell a greater enthusiasm for science and an enhanced understanding of its meaning for

man. | | Il

In keeping with his fundamental utilitarian and environmental

approach to the West, Powell also extended his studies to the science of man. Inspired by the ancient ruins along the Colorado 6. Ibid.

7. Ibid. The Western photographer Jack Hillers accompanied Dutton to , Charleston in 1884 and made some of his most spectacular photographs of the earthquake and its aftermath. See Hillers: Photograph Collection, Still

Pictures Section, National Archives. |

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 569 which he had observed on his canyon voyages, and by the pathetic and yet exotic tribes he had encountered in the Plateau Province— Paiutes, Shivwits, Unikarits, Utes, and Mokis—Powell very early began serious researches into Indian ethnology. From the beginning he had a way with Indians, a tolerance for their way of life and a respect for their customs. He disdained the use of military escorts as he traveled through the Indian country, and on numerous occasions blamed much of the difficulty with the redmen on the threatening presence of military garrisons in their territory.? Rather than mistrusting the Indians, he learned all he could about them,

as on his 1870 excursion among the hostile Shivwits who had murdered the Howlands and Bill Dunn. On that occasion he succeeded in persuading the Shivwits to trust him, so much so that they explained their mythology and their carefully guarded tribal

lore to him. , |

Vocabularies were the Major’s constant interest, and under his direction over 200 such word lists were compiled. Powell himself became fluent in most of the primitive plateau languages. One of his most significant works was the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, which he published in 1877 after consultation with Professor William Dwight Whitney of Yale, the foremost sci- | entific philologist of his time.® It was a manual, for the use of field ethnologists, which standardized the procedure for collecting tribal

vocabularies. ,

So familiar with the problems of the plateau Indian was Powell that in 1873, along with G. W. Ingalls, he was appointed a special commissioner to investigate the conditions of these tribes and to make recommendations concerning their fate. In the summer of that year, the Major journeyed to Utah in company with the painter Thomas Moran, and for several months crossed and recrossed the plateaus and mountains, studying the tribes and investigating white claims of Indian depredations. In August, a huge council was held in Salt Lake City in which most of the depressed tribes agreed to move to reservations if they could be secured from the government.! . 8. See J. W. Powell’s testimony before the Townsend Committee on May 18, 1874, in Wheeler: Notes Relating to Surveys in the Western Territory of the United States, p. 52. This document is actually 43rd Cong., 1st sess., H.R.

Doc. 612 (1874), p. 52. ,

9. John Wesley Powell: Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages

(Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1877).

1. See J. W. Powell and G. W. Ingalls: Report on the Conditions of the Ute Indians of Utah; the Pai-Utes of Utah, Northern Arizona, Southern Nevada, and Southeastern California; the Go-Si-Utes of Utah and Nevada; the North-

|,,7 _ 970 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE ,

| Powell went to Washington, his reformer’s spirit thoroughly

: aroused, to report in person the scandalous and fraudulent

! _ treatment the Indians had received at the hands of the various | Rocky Mountain agents. This was the beginning of a continuous | series of investigations which eventually culminated in the Marsh

oe bus Delano. : | ,

expose of 1875 and the resignation of Secretary of Interior ColumThe report on the tribes which Powell and Ingalls issued in 1874

| was one of the most constructive studies ever made on the Indian problem. Firmly convinced that a policy of military policing was -_- wrong, Powell advocated moving the tribes to selected reservation

sites which, as he said, should not be “looked upon in the light of a pen where a horde of savages are to be fed with flour and beef, to be supplied with blankets from the Government bounty, and to be furnished with paint and gew-gaws by the greed of the traders, but that a reservation should be a school of industry and a home for

these unfortunate people.”2 _ | _ Within this simple statement, Powell incorporated a key concept

which it is now apparent that imperial powers of the nineteenth century largely overlooked, and that was the idea that the country owed more to its primitive subjects than simple subsistence. It owed them the means of education whereby they might, if they chose, better their lot, and bring themselves into closer parity with the rest of the country. Along these lines, Powell advocated an eight-

point program for the reservation: — | |

| 1. All bounties should be used to induce work. |

2. The Indian should not be supplied with ready-made clothing,

| but the materials to make their own garments. 3, They should not be furnished with tents as it encouraged their

nomadic way of life. 7 a

4. Each family should be supplied with a cow, on the theory that property ownership, however limited, breeds respect for the

property of others.

5. The reservation farms should be irrigated, and expert farmers sent to teach the Indian husbandman. 6. Each reservation should have a blacksmith, carpenter, and saddle-.and harness-maker, and each should employ several Indian western Shoshones of Idaho and Utah; and the Western Shoshones of

Nevada (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1874). See also Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 194-204. , 2. Powell and Ingalls: Report on Conditions of the Ute Indians of Utah....,

p. 23. :

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer O71 apprentices and should consider it an important duty to instruct them. |

7. Each reservation should have an efficient medical department. 8. Schools should be established and the English language taught to all pupils as a means of breaking the tribal culture and conveying some understanding of the white man’s ways.’ The Major’s approach to the Indian problem is a recognizable version of the nineteenth-century position that the primitive cultures should somehow be civilized, or “Americanized,” and as part of this process they should become self-reliant. Powell’s plan was a sophisticated and responsible version of the Protestant work ethic and as such fitted the Indian cultures into a traditional framework. In later years Powell became friendly with the ethnologist Lewis Henry Morgan and almost totally absorbed his thesis, expressed

in the classic Ancient Society (1877), that all peoples evolved through successive stages of savagery, barbarism, and civilization. Powell incorporated this Darwinian point of view into the methods and approaches used by the Bureau of Ethnology, which he established in 1879. He even appropriated Morgan’s very terms, using them in his public lectures on Indians, but he added a final stage which he called “enlightenment,” or the rationally governed scientific society.* At this point he was not far in advance of a contemporary European theorist who also used Morgan’s ideas to formulate a concept of inevitable evolution to the perfect society of scientific socialism, Friedrich Engels.® 3. Ibid., pp. 24—5.

4. See, for example, Powell: “From Savagery to Barbarism,” Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington, Vol. III (1895), pp. 173-96; and “From Barbarism to Civilization,” American Anthropologist, Vol. I (1888), pp. 97-123; Powell: “Mythologic Philosophy,’ Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XV (1879), pp. 795-808, and Vol. XVI (1880), pp. 56—66. For his appreciation of Lewis Henry Morgan, see Powell: “Sketch of Lewis H. Morgan, President of the American Association for the Advancement of Science,” Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XVIII (1881), pp. 114-21. On May 25, 1877, Powell wrote to Morgan: “After reading your book, I believe you have discovered the true system of social and governmental organization among the Indians.” Quoted in Bernhard J. Stern: Lewis Henry Morgan: Social Evolutionist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 1931), p. 194. 5. Carl Resek: Lewis Henry Morgan: American Scholar (Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 1960), pp. 160-2. In 1884 Friedrich Engels published The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, with the subtitle “In the Light of the Researches of Lewis Henry Morgan.” In it he declared that “Morgan in his own way had discovered afresh in America the materialistic conception of history discovered by Marx forty years ago, and in his compari-

son of barbarism and civilization it had led him, in the main points, to

|. 572 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE 12

Powell was also concerned for the future of white settlement in the lands of the arid West. As early as 1873, in his annual report on the Surveys of the Plateau Province, Powell stressed the extreme

aridity of the region and the necessity for some sort of rational land-classification system.® Then in 1878, as part of his campaign for the consolidation of the various government surveys and landoffice projects under one responsible civilian authority, Powell published his most famous work, the Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions of the United States.‘ It was the first modern treatise on political reform as it related to the Far West. In it he pointed up a reality that was fast being obscured by the boomers and boosters of the West, namely that much of the West was unsuitable for settlement and farming along the patterns devised in the comparatively

humid East. Two fifths of the United States was, in fact, arid.

What was needed was a scientific and environmental approach to the West and its resources. First the country must be mapped, and the lands classified as mineral lands, coal lands, pasturage lands, timber lands, and irrigable lands. Then Powell proposed two new land laws which would organize irrigation districts and pasturage districts. As stated, the bills involved a sweeping change of the existing land laws. No longer would the traditional Land Office grid pattern with its 160-acre farms be mechanically laid down across the West. Instead settlement would be in irrigation districts similar to the Mormon colonies Powell had observed in Utah. The unit

of each irrigated farm would be, not 160 acres, but 80, and all water rights would inhere in the land. Groups of farmers would be encouraged to come together to form irrigation cooperatives, there-

by sharing the enormous expense of the required dams, flumes, and ditches. They would be governed democratically and, if pos-

sible, locally, in the public interest. ,

Grazing, he further proposed, should be organized in units of 2,500 acres, 20 acres of which might be irrigated farmland to be the same conclusions as Marx.” (Quoted in Resek: Lewis Henry Morgan, . 161.

6 Powell: Report of Explorations in 1873 of the Colorado River of the West

and Its Tributaries, Under the Direction of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1874), p. 14. , 7. Powell: Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions of the United States, second edition (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1879).

The material that follows represents an analysis of this document.

|

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 573 used for growing winter hay and various necessities. Again all

: water rights would inhere in the land, and the cattlemen were encouraged to cooperate in forming grazing districts of adjoining

and unfenced land. |

These proposals, the capstone of Powell's years of work as a Western explorer, were designed to prevent a number of evils which

he had observed in the West. Principal among these was the monopoly of water rights, which according to traditional settlement patterns and Anglo-Saxon law was perfectly possible under present conditions in the West. At first, individuals settled on the streams

and water holes and dammed up the flow for their own use. Then, because of the expense involved, water companies were formed, and using loopholes in the Timber Culture Act of 1873 and the Desert Land Act of 1877, they were able to get monopolies

on much of the available water in the West. They could waste it, use it for hydraulic mining, sell it to the highest bidder, or use it to force the settlers out of a given region. With irrigation districts, and water rights inhering in the land, in Powell’s view, this was not likely to happen. In addition he attacked the Public Land Office Surveys for employing the contract system of surveying, in which an individual was employed as a surveyor and paid according to the amount of territory surveyed. This led, he asserted, to inefficiency and, even worse, to further corruption and dishonesty.® Surveyors could survey people off their lands, redistrict territory in such a way as to cut

off water, and alter claims to favor the highest bidder. The

corrupt surveyor in the employ of a land ring was a prominent |

figure in the West. And, though Powell barely alluded to it, surveyorships, with their rich rewards, were among the most prominent forms of political patronage in the West. If an honest and responsible federal authority could be established to carry on this work, it followed that important reforms would be effected. Powell’s arid-lands report was one of the most important books ever to come out of the West. It focused on basic regional problems and, what was more unusual, provided creative answers. Although it was commonly held to be original in pointing up the problems of the arid region, however, it was hardly so, nor was it the all-encom-

passing bible that many made it out to be. As this study has indicated, as far back as Lieutenant Emory’s march to the Pacific with Kearny in 1846, men had speculated on the new settlement 8. Ibid. See especially Chapter II.

|

074 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE patterns needed for the West. Lieutenant Wheeler had pointed up the problem of irrigation and water control, as had General William B. Hazen in his pamphlet debate with Custer in 1873. Even Cyrus Thomas, often blamed for the “rain-follows-the-plow” theory, devoted many pages of his reports for the Hayden Survey to a consid-

eration of land classification, irrigation, and water-rights control. He even carried the question into an area Powell largely ignored, timber conservation.2 The Major himself observed that mining camps, with their rudely established common law and common water rights, provided a model of what he had in mind. And, as one writer has recently pointed out, the Texas Republic from the beginning based its laws on the Spanish colonial approach to the arid lands, and provided for homestead units of 4,470 acres. In 1880 the remaining public domain was divided into agriculture, grazing, and forest lands.? It is thus not:so much because of the

| originality of the ideas that the arid-lands report is important, but rather because of its broad comprehension of the problems involved, the precision .and clarity with which they were outlined and defined,

and the fundamental sense of organization and rationality which Powell brought to the problems and to their possible solutions. As stated in Powell’s report with brilliant lucidity, the program of irrigation districts, grazing districts, dams, reservoirs, and mountain catch basins, provided a clear blueprint for the next hundred years, and one whose details, even with the vast programs of the Reclamation Service, and the New Deal, have not yet been fully real-

ized. |

Despite its importance, and its fundamental rationality, however, Powell’s report was not well received by Westerners. It was at the time, and has been since, a program which appealed primarily to

Easterners, though there were many exceptions in that day and later. Essentially, it ran counter to what Professor Henry Nash Smith has outlined as the myth of the yeoman farmer.? To many small Western farmers it seemed to close much of the public domain to opportunity, particularly if one had to wait for government __ Jand classification before taking possession of one’s fee-simple prop-

9. See Chapter 14, p. 509. , , , 1. Powell: Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions of the United States,

Chapter IT. , : , |

2. Wallace Stegner, ed.: Powell Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions of

the United States (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; 1962), p. 33 n. See also Walter P. Webb: The Great Plains, pp. 426—7. 3. Smith: Virgin Land, passim.

John Wesley Powell: The Explorer as Reformer 575 erties. To others it seemed to favor the large cattlemen, giving them more land, water titles, and allowing them to coalesce in powerful

grazing groups that kept settlers out of their particular valley.‘ Then, too, some asked to what extent reorganization would be involved? Would someone in Washington decide to move them off their land, like destitute Indian tribes, because the area was not “irrigable” and “suitable only for grazing”?> And how was a man to start as a small rancher and work up to 2,500 acres if he didn’t

, begin with a few cows and a farm? | | |

There were some, seduced by the temporary wet cycles of the seventies, and others who were successful dry farmers, who disputed the Major’s data and asserted that experience was more important than Washington science.* Many of the middle class felt, and with a measure of truth, that Powell had overemphasized the

agricultural aspects of Western life, and that in so doing he had | discouraged all settlement. It must be admitted that Powell, with | his farm background, had largely overlooked the mining and mer_ cantile and timber frontiers, and had stressed the theory of division _ of labor in one context but ignored it in another. He had not seen the possibility that the West could trade its minerals for foods raised in other sections. In a measure, this was due to his implicit assump- _

tion of environmental determinism and his failure to grasp the , implications of the technological revolution of his day. Still, what he had to say regarding fundamental agricultural problems was largely valid, the more so when applied to the Great Plains and the Dust Bowl west of the 1ooth meridian. His feel for the land, and people like himself who had worked the land, was matchless and noble in spirit. And his prescience and virtue were made to seem more so in his

own day because of the attacks directed against him by spokesmen | of land rings, water monopolists, cattle combines, speculators, railroad promoters, mining tycoons, phony irrigation societies, frightened local politicians, and the fatuous forerunners of the chamber of commerce booster. Eventually his program went down in defeat, but only to reemerge in what Powell would surely have thought of as a more enlightened era, though one not completely divested 4. See the speeches by Congressmen Martin Maginnis (Montana), Thomas

M. Patterson (Colorado), D. C. Haskell (Kansas), of Feb. 18, 1879, in Cong. Record, 45th Cong., 3rd sess. (1879), Vol. VIII, Pt. 2, pp. 1202—11.

. Ibid. 6 Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 310-14.

0/6 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE of darkness.* He would not have been satisfied even with this, however, for Powell implicitly envisioned the perfect society, scientif-

oe ically and rationally organized, with man working in harmony with his environment. He was no limited reformer, nor even a pragmatist, for he had long-range goals toward which his passion for order

, propelled him. In a cynical age he stood out in the great American tradition. Like the Puritans who came to the New World to organize

their model society, the City on the Hill, Powell went into the dreaded canyons of the Colorado and among the spires and dry landscapes of the Plateau Province and emerged with his own vision

of the perfect society. The age was different but the aim and the

impulse were the same. |

| _ But his adventures, achievements, and lofty ideals as of 1878 are only part of the story. In the 1870’s and 1880’s Powell played a

| role in government that was no less revolutionary or controversial. | No account of his career, or for that matter of the total impact of oe exploration on American life in the nineteenth century, is complete without some attention to the bloody battlegrounds of institutional Washington where Powell became a leader with far more respon-

| sibilities than ever faced him at Vicksburg or Shiloh or Atlanta. 7. Powell’s ideas reemerged, for example, in the Newlands Reclamation Act of 1902, the Taylor Grazing Act of 1934, and the Tennessee Valley

Authority of 1933. ,

CHAPTER XVI

Epilogue

Beyond the Explorer's Frontier

BY the end of the 1870’s exploration in the West had moved past its age of discovery. Powell’s two canyon voyages and Thompson’s plateau reconnaissances had revealed the last unknown regions in the United States, and during the course of Powell’s survey they had been mapped and described so completely as to become part of the familiar geography of the Western region. Institutional individualism, however, had replaced the solitary explorer, and in a duplication of the entrepreneurship of the world around them, the leaders of the four great postwar surveys built their exploring teams

into elaborate organizations. Engaged in serious public service , which produced important contributions to science as well as to Western settlement, the survey leaders, Powell, King, Hayden, and Wheeler, by their very earnestness and dedication were plunged into a long and bitter rivalry which, as the acrimonious debates unfolded, somewhat obscured their achievements. It was comparatively easy in the heat of debate to overlook, for example, Hayden’s brilliant insights into paleontology, easy to discount Wheeler’s extensive mapping operations as “superficial and military-oriented,” a

simple matter to dismiss King’s great monographs as slight work done by an “overrated” catastrophist, and it was even disconcertingly easy to see Powell, not as the great geologist that he was, but as a mere organizer—a bureaucrat bent on becoming a “captain”

of science and government. Nevertheless, the rise of institutional rivalries, the Congressional clashes, the bitter letters and behindthe-scenes maneuvering that accompanied the rise of the explorers’ O77

978 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE empires is likewise an important part of their story, and a vital chapter in the history of science in America that must be considered

by all students of the relation of organized knowledge to culture.

9|

The conflict among the great surveys had its official beginnings in the summer of 1873 when the parties of Wheeler and Hayden met in the Twin Lakes region of southern Colorado and commenced

: in all belligerence to map each other’s territory.1 Actually, however, tremors of friction could be detected as far back as 1869 when Powell's amateur voyage down the Colorado disrupted army plans to accomplish the same feat.? And Powell later claimed that, when | Wheeler’s men entered southern Utah in 1871, they were duplicat-

ing his own labors.? Likewise, continuous bad relations existed between the army explorers in Montana and the Dakotas and the men of the Hayden Survey, stemming primarily from the basic conflict between the War Department and the Interior Department over general Indian policy. As early as 1871 Captains Barlow and Heap saw to it that the army interests in Yellowstone Park were represented, though they were outwardly cooperative with Hayden, and in 1872 the men of the Hayden Survey found it difficult to get proper supplies from the commandant at Fort Ellis.* In 1874, however, the Congressional debate over the Twin Lakes dispute brought all the rivalries and animosities into public focus.®

Often mistakenly attributed to the machinations of Powell, the 1874 controversy was primarily a clash between the Army and the Interior Department, initiated by the military in an effort to maintain its preeminence in the field of Western exploration before it was too late. Hayden was, somewhat dubiously, cast as the repre- .

1. See Chapter 13, p. 478. | |

2. See Chapter 11, p. 397. | ,

3. Powell to the Secretary of the Interior, April 24, 1874, in Wheeler: Notes Relating to Surveys in the Western Territory of the United States, Yale Collection of Western Americana. Also 43rd Cong., 1st sess., House Report 612

(1874), p. 47. |

4. William A. Logan to Hayden, Bozeman, Montana Territory, July 1, 1872, Letters Received, Hayden Survey, R.G. 57, National Archives. 5. This was reflected in the Townsend Committee of the House of Representatives investigation of the public lands in May of 1874. See 43rd Cong., ist sess., House Report 612 (1874), hereafter cited as Townsend Report. 6. See William Dwight Whitney to Josiah Dwight Whitney, Northampton,

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 379 sentative of civilian science. Through his wide correspondence,

and with the energetic assistance of James Terry Gardner, he managed to secure the support of the major scientific institutions of the country.’ In creating a scientific Armageddon in 1874, Gard-

ner and Hayden thus managed to crystallize for the first time a self-awareness among the nation’s professional scientists of their status and power in official Washington. The National Academy of Sciences and the Washington Philosophical Society, along with the major universities, such as Yale, Harvard, and Columbia, became

linked in a self-conscious alliance which, joined with the Smithsonian Institution, made them an important factor on the national political scene.

Powell managed to use the 1874 episode as a platform for his ideas, which because they were so creative, and in such contrast to the absurd bickerings of Wheeler and Hayden, made him seem in retrospect quite the most important of the combatants. Like King, however, he maintained a certain aloofness from the basic struggle. A representative of the Smithsonian Institution rather than the War or Interior Departments, he was not forced to bear the standard of any political branch of the government. Instead, he appeared as an outside observer—a solid friend of professional science who criticized the shoddy in both camps, and interjected whatever positive and constructive suggestions that were made. His comments were

consistently unfair to the military in the matter of mapping, in that he insisted that Wheeler’s maps were done by meander meth-

ods and were superficial, when in fact Wheeler was actually far ahead of Powell in mapping techniques and employed better and more experienced topographical assistants.* Nevertheless, as a result of his comments both rival surveys improved their work after 1874.° Likewise, in bringing the matter of land classification before Mass., May 12, 1874, and James T. Gardner to Josiah Dwight Whitney, Washington, March 5, 1874, May 13, 1874, Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection. 7. Ibid. See also F. V. Hayden to Josiah Dwight Whitney. Washington, May 3, 1874; Gardner to Josiah Dwight Whitney, Washington, May 7, 1874; Hayden to Josiah Dwight Whitney, Washington, May 8, 1874; Hayden to Josiah

Dwight Whitney, Washington, May 12, 1874; May 13, 1874; Gardner to Josiah Dwight Whitney, Washington, May 13, 1874; May 14, 1874; May 23, 1874; June 5, 1874, Whitney Papers, Yale Historical Manuscripts Collection.

8. Townsend Report, pp. 47-54. ,

9. In 1874 Hayden had already begun his survey of Colorado with Gardner as his topographer. Thereafter his improved maps began to appear. For the

|

980 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE the public, Powell appeared as the innovator, when both Wheeler and Hayden had all along asserted the value and necessity for such work. Yet it was Powell who brought their ideas and his to public focus, thereby changing the orientation of survey work. After the resolution of the 1874 dispute, which left all the surveys in the field, including Powell’s, stronger than ever, the conflict continued to smolder. Marsh’s exposure of the Red Cloud

| Indian frauds had involved military cooperation, and he was personally thanked by General Custer, never the favorite of the civilian

agents. The departure of Secretary of Interior Columbus Delano was a temporary victory for the military, and the alliance between the War Department and professional science seemed established,

especially after Marsh agreed to add his monograph on Odontornithes to the publications of the King Survey. Meanwhile, wasteful duplication and overlap in the surveys continued. Publications

| and sun pictures came off the Government Printing Office presses | in ever-increasing volume, and Powell opened up a number of new

areas of scientific interest. With the accession to office of President Rutherford B. Hayes, however, the climate changed. Reform and retrenchment again preoccupied Washington officials. Carl Schurz became Secretary of

the Interior, and appropriations grew more difficult to manage through a reluctant Congress. The Grant era and all it stood for

was at last ended. | | | |

In January of 1877, Powell was fighting for the life of his survey. On January 25 of that year he thanked John Strong Newberry

of Columbia University for writing to Congressmen Abraham Hewitt and James Garfield on his behalf.

I fear that it will be a tight squeeze for us this year but hope to get through all right. While I know the Appropriation Com1877, 1878. In 1875 he established an elaborate astronomical station at Ogden, Utah, and three other, less elaborate stations at Las Vegas and Cimarron, New Mexico; Sidney Barracks and North Platte, Nebraska; and Julesburg, Colorado. The results of field operations were related to base lines at these main stations by means of triangulation, and then longitude positions

were checked by the newest, or Western Union Telegraph, method. The use of the telegraph by Wheeler as early as 1874 put him clearly in advance of Powell with regard to geodetic accuracy. See Wheeler: Annual Report

1875, pp. 7-14. oo :

1. Custer to Marsh, N.Y., Oct. 4, 1871, Marsh Letterbooks, Peabody Museum,

Yale University. Also see the many letters Marsh received from merchants and soldiers during the Red Cloud fight, in Marsh Papers, Yale Historical

Manuscripts Collection. a

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer's Frontier 581 mittee and especially the Chairman will attempt to cut off Western work, I think that the greater body of Congressmen are in favor of my work. Especially is this true with a few of the most influential men, such as Mr. Seelye, Mr. Garfield, Mr. Randall, and Mr. Hewitt.? | |

And, indeed, Newberry had gone far not only to promote Powell's cause, but to destroy his rival, Hayden. In duplicate letters to Gar-

field and Abraham Hewitt, he praised Powell and his assistants as “men of first rate ability . . . inspired by true scientific enthusiasm.” Hayden, he declared, “has come to be so much of a fraud that he has lost the sympathy and respect of the scientific men of the country.” And he added: “It may well be questioned whether he and his enterprises should be generously assisted as they have been.” Among the charges leveled at Hayden by Newberry, his one-time friend and protégé, were that he had become “simply the political manager of his expeditions”; he “had in some way accumulated a handsome property” in Washington; he distributed photographs and reports with an eye to political effect; he hired relatives of Congressmen for similar political effect; his survey had deteriorated because his best men had either died or deserted him; and his publications were irrelevant ones “prepared by experts from materials obtained through his collectors.” The latter of course referred to the work of E. D. Cope, always a black sheep

| in the family of official science.* Newberry’s letter, which purported to represent disinterested scientific opinion, was clearly devastating, and it had to be, because Powell and like-minded scientists feared that Congress was about to authorize a consolidation of the Western surveys under Hayden.

Such a consolidation did not occur, but in the summer of 1877 Schurz ordered a clear division of labor between his two Interior Department surveys. At Powell’s suggestion, possibly a desperate remedy to stave off disaster, Hayden was given the choice of working either in geology or in ethnology, two fields where he had scored

signal success.‘ Hayden took geology, testily replying: “I would therefore respectfully suggest that Major Powell be desired to de2. Powell to John Strong Newberry, Jan. 25, 1877, L.S., Powell Survey, R.G.

57, National Archives.

3. Newberry to James Garfield, Jan. 20, 1877; Newberry to Abraham Hewitt, Jan. 20, 1877, copies in L.S., Powell Survey, R.G. 57, National Archives.

, 4. Carl Schurz to Hayden, Washington, D.C., Aug. 2, 1877, L.R., Hayden Survey, R.G. 77, National Archives.

082 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE vote himself exclusively to Ethnographic work and its cognate branches after the present year. . . .” In accordance with the agreement, Powell began taking his best men, including Dutton and Gilbert, off geological work in 1877, though he insisted on their right to bring their present labors to completion and publication under his aegis. But instead of turning to ethnology, Powell turned his attention to irrigation and the problems of settlement in the arid lands. It was at this time that he and Gilbert began work on the Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions.

Land reform and settlement had long been his basic interest any- | way, and a widely distributed public report—a dramatic program / or plan of action—would serve as a means of circumventing his | inferior institutional position at the same time that it would bring an

_ important question to national attention. |

The climax to this behind-the-scenes struggle came in the spring

of 1878. At the behest of the House Appropriations Committee, Powell, Hayden, and Wheeler submitted reports on all their sur-— veying activity in the West to date. Of these, Powell’s was clearly the most able. He reported in detail on the work of his survey, and then with the precision that always characterized his work he carefully defined the areas of duplication and overlap that existed between his rival surveys. Then, turning to a comparison of their respective maps, Powell, with scrupulous fairness, defined the achievements of each survey, even emphasizing the fact that both Wheeler and Hayden were now producing contour maps, albeit on a different scale from his own.°®

By contrast, Hayden’s report was an argumentative and intemperate plea for the status quo, and coming in the wake of Newberry’s letter to Congressman Hewitt, who was a member of the Committee, served to demonstrate Powell’s privately stated opinion of him.’

Out of this Appropriations Committee came the key proposal. Congressman Hewitt, perhaps on his own, but probably with some prompting by King, suggested that the National Academy of Sci5. Hayden to Schurz, Washington, D.C., Nov. 15, 1877, L.S., Hayden Survey,

R.G. 77, National Archives. , 6. For the Powell and Hayden Reports, see 45th Cong., 2nd sess., H.R. Exec.

Docs. 80 and 81 (1878). Darrah, in Powell of the Colorado, pp. 242-3, declares that Powell appeared in person before the House Committee and delivered a strong condemnation of his rivals’ work. I could find no evidence of this. 7. Ibid., especially Doc. 81.

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 583 ences be authorized to review the whole subject of the unification of

the surveys and submit a report incorporating its specific recommendations to Congress.* This was an important proposal because when accepted by Congress it virtually meant the doom of both the Wheeler and the Hayden surveys. In May of 1878 Joseph Henry, the president of the National Academy, had died, and O. C. Marsh,

the vice president, had hurried home from Europe to take over. Since 1874, when Hayden had tried virtually to blackmail him into

endorsing his stand against Wheeler, Marsh had disliked him.° Moreover, KE. D. Cope, Hayden’s paleontologist, was Marsh’s hated

rival. Both Hayden and Cope, though members of the Academy, stood outside the select circle of acceptable American scientific leadership, and they knew it. By the same token, since 1874 official

science had frowned on red-tape army leadership, and though it lent its support to King’s army survey, it did so because he was not under the direct jurisdiction of field engineers. The makeup of the Academy’s committee was revealing.' Marsh presided. Then there were James Dwight Dana of Yale, William B. Rogers, John Strong Newberry, W. P. Trowbridge, Simon Newcomb of the Naval Observatory, and Alexander Agassiz of Harvard. Only Trowbridge had attended West Point. The rest were all opposed to army surveys and strongly in favor of civilian-dominated science. Moreover, Marsh, Newberry, Newcomb, Dana, and Agassiz were personal friends of Clarence King, who by this time was allied with Powell. Agassiz, in fact, was a silent business partner with King in 8. See Henry Nash Smith: “Clarence King, John Wesley Powell, and the Establishment of the United States Geological Survey,” MVHR, Vol. XXXIV,

No. 1 (1947), p. 43. See also Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, p. 233. Stegner points out that Hewitt took credit for suggesting that the Academy's help be sought in the consolidation question, whereas S. F. Emmons credited King with the idea. It seems most likely to me that the idea originated with King, who was on very good terms with the members of the Academy, particularly Marsh. King, in turn, must certainly have made his

proposal to his friend and business partner Hewitt, who based his claim

for credit on his role in Congress. There is no evidence to suggest that Powell originated the proposal. For the King-Hewitt business relationship, see footnote 4, p. 584. Emmons, who was also a business partner, was in the best possible position to know of King’s relationship with Hewitt. 9. See F. V. Hayden to O. C. Marsh, Washington, D.C., April 20, 1874, and O. C. Marsh to Hayden, draft in reply, no date, Marsh Letterbooks, Peabody

Museum, Yale University.

1. See O. C. Marsh: “Letter from the Acting President of the National Academy of Sciences Transmitting a Report on the Surveys of the Territories,” 45th Cong., 3rd sess., H.R. Misc. Doc. 5 (1878), p. 5.

| 584 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE the ND Ranch, a vast spread near Cheyenne, Wyoming, entered under the name of N. R. Davis, King’s former field assistant.2 Another ranching partner of King’s was none other than Abraham Hewitt, who had officially proposed the committee in the first place.®

In 1879, during the consolidation fight, together with Gardner and Edward Cooper, the mayor of New York City, King and Hewitt formed the Lakota Company Ltd., capitalized at $100,000. In all, Hewitt was associated with King in three large ranching ventures

during this period.‘ | |

A confusing but tangible alliance began to emerge. On one level

was official science led by Marsh, Dana, Whitney, Agassiz, and other friends of Clarence King and John Wesley Powell. All were unalterably opposed to army-dominated science and “upstart” science of the kind represented by Hayden and Cope. On another level

were the business friends of Clarence King, who, after they read Powell's Report on the Lands of the Arid Regions, which he delivered

to them as soon as it was printed, must have been delighted at his proposals for 2,600-acre grazing-lands classification. With his system, the one-horse outfits and the sodbusters would be classified right off the range, along with the troublesome local Land Office rings. Sensible and sound Eastern big business of the kind Hewitt represented would be encouraged. Finally, too, there were the scientists, officials, and Congressmen who, at intimate parties at Henry Adams’s house on H Street, or in meetings of the Philosophical Club, or at other Washington receptions, came to know and admire both King and Powell.® There is only indirect evidence that King and Powell met before 1878, or that they were seen much together. However, Marsh at Yale, and

Hewitt and Garfield in Washington, provided a clear link in the alliance. Army officials, always sensitive to Washington currents, — grasped the situation immediately and virtually retired from the

3. Ibid., p. 223. : 2. Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 217-20, 223.

. 4. Ibid. King actually had interests in four ranching ventures: the ND

Ranch in partnership with Davis, Emmons, Gardner (and after 1878, Alexander Agassiz); the Dead Man Ranch, a large spread in western Nebraska entered under the name of E. B. Bronson, King’s secretary; the Lakota Co. Ltd.; and the Rocky Mountain Cattle Company, formed in 1880 in partnership with Hewitt and Henry Cabot Lodge. See Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 217-29.

5. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 238.

6. David H. Dickason: “Henry Adams and Clarence King,” New England Quarterly, Vol. XVII (March—Dec. 1944), p. 239.

|

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 585 field. General Humphreys, in what Newcomb referred to as “harikari,” resigned from the National Academy, though his resignation was not accepted.’ As the survey fight developed, he swung in behind Marsh, King, and Powell. The eventual outcome of the Academy’s deliberations should not have been surprising to anyone, though Hayden, Cope, and most of the Western politicians continued to fight. In November of 1878 Powell forwarded a formal report to the National Academy of Sciences which attacked the Public Land Office and by implication the Hayden and Wheeler surveys. The main burden of his report, however, called for a bold new reorganizing of the Western public-lands policy as well as a consolidation of the various Western surveys - under one civilian authority. The Academy incorporated Powell’s program virtually intact in its report to the Secretary of the Interior

in November 1878, and later, after the fight was won, rewarded King with the directorship of the newly formed United States Geological Survey—a post which, contrary to most historical opinion, and King’s own public statements, he eagerly sought.® But though the forces were marshaled, the struggle over Powell’s

program was not as easily won as logic suggested it should have been. Powell’s program (and the Academy’s) was controversial. It divided the Western surveys into two categories: (1) “Surveys of mensuration,” and (2) “Surveys of geology and economic resources

of the soil.” Then it made four major recommendations: (1) All land-mensuration systems should be combined under one federal agency, the United States Coast and Interior Survey. (2) The present Western surveys should be combined under a single United States Geological Survey. (3) Both the Coast and Interior Survey and the Geological Survey should be placed under the authority of the Interior Department. (4) A commission of agents should be established, “who shall take into consideration the codification of the present laws relating to the survey of the public domain, and who shall report to Congress within one year a standard of classi7. Simon Newcomb: Reminiscences of an Astronomer (Boston: Houghton

Mifflin Co.; 1903), pp. 256-7; A. Hunter Dupree: Science in the Federal Government, p. 208; Schuchert and Le Vene: Othniel C. Marsh, p. 254.

8. Powell: Report to the Secretary of the Interior On the Methods of Surveying

the Public Domain, at the Request of the National Academy of Sciences (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1878). 9g. See footnote 1, p. 583. See also Clarence King to O. C. Marsh, Jan. 2, 1878, Jan. 15, 1878, Marsh Letterbooks, Peabody Museum, Yale University; Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 251.

586 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE

land-parceling survey.”! : |

fication and valuation of the public land, together with a system of

The first provision removed all authority from the Public Lands

Office and placed the local surveys in federal hands, while the fourth provision made certain that the demise of the Land Office would be complete. This raised a much greater opposition than the proposals relating to the geological surveys, because it struck at the heart of local control of affairs, whether honest or corrupt. Rallying to the side of Hayden, who had always been a booster of local territorial progress, every Western Congressman and Senator, with the exception of two, opposed the Academy’s recommendation and its proposal as set forth in the form of a bill written by Powell him-

self. : a | : Hewitt, realizing that the bill was doomed to failure in the Public

Lands Committee dominated by Western men, saw to it that the

measure was reported into the House by the friendly Appropriations Committee of which he was a member and Atkins of Missouri the chairman.” By the time it reached the floor for debate on February

10, 1879, Powell’s bill, thanks to the work of Marsh, had the unqualified endorsement of such public figures as President Hayes, Secretary of Interior Schurz, General William T. Sherman, and Superintendent Patterson of the Coast Survey.’ It was ably defended

- on a bipartisan basis by Peter Wigginton of California, James A. Garfield of Ohio, and in a particularly eloquent speech of February 11, 1879, by Hewitt himself.+

Still, despite this powerful backing, the bill ran into determined opposition from the Western bloc in Congress. Much of their op-

position stemmed from the “myth of the yeoman farmer,” or a belief that Powell’s program was designed to exclude settlers from the West. Other Western politicians probably, though not certainly, had nefarious interests such as land rings and water companies to protect. But basically their arguments took two forms. They saw the potential land-reform program as described in Powell’s Arid Lands Report as one which favored the big cattlemen, who could afford to utilize 2,600 acres, over the small cattleman who was just getting started. No one quarreled with Powell’s 1. See footnote 1, p. 583. 2. Smith: “Clarence King, John Wesley Powell, and the Establishment of the United States Geological Survey,” p. 47; Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, p. 237. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. Hewitt’s speech can be found in Congressional Record, 45th Cong.,

, 3rd sess., Feb. 11, 1879, pp. 1203-7. Garfield’s remarks are on pp. 1209-10.

|

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 587 contention that water rights should inhere in the land. They con-

, centrated rather on the problem of size. “It is claimed,” declared Representative Martin Maginnis of Montana, “that we must divide up this land into larger parcels in order that stockmen and graziers

may occupy it. I think that is one great cause for this agitation. I think the great stockmen of Colorado and California would like to have the pre-emption and homestead system broken up, which limits farms to one hundred and sixty acres each so that they may obtain vast tracts of three, four, and five thousand acres and cover our territories with small editions of the Spanish land grants of California... .”° Other Western men were opposed to federal interference in local affairs—at least on this occasion. Patterson of Colorado addressed

himself to Hewitt: “If it is necessary to codify all the laws of the land system and suggest new methods, why is there any greater necessity for calling in a crowd of strangers to do this work than for seeking the aid of outsiders upon a thousand and one other matters of legislation that constantly arise here?”® Haskell of

Kansas went even further. Probably inspired by Hayden and |

Cope, he spoke of the “scientific lobbyists” in Washington, comparing them to the big city machines of his day. “It is very natural,” he declared, “that any particular class of men who have been

educated to scientific pursuits and have been engaged on governmental work until they have become gray-headed should be very anxious to perpetuate their reign. And that is where the _ scheme originated.” Generally dismissed by historians as ignorant, venal men who were tools of unnamed but certainly questionable interests, these Western spokesmen nevertheless expressed a point of view which

represented a distinct if not profound dislocation in American society. They spoke for the frontier and its climate of expectant capitalism—a Jacksonian phase through which the Eastern half of the country had already passed decades before. And they demanded the freedom of economic opportunity which older sec| tions had enjoyed previously, without fully realizing that increased capacities for industrial and capital organization, of the kind that Hewitt with his New York financial connections and his huge Wyoming ranches knew so well, had already made this difficult, if not impossible. In addition, and with some justification, they

6. Ibid., p. 1203. , 5. Congressional Record, 45th Cong., 3rd sess., Vol. VIII, pt. 2, p. 1202.

7. Ibid., p. 1211.

588 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE placed no confidence in elite reformers of the kind represented by Marsh, Powell, and Hewitt. To place their trust in an outside scientific elite appeared to remove whatever local control the Western men had over their own destinies, leaving no assurance that the rapacious and power-grasping groups that were so much feared would not themselves come to dominate official Washington. It was a dialogue as old as democracy and as fundamental as the frontier. Armed with these arguments, the Westerners, mostly Republicans, resisted Powell’s measure, until Page of California broke the deadlock by proposing a compromise that retained the United States Geological Survey but left the land system as it was.8 The compromise measure passed by a close vote in the House—g8 to 79—but in the Senate, where the West was stronger, the whole bill failed.® Hewitt, however, managed to secure its transfer to a conference or joint committee of the House and Senate of which he was a member. Then, in the closing days of the session, he saw to it that, in modified form, which included only the provisions for consolidation of the geological surveys and a commission to study the public lands, the bill was reported out of committee and attached to the Sundry Civil Expense Bill, where it passed by 148 to 107 in the House and 35 to 24 in the Senate.! It was thus only a partial victory for the forces of reform.

Historical opinion has differed as to who was primarily responsible for even this partial victory in achieving the final consolidation of the Western surveys.” It seems clear, however, that, 8. Smith: “Clarence King, John Wesley Powell and the Establishment of the United States Geological Survey,” p. 51.

1. Ibid., p. 52. ,

9g. Ibid.

2. Smith, in “Clarence King, John Wesley Powell and the Establishment of the United States Geological Survey,” credits Powell with being the prime mover in the consolidation struggle (see p. 57). Wallace Stegner, in Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, follows the Smith account very closely and stresses Powell’s role, to the exclusion of Hewitt and King. Darrah, in Powell of the Colorado, provides very little information on the consolidation but is in

general a supporter of Powell in this matter. A. Hunter Dupree, in Science ,

in the Federal Government, concurs, and generally follows Smith. Thurman Wilkins, in Clarence King, places King in the key role, as does David Dickason, in “Henry Adams and Clarence King, the Record of a Friendship,” and Henry Adams in The Education of Henry Adams. Samuel F. Emmons, in “Clarence King Geologist,” Clarence King Memoirs, who was closer to the event than

| anyone else, asserts that King was primarily responsible for the consolidation, especially in the crucial recommendation for referral to the National Academy

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 589 whatever the reason, King and Powell were both prime movers in the consolidation struggle. The plan was Powell’s, and he took the lead in advancing the cause in the press, in writing letters to influential Congressmen or causing such letters to be written by his scientific colleagues, and in providing a consistent flow of facts and sober reflections that gave direction to the much-needed reform. He was most effective in public appearances, particularly | before congressional committees. There he was at his best, calmly explaining the most difficult questions, and dramatizing with his maps and blackboard diagrams what might otherwise have been the dull subject of Western public-lands policy. King’s role must not be discounted, however. By virtue of the fact that he was the friend of Marsh and most of the other important powers in the scientific establishment, King was most important in winning their allegiance to Powell’s plan. Likewise, his connections in official Washington, and among the businessoriented Congressmen of the day, were much more extensive than Powell’s. He was thus able to use political, social, and financial ties in a way that would have been impossible for Powell. As Yale man, adventurer and clubman, littérateur, scientist, and exposer of the Diamond Hoax, he stood as the symbol of that peculiar alliance between very big business, the socially acceptable intellec-

tuals, and the advocates of limited reform who came to support | Powell’s plan. As such, he was a logical choice for director of the

United States Geological Survey. |

of Sciences. Abraham Hewitt, in his speech of Feb. 11, 1879, claimed credit for his own part in the plan; Simon Newcomb, in Reminiscences of an Astronomer, places King in the forefront. Richard Bartlett, in Great Surveys of the

: American West, feels that Hayden has been treated unfairly by all authorities on the consolidation struggle, particularly by Smith. I am persuaded by the Emmons account, the letters of Clarence King and Major Powell to O. C. Marsh in the Marsh Papers, and the material in Wilkins’s

Clarence King concerning King’s role as partner in the cattle business with Hewitt and Emmons, largely derived from the King Papers. These make clear that King had a role in the consolidation struggle fully as important as that of Powell, as I have indicated here. To conclude this, however, is not in any way to denigrate Powell’s leading role in the reform movement. It is rather to attempt to present a balanced picture of an event which has been somewhat distorted by the exigencies of a biographical approach to history. See footnote 8, p. 583.

990 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE 3 The battle thus shifted to a struggle over the appointment of

, a director for the Geological Survey. Hayden, with widespread Western political connections and massive popular support, seemed certain to gain the appointment, particularly since mail from his partisans flooded President Hayes’s office in the White House. But again the scientific alliance swung into play. As early as January 2, 1879, before the bill had finally passed, Clarence King wrote his friend Professor Marsh, asking for help in gaining the nomination.

I have received a round about and private notice that it is | time to put in my credentials. Harvard is going to write a sort of general letter which various professors will sign. Now

I am going to get you to confer with President Porter and Brush and get up a letter for me at the earliest possible moment which being a Yale letter will be my chief credential. It should, beside any generalities which might read well in my obituary notice, harp somewhat on my fifteen years continuous geological service, twelve being in charge of the goth Parallel Survey. In geology the main point to be insisted on _ is that I have a practical and intimate knowledge of economic geology. Also that I have enough executive faculty to man-

age the business. Lastly that my relations to the scientific men of the land are such that I can gain the cooperation ~ of good men. Privately I can tell you and my Yale friends that I shall have Pumpelly, the two Hagues, Emmons, Powell,

and Siebert... . -

Besides that, I want a letter of general recommendation for the place of Director ... to be signed by the members of the Committee of the National Academy who made the

| report.’ | |

Powell contributed mightily to King’s cause by writing a long and detailed letter to Garfield reducing all of Hayden’s accomplishments to ashes. Then he wrote to Atkins, calling upon him 3. See footnote 9, p. 585. 4. Powell to Garfield, draft n.d. [1878], Powell Survey, Letters Sent, R.G. 57, National Archives. See also Powell to Garfield, March 7, 1879, Office of Secretary of the Interior, Letters Received, Concerning the Geological Survey, R.G. 57, National Archives. |

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer's Frontier 591 to support King directly by approaching Schurz and Hayes, which he did, and Schurz swung in behind King.®

Virtually the entire scientific community came to King’s aid. Recommendations poured in from Yale, Columbia, Johns Hopkins, New York University, the American Museum of Natural History, and the State Museum at Albany, and from every member of the Academy Committee except Dana.® On the local scene, Simon Newcomb remembered, “the movers in the matter divided up the work, did what they could in the daytime, and met at night at Wormley’s Hotel to compare notes, ascertain the effect of every shot, and decide where the next one should be fired.”” They also met at Major Powell’s newly founded Cosmos Club, a scientific social organization which the Major had founded in 1878 to replace the old Philosophical Club. The ultimate stroke that secured King’s appointment, however, was a personal visit from Marsh, Brewer, and Newberry to President Hayes in which Brewer carefully explained King’s work in California and along the Fortieth Parallel, and Newberry gave his strongest support. As geologist of the State Survey of Ohio, Newberry carried great weight with the Ohio President.’ After a final consultation with Schurz, Hayes made his decision. King received the appointment, and at last

the battle was almost over. |

“Now that the battle is won,” Marsh wrote to Powell jubilantly, “we can go back to pure science again.”

For Powell, however, the survey struggle was the beginning rather than the end of a career. In the same session that passed the Survey Bill, another measure was passed establishing a National Bureau of Ethnology. It was the first such governmental institution established for the scientific study of man, and Powell throughout the remainder of his career served as its chief. He also served on the Irrigation Commission of 1879, as provided in Hewitt’s bill, but with less success. After a hard year in the field

making irrigation surveys, etc., the Commission was totally ignored by Congress when it presented its recommendations. The great battle had indeed resulted in only a partial victory.

- 52-3. :

5. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 351; Smith: “Clarence King and John Wesley Powell in the Establishment of the United States Geological Survey,” 6. Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 241. 7. Newcomb: Reminiscences of an Astronomer, p. 259. 8. Ibid.; Wilkins: Clarence King, p. 242. 9. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, p. 252.

092 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE 4 Though the United States Geological Survey continued to send

expeditions into the West, they no longer had as their objective to discover the unknown, but rather concentrated on an assessment of the nation’s resources. The formation of the Survey in 1879, therefore, marks the end of an era of American Western exploration—an era that began with Lewis and Clark’s epic march

to the Pacific at the opening of the nineteenth century and concluded with Powell and King’s institutional victory over the forces

of frontier individualism. Nevertheless, though a detailed examination of the history of the Geological Survey is beyond the scope of this book, a brief study of its activities down to the resignation of Major Powell as director in 1894 is necessary to indicate something of the impact and influence of the ideas of this last great generation of Western explorers. When Clarence King took office as first director of the Geologi-

cal Survey in March of 1880, he did so with some misgivings. There were two fundamental legal ambiguities in the definition of his duties as director, and one personal ambiguity not often noted even by his closest friends. The legal ambiguities, as he pointed

out in his first annual report, involved the scope of the Survey. Was he responsible for surveying and classifying the agricultural _lands of the West and certifying them for settlement in advance of the Land Office Survey? And did his duties and those of his staff extend to the entire national domain, or just the Western territories?! In approaching these questions, King chose to remain conservative. He ignored any land-classification function and he left the national-domain question in abeyance, though he did organize under Raphael Pumpelly an informal bureau with head-

quarters in Newport, Rhode Island, whose duty it was to look © into the mining industry of the Eastern United States.2 He also organized several regional survey districts in the Eastern part of the country that could be activated if Congress chose to inter1. King: First Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office; 1880), p. 6. For an astute comparison of the policies of King and Powell with respect to the Geological Survey, see Thomas G. Manning: “The Influence of Clarence King and John Wesley Powell on the Early History of the United States Geological Survey,” Interim Proceedings of the Geological Society of America, Report of April 1947, pt. 2. 2. Ibid., pp. 47-8, 57-60.

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 593 pret the national-domain clause freely. In addition, he observed that the interstate-commerce clause and the taxing powers, granted the national government under the Constitution, provided all the legal authority needed for an expansion of the Survey into the

older states.4 _ Fundamentally, however, King’s concept of the Geological Sur-

vey was limited. With a modest budget of $100,000, he had to confine his activities to the West, and within that sphere to specific projects. Unlike Powell, he believed that mining and technology,

rather than agriculture, were the keys to Western development. Always abreast of the latest European innovations, King was never

an environmentalist, but rather an advocate of the Industrial

Revolution and big business. Accordingly, he divided his Western

work into four districts and within each authorized a detailed study of mines and mining industries as the major task of the

division chief. Emmons was placed in charge of the Rocky Mountain District and there began his classic study of Leadville, Colo-

rado. Dutton continued to work in the Plateau Province, with W. H. Holmes as his assistant. G. K. Gilbert had the Great Basin as his province and continued his work on ancient Lake Bonneville. His work represented the closest anyone came to an irrigation survey under King’s leadership. And even then in that district Arnold Hague conducted a special intensive survey of the Eureka Mining District. The Far Western, or Coastal, District was placed under G. E. Becker, who devoted his major efforts to an examination of the Comstock Lode. And his assistant, a survey clerk named Elliot Lord, began writing his famous history of that region.°

In addition, King also employed his official staff of thirty-eight

men, and a host of local temporary assistants, in compiling a census or inventory of the mineral resources of the United States.

The statistical publications that resulted were of major importance to the eventual development of the mineral industries of the country.® If he had achieved nothing else, King had at least brought a semblance of overall order to what had been a haphazard, individually organized enterprise. Moreover, the monographs that came out of these first years, including Dutton’s Tertiary History of the Grand Canyon District, Emmons’s Lead3. Ibid., pp. 6, 8. 4. Ibid., p. 78.

5. Ibid., pp.pp. 6—8.52-6. , 6. Ibid., |

094 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE ville, Colorado, Lord’s Comstock Mining and Miners, Becker's Comstock Lode, Hague’s Geology of Eureka Mining District, Gilbert’s Lake Bonneville, and Marsh’s Dinocerata, all attest to the

| excellence of King’s leadership and the quality of his men. Nevertheless, King has suffered somewhat in comparison with Powell because he was a creature of his time, not a reformer. He considered himself as an auxiliary to the development of major private wealth-producing industries in the United States. Fundamentally he was a Whig who conceived of the government as a means of helping business, which, since it produced wealth and eyploited technology and innovation, helped the country. Given the circles King traveled in, this was an inevitable point of view,

but in many ways it led nowhere and lacked the challenge of Powell’s reforming mission.

Having set up the Survey to his satisfaction, King grew bored with routine. At heart he, too, wished to be a captain of industry, and so, during the crucial months in 1880 when he should have been in Washington fighting for increased appropriations for his survey, King was in Arizona and Mexico looking after his private

| mining interests. His Wyoming cattle empire, too, demanded | attention at this time, forcing King to resolve the personal conflict that plagued him as director.’ Under the terms of his appoint-

| ment he could have no pecuniary interest in the lands or minerals that came under his jurisdiction, and he could accept no fees for outside mining consultation.? The latter he relinquished with some reluctance, as it was a major source of income. The former he had not fully decided on by 1880. Finally, however, in that year he determined to resign the Directorship of the Survey. Shortly afterward, he sold out the cattle business to Hewitt, just in time to avoid the winter disasters of 1882; and he decided to set off in search of a fortune as a mining entrepreneur.® In short, he succumbed to the major tides of the nineteenth century. The rest of his story is pure tragedy: repeated mining failures, mental and physical illness, a clandestine marriage, and at last, undeserved obscurity and a pathetic death of tuberculosis in Arizona in 1901. His own university refused, despite efforts by Henry Adams and S. F. Emmons, to accede to his last pitiful request and

grant him an honorary degree at its bicentennial celebration in 7. Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 260-2. : 8. King: First Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey, p. 3. 9. Wilkins: Clarence King, pp. 228, 260, 267-82.

|

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 595 1901.1 It missed an excellent chance, for as Adams once said, King was “the best and brightest man of his generation.”? And from a man who was so much a part of his generation, what more could have been expected than that he be “the best and brightest” —one of the nineteenth century’s grandest but most tragic figures?

5 Powell, on the other hand, took office as Director of the Survey

with a vigor and enthusiasm that challenged his time. His main focus was, as usual, rooted in the land as an environment for living. Mining and technology interested him far less than agriculture and irrigation.? He was likewise not concerned by legal ambiguities or supposed limitations on his survey. Almost immediately he combined the Bureau of Ethnology with the Geological Survey, expanded the staff dramatically by adding part-time auxiliary workers, more than doubled the budget, and set out to construct a topographical map of the entire United States. He also set up a chemistry lab in Washington, and by special arrangement, with the help of his good friend Professor Marsh at Yale, who was appointed to his staff, he added the study of paleontology to the Survey duties.‘ | One objective, however, remained always before him, and that was reform of the land system. The topographical map series in quadrant sections, perhaps his most useful innovation, was one step toward this objective. When his survey came under fire by the Allison Commission appointed to look into expanding federal agencies in 1884, Powell refused to retreat, and instead took the offensive. Day after day, in testimony before the Commission, he unrolled his maps, brought out startling statistics about aridity and settlement, and challenged the Land Office Survey at every point. He concluded by calling for a National Department of Science governed by the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, a 1. King to S. F. Emmons, Pasadena, Calif., Aug. 29, 1901, Box 30, Emmons Papers, Library of Congress. 2. Adams: Education of Henry Adams, p. 416. 3. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 273-86. See Manning: “The Influence of Clarence King... .”

4. Ibid.

596 EXPLORATION AND EMPIRE proposal the Commission also backed, in modified form, without

success.° |

In 1888 his big chance came. The blizzards of 1886-87 had virtually destroyed the cattle industry and the droughts of the following summer had forced farmers into considering irrigation.

_ Irrigation congresses sprang up all over the United States, and the government was called upon to do something. Western legislators, led by William Stewart of Nevada, in temporary alliance with Powell, pushed through as part of the Sundry Civil Bill

authorization for an Irrigation Commission designed to locate water resources and classify irrigable basins. Powell as director of the Geological Survey was to be in charge of the Irrigation Sur-

vey, and much was expected of him.* As desperate Westerners saw it, he would rush teams of men into the field, and, as it were, scientifically prospect for water sites, which the local communities would then develop. In anticipation of his success, a watercompany boom ensued, and thirty-three companies were chartered in New Mexico alone.? | / The Stewart forces, and those associated with them, including

an irrigation group headed by Francis M. Newlands, were not entirely looking for the public plunder that many have subsequently supposed, however.’ Mixed in with private ambitions were

schemes to turn over water companies to public communities or states, along the lines that Powell advocated all along, though in most cases the communities were too impoverished to float large irrigation schemes and capitalistic enterprise was the only possible way. Curiously, water companies and cattlemen’s associations in which large numbers of stockholders were represented, though they were private capital ventures, were actually organized and 5. Powell: On the Organization of Scientific Work of the General Government (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office; 1885). This volume is largely made up of Powell’s extended testimony before the Allison Commission in the winter of 1884-85. See p. 27 for Powell’s plan for a Na-

tional Department of Science. ,

6. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 299-314. Also see E. W. Sterling: “The Powell Irrigation Survey, 1888-1893,” MVHR, Vol. XXVII (1940), pp. 421-34. Sterling pointed out that “Stewart's constituents were at the time seek-

ing to guard against the encroachments of large California cattle interests, particularly the Lux and Miller outfits, who were grabbing all the water

holes.” (See p. 421.) , 7. Sterling: “The Powell Irrigation Survey, 1888-1893,” p. 427. ,

8. See William Lilley: “The Early Career of Francis Newlands,” unpublished

doctoral dissertation, Yale University. , oe

|

Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 597 carried out many of Powell’s plans. The Major, however, never recognized them as doing so. From the beginning, the Irrigation Survey got off to a bad start.

| Powell chose not to proceed in haste to survey the most obvious sites, but instead began a general topographical survey of the whole region and its interrelated watersheds.® It was the work of

a decade at least, and duplicated much of what King had done years before, especially in the Great Basin. To Western communi-

ties impatient for relief, and on the verge of disaster, his pace seemed agonizingly slow and his project too large. His depreciation of artesian-well schemes, and his forthright declaration to irrigation congresses that most of the land was too arid to be settled in any case, seemed to be an attempt to classify settlers out of farming entirely—which in retrospect might have been a good idea.

What made the situation most acute, however, was that the Authorization Act for the Irrigation Survey included a clause that suspended all settlement in the West pending proper classification by Powell.1 The Major himself did not realize the extent

- of his powers until, in 1889, the Land Office began questioning it, and upon a ruling by President Harrison was forced to invalidate all claims after 1888.2 By accident Powell had gained complete control over settlement in the West.

But with this immense power, the Major suddenly became a target for all the combined Western interests, led by Stewart of Nevada, who felt he had been duped by the Washington bureaucrats. Strengthened by the addition of twelve new Western Senators from six newly admitted states, Stewart and his constituents were able to stop Powell cold in 1890 by reducing the Irrigation Survey budget to $165,000, which made it impossible to continue the work.’ After 1890 they continued to hammer away at Powell and the Geological Survey. Using Marsh’s paleontological works as the butt of their attacks, the Western bloc in congress cut $90,000 9. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 306~7. 1. Ibid., pp. 305-6. 2. Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, p. 320. 3. Ibid., pp. 328-45. Also see Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 336—49. Another contributory factor in the demise of the Irrigation Survey was E. D. Cope’s attack on O. C. Marsh in the New York Herald on Jan. 12, 1890. This highlighted the role of paleontology in the Survey and made it an easy target for “practical-minded” Congressmen and Senators. See Stegner: Beyond the Hundredth Meridian, pp. 324—8; Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 336—45.

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| Epilogue: Beyond the Explorer’s Frontier 599 off the budget in 1891, and in 1892 slashed it so drastically that many of Powell’s employees had to work on for nothing, or “con amore” as he called it.t Thus by 1893 Powell, who had risen to the heights of power and ambition, found himself suddenly laid low.

He could no longer serve the cause of reform. On May 4, 1894, | he dictated his formal letter of resignation as Director of the Geological Survey, though he continued to supervise the Bureau of Ethnology until his death in 1902.° It was truly the end of an

: era, the end of the last generation of great explorers, men who had gazed upon the unknown in the West and then, as they had for decades, put their impressions and their knowledge to work for the country. Somehow it was appropriate that Powell, the last of these great Western men, should retire in 1894, because a new age had

come into being, symbolized by the Columbian Exhibition in Chicago in 1893. Though Powell’s ideas had portent for the future, he was nevertheless a figure of the romantic past. Even as Powell was pondering his resignation, a young historian

from Wisconsin arose at the meeting of the American Historical Association in Chicago in 1893, and calling attention to the fact that the Census Bureau Report of 1890 had declared the continu-

ous frontier to be officially ended, brilliantly and poetically ushered the frontier era, of which Powell had been so much a part,

into the realm of history. “Stand at the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains,” Frederick Jackson Turner bade his audience, “and watch the procession of civilization pass by.” And if anyone had looked closely, he would have seen each successive wave of civiliza-

tion led by the explorers—Lewis and Clark, Zebulon Pike, John

Colter, Peter Skene Ogden, William Ashley, Jedediah Smith, Benjamin Bonneville, Frémont, the scouts and wagon masters, the Topographical Engineers, the railroad surveyors, state geologists, cavalry officers, obscure prospectors, missionaries, surveyors, and geologists from Ferdinand V. Hayden to Powell himself.

In 1800 the United States was an underdeveloped land with a wilderness spread out before it, its destiny as part of the Union

still uncertain. It was the explorers, as much as anyone, who 4. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 347-8. See also United States Geological Survey: 15th Annual Report, p. 7. 5. Darrah: Powell of the Colorado, pp. 347-8. 6. Frederick Jackson Turner: “The Significance of the Frontier in American History,” The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry Holt and Co.; 1920).

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