Evangelicals at a Crossroads: Revivalism and Social Reform in Boston, 1860-1910 1584659289, 9781584659280

Benjamin L. Hartley brings to light the little-known story of relative latecomers to Boston s religious scene: Methodist

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Table of contents :
Cover Page
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Revisiting New England: the New Regionalism
Contents
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Chapter Five
Chapter Six
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Index
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Evangelicals at a Crossroads: Revivalism and Social Reform in Boston, 1860-1910
 1584659289, 9781584659280

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BENJAMIN L. HARTLEY

Evangelicals at a Crossroads REVIVALISM & SOCIAL REFORM IN BOSTON, 1860–1910 UNIVERSITY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE PRESS Durham, New Hampshire Published by UNIVERSITY PRESS OF NEW ENGLAND Hanover and London

UNIVERSITY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE PRESS published by University Press of New England www.upne.com © 2011 University of New Hampshire All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America For permission to reproduce any of the material in this book, contact Permissions, University Press of New England, One Court Street, Suite 250, Lebanon NH 03766; or visit www.upne.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hartley, Benjamin L. (Benjamin Loren) Evangelicals at a crossroads : revivalism and social reform in Boston, 1860–1910 / Benjamin L. Hartley. – 1st ed. p. cm. — (Revisiting New England : the new regiona-lism) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-58465-928-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-58465-929-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) e-Book ISBN 978-1-58465-941-9 1. Evangelicalism—Massachusetts—Boston—History—19th century. 2. Evangelicalism—Social aspects—Massachusetts— Boston—History—19th century. 3. Church and social problems— Massachusetts—Boston—History—19th century. 4. Revivals— Massachusetts—Boston—History—19th century. 5. Boston (Mass.)—Church history—19th century. 6. Boston (Mass.)—Social conditions—19th century. I. Title. BV3775.B7H37 2010 277.44’61081—dc22 2010031299 Recipient of the Jesse Lee Prize awarded by the General Commission on Archives and History of the United Methodist Church.

For Dale Suderman

REVISITING NEW ENGLAND: THE NEW REGIONALISM

Series Editors Siobhan Senier, University of New Hampshire Darren Ranco, Dartmouth College Adam Sweeting, Boston University David H. Watters, University of New Hampshire This series presents fresh discussions of the distinctiveness of New England culture. The editors seek manuscripts examining the history of New England regionalism; the way its culture came to represent American national culture; the interaction between that “official” New England culture and the people who lived in the region; and local, subregional, or even biographical subjects as microcosms that explicitly open up and consider larger issues. The series welcomes new theoretical and historical perspectives and is designed to cross disciplinary boundaries and appeal to a wide audience. For a complete list of books available in this series, please visit www.upne.com Benjamin L. Hartley, Evangelicals at a Crossroads: Revivalism and Social Reform in Boston, 1860–1910 Ronald J. Zboray and Mary Saracino Zboray, Voices without Votes: Women and Politics in Antebellum New England James W. Baker, Thanksgiving: The Biography of an American Holiday Monica Chiu, editor, Asian Americans in New England: Culture and Community Aífe Murray, Maid as Muse: How Servants Changed Emily Dickinson's Life and Language Scott Molloy, Irish Titan, Irish Toilers: Joseph Banigan and Nineteenth-Century New England Labor Joseph A. Conforti, editor, Creating Portland: History and Place in Northern New England Deborah Pickman Clifford and Nicholas R. Clifford, “The Troubled Roar of the Waters”: Vermont in Flood and Recovery, 1927–1931 JerriAnne Boggis, Eve Allegra Raimon, and Barbara A. White, editors, Harriet Wilson's New England: Race, Writing, and Region Kimberly A. Jarvis, Franconia Notch and the Women Who Saved It Christopher Johnson, This Grand and Magnificent Place: The Wilderness Heritage of the White Mountains William Brown and Joanne Pope Melish, editors, The Life of William J. Brown of Providence, R.I. Denis R. Caron, A Century in Captivity: The Life and Trials of Prince Mortimer, a Connecticut Slave David L. Richards, Poland Spring: A Tale of the Gilded Age, 1860–1900 Paul M. Searls, Two Vermonts: Geography and Identity, 1865–1910

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments Introduction CHAPTER ONE

D. L. Moody Arrives in a Changing Boston “There Is a Magnetism in His Voice” CHAPTER TWO

The Early Years of Evangelical Institution Building, 1858–1883 “Good! You've Got the Fire in You” CHAPTER THREE

Evangelicals and Boston Politics “The Next Protestant Move Will Be No Boys’ Play” CHAPTER FOUR

The Salvation Army and Other Evangelical Organizations Led by Women, 1884–1892 “Aggressive Christianity” CHAPTER FIVE

Evangelical Consensus and Division “All of This Confusion and Hurt” CHAPTER SIX

The North End and the South End in the 1890s “Let Us Re-take the North End for Methodism” Conclusion

“The Most Marvelous Revival of All of Her History” Notes Bibliography Index

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Crossroads—both literal and figurative—can be creative places where one feels gratitude for one's companions along the way, or they can be places of considerable loneliness and confusion. The writing of this book has thankfully been characterized far more by the former than the latter. The people I mention here must know that my gratitude is far deeper than their placement on mere lists can convey. This project began when archivist Stephen Pentek at the Boston University School of Theology Library suggested I track down some material he thought might be stored at the New England Deaconess Association in Concord, Massachusetts. His hunch proved correct, and I realized afresh the invaluable contributions archivists and librarians make to the historian's craft. The staff at archives, libraries, local churches, and social service agencies I have visited in the course of my research have been very patient in providing me with opportunities to explore their archival treasures. First to be thanked are those organizations, like the New England Deaconess Association, which are not set up for the purposes of entertaining researchers but are nevertheless very hospitable in doing so. The Reverend Sara Irwin at the Emmanuel Episcopal Church, Lt. Colonel Fred Van Brunt and Bill Ticehurst at the Salvation Army's Massachusetts Divisional Headquarters, the Home for Little Wanderers, and the Boston Rescue Mission were all generous in allowing me to look through the historical materials they possessed. Scott Bedio and Susan Mitchem at the Salvation Army Archives and Research Center in Alexandria, Virginia, made my visit to the Washington, dc, area a productive one and were kind enough to forward additional materials to me by mail upon my request. Jason Wood at the Simmons College archives was also helpful in retrieving materials from that institution's rich holdings on nineteenth-century social welfare institutions. Librarians and archivists at Boston University School of Theology and then at Palmer Theological Seminary were invaluable in helping me to track down some particularly obscure items. The staff at the following institutions must also be thanked, even if I did not always get to know them by name since my time in their library was relatively brief and the helpful persons I encountered were too numerous to mention: The American Antiquarian Society (Worcester, Mass.), Andover- Harvard Library at Harvard Divinity School, the Archives at the New England Conservatory of Music, the Archives at the Billy Graham Center (Wheaton, Ill.), Boston Public Library, Congregational Library and Archives, Crowell Library at Moody Bible Institute (Chicago), Mary Baker Eddy Library, Massachusetts Historical Society, Emerson College Library, Goddard Library at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, Healey Library at University of Massachusetts at Boston, Humanities Library at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, O'Neill Library at Boston College, Snell Library at Northeastern University, Trask Library at Andover-Newton Theological Seminary, and the United Methodist Archives Center at Drew University (Madison, NJ).

Teachers, colleagues, and friends at Boston University helped to guide this project along in its earliest stages. My doctoral adviser, Professor Dana Robert, remembered my enthusiasm in discovering the Deaconess archives and wisely suggested that I continue to explore the world of Boston's late-nineteenth-century Methodists and other evangelicals. I continue to grow in my appreciation for her vocation as scholar, teacher, and colleague. Professor David Hempton, now at Harvard University, introduced me to the rich historiography of nineteenth-century European urban religion and helped me to see the potential for similar studies of North American cities. My friend Glen Messer was a great support in Boston as we encouraged one another in our dissertation research. His encouragement in the latter stages of writing and his passion for excellence in teaching are things I have gained from him as well. Other friends during my time in Boston like Eric Baldwin, Billy Francis, Julian Gotobed, Mi-Soon Im, Yeonseung Lee, Bilal Ozaslan, Gary VanderPol, and Roman Williams were helpful in providing encouragement in the early stages of this project. Shortly after my move from Boston to Philadelphia I was fortunate to have received not one but two awards for the manuscript in its dissertation phase of existence. In 2007 the manuscript received the Outstanding Dissertation Award from the Wesleyan Theological Society and the Jesse Lee Prize, given once every four years by the General Commission on Archives and History of the United Methodist Church. The financial subsidy provided through the prize has helped many books on Methodist history to be published over the years. I have benefited a great deal from works by senior scholars who were previous recipients of the Jesse Lee Prize and am humbled to have my book follow in their footsteps—at least in this one way. I am thankful as well to the faculty, administration, and staff at Palmer Theological Seminary and the wider Eastern University community for the support they have so generously offered to me as a faculty member. I am especially grateful for the friendship and encouragement I have received from Donald Brash, Elizabeth Congdon-Martin, Colleen DiRaddo, Melody Mazuk, Francesca Nuzzolese, Peter Schreck, and Al Tizon during these past few years at Palmer. I currently co-teach Methodist history with Rev. Joseph DiPaolo, whose knowledge of Philadelphia Methodism has helped me appreciate Boston's history in new ways. I am thankful as well for the many students in my classes on Methodism, mission, and world Christianity who inspire me by their enthusiasm for the holiness and Pentecostal movements— past and present. When this project began, my children, Luke and Tess, loved to hear me tell them stories. Their tastes in literature have now developed beyond the quickly created tales I once told them while driving in the car, but they still inspire me to become a better storyteller as I watch them listen to novels read to them by the fireplace. Stories from our past deserve to be listened to with equally rapt attention. My wife Laura's love and encouragement throughout this project has been a most graceful gift—in the fullest meaning of those terms. The excellent maps and graphs she created for this book have improved it considerably. I dedicate this book to Dale Suderman, who first taught me the value of an “anthropologist's eye” for understanding the urban crossroads. His enthusiasm and genuine fascination with the topic of this book and his straighttalking criticisms of my ideas have made this project fun as

well as meaningful. He is a therapist by vocation, and his deep respect for his clients’ stories has been an important model for me as I have sought to honor stories of the past and present in all their complexities. Dale suffered a tragic stroke two years ago, and even though his ability to communicate has lessened, he will always be teaching me about the depths of friendship.

INTRODUCTION

In recent years, prominent American evangelicals such as Jim Wallis and Rick Warren have described themselves as “nineteenth-century evangelicals” and have expressed their desire to take contemporary evangelicals “back to the nineteenth century,” when revivalist fervor and valiant efforts at social reform were both emphasized.1 Indeed, many nineteenth-century evangelicals did have this dual focus. Outreach efforts among sailors, immigrants, and the desperately poor were begun at the same time that evangelicals also devoted enormous amounts of energy to citywide revivals. Evangelical revivalism and social reform were the movement's most public expressions of their corporate identity. But this double commitment was no more easily attained than it is now. A complex array of historical events, people, religious ideas, and shrewd political decisions shaped evangelicals’ involvement in revival and social reform in growing nineteenth-century cities. Simply put, evangelical involvement in revivalism and social reform was a messy affair that involved politics and piety and showcased evangelicals’ contradictions as much as their consistency. The Methodist, Baptist, and (especially) Salvation Army evangelicals discussed in this book—whom I sometimes call “upstart evangelicals”—were newcomers to nineteenth-century Boston, and they, in turn, sought to come to grips with even more recently arrived immigrants from Europe. The upstart evangelicals, though a diverse lot, could be generally categorized as persons of lower socioeconomic status with relatively little formal education compared with more established Protestants in Boston. Evangelical rural migrants, in particular, seemed especially adept at finding a creative marginal space for themselves in Boston. The concept of “marginality” has been utilized by other scholars to describe residents of lodging houses in late-nineteenth-century Boston who created a new subculture that “differed in important ways from those formed by earlier groups of Americans or immigrants, or by native- and foreignborn tenants at the higher and lower reaches of the social scale.” This concept of a marginal middle class describes both how upstart evangelicals were often perceived by other Protestants as well as how they understood themselves in the era immediately preceding and following the Civil War.2 Upstart evangelical initiatives in the city were sometimes remarkably brash and frequently caught more established Protestants off guard. These revivalistic upstarts often led in efforts for labor reform, public school reform, temperance, and tenement housing reform as these movements swept through the city and prompted dramatic political rearrangements and new alliances during the fifty years under consideration. Although never controlling city politics in Boston in ways that the Irish and Boston Brahmins did in the late nineteenth century, evangelicals nonetheless influenced the outcome of many mayoral elections—at times in precisely the opposite way than the way they had intended. As insightfully noted by Margaret Bendroth, upstart evangelicals could also be identified by the relatively marginal position of their church buildings. Much of the prime real estate had

already been taken before Baptists and Methodists arrived in any significant numbers.3 A similar phenomenon of a new sort of “upstart evangelical” is occurring among American evangelicals today as an older generation of leaders gives way to younger evangelicals— many of whom are recent immigrants or the children of immigrant parents. The storefronts that house these churches are often in neighborhoods with the lowest rents, and their churches frequently lease space from declining congregations, which may themselves have been characterized as “upstarts” a century earlier.4 Experts predict that by the year 2050 the population of the United States will grow by an additional 100 million persons, almost entirely the result of immigration streams from Latin America, Asia, and Africa. The vast majority of these immigrants will have some kind of affiliation with the Christian faith.5 Dramatic changes in urban neighborhoods in latenineteenth-century-Boston because of immigration from southern and south-eastern Europe were as apparent to residents then as the effects of growing numbers of immigrants from Latin America and elsewhere are in today's city—perhaps even more so.6 This book will not try to point out all the similarities and differences between today's Boston and that of the nineteenth century; readers are left to draw their own conclusions in this regard. Nevertheless, I insist that this story of Boston evangelicals, in all its particularity, does indeed shed light on contemporary debates in American religious life. Generalizations are difficult to make about contemporary American evangelicals just as they were in the late nineteenth century. The study of any broad-based religious movement requires careful attention to local circumstances as well as global influences— not least of which being migration trends. A famous Boston congressman has remarked that “all politics is local.”7 Contemporary studies of the varieties of pentecostalism around the world, and this study of evangelicals in the late nineteenth century, demonstrate that the same must be said for religion. Evangelicals at a Crossroads illustrates the complex web of relationships and ideas connecting nineteenth-century evangelicals as they went about their business of revivalism and social reform in the streets, tenements, and tabernacles of the city from approximately 1860 to 1910. I strive to keep in focus the influences of the changing city itself in all its socioeconomic and political complexity as well as to take seriously both the religious revivalism of evangelicals and their attempts at social reform in a city increasingly filled with poor immigrants and rural migrants from the American countryside. I utilize the metaphor of “crossroads” in this book to draw attention to the interconnecting “roads” that evangelicals traveled in their public activities of revivalism and social reform in this period.8 (The terms social reform and social welfare are used interchangeably in this book.) Visitors to Boston in the nineteenth century, no less than those today, were likely easily dismayed by the confusing nature of Boston's streets. Boston crossroads are anything but neat and tidy, but they do get the city's people where they want to go and are even loved by current and former residents (such as myself) who note that they “add character” to the city. I argue that, like Boston's streets, evangelicals were far from a logical, uniform bunch as they journeyed through their lives on a variety of “roads” converging and diverging from one another along the way. Their endless particularities as women and men, rural migrants, recent

immigrants, scholars, preachers, students, and workers comprise the “thick description” of their lives conveyed in this book.9 The argument is made that, despite these particularities and the ways that their paths converged and diverged at different points, there was a general direction—a common destination if you will—toward which these upstart evangelicals were moving. Their destination can be understood as their desire for sanctification in themselves as well as their city to more perfectly reflect God's will as they understood it. The way this religious vision played out in the Boston context, as well as the ways it was altered and, in some cases, secularized is an important part of the story. The metaphor of “crossroads” is also used in a somewhat narrower sense to explain how and why the fragile evangelical consensus concerning revivalism and social reform that was held together for much of the period under consideration began to fragment in the 1890s. People who had previously walked side by side began to go in markedly different directions owing to a whole assortment of ideas and strategies surrounding their revivalism and social reform efforts. The book draws attention to these “crossroads of decision” and explains how the very persons who had a considerable measure of consensus as evangelicals in the 1870s could, by the early decades of the twentieth century, be sometimes best described by their antagonism toward one another and be labeled liberal Protestants, fundamentalists, or pentecostals. Before moving on to our analysis of Boston evangelicals and their crossroads, there are two important questions to be considered. First, why look at Boston when trying to understand American evangelicals during this time in history? Second, who were the evangelicals discussed in this book and why do they matter? The answers to these two questions situate the book in its historiographical context and further clarify its key contributions. WHY BOSTON?

Boston residents today smile about their city's title as the “hub of the universe”—a modification of a phrase coined by Oliver Wendell Holmes in 1858, incidentally also the year of a dramatic revival taking place throughout the city.10 When Holmes referred to Boston's primacy as an intellectual center in mid-nineteenth-century America, few would have questioned his assertion. This intellectual vigor included a large religious component. The thick network of Protestant theological seminaries such as Harvard (Unitarian), Andover (Congregationalist), Newton (Baptist), Episcopal Theological School, and Boston University School of Theology (Methodist Episcopal) all within a convenient commute from downtown Boston underscored the position of Boston as the intellectual center of American Protestantism. Boston remained an abiding influence in later decades; two standard-bearers of mid-twentiethcentury Protestantism, Carl F. H. Henry (a prominent evangelical theologian) and Martin Luther King, Jr., both received their doctoral degrees from Boston University, in 1949 and 1955 respectively. Of course, the historical importance of the New England region for American religion can be pushed back to the earliest years of European settlement on the continent. Many parents are reminded of this fact each November as elementary schoolchildren across the nation are

introduced to the importance of New England religion in American history as they don paper Pilgrim hats in memory of early Puritans. Boston and the wider New England region have been the subject of extensive scholarship on seventeenth-century Puritanism and the revivals of the First and Second Great Awakenings. Research by historians of subsequent periods presents a richly textured portrait of the region. Scholars such as Thomas H. O'Connor have told the story of Boston Catholics, and Margaret Bendroth has, more recently, provided a similarly richly textured portrayal of the rise of American fundamentalism in the city.11 Although less concerned with religious themes, urban historians Sam Bass Warner, Oscar Handlin, and Stephen Thernstrom also focused on Boston, thus providing an excellent foundation for historians of urban religion.12 Histories of American urban religion, however, have barely scratched the surface when compared with the historiography of urban religion in the British Isles and the European continent.13 For example, the American Journal of Urban History has published only a handful of articles on urban religion in its thirty-year history, and most of these have been book review essays.14 As a local history of Boston's upstart evangelicals, this book addresses the lack of attention to religious themes in American urban history scholarship. Boston's upper-class residents—or Boston Brahmins—were national leaders in the establishment of urban social welfare institutions, but evangelical contributions in this regard were also significant.15 Without an impressive lineage of churches or social welfare institutions to give them social status, Boston's upstart evangelicals established new institutions for poor relief that were simultaneously true to their revivalistic motivations as well as to their Boston context.16 These new evangelical social welfare institutions differed substantially from those belonging to an older tradition of social welfare and reform dominated by Boston Congregationalists, Episcopalians, and Unitarians. The process of building the new institutions drew evangelicals together across denominations, but over time the consensus broke apart. The evangelical contribution to social welfare in the late nineteenth century has often been overlooked in histories of American social work. This book seeks to address that deficiency.17 Nineteenth-century Boston was simultaneously one of the oldest cities in America and one of the newest when one considers the tremendous numbers of rural migrants from farming communities and new immigrants from Europe who increasingly called the city home. The rural migration to the cities was impressive. In 1860, 80.2 percent of Americans were rural residents; by 1910 only 54.4 percent of Americans could be so categorized.18 In Boston, most rural migrants came from surrounding New England states, but migrants from the Midwest also made their mark. The contributions of these rural migrants to the city have rarely been given due attention by historians. From a purely numerical standpoint, Boston received fewer immigrants from Europe than New York did at this time. In terms of religious differences, however, Boston felt the strains of immigrant movements more acutely than any other city. In 1890, the census revealed Boston to be the nation's most Catholic city at 41.3 percent of the total population—over 15 percentage points ahead of New York, its closest competitor. It is little wonder that anti-Catholic feelings among evangelicals were such a motivating force for

Protestants as they grappled with the “peril of Romanism.”19 The presence in Boston of so many recent immigrants from Britain and the Maritime Provinces of Canada further intensified anti-Catholic feelings as conflict between Irish Catholics and British Protestants in the old country was transported to Boston without the slightest diminishing of fervor on either side.20 In addition to analyzing the important role anti-Catholic organizing played for evangelicals, this study demonstrates that a few Protestant immigrants from Italy, Sweden, and elsewhere were important leaders in revivalism and social reform, not merely recipients of native-born efforts. WHO WERE THE EVANGELICALS?

The group referred to in this book as “evangelicals” was a broad, variegated movement—just as it is in American society today. Efforts to precisely define who was and who was not an evangelical inevitably fail if pushed too far, but some generalizations are possible. Evangelicals were devoted to revivalism and thus possessed a heightened concern for persons to have a personal experience of salvation through Jesus. A large contingent of evangelicals especially stressed the Bible's teachings on holiness and encouraged one another to seek the experience of “entire sanctification”—to be discussed below. The evangelicals described in this book were a group composed mostly of Methodists, Baptists, and Salvation Army adherents along with some members of the more firmly established Protestant denominations such as Congregationalists and Episcopalians. A portion of Episcopalians, for example, were recent arrivals to the city from the Maritime Provinces and were generally of a lower social class than many wealthy Boston Episcopalians.21 These mostly white, generally lower-middleclass evangelicals often settled into a Methodist orbit of camp meetings and prayer gatherings that were part of the transdenominational American holiness movement. Because of this book's focus on the Methodists and the holiness movement, the term “holiness evangelical” may be a more precise description of the group of evangelicals under consideration. I have chosen, however, to use the less cumbersome term “evangelical” for three reasons that go beyond its being an easy shorthand description. First, the late-nineteenthcentury history of the evangelical movement in America needs to be seen in light of the Methodist movement more than it has been in past scholarship. The Methodist Episcopal Church, after all, was by far the largest denomination in North America and evangelical in its emphasis on revivalism and personal experience of God. Yet too many historians of the nineteenth century seem to either ignore it or give it short shrift relative to its large size and influence.22 Second, and in the opposite way, historians of American Methodism would benefit from examining it in light of the wider evangelical movement in the nineteenth century. The holiness movement is too often seen as a dimension of Methodism's own denominational history. It was much more than this. Its impact was felt far beyond denominational boundaries. A third reason to focus attention on the Methodists and the wider holiness movement is related to the contemporary expansion of pentecostal movements around the world and in America's cities, including Boston. Most pentecostal groups began as departures from Methodist or other Wesleyan denominations. Careful attention to evangelicals’ involvement in

revivalism and social reform in a nineteenth-century city offers a much-needed historical perspective for the contemporary pentecostals and their growing interest in social welfare activity.23 By focusing on the Wesleyan holiness movement as a kind of “gravitational center” for the evangelical movement, I also counter a tendency in historical scholarship to interpret the latenineteenth-century evangelical movement through the lens of the fundamentalist-modernist controversy of the early twentieth century. Northeastern Methodists played a minor role in this controversy as they carved out a moderate position that was difficult for them to hold for very long. This will be demonstrated in subsequent chapters. Readers who are interested in better understanding the rise of Boston's fundamentalist community especially in flagship congregations such as Tremont Temple Baptist Church and Park Street Church are urged to consult Margaret Bendroth's fine study, Fundamentalists in the City.24 In contrast to Bendroth, my attention to social welfare and reform movements and citywide revivals has caused me to focus more attention on institutions (orphanages, settlement houses, and the like) established by evangelicals that were independent from local congregations. I also pay more attention to the ecumenical dynamics of citywide revivals than on what was happening within particular local churches. Evangelical motives for establishing social reform institutions and engaging in revivalism were in a constant state of flux and are thus best understood through dynamic metaphors. If one pictures a magnet with a positive and negative pole, evangelicals’ anti-Catholic feelings serve as the best negative marker of evangelical motives in Boston at this time. Evangelical piety nurtured in the American holiness movement with its attendant camp meeting revivals and Tuesday afternoon meetings in a small Beacon Hill church was the most powerful positive motive (enthusiastically positive) that inspired efforts among Boston's poor as well as personal holiness. These two motives of anti-Catholic loathing and holiness movement piety worked like a magnet (or rotor) in an electric motor that spins because of the constantly changing polarities of the magnet. The evangelical machine kept humming as long as the motivational forces at both poles of the magnet remained strong. When they weakened, the cohesiveness of the evangelical community in Boston began to break apart.25 There were many theological disputes among evangelicals in late-nineteenth-century Boston; one of the most important disputes concerned ideas about the end times and the return of Jesus to earth. Prior to the Civil War the dominant belief among American evangelicals was that Jesus would return after a millennium of increasing improvements in the church and the world and that it was the responsibility of Christians to contribute to this work. A strong belief in this postmillennial return of Jesus fueled the abolitionist fervor of many evangelicals prior to the Civil War. Commitment to postmillennialism continued after the Civil War, but beginning in the 1870s it began to be challenged by evangelicals who espoused a premillennial interpretation of Jesus’ return whereby the world was not going to get better at all but rather would be getting worse until Jesus returned. Such beliefs about the millennium were accompanied by a more pessimistic belief in human beings’ potential. Premillennialist belief was influential in prompting many evangelicals to pull back from involvement in social reform

at the very end of the nineteenth century to focus more exclusively on “saving souls.”26 A Salvation Army and Methodist leader criticized this outlook in one 1883 publication and referred to premillennialists as “gloomy pessimists” and followers of an “O wretched man that I am religion.”27 For many evangelicals, however, these ideas of premillennialism and postmillennialism remained in tension with one another, and many people simply never felt any compulsion to make up their minds. Many important evangelical leaders sought to steer a middle way through such controversies with varying degrees of success.28 In time, however, postmillennial optimism about human potential would transform into a vague and secularized belief in progress, but at least until the 1890s such postmillennial perspectives mostly maintained their religious moorings in the groups considered in this book. The holiness movement's influence— especially at the popular level— was important for the way that it continued to supply many evangelicals with the language of postmillennial expectation and stressed the importance of a wholehearted devotion to God as a prerequisite for their work to sanctify the city. The strategies evangelicals used to promote revivalism and social reform in the city are equally worthy of attention as theological ideas. It is clear that the methods utilized in D. L. Moody's Boston revival in 1877, for example, felt familiar to upstart evangelical groups (the Methodists and Baptists) but were more alien for the Episcopalians and Congregationalists. A few months after the 1877 Boston campaign, Methodist Episcopal Bishop Jesse Peck drew attention to the methodological distinctiveness of his denomination while also warning his colleagues against the temptations of allowing Methodism to become a more refined religion: The great danger is that we shall not be ourselves—that original, historic Methodism will not preserve its identity.…There is a distinction between Methodism and all other forms of Christianity. It believes in the Bible, in Christ, in the Holy Ghost, and a holy life, like all other evangelical Churches; but it is distinct in its methods. It is the method of inspiration in distinction from logic. Logic reasons and then believes. Methodism believes and reasons. Logic reasons and feels. Methodism feels and then reasons. Logic reasons and enjoys. Methodism gets happy and then reasons. Logic educates and waits for a call, and then preaches. Methodism preaches, being “moved by the Holy Ghost,” and studies, guided by logic. Logic “sings and prays with the understanding;” Methodism “with the spirit and understanding also.” Logic proves things and then uses them. Methodism strikes heavy blows, wins souls to Christ, and vindicates itself by what it has done. Logic is prophecy; Methodism is history.29 Peck's sermon would have resonated with other upstart evangelicals. Many Baptist and (in subsequent years) Salvation Army leaders would have affirmed a similar difference between the “logic” of the generally more affluent Unitarians, Congregationalists, and Episcopalians and their own less refined “method of inspiration.” The methods evangelicals utilized in social welfare efforts also differed from the ways employed by Boston Brahmins even while evangelicals strategically sought the counsel—and

money—of the more firmly established “proper” Bostonians. Simply stated, evangelical social welfare tended to more freely intermingle revivalism with social reform, while more affluent Protestants found revivalism rather unsophisticated. The Salvation Army, more than any other denomination in Boston, displayed the greatest innovation in its methods of revivalism and social reform, and those methods were consequently mimicked by other evangelical groups as they observed the Salvationists’ uncouth success. Proper Bostonians mostly just looked on with dismay. THE HOLINESS MOVEMENT

Before commencing an examination of upstart evangelicals in late-nineteenth-century Boston, it is important to understand the origins and establishment of the religious movement that most inspired them. Among religious movements blowing through Boston before and after the Civil War, the holiness movement is by far the most important for our understanding of evangelicals in the city and nation.30 In the early years of the twentieth century the holiness movement began to decline in its influence and was replaced by other movements that did not have the same cohesive power for as wide an array of evangelical adherents. Today, camp meeting sites in Hamilton, Massachusetts, and on Martha's Vineyard stand as sedate architectural reminders of a movement that once ran wild in New England. The impact of the holiness movement on New England religion has been generally overlooked compared with the influence of the muchpondered Transcendentalists and their forebears, who did so much to shape Protestant liberalism in America.31 Historians usually trace the origin of the holiness movement in the late nineteenth century to the evangelical revival of the prior century in England led by John Wesley and countless lay itinerant preachers—male and female— who sought to “spread Scriptural holiness over the land.” Wesley's doctrine of “entire sanctification” stressed that the goal of the Christian life was to attain an experience of “perfect love” whereby avoiding sin was no longer a struggle. Unlike Calvinists, Wesley believed such “Christian perfection” was possible and even to be expected in this life—although he personally never claimed to have attained it. Numerous hymns by Charles Wesley on this theme inspired Methodists and other evangelicals around the world. “Finish then Thy new creation; Pure and spotless let us be; Let us see Thy great salvation; Perfectly restored in Thee.”32 New England was the literary birthplace of a revived emphasis in America on the idea of entire sanctification. Timothy Merritt's The Christian's Manual, a Treatise on Christian Perfection, published in 1825, and his journal, the Guide to Christian Perfection, were instrumental in sparking renewed interest in this motivational engine of evangelical expansion. In 1839 Merritt proclaimed his journal the “first publication of its kind ever commenced.”33 The founding of a new journal focused on encouraging the promulgation of holiness revival was a foreshadowing of the holiness movement's later tendency to found new organizations and publications rather than work solely through denominational structures.34 Drawing on Merritt's work, Phoebe and Walter Palmer of New York City promoted entire sanctification ideas among Methodist leaders in the Northeast through their popular Tuesday

Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness begun in 1835 by Phoebe's sister, Sarah Lankford. The Palmers purchased Merritt's Guide to Holiness in 1865, and Phoebe Palmer quickly became the name most associated with the holiness movement. After the Palmers’ purchase of the Guide, its circulation skyrocketed from thirteen thousand to thirty thousand monthly subscribers.35 The Palmers’ leadership in ministry with the poor through the Five Points Mission and New England Methodist preachers’ leadership in abolitionism demonstrate the intimate link between revivalism and social reform in the years leading up to the Civil War. During the period of Reconstruction and beyond, these leaders sought to further the task of “spreading Scriptural holiness” by coordinating their revivalistic efforts in the National Camp Meeting Association established immediately following the Civil War. African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church preacher Frederick Douglass even used holiness terminology when he defined the problem of Reconstruction as the “great work of national regeneration and entire purification.”36 Leaders in other parts of the holiness movement thought similarly, viewing their involvement in social welfare activities as a natural extension of their earlier efforts in revivalism. A revival in individuals’ hearts and souls that remained important to evangelicals also became a revivalism to change the social and political realities around them.37 This doctrine of holiness or entire sanctification was a powerful force in the expansion of Methodism from just 2.5 percent of religious adherents in America in 1776 to 34.2 percent in 1850—nearly double the combined percentage of Americans who claimed Congregationalist, Presbyterian, or Unitarian identity. In the decades following the Civil War, the Methodist Episcopal Church remained the largest Protestant denomination in the country. But Methodism never posted such large numbers in the city of Boston—usually ranking third behind Baptists and Congregationalists. The dominance of Methodism elsewhere in the country, however, made the Boston Methodists act with greater boldness than their numbers alone would have justified, and they established revivalist and social reform efforts that often surpassed those of other denominations with more adherents in Boston. One of the reasons they could do this was because, unlike Baptists, the Methodists organized themselves in a regionally centralized manner and could usually manage to organize and coordinate the financing of new ministry initiatives, especially those efforts located outside the supervision of a single local congregation, in a somewhat easier way than less centralized ecclesial groups such as the Boston Baptists. Methodists in Boston were also emboldened by the presence of several of the holiness movement's most important intellectual and organizational leaders who claimed New England as their home. The Reverends Daniel Steele and William McDonald stand out as the two most important holiness movement leaders in New England at the time. Only four years apart in age, Daniel Steele and William McDonald were both sons of farmers, born in rural New York and rural Maine, respectively. Both Steele and McDonald shared an interest in writing, although Steele was the more prolific and scholarly while McDonald was more of an administrator and editor of holiness movement journals.38 William McDonald's magazine, the Advocate of Christian Holiness, was a fixture in the

homes of New England Methodist pastors and evangelical laypersons. It was the main publication of the American holiness movement. McDonald took up the editorial pen in 1871, and by June of 1874 the Advocate of Christian Holiness, a Boston publication, claimed that every Methodist preacher in eight annual conferences (a ministry area that would have covered much of the Northeast) read it.39 William McDonald was a famous evangelist and promoter of revivals across the country and internationally in England, India, and Rome, and he also served as pastor of Methodist Episcopal churches in the immediate Boston area from 1865 to 1869 and again from 1876 to 1884.40 The name Daniel Steele appears more frequently in this book than that of any other single person. Born in 1824, Daniel Steele was an influential pastor and teacher in the holiness movement throughout the nineteenth century. In 1871, before coming to Boston to serve as pastor of Tremont Street Methodist Episcopal Church in the South End, Steele served as president of Methodistaffiliated Syracuse University. From 1884 to 1893 he was a professor at Boston University School of Theology, often pastoring local churches along with his teaching responsibilities. He was a gifted teacher, but Steele was best known as a writer and an advocate for Methodist revivalism and social reform efforts in Boston. Steele's influence in these efforts was symbolic of the importance of holiness movement ideas in the Boston urban mission as a whole. During his lifetime he was sometimes compared to Timothy Merritt and John Fletcher (a close colleague of John Wesley) because of his heartfelt advocacy for the experience of entire sanctification. His best-selling book on holiness, Love Enthroned: Essays on Evangelical Perfection (published in 1875), was said to have some of the most beautiful prose about entire sanctification of any book in the late nineteenth century. Steele also possessed a lifelong interest in foreign and home missions, which he gained from his mother, who was the great-niece of the famous missionary to the American Indians David Brainerd.41

FIGURE I.1. The Reverend Daniel

Steele around 1900. Image from Zion's Herald, 15 August 1900, 1025.

The apex of Steele's personal influence as a theologian, teacher, and author in the mid1880s paralleled the height of the holiness movement's influence in late-nineteenth-century Methodism. His influence quickly diminished among the intellectual elite of his denomination after 1900 as the holiness movement itself declined in New England Methodism. A 1906 article on “changes in American Methodist theology” barely mentioned Steele's name, but his popular appeal remained strong for a number of years longer.42 That Love Enthroned was reprinted in 1908 and again in 1923 is a testimony to its influence among holiness movement adherents. This book begins with the story of the Dwight L. Moody evangelistic campaign, which serves as the first of two “bookend events” for the period under consideration. The first chapter provides an orientation to the people, politics, religion, land, and buildings of Boston in 1877—the year Dwight L. Moody came to town for a citywide revival. It was a city Moody knew well, but it had changed a great deal from the time he first came to the city in 1855. Demographic, geographical, and architectural portraits of the city illustrate these changes in different ways. The drama of the revival offers a glimpse of life in Boston at a particularly intense time in its history. The reader is also introduced to evangelical leaders A. J. Gordon, Frances Willard, and Eben Tourjée—persons who will be discussed in greater depth in subsequent chapters of the book.

FIGURE I.2. Map of Boston neighborhoods. Image from Albert Benedict Wolfe, The Lodging House Problem in Boston (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1913).

Whereas chapter 1 emphasizes the revivalistic manifestation of evangelical piety, chapter 2 focuses on the roots of their social reform efforts. It does this by backing up to a time approximately fifteen years prior to the Moody revival when several charismatic upstart evangelical leaders began new institutions for social reform in the neighborhoods of Beacon Hill, the North End, the South End, and Roxbury. The transdenominational reach of the holiness movement becomes obvious in this early period as well. The next three chapters are less chronologically oriented and instead illustrate the complex interplay of people, ideas, strategies, and politics at work in Boston. Chapter 3 focuses on the anti-Catholic and labor organizing of Boston evangelicals in 1888 and examines the Boston political context of the late nineteenth century as Irish and Boston Brahmins vied for control of city hall and the statehouse. Chapter 4 brings to center stage the story of women's leadership in evangelical organizations that spanned the globe as well as the Boston neighborhoods where they worked. The interrelationship of the temperance movement and the women's foreign missionary movement is especially noteworthy. The Salvation Army's invasion of Boston is given special attention as a church in Boston that was primarily—but not exclusively—led by women. Chapter 5 analyzes the conflict among evangelicals in the 1880s and 1890s as the

holiness movement experienced its time of greatest division. New intellectual developments in biblical scholarship, differing attitudes toward world religions, and differences in the priority placed on evangelistic efforts and social reform caused sharp—and sometimes highly nuanced —disagreements among evangelical leaders. The sixth chapter is primarily a case study of evangelical revivalism and social reform with a focus mostly on the North End during the 1890s. (The South End is also briefly discussed.) An examination of the North End at this time provides a vantage point from which to assess the changes in evangelical ministries previously discussed in chapter 2, which had been there in the 1870s. One of the most obvious changes in the North End was the neighborhood's transition from one of primarily Irish immigrants to one where Italian and Jewish immigrants predominated. The influence of rural migrant church leaders (from Iowa of all places) and the amazing leadership abilities of an Italian Methodist couple are part of the fascinating stories from the North End in the 1890s. The concluding chapter once again returns to the drama of citywide revivals, in this case two of them held in Boston in 1906 and 1909. Evangelical leaders welcomed Gipsy Smith and J. Wilbur Chapman in these years as church leaders sought to resurrect the spirit of Moody's 1877 revival. The early-twentieth-century revivals were successful to some extent, but Boston evangelicals now stood at a different place on the crossroads. They had changed along with their city—perhaps more than they realized.

CHAPTER ONE

D. L. Moody Arrives in a Changing Boston “There Is a Magnetism in His Voice” No single event better represents the evangelical crossroads in Boston in the late nineteenth century than the 1877 Moody revival. Like a magnifying glass focusing the sun's energy into one spot, the Moody campaign illustrates how a wide variety of evangelicals came together for a single event. In the pages that follow, more attention is given to the preparations for the Moody campaign than the dramatic campaign itself in order to portray the nuances of the evangelical crossroads. The Moody revival sought to save the city, but in order to do so a diverse array of people, ideas, and power arrangements had to be negotiated. When Dwight L. Moody arrived in Boston on the afternoon of Friday, January 26, 1877, he must have been beside himself with anticipation for the evangelistic campaign to come. The train he took from his hometown of Northfield, Massachusetts, had just retraced the journey he had taken twenty-two years earlier as a western Massachusetts farm boy looking for employment and adventure. It was in Boston, in a downtown shoe store, where Moody was converted from a rather indifferent Unitarianism to a heartfelt Christianity on May 16, 1855.1 A small plaque commemorating the site of Moody's conversion remains across the street from a municipal office building on Court Street—the only monument in Boston today outside a churchyard that specifically recognizes a late-nineteenth-century evangelical leader. After dropping off his bags and getting his family settled at the Back Bay residence of his prominent host at 30 Marlboro Street, Moody immediately walked the snowy streets of Boston alone to investigate the newly constructed tabernacle where he would preach for the next three months.2 Finding it locked, Moody started hurling snowballs with youthful exuberance at the building in order to attract the attention of someone inside. That would be the last time during the winter of 1877 that Moody would have to go the extra mile to attract attention in Boston.3 Boston was the final city of a two-year evangelistic tour for Moody. Religious leaders across the nation had proclaimed his previous revivals in Brooklyn, Philadelphia, New York City, and Chicago astounding successes. The city's newspapers headlined Moody's first address with anticipation of many great things to come—and many newspapers to be sold. The singing was not done when Mr. Moody rose to deliver his sermon. The congregation was ready for it. He began in short, crisp sentences with a somewhat rapid utterance. At first his manner is quiet, but as he goes on he indulges in expressive gestures. There is a magnetism in his voice that holds and his face and eyes foretell somewhat the nature of the thought that is shaping itself. He talks over Scripture history as though he is living right

among it. Joshua and Caleb are made to live today, the walls of Jericho stare us in the face, the sons of Anak look down upon us. Then we are brought back to the present day, back to ourselves and to our needs as spiritual beings. At one moment the preacher's voice is terrible with earnestness; then it grows playful with the quaintness of a comparison; and again it is full of rebuke or of entreaty. The sermon was a wonderful effort; not ornate, not always choice in its language, not showing any depth of thought, but taking hold of the mind and declaring “There is a God who was, who is, and who always must be feared, loved and obeyed.”4 Moody required that a new tabernacle be constructed specifically for the evangelistic services in each city that he visited. The tabernacle in Boston covered a full acre of ground and was only slightly smaller than those in other cities. The brick structure, with pine timbers and buttresses to support the massive roof, was built with an eye toward crowd control. The interior auditorium measured 140 by 204 feet with aisles gradually widening the closer they got to the doorways to facilitate exiting the building. It was said that the whole building could “be cleared of 6,000 people in five minutes”—an important consideration in 1870s urban America, which had seen fires devastate both Chicago and Boston.5 The hall was often reported to contain a standing-room-only crowd of 7,000. The Metropolitan Railroad Company that serviced Boston even put in a new switch for the tracks in front of the tabernacle and added many extra cars to aid in the efficient transportation of the throngs of people expected for the campaign.6 The tabernacle symbolized the “big tent” of ecumenical cooperation that was necessary to make Moody's revival a success in a city renowned for being a center of intellectual sophistication and a stronghold of Unitarian religious belief. Doubtless such a cooperative building campaign also served as a kind of “test run” for the city's religious leaders, so that any personality conflicts or competitive impulses among them could be worked out—or at least sub-dued—prior to Moody's revival. During the dedication services, speaker after speaker stressed the unity of the endeavor. For some, this unity was perhaps most acutely expressed as unity against a rapidly growing Roman Catholic presence in the city. “We are going to show what true Catholicity is. People may tell you there is one Catholic Church and all the rest of us are sects. Now we are not going to come here as sectarians at all. We are all coming here owning the name of Jesus.”7 Although the rhetoric of Christian unity was heartfelt, church leaders in Boston also knew well how each church and denomination stood in relation to one another. In terms of raw numbers, the Baptists had the most adherents in Boston with the Trinitarian Congregationalists, Methodists, and Episcopalians following in that order.8

FIGURE 1.1. Exterior view of Moody tabernacle (from Tremont Street). Image from Dwight Lyman Moody, “To All People,” in Comprising Sermons, Bible Readings, Temperance Addresses, and Prayer-Meeting Talks. Delivered in the Boston Tabernacle, by D. L. Moody. From the Boston Daily Globe Verbatim Reports, Carefully Revised and Corrected. With an Introduction by Rev. Joseph Cook (New York: E. B. Treat; Chicago: L. T. Palmer & Co., 1877.

The person placed in charge of the fund-raising effort for the $32,000 tabernacle was YMCA president and affluent Congregationalist businessman Russell Sturgis, Jr. A YMCA president in Chicago himself, Moody requested that the Boston YMCA put all its energies into preparing for the work of the revival and be the organization primarily responsible for raising the funds for the tabernacle's construction.9 The board meeting minutes for the Boston YMCA in the months prior to the revival plainly illustrate that the managers discussed very little besides the preparations for Moody and the fund-raising required for the tabernacle.10 Sturgis and his innovative fund-raising schemes leading up to the campaign were not always well received. Offering envelopes serving as “tickets” to the dedication service netted far less than anticipated. Some in attendance thought it wrong to charge money for admission to a worship service. Over five hundred of the nearly three thousand envelopes received were empty, and one even contained a counterfeit two-dollar bill.11 Thirteen months prior to the Moody campaign, Sturgis was directly attacked by Jesse Jones, the editor of the Christian labor magazine Equity. “The president of the YMCA of this State is a man whose income last year was reported to be $60,000, all gotten by serving Mammon; and which, being so gotten, he gave liberally to benevolent objects. And then, who are our publicly honored laymen? Are they not our Farnsworths and Farwells, men who are very high priests in the worship of the money-god? The cases we have cited are characteristic. What such men are, the whole Church approves. They are honored because they are rich.”12 Needless to say, Jesse Jones was not invited to be a part of the organizing committee for Moody's campaign.13

FIGURE 1.2. Interior view of Moody tabernacle. Image from L. L. Doggett, History of the Boston Young Men's Christian Association (Boston: YMCA, 1901), 54.

After all the preparations were made and in spite of the minor controversies over fundraising, a large crowd of more than six thousand persons thronged to the tabernacle in the South End to hear the great evangelist on Sunday afternoon, January 28, 1877. One reporter noted that there were “as many outside as within the building.”14 The gathered crowd in Moody's tabernacle, “for the most part from the middle walks of life,” consisted of persons who were living in a much different city than Moody had lived when he came to Boston in 1855.15 Even the land the tabernacle was built upon would have been brand new land in 1855, reclaimed from the mudflats that surrounded the city only a few years earlier. Moody would now seek to reclaim many residents of Boston for evangelical religion—a faith under siege by the growing numbers of Roman Catholic immigrants in a city that had doubled in size since 1855 (from 150,000 to more than 300,000).16 Not all of Boston's growth between 1855 and 1877 was the result of Catholic immigration, but a visitor to the central districts of the city might well have thought that this was the case. The percentage of foreign-born residents of Boston remained relatively stable in the twenty years preceding Moody's revival—hovering at about 50 percent of the total population. The statistical stability of the population with regard to the percentage of foreign-born residents in the city as a whole, however, did not feel very stable to many Boston citizens. There were two reasons for this. First, the expansion of Boston's “streetcar suburbs” made it relatively easy for many American-born residents to live in the serene neighborhoods of Roxbury or Dorchester while also causing poorer—and often foreign-born—residents to be located in more congested downtown areas of the North End, South End, or West End districts (see figure i.2).17 Second, between 1855 and 1877 several onetime suburbs were annexed by the city of Boston, thus causing an instant growth in the numbers of primarily American-born residents.18 Most people, however, did not really think of these newly annexed areas as being part of the city even though the city's population statistics described them as such.

FIGURE 1.3. Churches in close proximity to the Moody tabernacle, 1877.

More important in some ways than population statistics, a churchbuilding boom all across the city symbolized the growing Catholic presence in Boston. Two years prior to Moody's arrival, the Vatican designated Boston an archdiocese, thus elevating it in the eyes of Roman Catholics as a powerful Catholic city in America.19 Boston's citizens, Catholic and non- Catholic alike, would now look up to Catholic church spires reaching to the sky all over the city. Thirteen months prior to Moody's arrival, the Archdiocese of Boston dedicated the new Cathedral of the Holy Cross on Washington Street, just two blocks to the south of the tabernacle. In the colonial period, Washington Street was the thin neck of land that connected the almost-island town of Boston with the mainland (figure i.2). The new cathedral nearly rivaled Moody's tabernacle with a seating capacity of four thousand and an overall size almost as large as the Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris.

FIGURE 1.4. American-born and foreign-born residents of Boston from 1845 to 1910. Statistical information for the graph was obtained from the following sources: Henry K. Carroll, Report on Statistics of Churches in the United States at Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894); Report on Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890, Part 1, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1895); Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910: Volume 1, Population, General Report and Analysis (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1913); U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census (June 1, 1880), vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1883); George E. Waring, Report on the Social Statistics of Cities: Part 1, the New England and the Middle States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1886).

The Cathedral of the Holy Cross was the most important architectural manifestation of Boston's Catholic presence, but it was not the only one.20 Later in the year 1877, construction of the German Catholic Holy Trinity Church was also completed and the structure dedicated.

This center of Boston German Catholicism was located on Shawmut Avenue, just four blocks to the southeast of the tabernacle, and could hold twelve hundred people in its sanctuary.21 The architecture of the Germans’ Holy Trinity was a far cry from the magnificence of the Holy Cross Cathedral, but its more functional appearance was an appropriate reflection of the community for which it was built. The close proximity of Holy Trinity to Morgan Chapel is important in light of the vehemently anti-Catholic attitude of the chapel's pastor, Henry Morgan, to be discussed below. A South End resident would also have been able to see, on the western horizon, the new Mission Church on Tremont Street in Roxbury built in 1876 on a hill just beyond the mudflats.22 The church was staffed by priests from the Redemptorist Order and served the Irish and Germans who worked in the nearby breweries. The large St. Peter's Church in Dorchester (a neighborhood located just to the east of Roxbury) was also in the midst of construction between 1873 and 1891. Located just a block away from the colonialera, wood-frame First Church of Dorchester on Meeting House Hill, the more imposing stone exterior of St. Peter's in the newly annexed neighborhood of Dorchester was yet another piece of architectural evidence that the Puritan ethos of Boston was being dramatically overtaken.23 By the time St. Peter's was completed in 1891, Boston had become the most Catholic city in the nation when measured as a percentage of total population.24 Among Protestant church buildings under construction at the time of Moody's campaign, all paled in comparison to the Episcopalians’ Trinity Church in Copley Square, which was located slightly less than a mile from the Cathedral of the Holy Cross.25 The new edifice, completed and consecrated on February 9, 1877, shortly after Moody's campaign began, was as much a theological statement for Trinity's pastor, Phillips Brooks, as it was an architectural triumph for Henry Hobson Richardson. In its design, Brooks rejected the iconoclasm of evangelical church architecture and distanced himself from the evangelical Reformed Episcopal Church, which had broken from the Protestant Episcopalians just four years earlier. Brooks also distanced himself from the more “high church” Anglo-Catholic movement in the Episcopal Church at the time with its love of Gothic architecture.26 At the dedication ceremony for Trinity Church in February of 1877, Brooks's attempts at theological synthesis got him into trouble. Brooks had the Reverend Stephen H. Tyng, the evangelical Episcopalian rector of St. George's Church in New York City, participate in the dedication of Trinity Church. He also invited one of Boston's leading Unitarian clergymen, James Freeman Clarke, to the communion rail at the dedication service.27 When conservative critics objected in the city's newspapers to this breach of communion discipline, Brooks simply ignored them.28 Brooks's decision not to respond to his critics over the communion controversy was a decision implicitly affirmed by Moody, who likewise strenuously sought to avoid theological controversy. A month after the communion controversy, Brooks accepted an invitation from Moody to preach in Moody's place in the tabernacle and was well received by a standing-room-only crowd of more than seven thousand individuals.29 The synthesis Brooks sought architecturally in the construction of Trinity Church and theologically in the building's dedication ceremony did not extend to budgetary concerns. The $750,000 price tag of Trinity Church in Copley Square made it one of the most expensive

church buildings of its time, in striking contrast to the $32,000 price tag of Moody's tabernacle.30 Trinity's affluent parishioners worked hard at raising money for their church building. One building committee member remarked to Brooks: “And surely we must feel more worthy to have it [the new building] and enjoy it, when we have added so largely to make it broad and beautiful and rich.”31 The fundraising for the church would have been impossible for a congregation with more meager financial resources, particularly given the fact that the financial “panic” begun in 1873 was in full swing with no signs of relenting in 1877. Moody would likely have walked past Trinity Church each day of the revival, since the home in which he stayed during his time in Boston was in the fashionable Back Bay district. Moody's variety of ecumenical synthesis, however, shunned the more ornate styles of the day. His request, when first inspecting the tabernacle upon arrival, to remove an elaborate balustrade in front of the preaching platform reflected an unadorned evangelical faith, which stood in striking contrast to one of the finest examples of church architecture in the country located a few blocks away (see figure 1.3). Even though Moody sought simplicity in the architectural design of his tabernacles, the drama that unfolded inside his Boston tabernacle (and the neighboring Clarendon Street Baptist and Berkeley Congregational churches that housed other meetings for the revival) was anything but plain. Like stage managers readying for a Broadway musical, organizers scrutinized minute details. In one meeting a week before Moody's arrival, the tabernacle usher crews of two hundred men were arguing over whether to have “wands” six feet or two and a half feet in length for the purpose of crowd control. The shorter poles were finally chosen.32 The placement of newspapermen's desks was scrutinized by Moody himself, who ultimately directed that the desks be moved more to the side of the hall to enable messenger boys to scurry out of the tabernacle with less disruption.33 Many preachers and prominent laypersons participated in offering prayers and leading other aspects of the Moody campaign. The most visible of these included A. J. Gordon, Frances Willard, and Eben Tourjée. These three were very representative of the “crossroads” status of Boston evangelicalism in 1877. In future years, they and the institutions they started would follow significantly different paths as they sought to make sense of their faith in the city. A. J. Gordon was perhaps the most notable presence among Boston's clergymen in the Moody tabernacle owing to his church's close proximity to the tabernacle and his church's frequent use as the inquiry room for persons seeking to convert to evangelical Christianity. As pastor of one of the Baptists’ most reputable congregations, A. J. Gordon was chosen to give the prayer of dedication for the tabernacle. Gordon's status-conscious Clarendon Street Baptist Church was perhaps more transformed by Moody's campaign than any other congregation in the city. Gordon's biography (written by his son) described the effect of the revival on the church as a “cemetery temporarily occupied by troops in battle. What a shattering and overturning of weatherstained, moss-grown traditions followed!” “Nearly thirty reclaimed drunkards” became members of Clarendon Street Baptist Church after the revival meetings and remained as active members for some time.34 Gordon's Boston Industrial Home, begun in 1875, also experienced a significant expansion in its work among Boston's poor. The 1877 revival started

Gordon on a path of national leadership in revivalism and nascent fundamentalism. Gordon and Moody solidified their friendship during the 1877 campaign, and Gordon remained a close friend of Moody's for the rest of his life. He frequently attended and sometimes led (in Moody's place) the Northfield Bible Conferences, which began in 1882. Gordon's increased advocacy of premillennial interpretations of scripture and decreased emphasis on social reform efforts late in his life caused him to be remembered as a fundamentalist, despite the fact that his death in 1895 occurred before the term “fundamentalist” had been coined by religious conservatives.35 If Gordon represented evangelicals in the very early stages of moving toward fundamentalism, another of Moody's Boston revival coworkers, Frances Willard, represented evangelicals on the path toward Protestant liberalism. A Methodist from Illinois, Willard was the only person from out of town invited by Moody to come to Boston, except for his steadfast musician Ira Sankey. Willard was already a much sought-after speaker in 1877 as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union's corresponding secretary. In Boston she struck up a friendship with Maria Hale Gordon, A. J.'s wife, who served as president of the Boston chapter of the WCTU. Willard later served as president of the WCTU from 1879 to 1898 and became a tireless advocate of Christian socialism beginning in the 1880s. The friendship Willard shared with Moody was on full display during the Boston revival. She spoke frequently at temperance meetings before immense crowds of women and men alike. On one Sunday afternoon Moody even asked her to preach at the tabernacle. A politically shrewd person, Frances Willard told Moody her concerns about preaching there: “Brother Moody, you need not think because I am a Western woman and not afraid to go [preach], you must put me in the forefront of the battle after this fashion. Perhaps you will hinder the work among these conservatives. But at this he laughed in his cheery way, and declared that it was just what they needed and I needn't be scared for he wasn't.”36 Willard's confidence indeed seems to have been bolstered by Moody, since even after Moody departed Boston, she remained to preach again at the tabernacle and in other venues around the city.37 Despite this friendship, storm clouds of division between Moody and Willard, which foreshadowed the divisions in American evangelical religion that would appear thirty years later, began to surface during the Boston campaign. During the campaign, Willard accepted an invitation to speak at an event with Mrs. Mary Livermore, one of the most famous speakers of the day and a Universalist.38 Moody persuaded Willard to turn down the invitation because of Livermore's beliefs concerning universal salvation for all persons. Willard complied with his request at the time but later regretted this course of action. “Brother Moody's Scripture interpretations concerning religious toleration were too literal for me; the jacket was too straight—I could not wear it.”39 Moody's advice to Willard was a political as well as a theological judgment, as he strenuously sought to avoid controversy during the campaign. Moody had appreciated the way Phillips Brooks avoided controversy with a Unitarian receiving communion, but he decided to avoid even the appearance of scandal with regard to Willard sharing a platform with a Universalist.

The veiled disagreement between Moody and Willard was not, however, present in regard to other social issues in 1877. On the matter of the labor disputes that were beginning to rumble across the country's railroads in 1877, Moody and Willard thought similarly. When a dramatic railroad strike hit Boston in February 1877, there was not even the slightest hint of acknowledgment that this strike was taking place in either Moody's or Willard's published addresses. Neither support nor disdain toward the striking workers was explicitly evident in the tabernacle events.40 When one reads the reporting of the events of the tabernacle alongside the Boston newspapers’ reporting on the railroad strike, it almost appears as though the two events were happening in different cities.41 Although it was not an explicit mention of the railroad strike, four days prior to the start of the strike in Boston Moody did offer a rare instance of social commentary on the problem of poverty. “I never have found yet any consistent Christian, a member of any church, who was really starving or whose children were coming to want.…But where man or woman is faithful and clings right close to the Son of God He will supply their wants.”42 Moody's reliance on prominent urban businessmen for funding his evangelistic work likely encouraged his cool attitude toward striking workers.43 Boston revivalist Henry Morgan, by contrast, let loose a tirade against those opposed to the plight of the railroad workers a few months later. Morgan noted how one of the locations of the strike took place “near that historical spot where, seventeen years ago, John Brown's rifle startled the echoes of its hills, and brought down the avalanche which crushed out slavery. So the shock of this railroad strike has started the avalanche of public opinion that shall sweep away a monopoly dangerous to the interests of society and incompatible with the divine rights of man.”44 Another of the most frequently observed persons on the tabernacle platform other than Mr. Moody and Mr. Sankey would have been the director of the thousand-voice choir at the revival, Dr. Eben Tourjée. A Methodist Episcopal layman, Tourjée had rapidly built up a reputation as one who could accomplish great things in Boston. Ten years earlier he had founded the New England Conservatory of Music, which, by 1883, was declared the “largest and most splendidly equipped conservatory and college of music in the world.”45 He also served as president of the YMCA in 1871, became the first dean of Boston University's School of Music in collaboration with his own conservatory, and directed a ten-thousand-voice choir at the World's Peace Jubilee held in Boston in 1869.46 These initiatives earned him many accolades, but they do not fully portray Tourjée's complex history, diverse gifts, and spiritual devotion. Tourjée had grown up as a child worker in the Rhode Island cotton mills, where his father—of French Huguenot ancestry—also worked. Tourjée never forgot his humble origins. A few months after founding the New England Conservatory of Music in 1867, Tourjée, along with other Methodists, established the North End Mission in the heart of Boston's most notorious slum tenement district. He well understood the power of music to attract people to the Christian faith at the North End Mission and thus was well prepared to direct the 1877 revival's choir. Tourjée was a kind of musician missionary in the North End who employed methods that were made famous in subsequent years by the Salvation Army. Tourjée wrote the following description of the North End

Mission in 1874: We have often been asked how we manage to get the people of the North End to attend our meetings. We are surrounded by dance halls and grog shops of all descriptions, the glaring light and ribald songs of which attract the shuffling crowd. Recognizing this fact, and seeing no reason why the dance halls should be the only place in North Street where light and music were to be had, we began to use the same instrumentalities. The Mission hall opens its doors freely, and its lights have a habit of burning with steady brilliancy.…But our chief reliance is on music.…We have organized a small orchestra of volunteers, and its influence for good is very marked. It consists of a violin, violincello, flute, piano, and organ, and we think we beat any orchestra in the neighborhood. Sometimes our music has been mistaken by a newly arrived sailor for that of a dance hall, and he has drifted in.47 Tourjée had experienced from a very early age the irresistible draw of music and its potential in transforming a person's life. His biographer recalls that when Tourjée was around eight years old, he became enchanted by the sound of a brass band at one Independence Day celebration. His father rashly took him away from the “devil's music” and forbade him from listening to such things. His mother more gently coaxed him away and seems to have nourished his early interests in music. His mother, Angeline, would play a very influential role in providing support and advice at important times in Tourjée's life. With the exception of his mother, Tourjée's most important benefactor in the early years of his career was Governor Elisha Harris of Rhode Island. Tourjée's family worked at a cotton mill owned by the governor and for a time attended the same church as the governor. The governor's wife and church organist at this church recognized Tourjée's love of music and brought it to the attention of the governor, who then enrolled Tourjée in a Methodist academy with hopes that he might someday become a Methodist preacher. This never occurred, but Tourjée did serve as the musical editor of a new Methodist hymnal in 1878—a vital tool in the hands of a Methodist preacher. One could speculate that Tourjée may have also been a valuable resource for the finance committee in its fund-raising efforts for the Moody campaign. Five years earlier he had easily raised over $35,000—the cost of Moody's tabernacle—for the North End Mission.48 In 1876, Tourjée had handed over the presidency of the North End Mission to one of the city's most wealthy residents, prominent member of Park Street Church Ezra Farnsworth, whom Jesse Jones had condemned. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE MOODY CAMPAIGN

Moody maintained a broadly ecumenical tone in his evangelistic rallies for most of his threemonth stay in Boston, but on the final day of the revival he began to reveal some of his personal perspective on religious issues of the day. For example, in his final sermon Moody spent considerable time highlighting his belief in premillennialist interpretations of the Bible, which differed from the prevailing postmillennial belief that the world was getting better in preparation for Jesus’ return. The premillennial interpretation of the Bible became an

increasingly common perspective among many evangelicals in subsequent years. That he did not discuss this matter in any length at all until the final day of the Boston campaign illustrates both that it was a controversial topic at the time and that Moody did not wish such controversies to get in the way of his overall message.49 The echoes of Eben Tourjée's thousand-voice tabernacle choir and Moody's powerful preaching were felt throughout New England in the weeks and months following the Boston campaign's conclusion on April 30, 1877. Over the thirteen weeks of the campaign, Moody had preached more than a hundred sermons and Sankey had sung more than three hundred solos. More than a million people were said to have walked through the tabernacle doors to hear the great evangelist and his coworker. In the waning weeks of the revival, as spring weather came to Boston after the dreary winter months, a thousand volunteers injected new interest in the revival by visiting all of Boston's ninety thousand households and urging its inhabitants to attend the meetings. Organizers estimated that as many as six thousand persons were converted at Moody's meetings, and church leaders in the city hoped for these people to take their place in church pews in subsequent months.50 Area newspapers in some cases may have benefited the most as their coverage of the revival boosted their sales enormously.51 The Boston Herald claimed that, as a result of the Moody campaign and their expertise in increasing their circulation, they became “the nation's widest-selling Sunday paper at 64,800.”52 The two churches located just east and west of the Moody tabernacle— one Baptist, the other Congregationalist—illustrate the different effects of the Moody campaign on local churches. A. J. Gordon's Clarendon Street Baptist Church enjoyed a membership increase of 125 persons in 1877, the most it had ever recorded. Many of these individuals were tabernacle converts of a lower social class than Clarendon's more affluent regular members.53 The consequences of Moody's visit for other Baptist churches in the city were far less striking. Looking back thirty years after the Moody revival, one Baptist leader gave a rather equivocal assessment of the campaign's effects due to the wider changes taking place in the region's churches. “The revival of 1877 favored our churches at a time when new tendencies were affecting the strength of the Boston churches. This period shows a decline in Baptist membership. But the fact that the baptisms from this Moody visitation numbered in the hundreds for all the churches indicates what the revival meant to churches which had just gone to new locations and others were still to adjust their future.”54 The church immediately to the west of the tabernacle, Berkeley Street Congregational Church, experienced very little, if any, benefit from the campaign enjoyed by its Baptist counterparts a block away. Berkeley's pastor, William Burnett Wright, had arrived from Chicago ten years earlier and sought to no avail to turn the church around. Like Clarendon Baptist, Berkeley Street Congregational was a frequently utilized site for the tabernacle, but its congregation was not energized by the revival in nearly the same way as that of its Baptist neighbors. Official membership statistics increased moderately throughout the 1870s and early 1880s, but the active membership (measured by attendance at communion) declined steadily from 270 in 1877 to 180 in 1886. This congregation's rise to notoriety would not occur until after 1888, when it became known as the nation's first “institutional church” with a plethora of

social programs.55 Congregational churches throughout the city mirrored the experience of Berkeley Street after the Moody revival. The annual report for the Boston Congregationalist City Missionary Society for the year 1877 noted that the revival's “effects were felt in the general quickening of religious feeling in the community at large, making individuals and families more accessible, and increasing the attendance upon our chapel meetings. The record of hopeful conversions during the year, stands 162—as against 90, in 1876; these were not in many instances from the inquiry-room of the Tabernacle, but the results of our own missionary labor, under the generally awakened interest of the community.”56 Statistical analysis of membership gains for Congregationalists in the state of Massachusetts reveals that gains for churches outside the city of Boston were far more significant than gains within the city itself.57 Organizations, such as the Evangelistic Association of New England, that focused their ministry primarily in more rural New England regions were enthusiastic about the evangelist's effect in smaller towns. Reflecting in 1889 on the campaign, one report noted that some “thought the number of additions to the churches in Boston were not as large as they should have been. Be that as it may, we do know that the press carried Mr. Moody's sermons into every city and into almost every village and town in New England, and that New England was stirred more deeply on the subject of religion than she has been at any time since then.”58 The efficient use of railroads to transport people to the tabernacle had apparently worked to the benefit of rural New England churches even if it did not, on the whole, help the city churches.59 Boston Methodist leaders of the time evaluated the impact of the Moody revival in the most positive way compared with the lukewarm assessment given by other denominational leaders. The Reverend David Sherman, presiding elder of the Boston District, reported to the New England Annual Conference gathering of Methodist leaders the following about the Moody campaign before it was even completed: “The Tabernacle meetings, it ought to be said, have acted as an inspiration to our whole work. The preachers and people have been stirred to new zeal: those awakened under Mr. Moody have in many cases been converted at home; while in other cases those awakened in our churches have received a fresh impulse under the earnest utterances of the evangelist.”60 The following year, Sherman continued to praise the Moody campaign for its positive impact: “In the city, the revival in connection with the Moody movement continued through the winter, and in the spring the flame spread to the western part of the district. Most of the churches were quickened; many persons were converted.”61

FIGURE 1.5. New members in Protestant denominations, 1875–1883. Statistics used to construct this graph were taken from Samuel W. Dike, “A Study of New England Revivals,” American Journal of Sociology 15, no. 3 (1909): 375.

Part of the problem in assessing various denominations’ growth during this time stems from the different means of calculating membership increases. In one statistical survey published in 1909, statewide data were given for Congregationalists and Baptists while only the eastern Massachusetts districts of the Methodist Episcopal churches were counted. Methodist Episcopal churches in Lynn, Boston, and Cambridge districts had membership gains between 1877 and 1882 of only a thousand fewer than the entire state of Massachusetts for the Congregationalists during this same period. The statewide Baptist gains between 1877 and 1882 were actually three thousand fewer than the gains of Methodists in just the Lynn, Boston, and Cambridge districts.62 Were statewide statistics also given for the Methodist Episcopal denomination, the graph in figure 1.5 would place Methodists in a more favorable light than is shown. More recent statistical analysis of Moody campaigns across the country summarize the religious results of the revivals in the following way: “[I]n terms of church membership the revivals had a negative cumulative effect on the Congregationalist and Presbyterian denominations, and a mixed, or perhaps slightly positive, effect on the Methodists. As a result of the influx of new members, Moody undoubtedly promoted new life and vigor in some churches in the cities he visited. But the claim can also be made that probably a larger number of churches were hurt by a decline in membership that occurred after the excitement of the revival wore off.”63 The Methodist Episcopal Church's success in gaining converts through the Moody campaign was symbolized in later years by the construction of that denomination's largest church building in the nation just three blocks north of where Moody's tabernacle stood. People's Church had its cornerstone laid in 1877 but was not completed for seven years owing to fund-raising difficulties largely stemming from the 1873 financial panic.64 D. L. Moody even came back to Boston to preach at the cornerstone-laying ceremony at the Methodist People's Church. In his speech Moody praised the Methodists and dismissed the charge that Methodists “cannot reach intellectual people.” Moody proclaimed, “I don't think that any intellect can get beyond the

reach of this truth, that man must be regenerated.”65 A similar remark about Methodists’ relative lack of sophistication was made by the Reverend James Dunn, pastor of Columbus Avenue Presbyterian Church just a few blocks from People's Church. Dunn recalled that in the Civil War some soldiers aimed too high and thus missed their foes. In drawing a comparison to preaching that was too often excessively refined and intellectually “high,” Dunn (perhaps wistfully) congratulated the Methodists for “aiming low” in their preaching, attributing their success to this.66 While the Moody campaign helped to strengthen Boston Methodists and Baptists in the years that followed, it appears that it did not do so by converting members of the city's Catholic churches. The campaign seemed relatively unconcerned with reaching Roman Catholics. Special meetings were held for “fallen women,” young boys, young men, businessmen, drunkards, and women in the course of the three-month campaign, but there were no special appeals to the Catholic community. One finds only a handful of testimonials in Boston newspapers of Catholics converted at the Moody campaign. The Catholic weekly The Pilot did not contain a single article that mentioned the Moody revival during the three months of Moody's stay. The Pilot, however, did note that “[o]ne of the largest missions [the term given to Catholic parish revivals] ever held in Boston” took place at the same time as the Moody campaign. The mission occurred at St. Francis de Sales Church in Lower Roxbury and lasted for two weeks with an average attendance of five thousand at each of the special services. This piece of evidence suggests that the increased enthusiasm in the city at large for the Moody campaign had a “spillover effect” for Catholic evangelistic efforts as well.67 The Reverend Henry Morgan (an Independent Methodist preacher) in his 1880 anti-Catholic novel Boston Inside Out: A Story of Real Life reminded his Protestant readers of how little Moody's campaign affected Boston Catholics in the following fictional conversation between a Protestant liberal and a corrupt Catholic priest: [Moody's] labors extended over the same ground as that of your [Catholic] church. He drew criminals, drunkards, paupers into the fold! Drew them in by thousands. He must have proved a thorn in the flesh to you Catholic priests.” “Ha! ha!” laughed Father Titus. “That is rich indeed. Moody never gained a single convert from us, if that is what you mean. Why, as an inducement to the poor, he enticed them by feeding large numbers at the Tabernacle. Well, they ate his earthly bread, but couldn't stomach his spiritual sustenance. On Fridays he gave them pork and beans. The Catholic instinct was too strong. They ate the beans, but left the pork on their plates! No! Not even paupers can be tempted to go back on the church. They may starve, hunger may gnaw at their vitals, but they will die rather than forsake the Mother Church which has nurtured them” (emphasis in the original).68 The anti-Catholic attitude of Henry Morgan and other evangelical leaders would, in subsequent years, be a major motivation for evangelical efforts to “save” their city from papal influence. This chapter highlights the “big tent” of ecumenical cooperation that was necessary for the

Moody revival to take place in Boston, but within this big tent it is also evident that there was a fair amount of contested ground in the evangelical crossroads. Attitudes toward labor, Catholics, wealth, and the value of ministry with the poor were, for the most part, held in common, but the canopy covering the Boston evangelical community was beginning to fray. Upstart preachers like Moody did not cause the fraying as much as they helped to concentrate activity in such a way that the differences among Boston evangelicals became more evident. We see the first signs of division in the differing outlooks of Frances Willard, Phillips Brooks, and D. L. Moody as they stood poised at a crossroads. Phillips Brooks and Frances Willard faced a somewhat different direction than Moody did even if this was difficult to discern at the time.

CHAPTER TWO

The Early Years of Evangelical Institution Building, 1858–1883 “Good! You've Got the Fire in You” In order to set the context of evangelical beginnings in social reform it is necessary to go back twenty years prior to the 1877 Moody revival, to a time immediately preceding the Civil War when postmillennial optimism coursed through the veins of New England evangelicals still fired with the enthusiasm of abolition. When the slaves were emancipated and the Civil War was won, evangelicals turned to other social evils to destroy as the holiness movement itself was revived. The arrival of large numbers of Irish immigrants on the Boston streets in the 1840s and their accompanying poverty were a serious challenge to everyone in the city. Evangelicals’ uncouth social reform and revivalism efforts were ways they addressed the challenge of urban poverty. The vigor of evangelical institution building was impressive immediately prior to the Civil War. The contributions of Henry Morgan, Eben Tourjée, and Charles Cullis in addition to the Methodist founders of Boston University and the mostly Baptist origins of the orphanage Home for Little Wanderers powerfully illustrate the “age of energy” for organizing new institutions.1 Morgan, Tourjée, and Cullis approached revivalism and social reform differently from one another, but they were all enthusiastic followers and promoters of the holiness movement in the three different denominations they represented—the Independent Methodists, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the Episcopal Church. HENRY MORGAN

Colorful, charismatic, and complex characters dominated the Boston religious scene in the years prior to the Moody revival. Many of them, of course, were not evangelicals. William Ellery Channing (d. 1842), Ralph Waldo Emerson (d. 1865), Edward Everett (d. 1865), and many other famous Bostonians set a high standard for oratory and poetry. But Unitarian and Transcendentalist leaders were not the only speakers to whom Bostonians flocked in the middle of the nineteenth century. There were many evangelical preachers, relatively unknown today, who carved out a new space for themselves in Boston and departed from Unitarian patterns of speech and thought. Bostonians became eager listeners of these new revivalist preachers, who also introduced brazen efforts in social reform that failed to satisfy the tastes of more elite Bostonians. Henry Morgan was the most colorful evangelical preacher of mid – to late-nineteenthcentury Boston. Born in 1825 and thus twelve years older than Moody, Henry Morgan had first visited Boston in the early 1850s—a few years before the still-Unitarian Moody. He did not

stay, but he was inspired enough to soon return. During his first visit, Morgan stayed at a North End sailors’ boardinghouse and met the old Methodist sea captain turned evangelist “Father” Edward Taylor. Scholars believe that Taylor was the real-life counterpart of Father Mapple in Herman Melville's Moby Dick.2 Taylor had a rapid-fire preaching style and passion for saving the lost souls of sailors who came to his Seamen's Bethel in Boston's North End. Taylor had also participated in the camp meeting revivals Methodists sponsored on Cape Cod in the 1850s.3 Morgan preached at Father Taylor's Seamen's Bethel and fondly recalled receiving a pat on the shoulder from the seaman preacher, who told him “Good! You've got the fire in you!” Father Taylor and Morgan had similar personalities: both were gruff yet passionate. Since Morgan had lost his father at a young age, he may have found Taylor's fatherly encouragement especially significant. Morgan did not remain in Boston at this time but rather continued on his independent preaching/lecturing travels “among the poor and prisoners in various states” from Vermont to Virginia in the years immediately preceding the onset of the Civil War.4 Throughout his journeys, Morgan proudly carried the unique title “P.M.P” after his name. “Poor Man's Preacher” was his badge of honor as a Methodist preacher, yet he was finding himself strangely unwelcome as that denomination increased in its respectability and distance from the poor. But Morgan loved Methodism; his failed attempts to be ordained in the Methodist Episcopal Church would be one of the biggest disappointments of his life. During one visit back home in Connecticut, while recuperating from one of his frequent illnesses, Morgan sought official denominational confirmation of his well-tested vocation as a preacher. A Methodist Quarterly Conference consisting of nine persons voted by a slim majority not to allow Morgan to move forward to ordination in the Methodist Episcopal Church. He already had a Methodist preacher's license and thus a measure of official recognition. His critics called his preaching “more topical than textual” and “neither alphabetical nor exegetical. He was not alphabetical in his arrangements, had no firstly nor secondly.”5 Morgan was shocked. His mother was outraged. The following day, his mother's indignation toward the Methodist Church was at a fever pitch: There is more genuine talent crushed out by incompetent Church officials than has been husbanded in the Church, three to one. The Church is dying for lack of live men. Niminypiminy wooden heads fill the pulpit. Men of power have been muzzled, disheartened, condemned, driven back to the world, and lost, because of the whims of a few dogs-in-themanger. If my son will consent to make the sacrifices he has, live devotedly to God and for suffering humanity, Church or no Church, license or no license, I will sustain him with a mother's love, so help me God!6 Morgan's deep appreciation for his mother's love and support was evident when, in the preface to one of his books, he revealed that the title of his autobiography, Shadowy Hand, “was but a mother's hand that led me through ‘Life's Struggles.’”7 Morgan would try six additional times to obtain ordination in the Methodist Episcopal

Church. In spite of his continued success as a popular preacher and lecturer around New England he was always denied ordination. Fees he received from lecturing were enough for him to contribute a thousand dollars to the construction costs of a Methodist church Morgan had started in Bridgeport, Connecticut. This church also gave him a license to preach.8 Unfortunately, an elderly Methodist preacher in that Connecticut circuit viewed the new church as an infringement on his territory and demanded that Morgan stop preaching there.9 No doubt disgusted over such “turf battles,” Morgan decided to return to Boston. In the winter of 1859, when Henry Morgan was thirty-four years old, he arrived in Boston to stay. The 1858 revival had begun to decline in its intensity just six months earlier.10 Immediately, Morgan sought out Methodist Episcopal pulpits in the city and preached in many of them. However, since he was not an ordained member of the Methodist Episcopal denomination he was unable to secure a position at a church for himself. Morgan described his meeting with the Methodist preachers of Boston as follows: I went to the Preachers’ Meeting, and found that they did not wish to further my efforts, unless I submitted to the direction of Conference, and would remove when Conference should direct. I stated that Father Taylor had been here fourteen years,—perhaps I might stay as long. I had a license with me to preach, and as my license named no particular field, I considered it my right to preach wherever there was an opening. I had built one church for Conference, and had not been allowed to preach in it. I should hesitate before I built another. They said, “You're not ordained.” I replied, “I'll hand in my letter, and wait for ordination.” “We shall not ordain you, unless you join Conference; neither will any other denomination.” “If I am refused, then,” I said, “I will create a denomination that will ordain me!” They said, “You have no building to preach in; how can you hope to succeed in this great city, having no friends?” I said, “I will hire a building; I will hire Boston Music Hall!” “But that will take money.” “Well, I have a thousand dollars ready in my pocket. When that is gone, if the Lord does not sustain me I shall think I am not called.” The preachers thought this a bold undertaking,—no man in his senses would attempt it.11 Morgan grabbed hold of his “bold undertaking” and succeeded beyond even his own wildest dreams as an unlettered preacher in the land of the Boston Brahmins. He gained support in the city first from the Reverend E. N. Kirk, a popular Congregationalist preacher, who a few years earlier had been instrumental in the conversion and early Christian nurturing of the young Dwight L. Moody. Kirk was passionate about getting churches to work with the poor, thus combining revivalism and social reform—something that Morgan would exemplify in his own ministry.12 The “Poor Man's Preacher” began his ministry by repeatedly packing Boston's Music Hall with people eager to keep the enthusiasm for revival going. Morgan's purpose in these sermons and lectures was “to present the gospel to the working-classes, and to open a mission for the poor in some part of the city.”13 The Music Hall discourses drew large crowds and received significant press coverage. The Reverend F. D. Huntington, then still a Unitarian Harvard

professor feeling drawn to the holiness movement, attended these lectures and “hoped the movement would succeed.”14 Recalling images of frontier Methodist preachers of the early American republic, the Boston Atlas and Daily Bee compared Morgan to other top preachers in the country and called him: Essentially a live preacher, having all the spirit and energy of Henry Ward Beecher, but resembling him, however, in no considerable degree. He uses no notes, and speaks not only with freedom, but with impetuosity. His gestures are violent, irregular, and often awkward. His general manner is something like Gough's: theatrical, startling, and frequently spasmodic. As a preacher, however, he has much power, and we will venture a guess that he will be a great success. In person, he is a genuine specimen of a live Yankee. The man, his manner, style, spirit, will not fail to draw a crowd.15 In one of his first sermons, titled “Preaching for the Times,” Morgan's theatrical style was on full display as he echoed his mother's indignation toward the Methodist Church from years earlier. “And ye fathers of American Methodism! Ye once despised Methodists! Ye whose names were cast out as evil! Ye graduates from Nature's own university—from kitchens, schoolhouses, camp-meetings, and barns.…Where the example ye have taught us? Where the followers ye may call your children? Where that untiring zeal which drove you through all weather, all reproach, all sacrifice of body and soul, for Christ?”16 Leaders in the Methodist Episcopal Church doubtless reacted with mixed feelings to Morgan's lament about their church's lack of zeal. Some leaders might have privately been in agreement with Morgan.17 There was, after all, a long tradition—even by this period—of romanticizing the fervor of the “fathers of Methodism.” Other Methodists who were more sensitive to their relatively low status relative to Boston Brahmin culture were probably a bit frustrated. Methodists, after all, were far from being members of Boston's “upper crust” society, and many Methodists resented this fact. Since the previous decade, Methodism was also the most zealous denomination in New England when measured against one criterion: they were growing the fastest.18 Nationally, from the mid-1850s to the mid-1860s, the Methodists were six hundred thousand to seven hundred thousand members larger than their next-closest competitor, the Baptists.19 By May of 1859, a few months after his Music Hall discourses, Morgan accomplished one of his goals by establishing the Boston Union Mission Society in the South End. The society soon became famous for its evening school for poor newspaper boys and girls who could not attend school during the day but nevertheless desired an education. By 1860 this organization was given free use of the Franklin School building on Washington Street in the South End. By 1864, 270 boys, 30 girls, and 64 adults regularly attended the night school.20 More than a year before the end of the Civil War, Morgan's school celebrated its fourth anniversary with a gala event. Governor Andrews was just one of the prominent speakers Morgan could recruit to praise his school and the other ministries of the Boston Union Mission Society. The dynamic presence of labor advocate and abolitionist celebrity Wendell Phillips at

this celebration illustrated the degree of recognition Morgan had attained after just five years in the city.21 Prior to Morgan's arrival, the abolitionist newspaper the Liberator, edited by Phillips's close friend William Lloyd Garrison, had condemned revivalism as a distraction from reform efforts.22 Morgan's efforts had apparently convinced Unitarian Phillips otherwise; revivalism and social reform were not necessarily enemies. Phillips's address to the newspaper boys at the anniversary celebration demonstrated both the power of Phillips's oratory and the relative success Morgan's evening school ministry had been having with Irish youth in Boston. Phillips received jeers from the crowd of newspaper boys when he called them “Boston boys.” “We are from Ireland,” they protested. Phillips continued his address praising Irish patriot Daniel O'Connell and comparing him to President George Washington. In doing so, he won the newspaper boys over and learned something of the boys’ transatlantic consciousness as well.23 By 1861 Morgan accomplished what he had been denied by the Methodist establishment. He was ordained by the Independent Methodist Church, a recently formed denomination located mostly in New York that advocated for a primitive Methodism and a more radical doctrine of entire sanctification.24 Morgan's First Independent Methodist Church of Boston was naturally closely associated with the work of the Boston Union Mission. By 1864 Morgan reported that the church had a membership of 100, with 27 adults admitted during the previous year to membership. He also reported witnessing 65 conversions and presiding at 23 marriages.25 These statistics illustrate that, with only 100 members, Morgan's church, like the Salvation Army of later years, was a place where a great deal of evangelistic efforts occurred but where relatively few people chose to remain as members. Morgan's fame spread both in the city of Boston and beyond when he authored his first novel, Ned Nevins, the News Boy; or, Street Life in Boston, in 1867. The novel went through four editions in a matter of months and attracted book orders from across the country. Several periodicals advertised Morgan's book including the most important Boston labor newspaper, the Daily Evening Voice, which ran a large front-page advertisement for a new edition of his book in April of 1867. Morgan described its impact as “making quite a stir in the literary world, and eliciting some sharp criticisms, as well it might. No great evil is to be eradicated without somebody being hurt.”26 Ned Nevins, like “nearly all” the other characters in the book, was based on a real person Morgan had encountered in the previous eight years of his work among the Boston poor.27 In the novel, Ned is a heroic figure who works diligently during the day selling papers and attends Morgan's night school. He supports his mother who is dying of consumption and living in dire poverty. This story would have been a familiar one for the day, as the disease of consumption (tuberculosis) was one of the greatest killers, particularly among the poor.28 Morgan himself suffered from a chronic lung ailment of some sort as early as 1864, and that may have contributed to his early death from pneumonia at the age of fifty-nine.29 Ned Nevins's mother works as a needlewoman sewing for the main villain of the book, Solomon Levi. Morgan makes a special point of noting that Levi is Jewish—in stark contrast to

his later books, where the source of Boston's sins is unreservedly placed at the feet of the Roman Catholic priesthood. After his mother dies, Ned tells the compassionate driver of the horse-drawn hearse that his mother “sewed herself to death” working for Solomon Levi. Levi appeared earlier in the story, refusing to donate money to Mr. Benedict, whose ministry bears a striking resemblance to Morgan's own work. Ned's mother is laid to rest beside other bodies without any marker for her grave. As a kind of funeral sermon for Ned's mother, Morgan's own voice breaks into the novel's narrative with a hard-hitting sermon of his own about the plight of women and other poor workers at the dawn of the Gilded Age: Hear, ye inhuman landlords! Ye who have grown rich on the life-blood of the poor and neglected; ye who have streets called after your names, and those names a terror to the unfortunate tenants! If there be future retribution for oppressing the Lord's poor, verily you shall drink the dregs of the cup.…Let there be one general universal strike for woman's rights.…Radical changes demand radical efforts. Arise, then, and let superhuman efforts be put forth! Humanity demands it; civilization demands it; Christianity demands it. God Almighty demands that every yoke be broken, and the oppressed go free.…Let the pale consumptive hold up to her destroyers the glittering weapon of her death, that consciencestinging needle, as one through whose eye the scriptural camel might as easily pass, as for them to think of entering the kingdom of heaven.30 Morgan's concerns in Ned Nevins, the News Boy for women's and workers’ rights were consistent with previous and subsequent stances he took. For example, in explaining why he became part of the Independent Methodist denomination, Morgan specifically named Congregationalists’ unwillingness to allow women to preach as a reason he could not be a preacher in that denomination. Morgan ambitiously recruited women to speak from the pulpit of his church.31 Mary Livermore (whom Willard would regretfully shun a few years later) had preached from Morgan's pulpit three times in spite of the fact that her husband was a Universalist preacher. Morgan may have disagreed with her theology, but he loved her politics. She actively campaigned for Abraham Lincoln and was a staunch promoter of temperance and women's rights.32 Henry Morgan's unyielding advocacy for the cause of labor and women's rights was not unusual for a Boston Methodist pastor in the years immediately following the Civil War. These years were the heyday of labor's power within what became known as the Radical Republican Party.33 In spite of both Morgan's exuberant willingness both to “make waves” in Boston and to offend members of the elite classes, he nevertheless enjoyed the support of the highest elected official in Massachusetts, Governor William Claflin.34 A member of a prominent Methodist family instrumental in the founding of Boston University, Claflin was a Radical Republican and a friend of Morgan and the labor movement. In his annual address to the state legislature in 1871, Governor Claflin proclaimed his allegiance to the movement and explicitly asked the state legislature to “inquire whether the hours of labor in manufactories, established by law,

may not be limited with great advantage to both employers and the employed.”35 This strong endorsement of eight-hour-day legislation in 1871 by a prominent Methodist layman and governor was significant. William Claflin was quick to offer personal support for Morgan as well. After fewer than ten years residence in Massachusetts, Morgan became chaplain of the state Senate in 1868 owing to the influence of then Lieutenant Governor Claflin. Claflin served as lieutenant governor from 1866 to 1868 and governor from 1869 to 1871.36 He also provided Morgan with the necessary financial backing to purchase a church building previously pastored by the Reverend James Freeman Clarke that was on auction at this time.37 When Morgan died on March 22, 1884, the city's newspapers hailed him as an important reformer and “vigorous and successful speaker.” Revealing its sympathies with the labor cause, the Boston Daily Globe even said that “[n] o man has been better known in Boston for the last quarter of a century than this indefatigable minister.”38 This was high praise indeed for a city with such preachers and lecturers as Phillips Brooks, Joseph Cook, Wendell Phillips, and Edward Everett Hale. But Morgan never heard such praise in his lifetime. In his later years, he became increasingly virulent in his criticisms of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, which caused much of Boston's polite society and newspaper publishers to abandon him. He nonetheless remained a steadfast supporter of workers and Boston's poor. A year before his death, Morgan wrote in the preface to the 1883 seventh edition of Shadowy Hand that “the newspapers that were once friendly have united in a combined attack”39 Methodist and Baptist publications in Boston and Philadelphia were the only religious periodicals Morgan cited as praising his 1883 diatribe The Fallen Priest.40 The terms of Henry Morgan's will stipulated that the Unitarian Benevolent Fraternity of Churches be given control of the Morgan Chapel property but that the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church be in charge of the ministry that took place at Morgan Chapel. Such an arrangement was highly unusual but was perhaps Morgan's way of not giving the Methodists outright possession of what they had denied him during his life: a church of his own. In the 1890s, Morgan Chapel in the South End would become one of the Methodist Episcopal Church's leading urban ministries in the nation and the place where the international nonprofit organization Goodwill Industries began. In 1902, Morgan Chapel had its name changed to Morgan Memorial. Morgan had complicated relationships with an increasingly respectable Boston Methodism. At times he established himself in opposition to mainstream evangelical Christianity by his uncouth rhetoric and criticism. At other times he was very much indebted to established religious leaders for giving him platforms from which to speak. The relationships he developed with important figures such as the Reverend F. D. Huntington, Wendell Phillips, and William Claflin gave him notoriety to more effectively campaign for his work in revivalism and social reform. THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON UNIVERSITY

At the same time that Claflin was giving support to preachers and activists like Morgan he was also greatly increasing the status of Methodism in Boston society. Nothing symbolized Methodists’ increased standing in the land of the Puritans more than the 1869 election of William Claflin as governor and the 1869 founding of Boston University. William Claflin's father, Lee Claflin, was instrumental in founding the Methodist Boston Theological School in 1867. The integration of the theological school with the wider university took place in 1871. By 1873 the university had grown to include four colleges scattered throughout the city but centered at the Wesleyan Building at 36 Bromfield Street near the Boston Common.41 The founding of Boston University took place with little fanfare in the city's newspapers. Only the Methodists’ own periodical, the Zion's Herald, noted the event. The establishment of American Methodism's first seminary in Boston meant that the city would remain prominent for American Methodists for decades to come. Even in the twentieth century Methodist pastors would sometimes mention that they had studied “at Boston”; the university's seminary and the city were merged into one in their minds. The founders of Boston University, Lee Claflin, Isaac Rich, and Jacob Sleeper, were active laymen and major financial benefactors in the Methodist Episcopal Church.42 They represent the beginning of a philanthropic tradition that was virtually unknown for Methodists until this time. Methodists had rarely amassed large enough fortunes to be called philanthropists.43 Lee Claflin, orphaned at the age of five, became the most politically connected of the three founders. He served as a Massachusetts senator for several years in addition to being the father of a rising political star in Massachusetts and the nation. Lee Claflin served as president of the Boston Theological School's board of trustees and was charged with the responsibility of finding a location for the seminary. He at first negotiated with New York businessman and famous abolitionist Lewis Tappan for land in Brookline, Massachusetts, on which to locate the seminary.44 This negotiation apparently fell through, as the seminary instead was founded on Beacon Hill in Boston. The other major financial benefactors and members of the seminary's board of trustees, Jacob Sleeper and Isaac Rich, were wealthy but not as much a part of the upper class of Boston society as the Claflins were.45 Nevertheless, the rural migrants and nouveaux riches Sleeper and Rich became wellknown benefactors of evangelical mission work in the city in the 1860s and 1870s.46 Sleeper was a lifelong Methodist known for his spiritual maturity and was a Methodist class leader for most of his adult life. A rural migrant to Boston from Maine, Sleeper made his fortune with a lucrative contract supplying uniforms for the us Navy a decade prior to the Civil War. Ironically, Jacob Sleeper's business partner, Andrew Carney, a Roman Catholic from northern Ireland, made even more money than Sleeper and helped found Catholic Boston College and was an important donor to many Catholic charities including the stillextant Carney Hospital in the Dorchester neighborhood of Boston.47 Isaac Rich, originally from Cape Cod, lost his father as a young boy. To support his family, Rich started a business as a fish vendor with a single pushcart. When he came to Boston, he began investing in Boston real estate; he died one of the wealthiest men in New England and

the most generous financial donor to the nascent Boston University. Shortly after Rich's death, the Boston fire of 1872 greatly diminished the value of Rich's real estate and the endowment of the new university.48 For all the trappings of respectability provided by a denomination's seminary and university, it was clear that, among the elite of Boston and Cambridge, Boston University was somewhat of an interloper—albeit perhaps an admired one—on the academic scene. The Harvard Advocate described Boston University in the following way in 1873: [Boston University] does not propose that its students should live in unnatural seclusion. It thus saves great expense for the institution and for its pupils. They may live where they will as cheaply as they please, and engaging, at leisure hours, in any occupation they choose. The institution simply furnishes, at slight cost, the best possible instruction. Young men will not come to it for fashion's sake—for it will not be fashionable—not for the sake of acquiring a superficial polish; but it will attract earnest young men who really desire to get knowledge. In this respect its example may benefit other colleges. We sometimes see in barbers’ shops a printed warning, “NO LOAFING ALLOWED HERE.” It is the dream of a few enthusiasts that Yale and Harvard may, at some time, rise to this standard. In reaching it, they will be stimulated by the example of a college whose students all “mean business” and love work.49 The class distinctions evident in the Harvard Advocate's 1873 description of the Methodists’ university endured throughout the late nineteenth century and were a key component of the upstart evangelicals’ identity, which set them apart from their Congregationalist and Episcopalian neighbors who had settled in New England hundreds of years earlier.50 Even in 1888, after William Claflin had risen to national prominence as a leader in the Republican Party, he proudly recalled how Methodists “were not always welcome” among the members of the older denominations.51 William Claflin had gained national recognition in politics, but his memory of being shunned endured as a kind of “badge of courage” even after the wide gap in social and economic status had narrowed considerably later in the nineteenth century. In 1877, in another flourish of denominational pride, one observer praised the founding president of Boston University, William F. Warren, and took obvious delight in Methodism's triumph over other denominations in Boston: “[B]oasting, bragging, strutting, opulent, scientific, self-righteous Boston, waited two hundred and forty years for a man to appear, with both the ability and the munificence to found a first-class institution of learning. And lo! When he appears, he is neither a Congregationalist, nor an Episcopalian, nor even a Unitarian from under the sublime shadows of Harvard, but a Methodist from Cape Cod! And yet Methodism has been mobbed, in Boston, in my time. This showing, upon the whole, is satisfactory.”52 William F. Warren, however, was far from parochial in his mind-set. He was already showing signs of being a gifted young theologian during his six years of service at a Methodist seminary in northern Germany. Boston University School of Theology attracted gifted students from across the nation

throughout the late nineteenth century. It even became the first university to grant a theological degree to a woman when Anna Oliver earned her stb degree in 1876, and in 1887 John Wesley Bowen became the second African-American in us history to receive a Ph.D. degree.53 As the first Methodist seminary in the country, it was inevitable that when the holiness movement spread with new fervor throughout the country in the years following the Civil War, many of the university's younger theology school recruits would come to the city to receive theological education from some of the most notable leaders of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Daniel Steele, who was one of the intellectual leaders of the holiness movement, served as professor of theology at Boston University from 1884 to 1893. His famous book about entire sanctification, Love Enthroned, was published in 1875 and reprinted several times. Steele's revision of his father-in-law's text, Binney's Theological Compendium, was one of the theological textbooks most used by Methodists for decades.54 Steele's theology was an activist's theology, and the students he and other professors at Boston University attracted had a similar disposition. The following excerpt from Steele's Love Enthroned showcases this heartfelt activism: It is remarkable fact, that as soon as love is fully shed abroad in the believer's heart he immediately overleaps the limitations of his theology, if he has been so unfortunate as to have been educated in the belief of a limited atonement, and feels irresistibly drawn toward every lost sinner as the object of Jesus’ mighty love. Hence it is that the missionary spirit is so intense in fully consecrated souls. They have been brought into the most intimate sympathy with the breadth of Christ's love. Hence they plunge into the moral cesspools in our great cities, to pluck lost men and fallen women from the fires of perdition. The secret motive power which impels them to go down into these pits, and cheerfully breathe the fetid miasmas which settle there, is that they know by experience the amazing breadth of Jesus’ love. “He left his Father's throne above; (so free, so infinite, his grace!) Emptied himself of all but love, And bled for Adam's helpless race; ‘Tis mercy all, immense and free, For, O my God, it found out me!”55 THE UNION MISSION AND HOME FOR LITTLE WANDERERS

The Union Mission and Home for Little Wanderers, an orphanage, was one of several organizations that emerged in the post–Civil War period that sought to reflect Steele's activist theology among Boston's poor. There was plenty of work to go around. The number of juveniles arrested in the city of Boston was rising sharply between 1850 and 1865. Efforts to stem the tide of juvenile delinquency increased as well.56 The high death rate of children in the 1850s would have also been a jolting realization for many of Boston's more comfortable citizens. An April 1865 publication stated, with alarm, that from 1852 to 1859 27 percent of all children born in Massachusetts had died prior to their fifteenth birthday. “Preventable sickness” was seen to be the cause of most of these deaths.57 Several child welfare organizations had been established in Boston prior to the Civil War. Indeed, Boston led the nation in the development of child welfare institutions and served as a

model that many other cities sought to emulate.58 Organizations such as the Boston Female Asylum, Boston Asylum for Indigent Boys, Boston Farm School, and the Children's Mission were all functioning prior to 1850. The Boston Children's Aid Society, which began in 1864, almost a year before the Home for Little Wanderers, was the initiative of a group of prominent society women who had visited one of Boston's jails and found numerous children imprisoned there. Led by prominent and wealthy Unitarians and Episcopalians, the Boston Children's Aid Society became Massachusetts’ leading child welfare agency and the organization most similar to the Home for Little Wanderers. Believing that their evangelical fervor could also make a valuable contribution to child welfare work, a group of evangelical businessmen from Boston organized themselves in 1865 and visited the Howard Mission and Home for Little Wanderers in New York City to see a potential model for the agency they sought to create.59 Upon their return, they immediately set out to establish a similar home for orphans in Boston. The chairperson of this organizing effort was the Reverend E. N. Kirk of Boston. The Reverend F. D. Huntington was also an enthusiastic supporter of the organization. Methodist philanthropists Isaac Rich, Jacob Sleeper, and Lee Claflin a few years later set the organization on a very firm financial footing by donating the enormous sum of $500,000 for the institution's endowment.60 There were four important differences between the established groups— Boston Children's Aid Society, Boston Female Asylum—and the Home for Little Wanderers. First, the Home for Little Wanderers lacked the broad base of Boston Brahmin financial support and social status that other child welfare agencies enjoyed. The Home for Little Wanderers, in contrast, benefited from a narrow but lucrative stream of “new money,” as the half-million-dollar gift from Rich, Sleeper, and Claflin made clear.61 Second, the Home for Little Wanderers was a more fervently evangelistic religious organization than the older Brahmin child welfare agencies. Twenty years after its founding, the children from the Home for Little Wanderers still participated in evangelistic services held at Crescent Beach by the Evangelistic Association of New England.62 Related to its more aggressive religious practices, a third distinctive characteristic that set the Home for Little Wanderers apart from other agencies was that its operatives did not approach their Catholic neighbors with as much of a cooperative spirit as was common with Unitarian, Episcopalian, or Congregationalist child welfare advocates.63 In fact, the Home for Little Wanderers aggressively competed against Catholic agencies. Historian Susan Walton documents several instances of missionary agents from the Home for Little Wanderers competing with the Catholic Home for Destitute Children in getting Catholic children into their orphanage.64 In one instance, a Catholic worker at the Home for Destitute Children discovered that a boy (not an orphan) was about to be sent away on an orphan train to Ohio. The worker contacted the boy's mother, who then moved the boy to the Catholic Home.65 The Home for Little Wanderers seems to have matched its passionate rivalry with Catholics with an ambitious stance for the equal treatment of black and white children. Peter Holloran describes the Home for Little Wanderers as the “first private charity to admit black children on a more or less equal basis with whites.”66 Boston University held a similar distinction among

Boston educational institutions. Significantly, both institutions received substantial support from the same three Methodist laymen. As is often the case with new religious social welfare organizations, the Home for Little Wanderers struggled with how broadly or narrowly to define its Christian identity. Shortly after the founding of the home in 1865 some leaders of the organization attempted to turn it into an exclusively Baptist orphanage to care for the orphaned sons and daughters of Baptist men who had fought in the Civil War. This idea was technically abandoned and instead the home was established as an explicitly nonsectarian (Protestant) organization. Subsequent annual reports boasted that the board of managers had representatives from six different denominations. The home was nonetheless located in the former building of the Second Baptist Church of Baldwin Place in Boston's North End, which in 1743 had been the first Baptist church established in “old Boston.”67 (For the location of the home see figure 2.1.) The Home for Little Wanderers by the mid-1880s was identifiably ecumenical in its orientation but with Methodist and Baptist support predominating. The Reverend Varnum A. Cooper, a Boston Methodist Episcopal pastor and childhood orphan himself, assumed the superintendency of the home in 1886. The Minutes of the Methodist Episcopal New England Annual Conference in 1874 also identify the New England Home for Little Wanderers as one of the more significant recipients of church monies given for that year.68 Baptist devotion to the orphanage continued to be strong as well, with the largest church donor in 1884 being a Baptist church in Waltham. Baptist preacher A. J. Gordon also delivered the main address at the home's annual meeting in 1884.69 In 1889, with a clear sense of relief, the Baldwin Place Home for Little Wanderers “at last” moved out of the North End into much more spacious accommodations in Boston's South End.70 With this move, the organization changed its name to the New England Home for Little Wanderers. In the 1890s the South End began to surpass the West End as the home of the majority of Boston's African-American population.71 THE NORTH END MISSION

Throughout the 1870s, the North End neighborhood of Boston was the primary locus of Protestant anxiety about the plight of the urban poor. As early as the 1840s, with its Irish population rapidly growing, Boston's North End had become the city's first tenement slum. The Reverend David Sherman, presiding elder of the Boston District of the Methodist Episcopal New England Annual Conference in 1875, made his concern over the North End very clear. With its dense concentration of bars, brothels, and dire poverty, Sherman described the neighborhood as the place where “Satan hath his seat and synagogue.” Sherman further noted his growing concern that the church in the city was declining because many Methodists were moving to the suburbs once their income levels increased.72 Evangelical mission work in the North End was widespread in the late 1860s and 1870s. In addition to the Baldwin Place Home for Little Wanderers and the North End Mission, the Methodists had a Seamen's Bethel led by Father Taylor, the Hanover Street Methodist

Episcopal Church, and the North End Mission. The Baptist Bethel was also located in the North End as was Charles Cullis's Lewis Street Mission and Fulton Street Mission—to be discussed later in the chapter. All these organizations were within a fiveminute walk from one another and are identified in figure 2.1.73 The North End Mission was established in 1868, the same year that Methodist “Father Taylor” stepped down from his leadership of the Port Society, an organization he had led since 1829. The North End Mission was established only a short block away from Father Taylor's bethel. One observer noted the North End's worsening characteristics in the late 1860s and made the connection explicit between Taylor's work and that of the new North End Mission. The new mission received praise as a concerted group effort in contrast to Father Taylor, who worked “comparatively alone” in the narrow streets and alleys of the North End.74 The North End Mission began during the Civil War as a small outreach effort of the Hanover Street Methodist Episcopal Church in the North End. Like many organizations founded at this time, it suffered from lack of direction and financing as the nation focused its attention on the war. In February of 1868 the organization became energized by the involvement of Dr. Eben Tourjée, the charismatic thirty-four-year-old Methodist founder of the New England Conservatory of Music and future director of the thousand-voice choir at the 1877 Moody revival.75

FIGURE 2.1. Map of selected North End Protestant institutions, 1870–1884.

By 1867 Eben Tourjée had begun the New England Conservatory of Music in partial fulfillment of his dream to teach music to students of modest means. When only sixteen years old Tourjée had a dream, which is described in his nephew's unpublished biography, of being “surrounded by silent, unblessed children, and in their hands they held song books and musical instruments, but they knew not how to sing or make music. Eben could read in the wistful look in the children's eyes what they were saying, ‘We can't afford music, we're too poor!’ Then, they faded, like dreams in the night. And out of the dark stillness, the Voice whispered again, ‘Share with them your music—my music. Teach them all; Teach them in classes!’”76 He had received his calling in life. Seventeen years later he founded the New England Conservatory of Music. This great victory, however, was matched by an even greater tragedy. Shortly after the conservatory opened to its 350 pupils in September of 1867, Eben's childhood sweetheart and beloved wife Abbie died. After her death, Tourjée's mother moved in with him to help care for his and Abbie's three children. The family attended Tremont Street Methodist Episcopal Church, where Eben soon became friends with the pastor of that church, the Reverend W. R. Clark. In the summer of 1867, Rev. Clark preached a sermon titled “The Devil in our Midst,” whereby he told of the horrific living conditions that existed in the North End neighborhood of Boston. Beginning in April 1867, Clark and holiness movement leader William McDonald were appointed to lead fundraising efforts for the Sunday School and Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, which was later renamed the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society (BMCES). One of Clark's goals in preaching about the North End was undoubtedly to make his relatively affluent congregation aware of the needs.77 Clark's sermon affected Tourjée greatly; he was surprised to learn of the desperate poverty that existed in his newly adopted city. Tourjée then went on a walking tour of the North End with Rev. Clark and J. H. Crowell, the missionary of the Hanover Street Mission. “That night, in the privacy of his room, Eben knelt and prayed, pleading with all his heart for divine guidance. In relating his experience and determination to his mother, Angeline[, she] assured him that if God willed him to participate in this important work, there would be others at his side, for such a great undertaking was not a oneman job.”78 Very quickly, Eben Tourjée rose as a prominent leader, visionary, and financial backbone for the Hanover Street Mission. Tourjée arranged for the mission to change locations and rented a formerly famous brothel at 201 North Street in the heart of what was called the “black sea”—so named for all the people who had “drowned” in its grip. In 1870 the building at 201 North Street was purchased.79 The mission on North Street was surrounded by “upwards of one hundred houses of ill-fame, and four hundred grog-shops, of the vilest character.”80 At an April 1868 meeting of the Hanover Street Mission, Tourjée read aloud a report from Phoebe Palmer's Five Points Mission in New York City and proclaimed that this Boston

mission could be just as effective. At this same meeting, Tourjée also moved to rename the Hanover Street Mission the North End Mission, perhaps to disassociate it somewhat from the local Methodist Episcopal Church for the purposes of attracting non-Methodist donors. Lieutenant Governor William Claflin and Boston Mayor Shurtleff were also present at this April meeting. Nine months later, at the January 1869 annual meeting, William Claflin and Mayor Shurtleff both became members of the board of managers along with the Reverend Gilbert Haven, the future Methodist Episcopal bishop.81 A few months later, the Reverend Russell Toles, superintendent of the neighboring Baldwin Place Home for Little Wanderers, was also named to the executive committee of the organization.82 By January of 1869 an industrial school was organized—again at the initiative of Tourjée— for the purposes of teaching women and children to sew. The 1871 annual report for the North End Mission estimated that there were thirty thousand needlewomen working in Massachusetts at a wage of $1.50 per week at a time when lodging rent was approximately $0.70 per week.83 The plight of Henry Morgan's Ned Nevins would have been all too familiar to Tourjée and participants in the industrial school. Mrs. William Claflin was the president of the all-female board for the industrial school, and the Claflins remained very active supporters of the North End Mission. On one occasion, in 1870, they hosted 150 children from the mission at their Newton home and treated them to ice cream and strawberries.84 Tourjée continued to increase his leadership role at the North End Mission, and in 1870 he became its president, giving up the superintendency of the Sunday School at the mission that he especially enjoyed. Shortly after Tourjée assumed the presidency, the mission expanded to comprise a whole complex of ministries including a four-hundred-seat chapel, a reading room, an industrial school for sewing, a home for reforming prostitutes, and a restaurant that provided meals for free or at cost to its patrons. An undated newspaper article from the early 1870s boasted that the Boston chief of police appreciated the North End Mission because “since its establishment, a much smaller force is required to keep that quarter of the city in order.”85 In February 1872 Tourjée led the North End Mission in holding a large fund-raising fair at Boston's Music Hall—the most prominent venue in the city, located across the street from the Boston Common. This fair brought in a $35,382 profit and involved the participation of many Boston-area churches in a kind of friendly competition with one another to raise the most money for the mission.86 Methodist Episcopal churches appear to have been the largest contributors at this event, although A. J. Gordon's Clarendon Street Baptist Church also participated and raised the second-highest amount of money of any of the churches at the tenday fair.87 The profits from the fair enabled the North End Mission to purchase a five-acre estate in West Roxbury for reforming prostitutes.88 The danger of prostitution seems to have been particularly emphasized in the North End Mission's magazine for rural female migrants to the city. The magazine published a story in 1872 that warned would-be rural migrants to the city of its dangers. It is a story of a New Hampshire farm girl whose parents naively consent to her move to the city where “the silly fly seeks the web.”89 In June of 1875 Tourjée became involved in the labor reform movement when he advocated

on behalf of the sewing women who had been trained at the North End Mission's industrial school. Many of these women were Portuguese immigrants. A missionary at the North End Mission, Mrs. L. E. Caswell, utilized eight Portuguese interpreters to help her teach sewing classes at the mission. By 1874 the organization claimed that eighteen hundred Portuguese women had been helped.90 Earlier that year the city placed sewing machines in the jail, and inmates began producing items. This, Tourjée claimed, was unfair competition that undercut the prices that sewing women in the city could charge for their own work. Tourjée petitioned the state legislature to stop this practice. Tourjée and the North End Mission received praise in the Christian Labor Union's magazine, Equity, for his actions even though the legislature did not ultimately support Tourjée's position.91 Tourjée's political involvement on behalf of workers may have rubbed some of his more wealthy supporters the wrong way. His nephew remarked that “[h]ad he gone to Bombay or Hong Kong, he would have been proclaimed a martyr for his noble gesture. Yet, it seemed to many both strange and remarkable for a man of his position to devote himself to the rescue of lost souls in his own city. Prior to this, most of Boston's so-called respectable class knew little about the notorious North End conditions. But in the Mission Magazine, Dr. Tourjée shocked many out of their Puritanical smugness with his true, hard-hitting account of things.”92 The early 1870s were years of tremendous expansion at the North End Mission and the conservatory, but Tourjée did not limit himself to helping only the organizations he had founded. He was president of the Boston YMCA in 1871, and between 1872 and 1876 Tourjée also served as president of the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society (BMCES), an official organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church in New England.93 His predecessor in this organization was his friend and pastor W. R. Clark, who had first revealed to him the horrors of Boston's slums. Years earlier, holiness leader William McDonald had considered merging the BMCES with the North End Mission, but this merger never occurred.94 Tourjée's magnificent fund-raising abilities for the BMCES in the early 1870s helped it to expand. He recruited big names to add gravitas to the organization; many of these individuals were already strong supporters of the North End Mission. William Claflin, Jacob Sleeper, Daniel Steele, and others all came on board. In a single year Tourjée tripled the amount raised for the BMCES, but this fund-raising success was short-lived as a deep financial depression hit the nation in the years after 1873. Tourjée resigned as president of the BMCES in 1876, the same year he also resigned from the North End Mission. Between 1869 and 1878 New England Methodists and the BMCES had nevertheless succeeded in starting nine new churches in Boston and its first-ring suburbs. They had Tourjée to thank for it.95 Although Tourjée resigned from the presidency of the North End Mission in 1876, he remained involved with its board of managers for several years.96 With Ezra Farnsworth of the Congregationalist Park Street Church replacing him at the helm of the mission, its spirit began to change.97 Methodist involvement with the North End Mission gradually declined over the years even as its social welfare and evangelistic activities remained substantial. At the start of 1883 the only identifiable Methodist representatives on the mission's board of directors were

Tourjée and the Reverend Lewis Benton Bates.98 In 1891 the North End Mission was still providing North End residents with 103,000 meals, 33,000 lodgings, 9,000 articles of clothing, and 1,000 religious services each year. Two-hundred and twenty-seven women had been cared for that year at the home for prostitutes, and sixty children had been cared for at the orphanage at the Mount Hope estate.99 In 1902 the North End Mission left the North End for “more healthful surroundings.” By this time the mission was a predominantly Unitarian endeavor.100 Despite all his involvement in the North End Mission, the BMCES, and the YMCA, Tourjée remained equally active in his leadership of the New England Conservatory of Music and other musical endeavors including the directing of the choir for the 1877 Moody revival.101 In 1872 Boston University established a School of Music in partnership with Tourjée's conservatory. Tourjée was then the dean of both schools.102 During these years, the North End Mission also became a common destination for Boston University School of Theology students—and perhaps some School of Music students as well— in their evangelistic outreach efforts. Figure 2.2, which dates from 1887, includes the address of the North End Mission above the group photograph of the students.103 In 1882 Tourjée purchased—with his own funds—the St. James Hotel in the South End's Franklin Square to house the New England Conservatory of Music and Boston University's School of Music. By 1883 the conservatory was declared to be the “largest and most splendidly equipped conservatory and college of music in the world.”104 Eben Tourjée's leadership in both music education and ministry among the urban poor is significant in light of the importance of hymn singing at New England camp meetings. Music at camp meetings at this time encouraged meeting participants to involve themselves in Christian service to the poor as one expression of believers’ entire sanctification. Tourjée also worked to encourage more congregational hymn singing at a time when affluent Methodist congregations were beginning to substitute professional soloists for congregational singing in the worship services. At the same time, Tourjée's leadership of the respected New England Conservatory of Music probably contributed to the separation of music from lay ministry as the conservatory also produced professional performers, to the delight of some of Tourjée's Brahmin benefactors. The tension Tourjée probably felt between wanting to encourage popular congregational singing (in keeping with the camp meeting tradition) and his desire to satisfy his more upperclass friends at the conservatory would have been a familiar tension experienced by many other Methodist leaders. Nothing symbolized this tension more than Tourjée's leadership of educational excursions to Europe from 1878 until 1884. Tourjée took a number of prominent Boston Methodist friends with him on these trips. Holiness theologian Daniel Steele, William Claflin, and William Fairfield Warren were among Tourjée's traveling companions on at least one occasion. In an advertisement for Tourjée's excursions, Daniel Steele offers a testimonial about the tour, praising it for “the daily religious exercises, hymns, responsive Psalm-reading and prayer on the steamer and the restful Sabbaths on land with services everywhere in our mother tongue.” These were far from selfless missionary trips to Europe, but they nonetheless encouraged Christian devotion that was somewhat reminiscent of—but dramatically different from—the piety present at New England camp meetings. 105

FIGURE 2.2. Boston University School of Theology Students, 1887. Image from Sally Ann Kydd, Boston University, The Campus History Series (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2002), 30.

Following a mild stroke in 1887, Tourjée began spending winters in Florida until his death in 1891. Holiness movement leader William Nast Brodbeck, the pastor of Tremont Street Methodist Episcopal Church, where Tourjée had been a member for the nearly twenty years, preached Tourjée's funeral sermon. 106 Today, Tourjée is remembered as the founder of the New England Conservatory of Music and as the first president of the Music Teachers’ National Association when it was founded in 1876, but not for his religious work and service to the poor. His two daughters, Lizzie and Clara, studied music and gained reputations as a composer and soloist, respectively. Lizzie Tourjée Estabrook composed a well-known hymn, “There's a Wideness in God's Mercy,” still used in Protestant hymnbooks. It reflects many of the beliefs Eben Tourjée held dear. There's a wideness in God's mercy Like the wideness of the sea There's a kindness in His justice Which is more than liberty There is welcome for the sinner And more graces for the good There is mercy with the Savior There is healing in His blood; For the love of God is broader Than the measure of man's mind And the heart of the Eternal Is most wonderfully kind; If our love were but more simple

We should take Him at His word And our lives would be all sunshine In the sweetness of our Lord.107 CHARLES CULLIS'S INSTITUTIONS

Tourjée's masterful and diverse abilities as a musician, entrepreneur, fundraiser, and administrator were surpassed by only one other Boston evangelical of his day. Of all the evangelical leaders in Boston during this era, no one brought together more disparate ideas, movements, or people in Protestant Christianity than Dr. Charles Cullis. He was a national leader of the faithhealing movement, an eclectic churchman, and an organizational genius. The following excerpt from an annual report of 1880 not only reveals his devout faith but also illustrates the wide-ranging scope of his work: Still further, that I may not be misunderstood, and that God may not be dishonored by a statement sometimes seen in public print in regard to the Word, that “it is foolish to pray and do nothing,” I give the following facts: I have under my personal charge and management, first, the Consumptives’ Home, with its seventy sick ones, matrons, nurses and domestics; two orphan homes with twenty-seven orphans and matrons; the Spinal Home with patients and nurses; the Deaconess House with its workers; five churches and missions in Boston; the Faith Training College, with its professors and students; the Cancer Home at Walpole, still in preparation for opening; Boydton Institute, a large work among the freedmen in Virginia; a work among the Chinese in California; foreign mission in Basim, India; three Tract Repositories in Boston, New York and Philadelphia; the editing of two religious papers; preaching every Sabbath; conducting a large consecration meeting every Tuesday afternoon throughout the year, also other evening meetings; attending to a very large correspondence; praying with between one and two hundred persons individually every week, and earning my own living as a physician for the support of my family. I beg to assure my readers that I recount all the above in no boasting spirit,… but to answer, if possible, the statement with which we commenced, to prove, beyond a question, that the one who prays most labors most, yea, “more abundantly through Christ which strengtheneth me.”108 This is an impressive list of activities, but in order to understand Cullis better one must analyze further the religious and social factors that motivated his breakneck pace in institution building. Born in Boston in 1833 and thus one year older than Tourjée, Charles Cullis was raised an Episcopalian. He decided to become a physician upon the encouragement of other physicians during his own long recovery from illness in his late teenage years. Cullis became a homeopathic physician and married the sister-in-law of one of his teachers.109 His choice to practice homeopathic medicine both predisposed him to seek out alternative healing methods and later placed him in the midst of a controversy in Boston between traditional medical doctors and those who advocated homeopathy.110 This controversy served to give his work increased public exposure as well. A subsequent controversy in the 1870s known as the

prayer-gauge debate also increased the public's awareness of Cullis's work.111 The death of Cullis's first wife in 1861 coincided with his growing passion for both holiness and helping the impoverished of Boston. In 1861 Cullis joined the newly organized Emmanuel Episcopal Church, which was still meeting at the Mechanics Association Hall but a year later relocated as planned to the new Back Bay neighborhood—recently reclaimed from the Charles River estuary. On March 24, 1861 (three weeks before shots were fired on Fort Sumter to begin the Civil War), F. D. Huntington was ordained to the priesthood and began serving as Emmanuel's first rector.112 The Reverend Huntington was a convert from Unitarianism to the holiness cause and vital for encouraging Emmanuel's urban mission work among the poor.113 The friendship between Huntington and Charles Cullis remained intense throughout the 1860s and was strengthened by the tragic loss of Cullis's eleven-month-old firstborn son born to his second wife, Lucretia, in August of 1868. The Reverend Frederic Dan Huntington presided at the funeral for his own namesake, Frederic Huntington Cullis.114 Charles Cullis professed an experience of entire sanctification on August 19, 1862, just a year after joining Huntington's church.115 As was the case with his pastor, Cullis's involvement with the holiness movement placed him more closely in affinity with Methodists than with members of his own denomination. Cullis's relationships to Phoebe Palmer, John Inskip, William McDonald, and Daniel Steele and his sponsorship of camp meetings at the Methodistowned Old Orchard Beach would not have been looked on favorably by some prominent Boston Episcopalians. The Tuesday afternoon “consecration meetings” led by Cullis grew from a handful of persons in 1869 to a group of four hundred by 1874.116 After renting an expensive hall at the nearby Congregational House for which a friend largely paid, a new hall for the meeting was finally dedicated in May of 1875. At the service of dedication of the new hall, which was also to serve as the location for Cullis's tuition-free Faith Training College, one observer remarked how usually a college overshadows a prayer meeting in importance but that here the reverse seemed to be the case.117 Cullis's leadership in the holiness movement placed him in the midst of schismatic movements in the Episcopal Church—between the evangelicals, who stressed a kind of Methodist revivalism, and the sacramentarians, who were increasingly drawn to medieval ritual and architecture. Cullis's friendship with Episcopal priests F. D. Huntington, A. H. Vinton, Samuel Cutler, and W. R. Nicholson placed him firmly on the side of the evangelicals in the schism of 1873 that produced the Reformed Episcopal Church. By the 1880s many evangelical Episcopalians had left the denomination to join either the Reformed Episcopal Church or other groups.118 While Huntington and Vinton remained with the Episcopal Church, other friends of Cullis's including Samuel Cutler and W. R. Nicholson did not.119 Cutler had left his parish in Hanover, Massachusetts, because of the local manifestation of divisive forces splitting apart the wider denomination.120 Cullis offered Cutler a pastorate at one of Cullis's new churches in the Grove Hall section of Roxbury, but this did not last, as the parishioners preferred to have Cullis, an Episcopal layman, serve as pastor instead.121 The Reverend William Rufus Nicholson was the rector at St. Paul's Episcopal Church in Boston beginning in 1859 and was an avid supporter of

Cullis's work from the start. Nicholson may have been instrumental in encouraging Cullis's involvement in foreign missionary efforts (which began in 1875) since he served as general secretary for the Episcopal Church's missionary society immediately prior to his departure to join the Reformed Episcopal Church in 1874.122 Cullis's own ties to the Protestant Episcopal Church were no doubt strained in 1873 when he became pastor of Grove Hall Church despite his lay status with the Protestant Episcopal Church. But his relationship to the Episcopal Church appears never to have been completely severed. Unlike his clergy friends, Cullis was an Episcopal layman, a status that made formal separation with the denomination unnecessary.123 During the summer of 1877 Cullis was asked by his pastor, most likely the Reverend A. H. Vinton at Emmanuel Church, to make his new Brighton Street Mission an Episcopal mission.124 Cullis refused. “All our Deaconesses, and workers, and patients were representatives of different denominations; and as my sole aim in the mission was to bring the impenitent to a knowledge of Christ, the Saviour, I could not begin a sectarian work. I had been brought up in the Episcopal Church; I loved it; but in bringing souls to Christ, I could not prescribe the form of church or worship.”125 A few months later, in the fall of 1877, the Protestant Episcopal Church held its triennial convention in the city of Boston, which resulted in the final split between the Reformed Episcopal Church and the Protestant Episcopal Church. The conflict at this gathering between evangelicals and sacramentarians in the Protestant Episcopal Church resulted in a decisive loss for the evangelical faction within the church. One “high Church” representative claimed “[a] victory so complete…that the renewal of hostilities hereafter is hopeless.”126 After this convention, the evangelicals’ influence in the Episcopal Church greatly diminished. There is no evidence of Cullis's involvement with the Protestant Episcopal Church after this date even though he continued to self-identify as an Episcopalian for the rest of his life.127 Cullis's prolific institution building began in September of 1864 with the establishment of the Consumptives’ Home. In 1870 it moved to the Grove Hall section of Roxbury.128 The Consumptives’ Home was always his largest in terms of the financial resources he had to commit to it. In the late 1870s and early 1880s the annual expenditures for the home stood roughly at $30,000. In contrast, the budget for the Faith Training College, foreign missions, and other homes was usually less than $10,000 combined.129 The $21,000 needed to purchase the home in Roxbury was raised at a February 1871 fair held at Music Hall. Tourjée's North End Mission would have even greater financial success at its fair held at the same venue the following year. In 1871 Cullis's ministries were incorporated in the state of Massachusetts. William Claflin, Jacob Sleeper, the Reverend A. H. Vinton, and three other individuals served with Charles Cullis as trustees. When the orphanage was established in 1868 to care for the children of Consumptives’ Home patients, the Reverend W. R. Nicholson and the Reverend F. D. Huntington were both present for the dedication ceremony. Cullis's management of his institutions' finances was as creative as his managing of ecclesial divisions in the Episcopal Church. Cullis followed the example of George Müller as understood in Müller's famous book, Life of Trust, published in 1861.130 Müller's book inspired Dr. Cullis to follow in his footsteps and never make any explicit solicitation for

money to finance his projects.131 He rather let people know that he had financial needs through his annual reports and trusted that God would provide. As one would expect, the financial resources were not always as plentiful as Cullis would have liked. One of his strongest supporters, holiness theologian Daniel Steele, encouraged Cullis during a financial crisis and revealed his own perspective on labor relations. In 1875, while the United States was still in the midst of an economic depression, Steele wrote to Cullis: “Faith builds temples of Christian charity in times of financial depression.…Faith never is idle, because God's mills are never shut up for repairs, or because of an overstocked market. Faith-workers never strike for higher wages, because they have the promise of the life that now is and of that which is to come —'they shall inherit all things.’”132 Steele's reference to the problems of labor may illustrate one area of disagreement between Cullis and himself that emerged in 1875. On May 23, 1875, Cullis's newly constructed chapel for his Tuesday afternoon consecration meeting was also host to the second public meeting of E. H. Rogers's Christian Labor Union. Cullis's institutions were praised in the pages of the CLU's journal, Equity. His institutions were said to be a foretaste of that “most blessed” time when Cullis's “high and noble form of Christian charity [shall be]…supplanted by that divine charity, whereby the whole organization of society shall be so ordered and managed, that in its ordinary workings it shall meet all human needs.”133 The CLU would have been an advocate of workers’ right to strike, something that Steele seems to have frowned on at this time. Cullis's attention to George Müller's teachings and institutional developments in Europe was part of a growing trend. Transatlantic travel became increasingly common, which led philanthropists and religious leaders in Europe and America to borrow heavily from one another. Cullis's attention to European developments was particularly important for two areas of his ministry. First, Cullis's decision to be a more public advocate of faith healing was largely due to his visit to the faith-healing center begun by Dorothea Trüdel and carried on by Samuel Zeller in Männedorf, Switzerland. Likewise, Cullis's adoption of a deaconess home and training school was an explicit attempt at replicating the deaconess home and related institutions founded by Theodore Fliedner in Kaiserswerth, Germany.134 The expansion of Cullis's ministries to include many other institutions is also a reflection of Fliedner's method; Fliedner established a deaconess home, hospital, knitting school, teacher-training school, and orphanages.135 Charles and Lucretia Cullis toured Kaiserswerth and other ministries similar to Cullis's own work during a four-month visit to Europe in the summer of 1873. Accompanying the Cullises were Dr. and Mrs. Boardman, supporters of Cullis's work and important leaders of the holiness movement in America and Britain.136 Charles Cullis's deaconess house, established in May of 1869, was the pioneer deaconess institution in New England, and Cullis believed it was the first such institution in North America.137 Not affiliated with any particular denomination, it would be an important model for Boston Methodists when they established their own deaconess institution two decades later.138 Two years after its founding, five deaconesses had graduated from Cullis's deaconess house. Three were associated with the Consumptives’ Home and children's home. The other two were involved in visitation work in Boston and work with prostitutes in New York City.139

When the Faith Training College was founded, deaconesses’ education began to incorporate coursework at the college in addition to their practical work in nursing or visitation through ministries in the area. An 1881 annual report notes that “many” deaconesses attended the Faith Training College in the evenings.140 Cullis's involvement in printing and distributing evangelistic tracts preceded the founding of the Consumptives’ Home, although a formal organization for the purposes of tract publication was not established until 1869 with the Willard Street Tract Repository.141 The magazine Times of Refreshing was published the same year and served as an important vehicle for promoting holiness movement news and spreading awareness of Cullis's ministries. The first page of the periodical asserted its holiness movement emphasis. “Its object is to present Jesus as a full and perfect Saviour, and that His precious blood ‘cleanseth from all sin;’ to give facts and incidents relative to the work of God in various places, and to urge believers to be ‘followers of God as dear Children.’”142 Books about faith healing and dozens of tract titles by such holiness movement leaders as Hannah and Robert Pearsall Smith, William Mc- Donald, W. E. Boardman, and others were offered for sale.143 Cullis's publishing house—with branches in New York and Philadelphia—would eventually become the most important publisher of faithhealing materials in North America.144 The Reverend A. J. Gordon of Clarendon Street Baptist Church would serve as one of the most important apologists for Cullis's faith-healing movement with the 1882 publication of his Ministry of Healing: Miracles of Cure in All Ages. Gordon had become convinced of the truth of faith healing at the Moody 1877 campaign, where he saw an opium addict cured and a missionary's jaw healed instantaneously.145 Several recent scholars have already noted Cullis's important leadership of the American faith-healing movement of the late nineteenth century.146 That John Inskip, William McDonald, A. J. Gordon, Daniel Steele, and William Boardman were supporters of Cullis's faith-healing ministry illustrates the importance of faith healing to the holiness movement—especially in its early years. Inskip himself claimed to have been healed by Dr. Cullis in December of 1871.147 As important as Cullis's national leadership in the faith-healing movement was, it sometimes overshadowed his other contributions to American religious life and, in particular, his contributions to Boston urban mission.148 His deaconess house and publishing house, already discussed, are just two of those important contributions. By 1882, just seven years after the deaconess house's movement to Grove Hall, the deaconess house had forty-two women associated with it as either current residents or graduates. Three-fourths of these women were associated with various Cullis institutions in North America, with the remainder working in foreign missions either with Cullis's institutions or elsewhere.149 Daniel Steele was chairperson of the board of trustees for the branch of Cullis's ministries that included everything except the Consumptives’ Home and related hospitals or homes for the sick. Steele also spoke at the dedication of a new deaconess house in September 1875. In later years he would be one of the chief supporters of, and a teacher at, the Methodist Episcopal deaconess institution in Boston founded in 1889. Theological students at Boston University School of Theology also became more acquainted with Cullis's work after 1882 when the university trustees purchased a former

Baptist church at 12 Somerset Street, practically next door to Charles Cullis's home at 16 Somerset Street. The Faith Training College was located on the same block as well. The former church at 12 Somerset Street was named Jacob Sleeper Hall and served as the home of the university's College of Liberal Arts, administrative offices, women's study room, and classrooms.150 Cullis's friendship with Daniel Steele and other Methodists and the Wesleyan ethos of Cullis's institutions likely would have strengthened the connections between his institutions and the university as well. The Faith Training College was established for the purpose of training men and women who were not able to undertake theological study in denominational seminaries but who still wanted to equip themselves for various fields of Christian work. Faith Training College promotional materials described the college as preparing people for “the widening fields of lay activity which the Head of the Church is wonderfully opening in our age, such as Sundayschool instruction, Christian Association work, Bible exposition, exhortation, lay preaching, lay evangelism, home and foreign missionary labor.” Courses were held in the evening, tuition was free, and it was open to Christians from all denominations. However, in keeping with Cullis's holiness advocacy, the school also stressed the Wesleyan idea that Jesus is able “to save to the uttermost all that come unto God by him, and that it is the office of the Sanctifier to purify all believers.”151 Among the more prominent faculty involved with the Faith Training College were Charles Cullis, Daniel Steele, William McDonald, William Boardman, A. B. Earle, and Charles Wesley Emerson.152 The Faith Training College, an innovation in itself, was also noteworthy for its having a woman on the faculty in 1875. Lucretia Cullis served as professor of Christian Work for Women.153 Other members of the faculty were often pastors from the churches Cullis had started in Boston. Steele, McDonald, Earle, and Boardman were well-known leaders in the holiness movement; Charles Wesley Emerson is less well known, but he was among the most interesting and enigmatic of the faculty at the college. Emerson's uniqueness is illustrated even in his name. A distant cousin of Transcendentalism's founder and descendant of Wesleyan clergymen, Charles Wesley Emerson tended to draw on multiple religious traditions throughout his life. Beginning in 1876, Emerson served as professor of oratory at Cullis's Faith Training College and in 1877 was installed as pastor at the Unitarian church of Chelsea. His involvement in a Wesleyan holiness training college and a Unitarian church never seemed to be a problem for either himself, Charles Cullis, or any of the other faculty at the Faith Training College. Beginning in 1878, Emerson was also a faculty member at Boston University's Monroe School of Oratory, which closed the following year but was immediately reorganized by Emerson to become the Boston Conservatory of Elocution and Dramatic Art. It was renamed Emerson College in 1890.154 Many things would have attracted Emerson to Cullis's Faith Training College in 1876. Emerson worked there as professor of oratory for no salary for eleven years.155 Cullis's Consumptives’ Home would have been of personal interest to Emerson since as early as 1878 Emerson knew that he had “consumption in an incipient stage.”156 Emerson's interest in alternative healing methods and his training as a physician also would have drawn him to

Cullis's work.157 Finally, his lifelong admiration of John Wesley and the Methodists was such that he would have felt very much at home in the environment at the Faith Training College. After Emerson died of consumption in 1908, the funeral sermon by Dr. Benjamin Kidder suggested that perhaps it was with the Methodists where Emerson had felt most at home. “In his Christian life—for Dr. Emerson was pre-eminently a Christian, not of the sectarian type but of the spiritual type—he manifested his strength. Like Phillips Brooks his soul was too great and his sympathies too broad for any denomination to claim him exclusively. As a Congregational minister he once preached to a Unitarian congregation, and I personally know that he was in deepest and truest sympathy with the highest and holiest ideals of truth and life as held by the Methodists.”158 The Faith Training College where Emerson, Steele, McDonald, and others taught was copied many times over in the Bible institute movement of the 1880s and 1890s. This later movement served as an important engine for the growth of the foreign and domestic missionary movements, but historians have not given due credit to Cullis's Faith Training College as its precursor in America.159 One of the first of these training schools in the 1880s was founded by Cullis supporter A. B. Simpson, the founder of the Christian and Missionary Alliance.160 Simpson's Missionary Training College in New York City, founded in 1883, was begun for the purpose of providing basic theological training to missionaries to aid in the task of world evangelization and was based firmly on premillennial convictions. A. J. Gordon's Boston Missionary Training School, founded in 1889, was based on premillennial ideas as well. However, in Boston, Gordon's school in many ways was simply a replica of Cullis's Faith Training College founded in 1875. Although not based on premillennial convictions and more firmly situated within the Wesleyan holiness movement, Cullis's school had similar purposes to Gordon's insofar as it was a lay training institute for both men and women interested in serving as missionaries at home or abroad.161 When Gordon's institute was founded in 1889, most Boston observers would probably have compared it to Cullis's Faith Training College as the most similar school with which they were already familiar. Cullis's involvement in city missions began late in 1867—around the same time that Tourjée also began to organize the North End Mission. Cullis started his work among the poor by sponsoring a woman “Bible reader” who visited the poor in the North End. By the end of 1867 the Willard Street Chapel was founded in the West End. It sponsored temperance meetings, an evening school for children, and other mission efforts until 1871, when the work at Willard Street was disbanded and the associated church was moved to Grove Hall in Roxbury. It would not be until 1877 that another mission outpost would be established on Brighton Street, also in Boston's West End. This effort was led by B. B. Scott, a Methodist from Iowa who had originally come to Boston to attend the Faith Training College after seeing an advertisement for it in a newspaper. Along with retired sea captain H. L. Babbitt and two deaconesses, Scott served as pastor of a Brighton Street mission Cullis founded in 1877. By 1885 Scott and his wife left Boston to become missionaries in India along with other graduates of the Faith Training College.162

A year after the founding of the Brighton Street mission, in 1878, two other missions were begun—the first on Cottage Street in Dorchester and the second, a North End mission to seamen, on Fulton Street.163 Cullis's Lewis Street Mission opened in 1879 also in the North End. In its first year of operation the Lewis Street Mission claimed that 384 individuals had confessed conversion to Christianity through its ministry; this was a number nine times greater than the Congregationalist City Missionary Society reported for its work in Boston the same year.164 By 1884 Cullis had also established six mission outposts in North America in addition to his work in the Boston area. These missions included an orphanage in Virginia, a training school in Virginia, work among Chinese in Monterrey, California, the Renick's Valley Mission in West Virginia, the Oxford Mission in North Carolina, and the Santa Barbara Mission in California.165 Cullis's involvement in foreign missions was also unique insofar as it was one of the first “faith missions” in America. The term “faith missions” refers to those organizations which were established independent of denominational oversight and required persons preparing to serve as foreign missionaries to raise their own financial support “on faith” that God would lead people to give to the cause. The founder of “faith missions,” James Hudson Taylor, had started his mission in China in 1865. Cullis was only a decade behind Taylor in sending a missionary to India. Lucretia Cullis most likely influenced her husband in choosing India since she had lived there for several years with her first husband, who worked as a businessman in India until his death. The first missionary sent to India under Cullis's auspices was Miss Lucy Drake. In 1870 Drake had been a patient of Dr. Cullis and was asked one day whether she believed God could heal the tumor in her body that left her bedridden. She and Cullis began praying for her divine healing, and her tumor gradually disappeared. Drake was Cullis's first experience of divine healing and his first venture into sending foreign missionaries. Lucy Drake was later influential in persuading Amanda Smith, an African-American washerwoman from John Inskip's church in New York, to go to India with her as a missionary. Lucy Drake later married one of the founders of the National Camp Meeting Association, William B. Osborn, in 1875.166 By 1881 Cullis had established mission outposts in three different places: Basim, India; Balasore, India; and Cape Town, South Africa.167 For all of Cullis's apparent successes in the areas of foreign and domestic missions, his Consumptives’ Home, and faith healing, by the mid-1880s he was the recipient of an increasing number of attacks on his public faithhealing ministry, for which he was most well known. Liberal theological perspectives on sin and human nature, along with a tendency to minimize the impact of the supernatural on everyday events, began to gain more supporters in the society at large, and this took support away from faith-healing advocates. The practice of faith healing also came under attack because some of its advocates were beginning to draw parallels between God's ability to save from sin through the atonement and God's ability to save from sickness through a similar faith in Christ. This caused a rift to occur among healing advocates. R. Kelso Carter and A. B. Simpson advocated for faith healing's parallelism with the atonement, such that if someone did not

receive healing as requested it was because that person similarly lacked a saving faith in Christ. Daniel Steele, S. L. Gracey, and William McDonald saw divine healing as something that God does on occasion but did not see the lack of a healing experience as being due to the requesting individual's lack of faith.168 Carter's and Simpson's understanding of healing as a necessary outworking of belief in Christ's atonement was also present in one of A. J. Gordon's sermons published in 1880.169 The most prominent opponent of faith healing in Methodism was James Monroe Buckley, editor of the influential Christian Advocate magazine in New York City. As early as 1882, Buckley criticized Cullis for giving the Old Orchard Methodist campground “a reputation as great as the grotto at Lourdes has among Roman Catholics.” As the faith-healing movement grew and became more extreme in its claims by the mid-1880s, the frequency of criticism toward the movement grew as well, from Buckley and others.170 Even though Cullis was never as extreme as some later faith healers, his own work was often associated with less legitimate practitioners of faith healing. Among Boston Methodists, the fiery Reverend L. T. Townsend, a professor of preaching at Boston University School of Theology, criticized Cullis for his inconsistency in practicing medicine and for being an advocate of faith healing. Indeed, Cullis never fully explained this apparent contradiction other than to note that God works in different ways at different times. In a rebuke to Townsend in the Zion's Herald, Steele criticized him for not getting to know Cullis better. “The lecture-room of Dr. Townsend has been for more than fifteen years within three minutes’ walk of Dr. Cullis, whom he might have consulted if he wished to avoid errors which lay burdens on his friends to correct, while they cumber the religious press with a needless discussion.”171 Townsend seems to have taken Steele's advice and was won over to his side in support of Cullis. In 1890 Townsend preached at Cullis's Faith Convention in Intervale, New Hampshire, and in 1892 was a trustee of Cullis's institutions.172 By the late 1880s Cullis's prominence among Boston evangelicals started to diminish as other ministries began that seemed more exciting to supporters. The controversy among faith-healing advocates themselves also damaged Cullis's reputation.173 The most famous proponent of divine healing in Boston, Mary Baker Eddy of the Christian Science Association, also critiqued Cullis. The only evidence of their interaction, however, appears in a letter from Eddy to the editor of the Boston Globe in which she accuses Cullis of lacking rigorous faith in divine healing because he continued to use ordinary medical practices. Eddy wrote, “The Globe reports Dr. Cullis, the leader of the ‘Faith Cure,’ saying that he always employs drugs, hygiene, and material methods first, and God last in his practice. The Scriptures say, ‘Seek ye first the kingdom of heaven.’ When one's faith in matter is foiled, and as a dernier [or last] resort one exercises faith in God! Dr. Cullis admits that God has all power then questions his power to raise a man who has fallen in the street. He reasons that God cannot deliver the mother in travail, for this is the proper province of drugs, the knife and forceps!”174 Cullis seems to have stayed above the fray with regard to this attack, as he had on so many other issues of ecclesiastical conflict, but Eddy's criticism, which she shared with Luther Townsend, about Cullis's inconsistency as a physician/faith healer remained

unanswered. When Cullis died in March of 1892, his trustees tried to continue his work. The trustees for the newly organized “Corporation of Faith Missions at Home and Abroad” had oversight for all ministries with the exception of the Consumptives’ Home, Cancer Home, Spinal Home, and orphanages. These trustees of the Faith Missions Corporation included Daniel Steele as president, L. B. Bates, Professor L. T. Townsend, E. D. Mallory, and Mrs. Lucretia A. Cullis. Steele, Bates, and Townsend were all Methodist Episcopal clergymen. Mallory was a pastor at one of Cullis's independent churches but was described as having been a Wesleyan pastor in Canada. This list of Methodist clergymen is important, as it illustrates the institutions’ Wesleyan character. The trustees for Cullis's other branch of work, consisting of the Consumptives’ Home and affiliated institutions, included some of the same individuals mentioned above in addition to William Claflin and A. J. Gordon, the sole non- Methodist clergyman on the board of Cullis's institutions.175 Attempts at continuing Cullis's institutions after his death failed miserably, however, as a result of the nationwide financial crisis in 1893 and the apparent inability of the institutions to raise support without Cullis's charismatic draw. This chapter tells the story of a vast amount of institution building by evangelicals in Boston. The Home for Little Wanderers, Boston University, and the New England Conservatory of Music are all institutions that survive to this day in Boston even if their character has often changed dramatically. The founders of these and other organizations established in the years following the Civil War all derived like-minded motivation from the American holiness movement, which espoused the possibility of eradicating sin from one's personal life. With memories of how slavery had recently been destroyed through the influence of holiness preachers so fresh in their minds, it was not much of a leap of imagination to believe that similarly well-organized institutions could conquer poverty as well.176 As explained in the following chapter, their anti-Catholic feelings were often present as well— with the apparent exception of Charles Cullis, whose more refined Episcopalian sensibilities seem to have inoculated him against such sentiments. Evangelicals’ method of combining revivalism and social reform was varied. For Morgan, revivalism took place in his lecturing and preaching in Boston's Music Hall and elsewhere, while his social reform efforts focused on newspaper boys and the plight of labor. Tourjée's North End Mission and avid skills as choirmaster for the Moody revival embraced a number of different evangelistic strategies while also seeking to improve the lives of the North End poor. Cullis's expansive ministries similarly integrated revivalistic concerns with health care and skillfully brought together a wide array of people and movements in his faith-healing ministries, publications, and Tuesday afternoon meetings for holiness. His ability to start an educational institution that became the pioneer Bible institute and his involvement in foreign missionary endeavors is also extraordinary. The faculty at the Faith Training College included some of the most influential leaders at a national level in the holiness movement and incipient pentecostalism. This chapter has accentuated the creative ways in which evangelical leaders collaborated with one another and with persons outside the bounds of their evangelical faith in order to accomplish their goals. The leaders and the institutions they led were poised “at a

crossroads” ready to move in different directions in subsequent years.

CHAPTER THREE

Evangelicals and Boston Politics “The Next Protestant Move Will Be No Boys’ Play” Evangelical enthusiasm for institution building and revivalism in the years immediately prior to and following the Civil War was accompanied by equal enthusiasm for more explicitly political activity in Boston. Upstart evangelicals, as they viewed their crossroads of growing influence in Boston, saw that they had a stake in Boston politics even if—as this chapter will show—they had not yet mastered the nuances of the Boston political scene and sometimes overestimated the extent of their influence. Evangelicals threw themselves into the hornet's nest of politics in their anti-Catholic organizing but were constantly fluctuating in their support for the labor movement and related causes. At first glance, the combination of anti-Catholic organizing and involvement in the labor movement may appear to be strange bedfellows for evangelicals in Boston since there were many Roman Catholic laborers in the city who found a brutal anti-Catholic campaign offensive. Indeed, this was just one of several contradictions evangelicals struggled with in Boston politics as they tried to come to terms with both their fear of Roman Catholic influence and ambiguous pride in their working-class roots. The spotty enthusiasm of some evangelicals for such (ultimately unsuccessful) experiments as the Nationalist clubs and the Society for Christian Socialists discussed in this chapter illustrates just how difficult it was for some leaders to find a way forward in the midst of the crossroads. Around the nation, the 1880s were a time when evangelicals became more worried about their increasingly marginal position in growing American cities. Nothing symbolized that sense of unease more clearly than Josiah Strong's national best seller Our Country, which was published in 1885 and gave voice to many evangelical concerns in Boston and elsewhere.1 Our Country recognized that urban America no longer looked much like “ours” when seen from the vantage point of evangelicals’ American-born and largely rural group identity. The Haymarket tragedy, which occurred a year after Strong's book was published, likewise raised concerns about the labor movement, which many evangelicals still wished to support but found it difficult to do so in as robust a manner as an earlier generation. Strong framed his book by outlining eight “perils” to the nation in the 1880s: immigration, Romanism, religion and the public schools, Mormonism, intemperance, socialism, wealth, and the American city. These eight perils, Strong believed, threatened the “unparalleled opportunity God has conferred on this generation,” and his listing them doubtless helped to spur the growing anti-Catholic sentiment when five of these “perils” converged simultaneously in the Boston public schools crisis of 1888–1889. Questions about immigration, Roman

Catholicism, religion and the public schools, intemperance, and the city all came to a head in the caustic debates that reached their climax in the summer of 1888—just as Boston evangelicals’ camp meeting season was getting under way. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF BOSTON EVANGELICALS

Evangelicals in Boston were not resigned to the inevitability of the Roman Catholic “peril” facing their nation. If anything, they were remarkably resilient in their hope that Boston would remain a sparkling citadel of American Protestantism for years to come, and they were ready to fight to keep it that way. The delusions of grandeur some evangelicals maintained about their place in American society portrayed the evangelical sense of anxiety better than anything else. In 1881 New England Methodist Episcopal historian Daniel Dorchester confidently predicted that the Roman Catholic Church was in the process of inevitable decline in North America. Dorchester may have been an excellent historian, but he was not a good futurist.2 A few years earlier another Methodist author could hardly contain his over-the-top assessment of Protestantism in the city. “Throughout its history the Church has devoted its best resources to the cities. It has given them its treasures. In them it has employed its highest skill, culture, and learning. There it has reared its grandest temples and gathered its greatest assemblies.…The great cities of Christendom are to-day towering bulwarks of the Christian faith. They are fountains of evangelic [sic] life whence roll the streams that gladden the moral deserts of the world and make them to blossom as the rose.”3 Roman Catholics too were heady with optimism about their future in America, and ultimately more accurate in their prediction. In the middle of the D. L. Moody campaign of 1877 The Pilot, an Irish Catholic newspaper, offered a humorous timeline of the “Pilgrim's Progress” from 1620 to 1976 and predicted that in 1976 “[a] monument is erected to the last Puritan.”4 In order to gain a more precise reading of the makeup of Boston's religious populations, a head count of church attendance was performed in 1882 by the Boston Advertiser—perhaps in the hope of highlighting Protestant strength. When the results were in, one commentator noted ruefully that Roman Catholic numbers were drastically underestimated and that if the tally had been more accurate the count of Roman Catholics “would undoubtedly equal the Protestant in number.”5 In spite of the faulty data collection, the number of Roman Catholics counted was still 49,337—only twelve thousand fewer than the combined attendance of the seven largest Protestant groups in the survey (not including the Unitarians).6 Based on the 1880 census of the total Boston population, the survey revealed that approximately 34 percent of Bostonians had attended church on that particular day. Although American Protestants were not satisfied with this percentage of urban church attendance, one observer pointed out that church attendance in American cities was far better than in either London or Berlin at this time.7

FIGURE 3.1. Boston Advertiser census for Protestant denominations, 16 April 1882.

Two additional observations are also of importance in the 1882 Boston Advertiser census. Although representing a relatively small percentage of the city's population as a whole, the figure of 2,058 persons who attended worship services at two African-American Methodist churches (not affiliated with the Methodist Episcopal denomination) is significant since the total black population of Boston in 1880 was only 5,873. It is possible that some congregations also contained a number of interracial couples since, in 1877, fully 38 percent of Boston African-American marriages were to whites, the highest percentage of intermarriage recorded in us history.8 Also worthy of note, the numbers of adherents among the relatively new groups of Methodists and Baptists (11,604 and 15,570, respectively) were approximately equivalent to the numbers from the long-established Episcopalians and (Trinitarian) Congregationalists (12,040 and 16,103, respectively). These roughly equal numbers may have accentuated the feelings of rivalry between the upstart evangelicals and the more generally Brahmin denominations.

FIGURE 3.2. Percentage of U.S. immigrants by country of origin, 1850–1909. The figures used to construct this graph were obtained from David Ward, Cities and Immigrants: A Geography of Change in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 53. Statistics for Canadian immigration between 1886 and 1893 were not recorded, and thus the representation above is misleading.

The long rivalry between Protestant and Catholic in Boston saw dramatic changes in the 1880s that were beyond any denomination's control. In contrast to earlier years, when the majority of immigrants were from northern and western Europe, the 1880s ushered in a new kind of immigration from the more culturally and linguistically foreign southern and eastern regions of Europe.9 This shift in national immigration trends is represented in figure 3.2. The growing Catholic presence in American cities but especially in Boston had dramatic political ramifications. The hard-fought electoral victory of Boston's first Irish-born mayor, Hugh O'Brien, in December 1884 was the beginning of a new era in Boston politics and a precursor to future conflict between Roman Catholics and evangelicals.10 The Boston political arena that saw the election of the city's first Irish-born mayor in 1884 was dramatically different from the state's political scene in 1868, when Methodist William Claflin was elected governor of Massachusetts. But the distance between these two events involved more than simply a passage of years. There were complex differences between state and city politics, and the interrelationships between the two must be examined carefully. Boston political historian Geoffrey Blodgett has observed that “Boston was the only big city in America where the distance between City Hall and the State House could be crossed in a tenminute walk. That space was filled with cultural mistrust.”11 Blodgett's statement about the city's geography and politics provides a helpful interpretive lens for disentangling the conflict and compromises made in state and city politics in this period. The view of politics from the State House was literally and figuratively a more “wideangle lens” perspective than the view from City Hall. Politicians wrangling in the State House had a panoramic view of the Boston Common—a beautiful city park with large shade trees and a thick network of sidewalks beckoning Boston residents, rich and poor, to take a leisurely stroll. But the politics that took place in the State House was anything but a “walk in the park.” The Commonwealth's politicians stood at the top of the “City on a Hill,” but they struggled to influence the rapidly changing city that was laid before them. The Republican Party dominated the Massachusetts political scene in the years after the Civil War, but by 1873 its grip on power was loosening. The Republicans’ powerful appeal among working-class voters gradually weakened as the party became increasingly identified with business interests to the neglect of workers. This occurred at the same time that evangelical denominations such as the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Baptists increasingly aligned with business interests as well—just as Moody had done in the financing of his ministries. The Republicans in Massachusetts sought in vain for a new rallying point to engage working-class voters.12 The polarizing national issues of the Civil War era no longer sufficed.13 In the 1870s the Republicans also faced competition from the growing strength of thirdparty movements of the Labor Reformers and the Prohibitionists, whose parties formed in 1869

and 1870 respectively. Wendell Phillips received the nomination of both of these parties and nearly won against the incumbent William Claflin in the race for governor of Massachusetts in 1870. Although victorious, Claflin captured only 53 percent of the popular vote in that election. Forty-five percent of the votes for Phillips were from the Irish-born population, whom Phillips attracted by his oratorical eloquence in eulogizing Irish patriot Daniel O'Connell.14 William Claflin's own father, Lee Claflin, was listed as a vice president of the Prohibition Party convention in 1870 that endorsed Wendell Phillips in his run against Lee Claflin's son!15 The Radical Republicans still received most of the votes from workers in these years, but their hold on that segment of the population was declining.16 In contrast to later years, 65 percent of industrial workers in the United States in 1870 were American-born and part of the considerable rural-to-urban migration that took place at the time.17 In addition to competition from rival political parties, the national Republican Party itself split between the Stalwart Radicals who backed President Grant in 1872 and the Liberal Republicans who shunned Grant and accused his administration of corruption and ineptitude. Grant still won reelection in 1872 by a large margin. William Claflin served as chairman of the Republican National Committee from 1868 to 1872 and was influential in Grant's landslide victory in 1872. The 1874 congressional election, however, did not go so well for the Stalwart Republicans, as the nation had descended into a deep financial crisis a year before. The 1874 election brought a dramatic partisan shift from a Republican-controlled Congress to a Democraticcontrolled Congress.18 This was merely a brief interlude in Republican victories, and in 1876 the Methodists were again instrumental in getting Republican Rutherford B. Hayes elected to the White House in the most controversial election of the century. Rutherford Hayes's wife, “Lemonade Lucy” Hayes, was loved by teetotalist evangelicals for her refusal to serve alcoholic drinks in the White House. Massachusetts politics in 1874 followed the national pattern of frustration with Republican administrations in the face of economic turmoil. The Democrats regained control of the governor's chair after years of Republican dominance and also took away the Republican control of congressional seats.19 Democratic victories in 1874 notwithstanding, Republicans continued to win the gubernatorial elections for most of the late nineteenth century with only a few brief interruptions by Democrats.20 Many Boston evangelicals maintained a commitment to the Stalwart Republican cause, but they were frustrated with President Hayes's compromises with southerners and other interests after his election. These sentiments are illustrated in a lecture given by Boston University's professor of preaching, Luther T. Townsend, in February 1878 to the Boston Preachers’ Meeting.21 This took place a few months after the climax of the 1877 national railroad strike and Hayes's military intervention to break it. Townsend lectured on the “darkest danger to the republic” coming from Roman Catholicism, the “increasing chasm between capital and labor,” disagreement over national monetary policies, and the “dominance of southern power in Congress.” He argued that the country might require a monarchy to prevent the encroaching dangers. When Townsend pointed to former President Grant as the man to lead a future us monarchy, “great applause was rendered.” The Zion's Herald praised this lecture as a

“discussion to make patriots think” and criticized Boston daily newspapers for their negative portrayal of the lecture.22 Townsend symbolized the stubborn and scrappy tactics of many Boston Methodists and other evangelicals as they evoked memories of President Grant's administration as the hope for the nation. Boston Brahmins used different tactics in navigating the contrasting political cultures of the State House and City Hall. Their political stance was far more nuanced than the hotheaded evangelical efforts to oppose the growth of Irish Catholic power in the city. Boston Brahmins employed three main strategies to deal with the growing Irish presence in Boston politics. The first strategy was to continue Republican control of the Massachusetts State House. If they could not have City Hall, at least they could have the State House. This gave Brahmins some psychological reassurance that they were still able to wield a degree of control in their once-Puritan city. A second strategy utilized by Boston's Protestant elites was to insulate themselves from Boston politics by founding numerous clubs and charitable organizations of their own outside the influence of city politics.23 The third and perhaps most successful strategy upper-class Bostonians utilized was to collaborate with Irish Democrats in city politics. With the exception of Hugh O'Brien, the three Boston mayors who served the longest in the last twenty years of the nineteenth century were upper-class Yankee Democrats.24 This group of Brahmin collaborators included the famous Massachusetts Mugwumps who bolted from the Republican Party over the 1884 presidential candidacy of James Blaine, whom they believed to be corrupt. The Mugwumps were small in number and very late in aligning themselves with the Boston Irish. Elite Bostonians had been building a relationship with the city's growing Irish political base since the 1850s, when Irish and Yankees united to oppose antislavery agitation. Most of the participants in the Mugwump movement were elite graduates of Harvard University. While national issues had given birth to their movement, in the Boston context they were now aligned “with a [Democratic] party whose local character sorely tried their minority sensibilities.”25 The Mugwumps nevertheless provided a fresh infusion of members with good political connections into the Yankee-Irish alliance in Boston politics. They were also loud critics of the anti-Catholic movement of the late 1880s. Although the two groups differed from one another in so many class preferences, the “contrast of ambience between the saloon life of the Irish and the Back Bay card parties and club dinners favored by Yankee lawyers and their friends should not obscure a shared opposition to the dry ethic.”26 Evangelicals were the major proponents of the “dry ethic” in Boston, and their political decisions were increasingly determined by a candidate's position on the licensing of liquor establishments. As oftentimes single-issue voters, these evangelicals dealt with the ethnic political transitions in Boston politics less smoothly than did the upper-class members of Boston society. Instead of collaborating with the Irish or seeking other channels of influence, the upstart evangelicals chose to fight. Although more similar to the Irish in terms of social and economic status, Boston evangelicals remained far more distant from the Irish than more elite Bostonians who sought to hold on to the political power that was once theirs. The view of Boston from City Hall differed significantly from the State House view. It did

not afford one a sweeping panorama of the Boston Common. City Hall was just a few blocks from the capitol building, but its view was that of the bustling streets. Irish-born Hugh O'Brien knew how to navigate these streets with great political precision, and O'Brien's victory in 1884 was not really a surprise. By the late 1870s Boston was “the most predominantly Irish of the Nation's major cities and one of its most reliably Democratic bailiwicks.”27 Democrats in the city of Boston gained power in the 1870s just as they gained power at the state level because of the long financial crisis that began in 1873. O'Brien's 1884 election as mayor demonstrated his ability to attract both Irish and non-Irish voters. His successful reelection campaign in 1885 further revealed just how much of the Republican vote he was able to garner after one year in office. In 1884 O'Brien had won by 3,326 votes; in 1885 he won by 8,580 votes, with most of his gains taking place in the traditionally Republican wards. O'Brien's weakest showing in 1885 was in Ward Twentyone, the serene but not stylish neighborhood of Roxbury and also the home of many evangelicals. A decade earlier Boston Methodists had started new churches in Ward Twenty-one and in Ward Eighteen (the western half of the South End), which was the second-strongest Republican ward in 1885 after Ward Twenty-one.28 These areas of Republican strength notwithstanding, the final count of votes showed that O'Brien received the “largest plurality [of votes] given a candidate for mayor in recent years.”29 Those Boston newspapers which were Republican in their orientation portrayed the political situation of 1884 as a struggle between reform and machine politics while condemning the “despicable” efforts to criticize O'Brien because of his Irish heritage and Roman Catholicism.30 No doubt one of these despicable efforts was the work of Independent Methodist Henry Morgan, who had died just nine months before O'Brien's election. In 1883 Morgan reissued new editions of three of his books filled with anti-Catholic sentiment; just one of Morgan's books, Boston Inside Out! had already sold in excess of fifteen thousand copies by this time—after being in print only three years.31 Positive endorsements of the 1883 release of The Fallen Priest printed on the final pages of the book came only from Baptist and Methodist periodicals as more sophisticated Protestant magazines preferred to remain silent.32 Morgan's Fallen Priest explicitly condemned Alderman Hugh O'Brien and drew a connection between him and the corruption of the Roman Catholic Church. Similar words from Morgan's pen about Roman Catholicism and Boston public schools were a foreshadowing in 1883 of the diatribes launched by other Methodists and Baptists in 1888–1889. “[P]olitics, and not piety, is [the Catholic hierarchy's] forte and calling; that to them more than any other cause Boston's downfall is due; that war to the knife is declared on free schools; that the Boston Latin and High School, costing three quarters of a million, is now nearly empty; that the twenty-eight parish schools of this diocese, with their military drills, are already breathing threatenings and slaughter, saying, “Let the Yankees beware”; that Catholic supremacy means supreme corruption[.]”33 Morgan's fear of increasing numbers of parochial schools, though clearly paranoid, was based on the observable fact of the growing number of parochial schools in the Boston Archdiocese.34 In spite of the invectives put forth by Henry Morgan, Hugh O'Brien went on to become a

very successful mayor of the city. He was a great politician and proved himself to be very effective in addressing Boston's perplexing social and economic problems. O'Brien played a mediating role in Boston politics and ably built alliances with Boston's elite while also championing the cause of the working man. His mayoral address in the winter of 1885 was an exercise in nonpartisanship. O'Brien never mentioned his Irish heritage and assured his listeners that “[a] democratic government, in the highest sense of the term, is not of a partisan character. It is simply impartial justice to the people of all parties.”35 O'Brien was mostly able to keep this promise as he was reelected three additional times and earned a reputation as a sensible manager of the city's finances. He eventually lost his position as mayor, however, owing to the anti-Catholic feelings of too many Boston evangelicals. ANTI-CATHOLIC ORGANIZING

Anti-Catholic feelings and the resulting protest activity among evangelicals in the 1880s were constituent elements of evangelical identity. They were partly a continuation of the KnowNothing or American Party movement of the mid-1850s, which also arose in response to concerns over Irish immigration and was very influential in the politics of Massachusetts and other northeastern states. After the Civil War anti-Catholic organizers would not experience the same degree of success, but it was not for lack of trying. The American Protestant, a nativist newspaper begun in Boston in the 1870s, has been described as a North American transplant of Orangeism in Ireland.36 Other efforts to organize Protestants against Roman Catholics soon followed. A detailed look at another of Henry Morgan's graphic novels reveals how Morgan stirred up emotions of readers in their parlor rooms that would, a few years later, be expressed in the streets and voting booths. Morgan's 1880 Boston Inside Out! Sins of a Great City! A Story of Real Life has been said to contain the most “impassioned bigotry” toward the Roman Catholic Church of any American social Christian novel published in the late nineteenth century.37 Boston readers already knew they could expect a hardhitting novel from the rough-and-tumble preacher-author of Ned Nevins, the News Boy, which had been published thirteen years previously; but now the target of Morgan's attack was the Roman Catholic priesthood instead of a miserly Jewish landlord. With melodramatic flourish, Morgan's newest book vividly portrayed a scene in which a Roman Catholic priest named Father Titus is drawn to Rose Delaney, a young woman raised Protestant but who had married a Catholic husband—clearly a poor matrimonial choice. During her time in the confessional, the priest schemes to arrange a meeting at the rectory later in the day. As darkness falls upon the city, Morgan describes the “spider” priest luring the unknowing “fly” into his trap, where he administers wine laced with a drug. He then rapes the defenseless Rose.38 The reader's outrage toward the priest is heightened when Father Titus succeeds in convincing Rose to keep quiet about the crime.39 The book ends with the death of Father Titus after Rose Delaney finally exposes his wrongdoing. Roman Catholic priests were not alone in the groups or causes that Morgan condemned, although he reserved his most vitriolic attacks for them. The novel cited the sins of gambling, liquor, “pre-natal murder,” and raised fears of the lodging house culture in Boston.40

By 1883, the Boston press was having an increasingly hard time stomaching Morgan's strident condemnations of Catholicism, and it quickly grew more critical of Morgan's crusade. As one might expect, the Brahmin Boston Evening Transcript was significantly more critical of the book than the Methodist Episcopal Church's Zion's Herald.41 Morgan may not have been fully accepted by that denomination, but his “Independent Methodist” connection still made him part of their extended family. The Roman Catholic hierarchy reacted with tremendous disdain toward Morgan's writings and speeches. John Boyle O'Reilly, the editor of the archdiocesan newspaper The Pilot, responded vigorously to Morgan's charges. Morgan welcomed the attack. “I felt encouraged. Reform cannot be accomplished without blows on both sides.”42 For all his vituperative remarks against the Roman Catholic priesthood, Morgan was surprisingly generous toward the Catholic faithful. In an October 1882 lecture given at Boston's Horticultural Hall two years after the first release of Boston Inside Out! Morgan praised the Catholic Church as containing “some of the purest, noblest men that walk the earth. A Catholic helped me to repair my church more than all others—gave $1000 to the work. Liberal Catholics said to me, ‘Your expositions are all true, Mr. Morgan. They are needed. Catholics are at the bottom of much of Boston's wickedness and immorality. It grieves us to say it. The priesthood is rotten. We want reform in the church, in the priesthood. Then we shall not be ashamed that we are Catholics.’”43 One prominent Catholic who had earlier supported Morgan—at least in 1868—was Patrick Donahue, the editor of The Pilot prior to O'Reilly. Morgan even dedicated the second edition of The Fallen Priest in 1883 to “my Catholic friends throughout the nation.”44 Such conciliatory remarks from Morgan toward Roman Catholics illustrate an important aspect of anti-Catholic sentiment and the motives of evangelicals in their campaigns. AntiCatholic political organizing and heated rhetoric should not be interpreted as simply hatred of Catholics. To be sure, many evangelicals did hate Catholics, but this should not obscure the fact that their hatred sometimes was a public expression more than it was a private one—or, a matter of politics more than utter disdain for their neighbors. The above remarks by Morgan illustrate this exceedingly well. Catholics were often feared by evangelicals as job stealers and community wreckers who took over once- Protestant neighborhoods, but in their efforts of revivalism and social reform evangelicals also made attempts—however imperfectly expressed—at genuinely trying to help their Catholic neighbors. It is also important to recall that there were relatively few incidents of explicit violence toward Catholics. On the other side, Catholics were well aware of the political motives and even discriminating in their assessment of participants in the anti-Catholic campaigns. In a backhanded compliment, The Pilot noted that one evangelical preacher was “not an unprincipled mountebank” like some of his colleagues but a member of “the better class of anti-Catholic bigots.”45 The anti-Catholic campaigns of the mid– to late 1880s involved a convergence of three major constituency groups in Boston: evangelical women, recent British-American immigrants, and many evangelical clergymen. Boston women with newfound suffrage for School Committee elections made their first significant impact on Boston politics in the 1884 election season. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, under the national leadership of Methodist

Francis Willard and local leadership of Rev. A. J. Gordon's wife, Maria Gordon, was one of the most effective organizations in mobilizing women to vote.46 In 1884 the WCTU mobilized women in opposition to one School Committee member who, they believed, had been influential in causing a school to close because it violated a state law stipulating that schools and saloons be four hundred feet apart. Demanding that the saloon be closed instead, the WCTU and other temperance organizations convinced the Registered Women Voters of Boston to drop the offending Catholic from their list of nominations. Although this ultimately did not lead to victory in the elections, women had shown their power for future elections.47 Protestant women's mobilization caused Catholic leaders to stand up and take notice as priests urged Catholic women to register to vote for the Public School Committee in the 1885 election. Twice as many women voted in the 1885 School Committee elections as in 1884— many of them Catholics.48 News of efforts to get out the Catholic women's vote was met by increased activism among Protestant women as well. The Suffolk county WCTU, led by Maria Gordon, warned that “a failure on your part to aid by your vote…will convict you of insincerity in your professions of interest in children's welfare, and put upon you the responsibility of keeping them in ignorance.”49 The growing momentum of evangelical women's organizing occurred shortly after the arrest of a handful of outdoor preachers on the Boston Common. The ensuing newspaper stories heightened evangelicals’ belief that Mayor O'Brien was conspiring to squelch public preaching of the Gospel.50 In the 1885 election, the high number of women voters in Roxbury and especially in Ward One of East Boston was also due to large numbers of British-American and Maritime Province immigrants who were militantly Protestant and lived in these neighborhoods.51 Still, Boston voters again elected a Democratic slate of School Committee members without a single woman representative. Only eight of the twenty-four members of the School Committee were Catholic, the majority of members being Brahmin Democrats.52 Over the next three years, the heated conflict over School Committee elections became less intense as the Republican Party sought to regain its footing after losing ground to the Prohibition Party in local elections.53 The next event to mobilize anti-Catholic sentiment was only peripherally related to the Boston Public School Committee. In the summer of 1887 twenty-four British-American lodges organized a celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of Queen Victoria's reign. An attempt by Catholics to prohibit the celebration in Boston's Faneuil Hall failed with a tie vote by the city's aldermen, split along religious lines. Boston Irish leaders had previously held many meetings in favor of Irish home rule at Faneuil Hall, a place packed with symbolic significance as a “cradle of liberty” for the colonialists’ battle against British oppression a century before. With their failure to block the “Royalist Banquet” from taking place in the historic hall, John Boyle O'Reilly, the editor of the Boston Catholic magazine The Pilot, organized a rally of Boston Irish to protest the British-American meeting that would take place the following night. On the day of the British- American celebration, a massive crowd gathered outside the esteemed hall, and the entire Boston police force of eight hundred men was called out to

protect the relatively small crowd of four hundred gathered inside. Over the following year the British-Americans became increasingly organized in their efforts to oppose Catholic candidates for public office.54 The “Loyal Women of American Liberty” worked to bring out the British- American women's vote with remarkable success.55 The leader of this group, Mrs. Margaret Shephard, was one of the most colorful and effective personalities in the anti-Catholic campaign. A recent immigrant from England, Shepard had previously served in the Salvation Army in England and claimed to have been an “escaped nun.” Upon arrival in Boston in 1887, she attended a Baptist church in the East Boston neighborhood and gave biweekly addresses in the Tremont Temple that attracted huge audiences.56 Shepard continued to work strenuously for the anti-Catholic cause for several years until newspaper articles emerged claiming that she had lied about her past.57 As evangelical women and British-American immigrants were becoming more organized, a galvanizing storm of anti-Catholic sentiment struck when, in 1888, two school controversies brought focus to the movement and also brought evangelical pastors to the fore as rhetorical leaders. The first school controversy began in January 1888 and revolved around the stateimposed inspections of private schools. The bill was defeated on May 24, 1888, largely because of cooperation between upper-class Yankee Protestants and Catholics. Harvard University president Charles W. Eliot, Massachusetts Institute of Technology president Francis A. Walker, and Unitarian orator Dr. Edward Everett Hale were among the prominent Protestant spokespersons against the bill.58 The second school controversy began just as the first one was ending in May of 1888 and involved a world history textbook authored by William Swinton. A teacher at Boston's English High School, Charles B. Travis, became a political target when asked by a student what an indulgence was. He responded that it was “a permission to commit sin.” On June 12 the School Committee voted to discontinue use of Swinton's textbook, as its content was deemed antiCatholic in nature. The offending teacher was also reassigned to a different school.59 This caused a groundswell of anti-Catholic rhetoric from evangelical pulpits, and numerous mass meetings were held at Tremont Temple, Faneuil Hall, and Maverick Congregational Church in East Boston—a neighborhood with a large proportion of Maritime Province immigrants. The identified featured speakers at these mass gatherings were mostly Baptist and Methodist clergymen, plus Reformed Episcopalian James M. Gray (the future president of Chicago's Moody Bible Institute), Congregationalist A. H. Plumb, and Universalist Alonzo A. Miner.60 The main Methodist Episcopal pastors who were active in the anti-Catholic campaign included J. W. Hamilton of People's Church, Luther T. Townsend of Boston University, D. H. Ela of Bromfield Street Church, Louis A. Banks of St. John's Church in South Boston, and Daniel Dorchester of Walnut Street Church in Chelsea.61 One prominent Congregationalist pastor, the Reverend Dr. Joseph T. Duryea of Central Congregational Church, was decidedly opposed to the gathering anti-Catholic forces and was the only Protestant clergyman on the School Committee. Although not present for the initial

vote in June, later that fall Duryea voted along with Catholics and other Yankee allies to discontinue use of the offending anti-Catholic textbook. He and like-minded Protestants were strongly condemned by the gathered crowds at Tremont Temple and other venues. Duryea's vote on the School Committee seemed to make the crowds suspicious of even moderately conservative Congregationalists. At a July 11, 1888, meeting Congregationalist Rev. A. H. Plumb, who was the most sympathetic to Roman Catholics of all the speakers, proposed that “a good Catholic may be a good citizen.” At this suggestion, the crowd cried out in protest “No!” “Sit Down!” and “Go to Duryea!” but the chairperson intervened, and the crowd allowed him to complete his speech. Plumb's sympathetic stance toward Roman Catholics was consistent with the policies of the Congregationalist City Mission Society. By this time, city missionaries of the society no longer sought to convert Catholics but rather sought to render more material assistance.62 This was in stark contrast to Methodist or Baptist Christian workers, who still enthusiastically tried to convert Catholics. The July 11, 1888, meeting that took place in Faneuil Hall was the climax of the antiCatholic movement as angry Methodists, Baptists, and others protested the dismissal of Swinton's textbook. The crowd was so large that an overflow meeting of two thousand persons was held simultaneously just a five-minute walk away at Tremont Temple. Clergy from Methodist, Baptist, and Reformed Episcopal churches delivered fiery speeches against Roman Catholicism.63 At this meeting, Reformed Episcopalian Rev. James M. Gray also honored the work of “Miss Caroline E. Hastings,” who had recently resigned as the Benjamin Waterhouse Professor of Anatomy at the Boston University School of Medicine.64 She was one of two women on the School Committee who cast the only two votes in favor of keeping Swinton's textbook. In her midforties, Dr. Hastings became a member of the Boston School Committee in February 1888 and was the twelfth Protestant on the committee, which also had eleven Catholics and one Jew. Hastings was a rural migrant from Barre, Massachusetts, and graduate of Mt. Holyoke Seminary who worked alongside Mrs. Eliza Trask Hill, leader of the militantly Protestant Independent Women Voters organization, to bring out the women's vote in the antiCatholic campaign.65 In her analysis of women's temperance and suffrage organizations in Boston, Polly Welts Kaufman noted the important demographic differences between female suffrage and temperance leaders. Women leaders who came from rural backgrounds and were part of evangelical groups, like Caroline Hastings and Eliza Trask Hill, were more likely to be vigorously anti-Catholic than women who were Boston natives and members of the Unitarian tradition. The women in the latter group also tended to organize on the basis of suffrage, while rural and evangelical women focused on antiliquor legislation.66 Such a finding among female political organizers is consistent with what was happening among male religious leaders as well. Native Bostonians were more likely to seek alliances with Catholics, while recent rural migrant Methodists and others were more likely to oppose them. The July 11, 1888, meetings at Tremont Temple and Faneuil Hall also gave birth to a new organization with an often-repeated name in Boston politics, the Committee of One Hundred.67 This committee worked in the ensuing months to pressure the Boston School Committee to

repeal its June decision and to register voters to defeat Catholic candidates in future elections. The exact identity of all the persons involved in the Committee of One Hundred was never revealed to the public and remains unknown to this day. A smaller group of clergymen at Faneuil Hall whose identities are known, since they spoke at the meeting, were charged to organize and expand themselves into a committee of one hundred.68 These clergymen included A. A. Miner, Universalist; Philip Moxom, Baptist; James M. Gray, Reformed Episcopalian; A. H. Plumb, Congregationalist; D. H. Ela, Methodist Episcopal; Luther T. Townsend, Methodist Episcopal professor at Boston University School of Theology.69 In the months after the Committee of One Hundred was formed, Luther T. Townsend was perhaps the most mean-spirited spokesperson of the anti- Catholic campaign. The following excerpt from one of Townsend's speeches on September 29, 1888, is one of the sharpest pieces of rhetoric: The next Protestant move will be no boys’ play. It will come in the refusal of Protestant employers to retain Catholic wage-workers whenever the latter vote against their employers’ interests simply at the dictation of the priest. If the clerical party can interfere with personal freedom why not the Protestants? This will cut off the source of revenue of the clerical party. What will be the next move we don't know, and we don't care. The streets will be filled with the idle; there may be insurrections, blows, but, we hope, not blood. But if the clerical party makes this move, it must take the consequences.70 The British-American Citizen, a Boston weekly for recent immigrants from Britain and Canada, commended Townsend for this speech and chided the Boston Evening Transcript for calling Townsend “unchristian” for making the remarks.71 The former pastor of the Baptist Tremont Temple, Rev. Justin Fulton, was similarly severe in his attacks on the Roman Catholic Church in public meetings in Boston and was even more trenchant in print—picking up where Morgan's books had left off.72 Some years after leaving the pastorate at Tremont Temple in 1873, Fulton started his own society, the “Pauline Propaganda,” to fund his anti-Catholic work. He was also an avid supporter of Charles Cullis's ministries since the inception of Cullis's work.73 Fulton's Why Priests Should Wed surpassed even Henry Morgan's books for its bold denunciations of the Roman Catholic priesthood. He had sharp words for liberal Protestants who were too favorably disposed toward Catholicism as well. In a reference to the growing movement toward ritualism in the Episcopal Church (discussed in the previous chapter), Fulton condemned “Episcopalians on the way to Rome” who were “establishing their confessionals, and lighting their candles” and who “object to having their folly pointed out.”74 Why Priests Should Wed caused a stir in the Boston publishing world as it called into question what the societal standards of obscenity ought to be in published books. The publisher apparently entered into an agreement with the author to publish the book and then refused to print it because of the alleged obscenity. The publisher appealed to the Massachusetts attorney general to suppress the book it had previously agreed to publish but to no avail. The publisher

did, however, line out sentences that were of a particularly “prurient nature,” but these blacked-out sections remained in the book, leaving it to the reader to imagine what they contained about priests’ immoral behavior. In many of the pictures in the book, however, no such imagination was necessary. Grotesque drawings of Catholics torturing Protestants hundreds of years earlier in Europe were liberally scattered throughout the text. On the rear cover of the book was a picture of a strong arm with Fulton's name written on it extended from heaven with a dagger in hand ready to vanquish a priest lurking in the shadow (see figure 3.3).75 Methodist clergyman and historian Daniel Dorchester published an anti- Catholic book that was significantly less incendiary than Fulton's. In Romanism versus the Public School System, published in 1888, Dorchester made obvious reference to work by Fulton and apologized that his own book was “not as sharp and severe as some would desire.” Dorchester concluded the book by urging “American citizens [to] seriously ponder the hostile attitude of the Roman Catholic Church toward our public school system, and her pernicious influence upon the future prospects and citizenship of the multitude of children trained in her parochial schools.”76 In the 1888 election, the combined political power of British-American women and men, other evangelical women, and clergymen swept Mayor Hugh O'Brien out of office. A total of 19,490 women voted, and no Catholics or Democrats were elected to the School Committee. The Committee of One Hundred saw the majority of its slate of nominees to the School Committee elected, even defeating two Republicans who sought to tone down the intensity of the anti-Catholic rhetoric. In spite of this marked success in organizing women voters in Boston, in subsequent years there was a dramatic falling off of women's participation in the School Committee vote. Only 10,051 women voted in 1889 and only 7,430 in 1890.77 The heightened convergence of interests, people, and fiery religious rhetoric could not be sustained in the years after the Boston public schools crisis. Anti-Catholic organizing continued in many municipalities and even briefly rose to the surface in a state-level anti-Catholic campaign in 1889 and again through the work of the American Protective Association in 1893. Methodist Episcopal pastor and state representative Samuel L. Gracey introduced a school inspection bill in February 1889 requiring children between the ages of eight and fourteen to go to a public school or state-approved private school for twenty weeks a year. The most objectionable piece of the legislation for Catholics was the proposed $100 fine for anyone who sought to persuade a parent to withdraw a child from public schools and a $300 fine for anyone threatening a parent to do so. Nathan Matthews, a Brahmin Democrat and future mayor of Boston, was among the most vocal Protestant opponents of the bill.78 A substantially less objectionable version of the bill passed, which eliminated any talk of fines and largely resembled a law already on the books.79

FIGURE 3.3. Back cover of Why Priests Should Wed (1888). Image from Justin D. Fulton, Why Priests Should Wed (Boston: Rand Avery Company, 1888).

In the 1890s, after having experienced the multiple manifestations of anti- Catholic rhetoric and political organizing, Roman Catholic leaders differed only slightly from one another in whom they named as the most feared Protestant group. The Catholic Pilot noted the historical irony of Baptist persecution of Catholics. “Our Baptist brethren, who used to be whipped at the cart's tail by the Boston Puritans, in the old days (and honestly deserved it, if their manners and morals were as bad as they are now), are foremost in the work of persecuting others for conscience sake today.”80 A Roman Catholic bishop described the Methodist denomination as the group most to be feared in late-nineteenth-century America.81 Through the anti-Catholic fervor in Boston many evangelicals were able to rediscover and express—albeit in hateful ways—the unity of purpose that drew them together in the Boston crossroads. It may have reminded them as well of the unity of purpose they experienced in the 1877 Moody campaign and in the annual summer camp meeting revivals where they together pursued their goals of sanctification. EVANGELICALS AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT

Methodists, along with many other evangelicals in America, were no strangers to the labor movement in the years following the Civil War. There was ample precedent for this among British Methodists as well.82 Key leaders in the American labor movement were Methodists including William Sylvis of the National Labor Union, Richard Trevellick, Edward H. Rogers, Samuel Fielden, and Richard Hinchcliffe.83 New England Methodist leaders confidently

predicted at the end of the Civil War that Christ would “renew the land in holiness and love, and end the luxurious absorption by a few families of the people's wealth.” The sin of slavery had been vanquished. Surely other great sins of the nation would soon follow.84 When this did not occur as quickly or as easily as hoped, however, the moral and strategic clarity of the evangelical vision to sanctify the city became quite blurred. A particularly important figure among these Boston Methodist labor leaders was Edward H. Rogers, a Methodist class leader, ship's carpenter, and representative to the Massachusetts legislature in 1865 and again in 1867. He was a leader of the Christian Labor Union and its magazine Equity, one of several early labor movement newspapers that sought to nurture an alliance between the Christian faith and workers.85 Like Henry Morgan, Edward H. Rogers was not always diplomatic in his criticisms of Boston church leaders with whom he disagreed.86 In the late 1860s there were probably no two Boston evangelicals more strongly associated with the plight of the workingman or woman than Henry Morgan and Edward Rogers. Rogers was agitating for workers’ rights as a strike leader and state representative while, at the same time, Morgan was calling for such things in his books, sermons, and lectures. In 1872 Rogers wrote an influential tract, Eight Hours a Day's Work, that is considered a classic example of labor movement writing of the period.87 Even though Morgan's and Roger's time of service in the Massachusetts legislature was separated by one year, their prominence in that body as chaplain (Morgan) and influential Labor Committee member (Rogers) suggests that they were well acquainted with one another's work.88 Rogers and Morgan had similar theological convictions about the centrality of holiness in the Christian life as well. Rogers's thirty-five-year association with Methodist Episcopal holiness leader Willard F. Mallalieu suggests that Rogers took his Methodist and holiness commitments very seriously. Mallalieu presided at the marriage of Rogers and his second wife, was a charter subscriber to Rogers's magazine Equity, and in 1904 still praised his former parishioner's achievements. Rogers's church, the Walnut Street Methodist Episcopal Church in Chelsea, tried unsuccessfully in 1869 to convince him to enter the ordained ministry of the Methodist Episcopal Church.89 Rogers resisted but urged that more attention to workers’ plight, their material and spiritual needs, would make the churches a more welcoming place for workers and would serve as the “supreme test” for the holiness doctrine's validity.90 By the 1880s, however, Methodists and other evangelicals were beginning to be less enamored of the labor movement and less personally connected to it. The growing presence of Roman Catholic leadership in the movement was one major reason for this as was the growing affluence of some evangelicals who, by the 1880s, were beginning to feel closer sympathy with business interests. Anti-Catholic organizing of the mid – to late 1880s in Boston began at the same time as the “Great Upheaval” of the us labor movement that reached its climax in 1886. Nationwide there were 1,432 work stoppages caused by strikes that year, and membership in the Knights of Labor union grew from 104,000 in 1885 to 702,000 in 1886.91 Hundreds of thousands of workers went on strike to push for an eight-hour day in cities around the country in the week leading up to the May 4, 1886, Haymarket tragedy in Chicago, which killed at least

seven persons and injured scores of others. The Knights of Labor, led by Irish Catholic Terrence Powderly, was a leading organization in the eight-hour day movement in Chicago as it gained momentum in the months prior to the Haymarket tragedy. Ironically, many national leaders of the Knights of Labor were not enthusiastic about the eight-hour day movement, as they preferred to work on more foundational issues to totally restructure the American economy. Knights of Labor leaders emphatically tried to control the public relations nightmare brought on by the Haymarket violence as newspapers across the country blamed anarchists as its cause. In spite of very harsh rhetoric condemning those who had instigated the riot, the Knights of Labor became guilty by association, and the eight-hour day campaign lost momentum after 1886.92 In Boston, the Methodist Zion's Herald expressed clear disdain and frustration in regard to the Haymarket tragedy. “All of this [violence] has greatly injured the cause of the laboring man, and repressed the sympathy that might be felt in his behalf in the community, in the present unhappy strikes. No one has a deeper interest in the suppression and effectual punishment of such wretches than the workingmen.”93 This firm response was similar to the Methodist weekly's response to the 1877 railroad strike and significantly less incendiary than the opinions expressed by the Boston-based Congregationalist, which called for Gatling guns to be unleashed on the strikers just as it had advised in 1877.94 A growing sense of unease among evangelicals in Boston toward their Irish Catholic mayor was also emerging in the same two-year period (1886–1888) as the Haymarket tragedy and the anti-Catholic campaign. Some evangelicals attempted to unseat O'Brien by appealing to evangelicals’ ties with labor radicals in Boston. The candidate chosen to accomplish this takeover of the mayoralty was the “old-fashioned labor radical” George McNeill, one of the founders of the Eight Hour League in 1865 and a longtime friend of Methodist Edward H. Rogers.95 But evangelical support of McNeill was tepid at best. Rogers's friend the Reverend Jesse Jones, editor of the Christian Labor Union's short-lived periodical Equity, spoke on behalf of George McNeill during the 1886 campaign, but he garnered fewer than 4,000 votes, compared with nearly 19,000 for the Republican candidate and more than 23,000 for Democrat Hugh O'Brien. McNeill's showing was very poor compared with tallies achieved during the heyday of labor advocacy among Radical Republicans in the late 1860s and early 1870s.96 There were even allegations that Republicans (with their evangelical adherents) had secretly funded the labor candidate in an attempt to split the Democratic vote.97 Labor organizers and many evangelical leaders had grown apart from one another, but neither group wanted to acknowledge this fact as each sought the support of the other. Jesse Jones, George McNeill, and Edward H. Rogers shared a pragmatic but hopeful disposition toward labor's interaction with business leaders and believed strongly that the Christian faith should take the plight of workers seriously. They had some support from Boston religious leaders. At one meeting in Wesleyan Hall of the Boston Evangelical Alliance on March 15, 1886, McNeill spoke of injustices toward Chinese workers. He stressed the importance of sending missionaries to China “to preach the gospel of Christ and high wages, for they are one and the same thing.”98

McNeill's belief that progress would take place by more conciliatory processes than confrontational tactics was consistent with the views of the Knights of Labor and the New England Methodists. The Knights of Labor, of which McNeill was a part, “espoused cooperation with employers, favored arbitration over strikes, and pledged to use the democratic process to achieve their ends. Unwilling to accept the wage system, they imagined a cooperative commonwealth in which economic life, like political life, would be organized democratically.”99 Similarly, the Methodist preachers in the New England Annual Conference passed a lengthy resolution just a few weeks prior to the Haymarket riot that encouraged labor and capital alike to “look each other in the face, agreeing to be fair and just, and reconciliation will not be far away.” Although in retrospect such sentiment may appear naive, at the time it was a careful articulation of a middle ground that acknowledged “[t]he heart of Christ, who is never unmindful of the oppressed, is in closest sympathy with the men of toil” and yet cautiously praised capitalists, “whose valuable services are recognized.” The resolution expressed “entire approval of arbitration” and supported the Sherman bill that was currently under consideration in the us Congress, which would have created a commission to investigate and mediate labor conflicts.100 The carefully articulated Methodist support for labor—in essential agreement with the Knights of Labor—shared the same destiny as the mighty labor union. After the 1886 Haymarket tragedy, membership in the Knights of Labor declined as quickly as it had grown. McNeill's poor showing in the December 1886 mayoral election in Boston was a symptom of that decline as well as illustrative of the inability of a class-based campaign for labor to take Irish votes away from Irish candidate Hugh O'Brien.101 Boston politics was polarized by growing anti-Catholic sentiment in these years, and labor concerns simply could not draw Protestant and Catholic laborers together strongly enough to pull out an election victory. McNeill's speech before the Boston Evangelical Alliance in March did not gain much support either from the clergy or from their parishioners at the polls in December. Evangelicals were far more engaged by local referendum items that would have made Boston or other municipalities “no license” towns banning liquor sales. McNeill may have lost the 1886 election in part because of lukewarm evangelical support, but on the day after the election, the Zion's Herald nevertheless revealed the Methodist weekly's lingering positive feelings toward labor. Edward H. Rogers's article in this issue, titled “Holiness,” argued that the passage of an eight-hour day law had “a very direct relation” to the “spread of holiness” in America.102 Rogers argued that the holiness movement had not realized its full potential and “that the key to the adoption of individual or general holiness is to be found in the application of the social forces of our being to the affairs of life in Christian communities.”103 The belief that holiness and politics were interrelated was something Rogers shared with Methodist abolitionists from a generation before, and this connection lingered in the minds of Methodists even after the Haymarket tragedy.104 In the same issue there was also an article that rebuked an Episcopalian who had publicly criticized Methodists in the Boston Sunday Herald for, among other things, taking most of their members from among the poor. The Zion's Herald editor responded that he was grateful for the “indirect commendation.”105

The December 1886 failed campaign of George McNeill demonstrated that labor would not find much support in middle-class evangelical circles, even though the Methodist denomination's leadership sometimes saw themselves as representatives of the poor. The Methodists had recently constructed their “People's Church,” which did, in fact, reach out to many common laborers. The Baptists’ Tremont Temple did likewise.106 But neither People's Church nor Tremont Temple were in the impoverished, overcrowded districts of the North End. People's Church stood rather on the periphery of the prestigious Back Bay neighborhood (see figure i.2). Tremont Temple was situated in the midst of the downtown business district. The geographical location of People's Church symbolized the ambiguous political and social position of Boston Methodism and many other evangelicals at the time. People's Church was just fashionable enough to be one of the city's main venues for large religious and political meetings, but its location at the northeast corner of Berkeley Street and Columbus Avenue was an ambiguous place between Boston's affluent Back Bay neighborhood and the increasingly working-class South End.107 Similarly, Tremont Temple could host mean-spirited anti-Catholic rallies one month and also be the place where more refined community and church groups met owing to its central location. Methodists and other evangelicals were increasingly becoming a very heterogeneous group comprising the solidly middle-class, the newly rich, and the poor. Such class diversity made class-based organizing a hard sell, as the election returns for labor candidates clearly demonstrated. That diversity also makes it nearly impossible to draw a neat picture of where, precisely, evangelicals stood at their crossroads. NATIONALIST CLUBS AND THE SOCIETY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISTS

In the wake of the Haymarket tragedy, the anti-Catholic campaigns, and the growing unease of evangelicals toward the labor movement there were a few, more reflective, attempts at ameliorating the plight of American workers. Nationalist clubs and the Society of Christian Socialists were two such attempts that drew together evangelicals and more established Protestants as well. Both organizations were founded in Boston and both were less boisterous and less successful organizations than labor unions in defending the rights of the working class, but they nonetheless did develop a national following. Edward Bellamy's best-selling utopian novel, Looking Backward, 2000– 1887, a foundational work for the growth of socialism in the United States, set the tone for many sympathetic people in the middle class as its sales soared from 10,000 in 1888 to 300,000 a year later. The novel offered a futuristic look at Boston in the year 2000, when poverty was predicted to have disappeared.108 Taking their inspiration from Bellamy's novel, a group of Boston residents founded the first Nationalist club in 1889 and advocated having “all industries operated in the interest of all by the nation—the people organized.”109 Two years later, the Nationalist clubs had expanded to 162 chapters around the country and were publishing a magazine, the Nationalist. With the support of Nationalist club members in Boston who desired a more explicitly Christian organization to promote the socialist cause, the Society of Christian Socialists was born and began publishing its own magazine, The Dawn, in April 1889 with W.D.P. Bliss as its tireless

editor.110 Although based in Boston, W.D.P. Bliss sought to appeal to a national audience rather than limit himself to the local scene. The Society of Christian Socialists was founded in one of the Baptist missionary rooms at Tremont Temple in Boston on February 18, 1889.111 The twenty original founders of this group were mostly members of the Nationalist Club of Boston and included nine clergymen (including Methodist, Episcopalian, Baptist, Unitarian, and Universalist pastors), nine laymen, and two women.112 The founding meeting occurred in the same church building as anti-Catholic rallies seven months earlier but attracted a much different set of people.113 Most of the members of the Society of Christian Socialists in Boston were Episcopalians who had not participated in the bitterly fought Boston public schools crisis of 1888.114 The six years’ worth of issues of The Dawn clearly illustrate that the overwhelming majority of the organization's members were Episcopalians, with only a smattering of Congregationalists and other religious groups represented. For the first two years of the magazine's existence, the Methodists’ building at 36 Bromfield Street was identified as its publishing headquarters, but this commitment of office space was not indicative of official Methodist endorsement or significant involvement in the organization as a whole.115 After a year of publication, an issue of The Dawn still identified only one Methodist clergyman on its list of contributors. Professor Daniel Dorchester, Jr., taught political economy in the College of Liberal Arts at Boston University beginning in 1884. He was the son of Daniel Dorchester, Sr., who had written a famous American church history text and mildly anti-Catholic tome in the 1880s.116 The only other Methodist clergyman mentioned in The Dawn was Bishop John H. Vincent, who was praised in one issue for his endorsement of Christian socialism.117 Labor radical and Methodist layman Edward H. Rogers was an active participant in the Society of Christian Socialists and explicitly criticized the Methodists for distorting their understanding of holiness into “a wretched fallacy of pure spirituality” to the neglect of concern for the poor.118 Baptist participation in the organization was similarly limited to Rev. Philip Moxom, who as pastor of First Baptist Church in Boston's Back Bay neighborhood sponsored one of the first book discussion groups about Christian socialism with some young men in his parish.119 As Dorchester was not representative of Methodist involvement in the Society of Christian Socialists, so also Moxom was not representative of Boston Baptist interest in the new Christian Socialists. In an 1891 letter to his mother, Maria, Ernest Gordon heaped ridicule on his father's Baptist colleague for the “hyper-respectability” symbolized in “Dr. Moxom's gown.” Many Boston Baptists would have shared Ernest's dismissive attitude toward Moxom's elite Back Bay church.120 Direct attacks against more conservative forms of Christianity—to reciprocate the sentiment of the young Ernest—were infrequent in The Dawn as the magazine sought (unsuccessfully) to appeal to a wider audience. In one letter to the editor, however, concerning several elite Back Bay churches’ invitation to D. L. Moody to perform a revival in the city in 1891, the sarcasm was biting.

I have noticed, with great satisfaction, that the pastors of the various churches in that section of our city known as the Back Bay, have united in an invitation to Mr. Moody to conduct a series of meetings in that locality. This is as it should be; the presence and labors of such a practical and earnest evangelist cannot fail to be productive of greater good among these cultured and wealthy citizens, than among those who frequent the “by ways” and slums of our great city. First of all, they have time for the consideration of religious truths; they are not compelled to labor from ten to fourteen hours per day to maintain an existence. Then, their situation in life ought to be conducive to such a frame of mind as is most favorable to spiritual advancement; they are not tormented day and night with anxiety as to the fate of wife and children, should sickness overtake them; they are not engaged in a well nigh hopeless struggle with hunger and want; they are not driven by weariness and exhaustion and despair to the excesses of physical appetite.…Surely here is “good ground” for gospel seed. And in the hope that this favored class may be led to a candid consideration of the “first principles of the Gospel of Christ,” I venture to suggest a few themes for their reflection in the hours of religious awakening that are sure to follow the labors of the evangelist.…[A list of biblical passages follows; they tell of God's concern for the poor.] If such themes as these shall be matter of instruction and meditation, the great evangelist can afford to spend his time at the Back Bay; but in all consistency let not his labor be confined to telling the people how to get further benefits out of God for themselves [emphasis in the original].121 The Society of Christian Socialists has been described by historian Henry May as “by far the most effective of radical Christian organizations” in the country, but its influence on the national or local scene was actually very small.122 May's optimistic assessment fails to convey the small number of adherents and the perpetual financial crisis of the organization. W.D.P. Bliss single-handedly performed a great proportion of the work of the society through writing and numerous speaking engagements around the country. In September 1890 he lamented that, with the exception of proceeds from the sale of The Dawn, the Society of Christian Socialists had “no reliable source of income other than the annual fee of one dollar, paid by each of its one hundred members.”123 With only a scant one hundred members after almost two years of existence, the society was far from being a major social movement. Four years later an anxious W.D.P. Bliss appealed unsuccessfully to his readers to help him achieve a regular circulation of one thousand subscribers in order to save The Dawn.124 Its wealthy Episcopalian financial base no doubt helped to make up for a very lackluster circulation but was not able to prevent The Dawn from going under in 1896.125 W.D.P. Bliss was, by far, the most important leader in the Society of Christian Socialists. The son of a Congregationalist missionary to Turkey, Edwin Elisha Bliss, W.D.P. Bliss began his career as a Congregationalist pastor. After two short pastorates, he became an Episcopalian and developed a friendship with the Reverend Phillips Brooks.126 After serving as rector of Grace Church Episcopal in South Boston from 1887 to 1890, Bliss served at Trinity Church's labor-outreach mission, the Church of the Carpenter, when it was founded in

1892.127 Prior to leading the Society of Christian Socialists Bliss also worked for the Knights of Labor in 1886 and was the Labor Party candidate for lieutenant governor of Massachusetts in 1887. He continued his work for organized labor for more than forty years.128 Temperance and suffrage advocate Mary Livermore was a vice president of the Society of Christian Socialists and an associate editor of The Dawn with Bliss. Nationally known as “the queen of the platform,” she loved the Society of Christian Socialists for its combination of social and economic reform and its strong advocacy for the rights of women. “No movement has ever before so taken possession of me and filled me with such buoyant hope.”129 Born in Boston in a Baptist family, Livermore later became a Universalist but had no shortage of connections with key Boston evangelical leaders. In the late 1860s she was invited to preach at Henry Morgan's church on at least three occasions. Livermore was previously mentioned in connection to Frances Willard who, at Moody's urging, refused to share a platform with her at a temperance meeting. Livermore also served on a board of visitors for Eben Tourjée's New England Conservatory of Music and delivered an address at the second cornerstone-laying ceremony for People's Church (Methodist) in 1882. In spite of all of Livermore's and Bliss's hard work, the Society of Christian Socialists struggled politically as well as financially as it sought to be politically pragmatic in a highly charged national atmosphere toward organized labor and socialism. Much of the struggle of the Christian Socialists can best be understood by understanding the struggle of W.D.P. Bliss. Although he was a committed socialist, Bliss refused to endorse the Socialist Labor Party in 1891 for strategic reasons, and The Dawn instead endorsed the populist People's Party.130 Bliss did not officially become a member of the Socialist Party until 1912. He was interested in promoting a broad movement of radical reform and for that reason sometimes distanced himself from organizations that sought more limited gains such as Henry George's single tax system or the national ownership of industry, which was the Nationalist clubs’ single-minded focus.131 The difficult, politically pragmatic choices Bliss made personally and as the leader of the Society of Christian Socialists are best understood from a theological perspective. In contrast to more liberal Protestant leaders who sometimes equated Jesus’ humanity with an ethical mandate for social reform to the neglect of the transcendent nature of God's work in the world, Bliss insisted on the fundamental importance of Jesus’ atonement and other elements of orthodox theology. Bliss's more orthodox theology may be traced to his missionary father. He embraced the social teachings of Christian scriptures but stopped short of simply replacing a divine Jesus with a human one. Christian Socialism, Bliss argued, was socialism but “in the name and spirit and on the principles of Jesus Christ.” He struggled with the tendency of “Christian Socialism” in the larger sense of the term to “mean little more than a vague interest and too often to become only a catchword[.]” He was looking for a more intellectually rigorous synthesis of theological belief and social reform but found himself struggling to mobilize people around highly nuanced ideas.132 As a lifelong Methodist who was more a student of politics than of nuanced theological argument, Frances Willard used the “Christian Socialism” label in a way similar to the way

“social Christianity” was used in previous decades. It was a way to stress God's concern for the poor. Willard became a member of the Society of Christian Socialists in 1889 and was a contributor and associate editor for The Dawn for several years. She rarely, however, contributed articles to The Dawn.133 In her 1893 presidential address before the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Willard emphasized that in “every Christian there is a socialist; and in every socialist a Christian.”134 Willard was not really trying to be reductionistic about the Christian faith in this remark but rather, as an astute organizer, to draw attention to the common ground shared by socialists and Christians. Just as Bliss's outlook on life can be understood by looking at his theological orientation as the son of a missionary, so also Willard's work for the temperance cause and for Christian socialism should be seen in light of the commitments she had to Methodist holiness theology, something her biographers have tended to downplay.135 As a young woman, Willard had an experience of entire sanctification at a holiness revival led by Phoebe and Walter Palmer in January 1866 in Evanston, Illinois. A few years earlier, while a student at North Western Female College, she had begun a lasting friendship with the president of the school, Randolph S. Foster, and had visited him again in New York in 1863. In the 1880s Bishop Foster was one of the champions of the holiness movement, and Willard remained committed to the cause as well. In the late 1880s Willard reflected on the twenty years since her 1866 experience at a Phoebe Palmer revival and noted that “since then I have sat at the feet of every teacher of holiness whom I could reach.”136 The 1886 strikes across the country were a turning point for Willard in her advocacy of labor issues alongside her work for temperance and commitment to holiness theology.137 After the publication of Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward in 1888, Willard's endorsement of socialism was clear.138 Willard's close friendship with Terrence Powderly, the national leader of the Knights of Labor, beginning around the time of the Haymarket tragedy in 1886 also would have influenced her developing ideas about socialism.139 Powderly was not in favor of the eight-hour day movement, as he believed it detracted from more foundational—albeit theoretical—concerns. He stressed instead socialist principles such as an opposition to the wage system of labor and called for a “system of cooperation” in its place, much as the Society of Christian Socialists would have done.140 Willard firmly endorsed the Knights of Labor in an 1890 article in The Dawn and called it the “most efficient body in this land for the protection of women, in equal pay for equal work, and of children from the stunting of body and mind through servitude that is little better than slavery.”141 Powderly's appreciation for the temperance cause was reciprocal in his public pronouncements as well as in his behavior. Perhaps in order to please his temperance movement friend, Powderly never drank alcohol while the leader of the Knights of Labor.142 Frances Willard's important role in the 1877 Boston Moody revival and her subsequent endorsement of the Society of Christian Socialists illustrate the creative mixture of ideas that were motivating evangelicals as well as the change in emphasis among some from the holiness movement's enthusiasm in camp meetings to the social gospeler's political platform.143 The earlier commitments to holiness were not shunned; they were more a foundation for more

pressing political activity. Moody and Willard may have stood together at a crossroads in 1877, but by 1893 they were some distance apart from one another while Willard and Livermore could now more easily share a stage. The labor movement's “Great Upheaval” had brought them together. The complex stances that individuals such as Bliss and Willard took toward socialism in its various manifestations are mirrored in the stances of large denominations such as the Methodist Episcopal Church. The denomination's scholarly journal, the Methodist Review, often contained articles representing a wide spectrum of attitudes toward socialism and the related labor movement. Some articles were stridently opposed while others were sympathetic even under the scrutiny of the conservative journal editor's pen.144 The New England Methodist magazine, Zion's Herald, in 1890 urged readers not to be alarmed by use of the term “socialism” and offered a vague definition of the term that would have resonated with the activist heart of Frances Willard: “Christian Socialism deals with people, with the masses, with society at large, rather than with the individual.”145 National organizations and movement leaders such as the Nationalist clubs, the Society of Christian Socialists, Frances Willard, and W.D.P. Bliss did not have a large impact on Boston's local political scene even if two of these organizations had their birth in the city. It is important to remember that these movements and people derived much of their inspiration from a utopian novel by Edward Bellamy. Even the Knights of Labor that Willard loved was ultimately drawn to a more idealistic world of alternate economic theories while also working for more gradual improvements for the American worker. The power politics of Boston worked with less utopian ideas as grassroots organizers and political operatives were forced to be more concrete and local in their focus. This chapter has illustrated the complex ways that Boston evangelicals and other Protestants interacted with national, state, and city politics by looking at critical events in the anti-Catholic movement and the labor movement. The roles Willard and Bliss played in the Society of Christian Socialists illustrate how things had changed from an earlier era of vigorous labor support by Edward Rogers and Henry Morgan. Far from standing on the sidelines, evangelicals persistently sought to initiate and react against political movements of their day usually led by Brahmin Protestants or the increasingly powerful Boston Irish. Their organizing shows the thick network of the evangelical crossroads even if it did not result in any sustained political dynasties as it did for the Irish in Boston politics. The evangelicals were still a force to be reckoned with. Baptists and Methodists showed their greatest political strength in city politics during the Boston public schools crisis of 1888. Their anti-Catholic feelings and organizing became a unifying motif for Boston evangelicals in a rather hateful way, much as the holiness movement sought to unify them around aspirations for “perfect love.” Edward Rogers most explicitly sought to draw connections between the holiness movement and the labor movement, but he had difficulty persuading many Boston evangelicals about this as they looked with fear on the gathering numbers of Roman Catholics and foreigners who were entering the labor movement.

CHAPTER FOUR

The Salvation Army and Other Evangelical Organizations Led by Women, 1884–1892 “Aggressive Christianity” It was pouring rain on March 23, 1869, in Boston, but this could not keep six Methodist women from gathering at Tremont Street Methodist Episcopal Church in the South End for the founding meeting of the Methodist Episcopal Woman's Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS). The Methodists’ WFMS was not the first women's foreign missionary organization that was nationwide in its scope, having been preceded by the nondenominational Woman's Union Missionary Society in 1860 and a Congregationalist society a few years later, but it soon became the most powerful. In 1910 the WFMS was proclaimed “the greatest Woman's Missionary Society in the country” by Baptist leader Helen Barrett Montgomery.1 At the dawn of the twentieth century there were more than forty women's denominational missionary societies in America with approximately three million active members.2 Helen Barrett Montgomery illustrated the getserious attitude of these organizations: “Until all Christian women have learned that the cross of Christ is not to be sung about nor wept over, nor smothered in flowers, but set up in the midst of our pleasures; that our Lord never commanded us to cling to that cross, but to carry it, the work of the missionary circle will not be done, nor its warfare accomplished.”3 It is tempting to linger on the fiery rhetoric of the great “queens of the platform” such as Helen Barrett Montgomery, Frances Willard, or Mary Livermore to find the secret to the success of evangelical women's organizational strength. Their speeches were powerful and certainly influential, but the heart of evangelicals’ women-led organizations in Boston was most fully expressed in the hymns and prayers spoken in simple parlor rooms, camp meetings, and Sunday School gatherings rather than on public platforms. The final refrain of an 1879 poem by Mary Sparkes Wheeler best conveys the mobilizing force and devotional piety of the movement: Women who lingered near Calvary weeping, Last at the cross when all others had fled, First at His grave, where the angels were keeping Watch o'er the tomb of Immanuel dead. Dead? Nay. “Why seek ye the dead ‘mong the living? Jesus is risen! The angels proclaim.

Go teach all nations, eternal life giving Freely to all who believe in His name. Haste till the ends of the earth are awaking, Shout, as on love's swiftest pinions ye flee. Watchman in Zion, behold the light breaking! Help now those women who labor with thee!4 Long before it was fashionable to speak of “globalization” and its influence on urban America, women's foreign missionary organizations brought a vivid awareness of the world to evangelical women—and men. Rather than distracting from issues at home, women's foreign missionary organizations focused women's energy both in defense of their families and toward their oppressed sisters in North End alleys and faraway lands. Missionary societies, with their thick network of local affiliates across the nation, laid the organizational infrastructure on which the Woman's Christian Temperance Union later constructed its empire.5 In many respects, the women's missionary societies had an even more widespread impact than the WCTU. They certainly had more members. By 1910 WCTU auxiliaries around the nation claimed nearly 250,000 members—far fewer than the women's missionary societies’ 3,000,000.6 Women's missionary organizations also boldly sought to change cultural practices in foreign countries that oppressed women, established the first women's hospitals in several countries, and began women's colleges in India, Korea, and elsewhere.7 Missionary women's greater social activism at this time was expressed in the movement's rallying cry of “Woman's Work for Woman.” It was a departure from the greater emphasis placed earlier on evangelistic efforts, even if women in the late nineteenth century mostly emphasized evangelism and social reform in vibrant interaction with one another.8 An earlier women's mission theory that stressed the importance of modeling a Christian home for potential converts to witness firsthand remained a striking feature of women's urban ministry efforts in this period. A few years after its own work in foreign mission began, the WFMS was strong enough to lend a hand to urban mission efforts in Boston. In 1873 Eben Tourjée asked the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society to help raise funds at a fair for the struggling Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society as a financial depression swept the nation. The BMCES and the WFMS shared the proceeds from the fair, but the WFMS generously agreed to help the struggling BMCES and only took one-fourth of the total proceeds for itself. Examples of such cooperation between foreign and domestic missionary endeavors were an important and ongoing dimension of the missionary movement in the period.9 By the 1880s the WFMS's finely tuned organizational apparatus was instrumental in helping several more urban mission and temperance efforts to gain support as the “Woman's Work for Woman” mission theory seamlessly expanded into urban ministry concerns. The Woman's Home Missionary Society began work in New England in 1881; East Boston Immigrant Home started work in 1886; the New England Deaconess Association was established in 1889.10 All three organizations were founded as evangelical women were manifesting their political

power in the Boston public schools crisis of 1888. No doubt the WFMS's infrastructure was also a tremendous benefit for anti-Catholic organizers at this time. Always an astute observer of the political milieu, WCTU president Frances Willard discerned the growing strength of the transdenominational woman's foreign missionary movement in the 1880s and 1890s and dramatically expanded the WCTU's activities beyond the temperance cause.11 In her 1881 presidential address she proclaimed that the time was ripe to “do everything,” and she did. Raising the age of consent, advocacy for the poor, children's education issues, and even “high tech” ideas to make women's housework less tedious became part of the WCTU's bold program to conquer the problems women and their families faced.12 Willard also became involved in international affairs as she learned from women missionaries about the problems of alcohol around the world. She was also deeply disturbed by the British involvement in the opium trade in India and China.13 Her “Polyglot Petition” was an astonishing collection of seven million signatures from around the world calling on heads of state to enact the prohibition of alcohol in their countries.14 It likely came as little surprise when the World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WWCTU) decided to hold its 1891 inaugural meeting in Boston—the origin of so much of the movement's energy. The wwctu gathered at Faneuil Hall with the Polyglot Petition draped over the historic building as a visible sign of women's organizing power. Boston evangelical women were likely reminded of their show of local political power a few years prior during the Boston public schools crisis.15 There were many reasons for the growth of women-led organizations after the Civil War. The growth of cities, rural-to-urban migration, increased immigration, changing ideas about gender roles for both men and women, and expanding educational opportunities for women are all important factors. Thousands of women were propelled into the vacuum of leadership created by the thousands of men who had left their jobs in cities in order to fight in the Civil War. After the Civil War many women remained in important leadership roles. The number of women who worked outside the home skyrocketed to 2.6 million or 15.2 percent of the total workforce by 1880. This represented a 30 percent increase in women's employment from 1870.16 The devastating loss of a generation of men's lives during the war also meant that there was a dearth of eligible marriage partners, thus making the single life a common reality for many women.

FIGURE 4.1. Depiction of the Woman's Temperance Crusade of 1873–1874. Courtesy of the Library of Congress American Memory Collection, “Woman's Holy War. Grand Charge on the Enemy's Works,” New York, Currier & Ives, 1874.

Women's exclusion from the clergy ranks of most denominations forced them to be creative in developing ministries where their gifts could be utilized. In the 1880s women's “separate sphere” of activity was expanding. Women's “spaces” in Boston changed dramatically between the 1870s and 1890s as they ventured into public roles denied their forbears.17 The ways women navigated urban spaces in Boston varied considerably depending on neighborhood, social class, employment, and educational background. For single evangelical women in Boston a host of organizations and churches emerged that sought to help them navigate this space so foreign to the predominantly rural homes from which they came. Scholars have spent a great deal of time describing the notion of “separate spheres” for women and men in the Victorian era, but evangelical women in the late nineteenth century— and especially Methodist women—were not as rigidly confined to a “separate spheres” doctrine as many have thought. Whereas many upper-class Boston women experienced the early 1890s as a liberating breakdown of their “separate sphere” of influence, many evangelical women probably viewed it more as a matter of course.18 Boston University, for example, was coeducational from the start in the 1860s, and by the time of Moody's revival in 1877, 23 percent of enrolled students were women.19 Harvard University, by contrast, was not coeducational until the 1970s. Frontier Methodism was a similarly gender-egalitarian movement as women preachers roamed the countryside and countless married women offered motherly advice to young itinerant preachers who passed through.20 Phoebe Palmer's rise to

national leadership in the holiness movement after the Civil War would have been unthinkable in Boston Congregationalist or Episcopalian circles. The greater acceptance of gender equality among evangelicals also extended to their greater willingness to allow women to preach—as Moody did with Frances Willard in 1877. In 1869—the same year that Methodist women founded their missionary society—Margaret Van Cott became the first woman in the Methodist Episcopal Church to be formally granted a local preacher's license.21 As rural or foreign immigrants themselves, many evangelical women involved in urban mission work could easily understand the difficult situations facing poor immigrant women who struggled to care for their families. Protestant women who were more affluent would have shared a concern about such issues but were ultimately more distant from them. The lack of social distance between poor immigrants and evangelicals—especially in the case of Salvation Army women—also made it easier for the evangelical women to understand how revivalism and social reform belonged together, as the evangelicals recognized that caring for their own children's Christian upbringing went hand in hand with difficult realities of household economics. Protestant women who were more affluent, yet still trying to bridge class differences, faced a greater chasm between their lifeways and those of many poor women, which caused their social reform activity to take on a more professionalized and distant demeanor.22 The pervasive influence of the holiness movement in American evangelicalism and the familial ties between women's organizational leaders and Boston University professors were additional reasons for the success of Boston evangelical women's organizations in this period. The vital emphasis on holiness piety is evident in the reports of chapter meetings and in the WFMS publication the Heathen Woman's Friend, edited by Harriet Warren, the wife of Boston University president William F. Warren.23 Joint annual meetings between the WFMS and the Woman's Home Missionary Society sometimes took place at camp meeting sites in New England.24 Harriet Binney Steele, wife of holiness theologian Daniel Steele, was “enthusiastic in the support of the WFMS, speaking for it publicly in every State in New England.” She was also a strong advocate of urban mission efforts like those of the Methodist deaconesses and the Charles Cullis institutions that her husband supported.25 Mrs. Lee Claflin and Mrs. Isaac Rich, the wives of two of the main benefactors of Boston University, were also prominent members of the WFMS. Having the Wesleyan holiness movement as a common inheritance, and the strong relationships between Boston University faculty and students, were also integral factors in the success of another mostly women-led organization, the Salvation Army.26 THE SALVATION ARMY

British in its origins, the Salvation Army arrived in the United States in 1879 and established its first corps (local church) without the explicit support of General William Booth. Amos and Annie Shirley and their seventeen-year-old daughter, Eliza, emigrated from Britain to Philadelphia and began setting up corps. They had permission from Booth to use the name Salvation Army, but they were given no financial support. “If it is a success,” Booth declared,

“we may see our way clear to take it over.”27 It was a success, and additional “reinforcements” arrived soon thereafter in New York. The Salvation Army rapidly expanded from 12 corps in three cities in 1880 to 246 corps in twenty-seven different states in 1888.28 From 1880 to 1884 the number of soldiers (laypersons) involved in the Army increased as well, from 412 to 5,000.29 The Salvation Army's “invasion” of Boston in September 1884 under the leadership of Captain Annie Shirley inaugurated a remarkable style of urban mission in the once-Puritan city. A month before coming to Boston, Annie Shirley lost her husband, Amos, in a drowning accident but remarkably soldiered on. For Shirley, there was no time for mourning amid her battle for souls on the streets and in rented storefronts in the poorest neighborhoods of Boston. Annie Shirley shared the ribald style of Salvation Army founders General William Booth and Catherine Booth and passed this on to her followers with remarkable ease. Neither the Booths nor Annie Shirley ever met Father Taylor or Henry Morgan, but they most certainly would have loved them and their bold approach to ministry. Annie Shirley's leadership of the Boston Salvation Army was not unique because she was a woman. Single women regularly served as officers (pastors) of local corps. National figures from 1888 demonstrate that single women comprised a full 45.5 percent of Salvation Army officers. Women officers were also the clear majority in Boston corps from 1888 to 1907. In 1888, the first year that records were kept in Boston, women were identified as leading the two Boston corps for most of the year.30 Women's pastoral leadership was only one of the reasons—and probably not the most important one—for church leaders to raise their eyebrows in both suspicion and delight over these latest upstart evangelicals on the Boston scene. Before coming to Boston in September 1884, the Salvationists made friends with prominent evangelicals and received some publicity in the Boston press. The earliest praise the Army received in New England came from the pen of holiness theologian Daniel Steele. In a frontpage article in the Zion's Herald in August 1881, Steele praised the Salvation Army and simultaneously delivered a stinging backhanded criticism of his own Methodist Episcopal denomination. “There seems to be a great tendency in every evangelical movement to push off from the masses as soon as it has attained respectability through numbers, and to become stiffjointed through ecclesiasticism and afraid of soiling its robes by working any longer in the gutter. So it begins to die of respectability. What a mercy to our fallen world it is that God does not shut up His Spirit to work in denominations formal and rheumatic, but often goes down to the bottom of the social ladder and starts a new movement. Booth is John Wesley's soul marching on.”31 Two years later Steele continued to promote the efforts of the Salvation Army and persuaded his friend William Mc-Donald to publish Catherine Booth's Aggressive Christianity, thus introducing the Salvation Army's work to a wider evangelical American audience.32 In 1883 a Congregationalist journal, The New Englander, published a more critical analysis of the Salvation Army, although it too praised its “greatest service” to the Christian church in demonstrating “the possibility of bringing the most abandoned classes of society under the saving power of the gospel.”33 The journal condemned the Salvation Army's “absolutism” due

to its hierarchical structure, “the general neglect of religious instruction,” and, most severe of its liabilities, the “irreverence of many of its extremely sensational methods.”34 These criticisms ensured that the Salvation Army would receive a less than enthusiastic welcome from many of Boston's elite citizens. The Salvation Army's first Boston meeting on September 7, 1884, was described in detail on the front page of the Boston Globe. A master at getting publicity—good and bad—Captain Shirley had paid a visit to the offices of the Globe two days prior to holding her first meeting in the city to ensure press coverage. The choice of the Boston Globe as the paper to write about the event was a good one. The Globe tended to be a more Democratic-leaning newspaper with less of a Brahmin reputation than the Republican-leaning Evening Transcript or Boston Advertiser.35 Shirley doubtless hoped that word of the Army's arrival would spread through the saloons, slums, and wharves of Boston more readily than through the elaborate parlors of Boston's Back Bay. The Salvation Army's integration of aggressive revivalism and social reform stood in dramatic contrast to the style of the elite Boston social welfare network known as the Associated Charities. Begun the same year as the Salvation Army's arrival in Philadelphia, the national charity organization movement had one of its earliest and most mature organizations in Boston. The Associated Charities built on previous Brahmin poor relief organizations that sought to organize charity work on a citywide basis. Few evangelicals were associated with this network of elite charities.36 When the Associated Charities began hiring Catholic staff to visit the poor in 1893, the division between them and Boston's upstart evangelicals—who still sought to convert Catholics—became even more significant.37 The Associated Charities was sometimes criticized for its excessive concern with “efficiency” at the expense of a more humane approach. Catholic editor of The Pilot John Boyle O'Reilly even put his criticism of Associated Charities to verse: “The organized charity scrimped and iced; In the name of a cautious, statistical Christ.”38 The Salvation Army was about as far from proclaiming a “cautious and statistical Christ” as one could get in Boston, yet it displayed a remarkable ability to stay out of the fray in the fiery anti-Catholic controversies of the late 1880s. The Salvationists’ frequent meetings at Boston venues such as the Tremont Temple (Baptist) and Clarendon Street Baptist Church and People's Church (Methodist) indicate that they were probably sympathetic and certainly aware of other evangelicals’ involvement in anti-Catholic organizing. However, since the Salvationists were frequently subjected to mob violence themselves, they were understandably reticent to join in the particularly bitter attacks toward Roman Catholics.39 Direct political organizing was also simply not a priority for the Army or part of the repertoire of techniques they were accustomed to using at this early stage in their development.40 The first concrete evidence of the Salvation Army in Boston openly doing any kind of political organizing came in October 1892.41 The first Salvationist meeting in Boston took place in a rented hall on North Russell Street in the West End, five blocks from where Charles Cullis had started a mission church a few years earlier.42 The Boston Salvationists soon began holding regular meetings in a rented

auditorium of the Windsor Theatre on the corner of Dover and Washington streets in the South End. The Clarendon Street Baptist Church was one of the closest Protestant Churches to this theater, located just four blocks to the north. Its pastor, A. J. Gordon, was among the Army's earliest supporters and was the only non-Salvationist in Boston to be mentioned in The War Cry (the Army's magazine) as preaching at a Salvation Army event in these early years.43 Commissioner Frank Smith drew ironic attention to the “excellent company” Salvation Army officers enjoyed when they were jailed for unlawfully preaching on the Boston Common along with A. J. Gordon, W. F. Davis, the superintendent of Tourjée's North End Mission, and a dozen others.44 In addition to their brazen evangelistic rallies and parades in the “open air” of Boston, the Salvation Army reached out to the downtrodden in the midst of their lives of misery in the dreary North End grog shops. Records show that Salvation Army storefront corps were almost as transient as many of the sailors and poor persons in the North End. Addresses for their corps changed with remarkable frequency—perhaps partly because of eviction by disgruntled landlords.45 It was in the bars and on the streets where Salvationists sold their magazine, The War Cry, to raise funds and publicize their work, all for the goal of saving souls among the poor. The importance of The War Cry as a fund-raising tool ought not to be underestimated. An account of the Army's national income from October 1884 to March 1886 shows that the gross income from sales of The War Cry and the children's magazine Little Soldiers provided approximately half of the $63,618 national budget for the seventeen-month period.46 The Salvation Army's growth was not steady in the early years, since the organization was mired in a conflict that resulted in a major schism in 1884, just as the Boston “invasion” began. In 1884 the Army reported that it had 250–300 officers. A year later that part of the Army still under General Booth's command reported having only 50 officers in all of America. The number of corps also dropped precipitously between 1884 and 1885, from 104 to 17.47 Confusion over the existence of two Salvation Armies in America, one loyal to William Booth and the other led by Thomas Moore, caused difficulty for Salvationists in the Boston area. Prior to the October 1884 schism, the Salvation Army just north of Boston in Salem, Massachusetts, reported three hundred conversions with the same number of people attending early morning prayer meetings. After the schism, an officer was sent back to Salem, where she found only ten soldiers who had remained true to the Army under General Booth, making it necessary to begin a new corps in Salem.48 As late as 1888 the Salvation Army's continued existence was apparently questioned by the local Boston press, which noted with surprise an April 1888 “open-air” worship service held on the Boston Common, the first such service in over four months.49 The divisions the Salvation Army faced from within were made all the worse by the opposition they faced from the outside, from both educated elites and drunken crowds incited to violence by tavern owners fearful that Salvationists would take away customers. In one account of Salvationists visiting Boston saloons selling The War Cry, a young man is reported to have hesitated when invited to purchase the magazine, stating “I have just got five cents, and I must buy this drink.” The Salvationists had almost convinced the man to buy their magazine

when the “rumseller” threw them out on the streets where, according to the Salvationists, “a large crowd had collected, which, as we went on, increased and followed us.”50 The author of this and similar articles in The War Cry was known as “Happy Jenny, the Colored Lass,” who likely was a member of the troupe of Salvationists visiting the saloons. African-Americans in the Salvation Army benefited from a denominational policy of racial equality that was remarkable for the period. In August of 1885 the head of the Salvation Army in America, Commissioner Frank Smith, proclaimed that the Army must be “among the first Christian communities of America who will faithfully and wholly break down the wall of partition, separating the white from the colored, whom the Lord has brought from a common captivity and bondage.”51 Methodists in New England shared a similar perspective on race relations at this time— having been at the forefront of the abolition movement in their own denomination.52 They also would have been reminded of their own history of harassment a generation earlier, another similarity that strengthened many Methodists’ support of the Army.53 The historical relationship between the Salvation Army's contemporary struggles against violent opposition and earlier Methodist experience was reported in a Newburyport, Massachusetts, newspaper in support of the Army and reprinted in The War Cry. The Salvation Army is receiving a good deal of abuse for following methods which have been found effective in religious work often in the past.…The Salvationists are only repeating the work of the early Methodists, and their experience is strikingly familiar in many points, as anyone can see who reads the history of the Methodist movement. That church has settled down into a regular denomination, respectable and quiet. When it was a missionary church, seeking converts from the poorest, most ignorant and vilest…it encountered the same violence of opposition, the same denunciations of its low methods, and the shouting Methodists were no more a beautiful spectacle to the regular churchmen of England or to the New England Congregationalists than the Salvation Army is now, and the objections were very much the same.54 The following account of an injury inflicted in 1885 on one of the youngest Salvation Army officers in Boston, seventeen-year-old Captain Alice Terrell, illustrates the personally challenging nature of the work in the midst of opposition: “Once in Boston we were out in the march, and about everybody except me had been hit by stones or other missiles.…Just as I mounted the curb, however, to go into the hall on North Russell and Cambridge [streets], I was struck by a rock. Major Gay caught me as I fell, and carried me, insensible, into the hall. Though that was seven years ago, I feel the effects of that blow to this day.”55 The boldness of the mostly female Salvation Army officers in Boston was a striking example of self-sacrifice for the men of Boston University School of Theology. The young and attractive Captain Terrell recalled that “[m]any students from a theological seminary used to help us on these [saloon] excursions, and some of them have told me since that this work made them the men they afterwards became.”56 Gender differences between the male Boston

University School of Theology students and the mostly female Salvation Army officers no doubt played into the relational dynamics between the two institutions. On only one occasion did this lead to marriage between a seminary student and a Salvationist, Samuel Brengle and Elizabeth Swift. Since most Salvation Army officers were from the working classes, with minimal formal education compared with Methodist seminary students, there was probably a class barrier to close friendships between members of the two organizations. Elizabeth Swift's college education was relatively unique for a Salvation Army officer.57 Samuel Logan Brengle, in 1884 a first-year student at Boston University School of Theology, was deeply impressed with the Salvation Army and recounted that the Army was responsible for the entire sanctification of “several” of his fellow seminarians. Brengle noted that he attended Salvation Army meetings “every chance I had.” His mentor at the university, theology professor Daniel Steele, no doubt played an important role in encouraging him and other students to avail themselves of the Salvation Army. Brengle was impressed with General William Booth when he heard him speak at Tremont Temple on June 1, 1885, and again at a lecture to Boston University School of Theology students and faculty on “that central doctrine of Methodism,” Christian perfection.58 Although clearly impressed by Booth, Brengle was absolutely smitten that same summer when he met his future wife, Elizabeth Swift. Two of his seminary classmates had urged Sam to meet Elizabeth, which he did for the first time at a meeting in Newton, Massachusetts.59 After marrying Elizabeth, Samuel Brengle left the Methodists and went to London to attend officer's training, only to be put to work shining other cadets’ boots. General Booth and other Salvationist leaders were suspicious of Brengle's motives as an exceptionally well-educated recruit and wanted to test his resolve. His faith was tested as well by such menial tasks. “The devil came at me and reminded me that a few years before, I had graduated from a university, that I had spent a couple of years in a leading theological school, had been pastor of a metropolitan church, had just left evangelistic work in which I saw hundreds seeking the Savior, and that now I was only blacking boots for a lot of ignorant lads. My old enemy is the devil! But I reminded him of the example of my Lord, and he left me.” Brengle prayed, “Dear Lord, Thou didst wash their feet; I will black their boots!”60 Brengle proved himself worthy and became the Salvation Army's leading holiness theologian and evangelist, but not before he was struck and nearly killed by a ruffian's brick in Boston shortly after being assigned there in January of 1889. His work in Boston was also made difficult by the “cold shoulder” he received from at least two of his former professors at Boston University School of Theology because of his identification with the Army. Daniel Steele remained supportive, but holiness movement leader William McDonald, “who had been like a father” to Brengle, “spoke rather sneeringly” of his Salvationist uniform when McDonald saw him.61 Prior to his departure from Methodism, Brengle was a rising star in the holiness movement as an evangelist and had served for ten months in 1885–1886 as McDonald's assistant while McDonald was president of the National Camp Meeting Association. Toward the end of his life, McDonald had a change of heart and confessed to Brengle, “I think that if I were a young man again I would join the Salvation Army.”62 Brengle's

enthusiasm for holiness found expression in the written as well as preached word. Charles Cullis published one of Brengle's first articles in his holiness magazine Times of Refreshing; it was later reprinted as a tract selling thousands of copies.63 The Salvation Army had many other Methodist supporters as well. In the first two years of publication of the American War Cry the Methodists were the most frequently mentioned denomination supportive of the Salvationists’ work. In March 1886 at the Eastern Territory's sixth anniversary celebration held in Boston, “a young gentleman offered to give dinner to twenty-five of the [Salvation Army] officers, and when they arrived at the address they found themselves in the Boston University, entertained and waited upon by the students. God bless and sanctify the young intellect of our land.”64 Serving dinner and providing entertainment for twenty-five officers was no small undertaking and would have likely involved the cooperation of a number of students. Although evangelicals were generally supportive of the Salvation Army, the occasional criticism of the Army by McDonald and others is equally revealing about some evangelicals’ struggle to come to terms with their social status in Boston. The School of Theology's new, lavish building on Beacon Hill at 72 Mt. Vernon Street, dedicated in November 1886, displayed the students’ sophistication but also stood in contrast to the their sense of responsibility toward the poor. The dinner that students served to Salvation Army officers at their school may have exposed students’ discomfort with their own statusconscious milieu even before they moved, a few months later, to Mt. Vernon Street, an address that author Henry James once called “the only respectable street in America.”65 The students probably wondered if they should accept their growing similarity to the established denominations of New England, as their fancy location suggested, or whether they should rather embrace the primitive Methodism in the spirit of the Salvation Army. Much like the Salvation Army, Boston University School of Theology drew young men from many rural areas and small towns around the country who would have felt out of place yet understandably proud of their respectable surroundings.66 An 1886 Zion's Herald editorial titled “Aggressive Work in Cities” expressed a kind of “status anxiety” similar to what the divinity students experienced. The article noted the slackening in recent years of Methodist growth in the cities and proposed one innovation pioneered by British Methodist preacher Hugh Price Hughes, who had started a preaching ministry in the fashionable West End of London. “We have as yet only sent men among the poorest and most vicious portions of our cities. This work is not to be overlooked; but the hour, it seems to us, has come, when we should send picked men, the rare preachers, holy and apt to teach, into any portion of the city where there is a population without a temple of worship, and permit such men to remain and work out all their possibilities[.]”67 Less than a year after serving dinner to twenty-five Salvation Army officers, the School of Theology students seemed to resolve—at least temporarily—their sense of status anxiety and their responsibility for urban mission. Gathered at a “class meeting” (a group to promote holiness among Methodists) at the School of Theology in February 1887, Professor Hinckley Mitchell reported, “we all felt as if we heard a voice saying, ‘Ye are the light of the world.’”

They then asked “is the School as a school proving itself worthy of its splendid location and giving light to the dark places of Boston? The question took such a hold upon those present that within a few days thirty had pledged themselves to spend at least one evening a week in missionary work.”68 They started their work in the North End and held a service at Tourjée's North End Mission. This was the beginning of increased urban mission efforts in Boston churches by seminary students that eventually led to the settlement house work in the early 1890s discussed in the following chapter. There were other factors in the nation at large contributing to a greater focus on urban ministry, but the Salvation Army's witness in Boston was the most immediate primary influence that stoked Boston University School of Theology students’ renewed fervor for urban mission in the late nineteenth century. In addition to attending Salvationist meetings, assisting with their saloon work, hearing General Booth lecture at their school, hosting officers for a dinner, and committing themselves to renewed action among the city's poor, Boston University School of Theology students actually sought to mimic specific Salvation Army techniques and its militaristic organization.69 One fond observer reported their activities with admiration in the St. Louis Methodist journal, the Central Christian Advocate. They have organized themselves into a “Brotherhood” for the purpose of doing evangelistic work in the “slums” of the city, and in the “down town” churches. They choose one of their own number for their captain and pledge themselves to give absolute obedience to him in this work, so that when he orders an attack or a march or a muster they cannot plead a hard lesson or a lecture or a “rare privilege” to attend a concert. They must go. And they do go. They are nearly all good singers and when they march through the streets of the North End they sing our grand old hymns while one of their number leads with a cornet. They are pelted with stones, rotten potatoes, eggs, etc., but they feel that this is only another evidence that they are in the apostolic succession. When they have gathered a crowd they stop and hold a prayer meeting and invite sinners “forward” for prayers. In their street meetings during the past year, about eighty have manifested a desire to become Christians. In these meetings they have the protection of the police.…They all testified that it had done more for them than their studies in the school, in that it had developed in them Christian experience and common sense.70 Several years later a Boston reporter noted at least one North End resident confusing Methodists with the Salvation Army during an outdoor evangelistic event. “Out of one of the alleyways hastens a fat German woman in a calico dress. Her neighbor in the window above asks: ‘Vhat ish dem, der Salvations?’ And then comes the answer: ‘Nein, dem's der People's Church.’”71 The techniques for street evangelism utilized by the Salvationists had spread from the Methodist seminary students into the nation's largest Methodist church. Daniel Steele also mimicked the Salvation Army in an 1886 proposal to complement the Methodist Episcopal Church's system of theological education with a training school system more similar to that of the Salvation Army.72

There is room for a less learned ministry, full of faith and the Holy Ghost—a reservoir of eloquence ready to be poured out upon the thirsty multitudes through the spigot of street language. If Methodism affords this ministry no training-school, and maintains a literary standard which excludes it, the Benjamin Abbotts and the Taylors (E. T. and W.)73 of the future will be trained by the Salvation Army, or by some other organization near to the popular heart, and our grandchildren will be discussing how our Church can arrest her steady decline, and bridge the chasm between her and the unsaved masses.…We have lately noticed, with a very lively interest, the establishment in Chicago by the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, of a school for training female missionaries for both the home and the foreign work. This is a step in the right direction.74 Steele's support here of the Chicago Methodists’ deaconess school took place after he had already been a supporter for a number of years of Charles Cullis's deaconess school. Later in the article, Steele also mentioned Charles Cullis's ten-year-old Faith Training College as an example to be emulated by the Methodist Episcopal Church. In the area of foreign missions, too, at least one Methodist held up the example of the Salvation Army for emulation. In 1885 The War Cry printed an article from a Methodist supporter praising the Salvation Army for its frugal habits and effectiveness in India. The supporter criticized Methodist Episcopal missionaries for their relative reluctance to “go and live with the natives,” stating that the Salvation Army was “doing this work and should have our prayers and our money.”75 New England Methodist Catherine B. Sherman, the wife of the Reverend David Sherman, was also very supportive of the Salvation Army. Before her death in 1885 she was reported to have read Catherine Booth's Aggressive Christianity “again and again.” Her husband, Rev. David Sherman, was a Methodist Episcopal preacher and Boston presiding elder from 1874 to 1876. He also served as vice president of the North End Mission in 1874.76 Relationships among members of the Boston Salvation Army, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and other evangelicals were also strengthened at summer camp meetings at Old Orchard Beach, Maine. The Salvation Army first conducted camp meetings at this location in August 1885, sharing space with the Methodists, Baptists, Episcopalians, and others.77 A year earlier Charles Cullis had purchased his own campground in Intervale, New Hampshire.78 In 1886 A. B. Simpson began sponsoring camp meetings at Old Orchard Beach, where he had been healed through Cullis's ministry five years earlier.79 As the Salvation Army ministry in Boston grew, it gradually became far more acceptable to even some of the most elite members of Boston society.80 In 1889 Maud Booth restarted the Salvation Army Auxiliary League for the purpose of gaining wealthy persons’ support for the Army's work. The league had started in 1884 under the direction of Thomas Moore but had disbanded as a result of the schism.81 By 1893 there were a total of two hundred auxiliary organizations in Boston and its immediate surrounding towns.82 At least one auxiliary meeting was held in the exclusive Back Bay neighborhood of Boston.83 At these parlor room meetings, Maud Booth often spoke about the Army's work among the poor and received generous support

from wealthy patrons. This kind of fund-raising focused on the Salvation Army's social work programs and was an attempt to implement General William Booth's scheme laid out in his Darkest England and the Way Out, published in 1890. General Booth's plans described in the book did not even begin to take shape in the United States until Emma and Frederick BoothTucker assumed command of the Army in the United States in 1896.84 Boston Unitarian and orator Edward Everett Hale featured the Salvation Army rather prominently in his novel If Jesus Came to Boston. The narrator of the story speaks of a mysterious friend, whom the reader readily identifies as Jesus himself, who comes to visit Boston to see all the fine work Christians are doing. A female officer of the Salvation Army is the first Christian worker to meet Jesus at the dock where she is assisting an Italian immigrant in making contact with her family back in Italy. Later in the story Jesus meets a Salvation Army “Slum Sister” busily cleaning the dirty tenement of a poor sick woman. Hale lavishes praise on the Salvationist. “My friend [Jesus] was so pleased, that I thought for a moment he would go on his knees and finish the job. But she would not let him do that. She said, as if she knew him better than I did, ‘Oh, you have more important work to do, and I am nearly done here’; and then she asked me what she could do for me.”85 Elite Bostonians’ growing fondness for the Salvation Army in the 1890s backfired on the Salvationists when Major Edith Marshall, who had led the Army's Auxiliary League national organization, resigned from the Salvation Army to join an Episcopal Church in Boston's South End in 1903. Dissatisfied with the Army, Edith Marshall stated that she appreciated the Episcopalians’ religious devotion and the “stability, order, completeness and dignity” that the Episcopal Church provided.86 On the other hand, the Salvation Army also gained one elite Bostonian as a recruit. Miss Jennie C. Newcomb, a Wellesley College botany professor, joined the Army in 1892 and worked among the poor in Roxbury. Before joining the Army she also served as a teacher at Moody's Northfield Seminary and was described as a “warm friend” of Moody's.87 By 1893, nearly a decade after the Salvationists began their work in Boston, the commander of the Salvation Army boasted that “over 20,000 souls have professed to be saved since The Army's advent in Boston.”88 By December 1893 the Army had expanded to six corps in Boston and twenty-two corps in eastern Massachusetts.89 The six corps were located in nearly every neighborhood of Boston: the South End, Roxbury, East Boston, Dorchester, Jamaica Plain, and the North End. In addition to the corps ministries in operation in 1893, the Salvation Army also conducted what it called its rescue and slum work. By 1893 this involved “two Slum posts, a Slum corps, and four officers.”90 These “Slum Brigades,” as they were called when they began in 1889, differed from the settlement house or deaconess movements beginning to take root in America at the time.91 Slum brigades did not establish a separate space for religious or secular community meetings in poor neighborhoods. Praised in Hale's If Jesus Came to Boston, the “Slum Sisters” simply moved into small tenement rooms where they assisted their neighbors with child care, cleaning, and other “neighborly” activities.92

The Salvation Army's increased involvement in social welfare projects was part of a national effort spurred on by the new leadership of Emma and Frederick Booth-Tucker in 1896. Throughout the country, according to one report, the number of social welfare institutions directed by the Army tripled from 28 to 85 between 1896 and 1898.93 The rescue work performed by the Boston Salvationists included, by 1893, a Home for Fallen Women begun in August 1892 in Dorchester and supervised by two female officers. In its first year of operation over forty women had been assisted at the rescue home.94 By 1900 the Salvation Army in Boston had added a Labor Bureau for the unemployed, four men's shelters with a total of 541 beds, a women's shelter with 21 beds, a women's hotel with 31 rooms for more affluent women working in downtown department stores, a Salvage Warehouse, a Second-Hand Store, a restaurant, and a social relief office to take care of miscellaneous needs.95 The abuse that the Army had suffered from Boston residents in both the printed press and on the streets when the Salvationists first arrived in 1884 had almost completely disappeared by 1895. The Salvation Army's work among immigrant groups in Boston also expanded in the 1890s. As was the case with the Slum Brigades, the first officers in charge of the Salvationists’ Swedish work in Boston were also women: Captain Graham and Lieutenant Olson.96 The first Salvation Army Swedish corps (Boston #6) was established in December of 1893 and was located at various addresses on Hanover Street in the North End. In 1896 another Swedish corps opened up on 1088 Tremont Street in the South End.97 Of all of the immigrant groups entering Boston in the 1880s—of which the Italians were by far the most rapidly increasing population in the city—the Salvation Army, like their Methodist counterparts, was most successful with Scandinavians. By 1906 the Salvation Army had seventy-seven foreignlanguage corps in the United States. Fifty-five of those corps were Swedish.98 Both Methodists and the Salvation Army were simply more attuned to rural Protestants, whether they were from the British Isles or Scandinavia. EAST BOSTON IMMIGRANT HOME

The growing tide of immigrants coming into Boston was impossible for evangelical groups like the Salvation Army, the Methodists, or Baptists to ignore, and yet it was not until May of 1888 that a specific ministry effort was launched by Methodists to meet the immigrants when and where they were at their most vulnerable—on the chaotic East Boston wharves as soon as ships packed with immigrants docked. In the late 1880s there was a growing fear among evangelicals that some newly arrived immigrant women, defenseless and exhausted from the transatlantic voyage, were easy targets for criminals who would trick them and force them into lives of prostitution as “white slaves.”99 The East Boston Immigrant Home sought to prevent this horror by meeting ships in the early morning hours as they entered the harbor and inviting to the home “all unprotected and friendless young girls, also women and children waiting for friends or in need of advice.”100 The Immigrant Home also offered prayer services and a sewing school and benefited greatly from the tireless efforts of Mrs. Amanda A. Clark, a Swedish immigrant herself and superintendent of the home for twenty-eight years.101 The East Boston Immigrant Home was the Methodists’ first specialized ministry for

immigrants along the docks. The Reverend Daniel S. Sorlin, himself a Swedish immigrant and pastor of the Boston Swedish Mission, was the first to propose a home for immigrants, which he did after working a number of years as a missionary among Swedes with the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society. In the winter of 1887–1888 Sorlin strengthened his case for the new ministry initiative by calling on some powerful friends in New England Methodism. Methodist clergyman Varnum A. Cooper, leader of the Home for Little Wanderers, and his wife, the president of the New England Annual Conference Woman's Home Missionary Society, were enthusiastic in their support. Sorlin himself had been one of the very first converts to Methodism in Sweden and had worked alongside Rev. O. G. Hedstrom on the famous bethel ship in New York harbor in the mid-1870s.102 Interest in immigrant work also benefited from the strength of the women's foreign missionary movement, as advocates of home mission efforts frequently noted the similarities between foreign and home missionary work and proclaimed “[s] ave America and you save the world!”103 Other evangelical Protestant groups also sponsored work among immigrants at this time.104 Such work had occurred as a matter of course for decades as city missionaries encountered immigrants in their daily rounds of visitation in poor Boston neighborhoods. By the early 1890s most Protestant denominations also sponsored at least one missionary or social worker on the docks to assist immigrants even if few had established immigrant homes of a scale similar to the Methodists’ East Boston Immigrant Home. By the 1920s Baptist workers among immigrants on the docks appear to have been the most prevalent of all the denominations even though they had a later start than some other groups. Most of these dock missionaries and even government workers with immigrants were women.105 In the first two years the East Boston Immigrant Home moved twice, each time to successively larger dwellings, until in May of 1890 a house was purchased by the Methodist Episcopal Woman's Home Missionary Society that contained thirty-three rooms in all, four times the number of rooms in the original Immigrant's Home.106 The new home's location could not have been better: it was directly across the street from the East Boston pier of the Cunard Line—one of the largest passenger shipping companies in the North Atlantic.107 The number of people served at the Immigrant Home increased accordingly. One hundred forty-four persons were cared for at the new home in the first six months, and 411 were assisted in the first year. In 1890, the transition year when the Immigrant Home moved to its new location, about five hundred immigrants were boarded and nearly five thousand meals served. The home also sponsored a total of 188 religious meetings the same year.108 This outpouring of aid made the Methodists’ Immigrant Home the leading Protestant effort in immigrant assistance in the city.109 The Reverend Daniel Sorlin's and Amanda Clark's ability to initiate such a new urban mission in Boston underscores a significant difference between Methodists and more wellestablished denominations such as the Congregationalists or Episcopalians. The latter denominations were much less successful in reaching out to immigrants and unlikely to permit an immigrant to initiate and then lead a new mission venture. In her survey of Boston immigrant churches between 1890 and 1940, Farmelant noted that there were nearly three times as many Methodist and Baptist immigrant churches as there were Congregational and Episcopal

churches. In these years, Congregationalists established ten immigrant churches including two Swedish churches, and the Episcopalians established six immigrant churches. By contrast, the Baptists established twenty-seven and the Methodists twenty immigrant churches. For Methodists, most of this growth took place between 1920 and 1926, when they established seventeen immigrant churches in New England. The spadework for this growth began in the last decade of the nineteenth century with Sorlin's proposal to establish the East Boston Immigrant Home.110 By 1896 the home had expanded its original purpose—which was to serve as a temporary boardinghouse for immigrant women—and began to offer other services as well. The Immigrant Home's stated purpose in 1896 was “to watch over, care for, and provide a temporary home for female immigrants and to furnish them with industrial training, to maintain a day nursery and temperance restaurant and to care for orphan and destitute children of immigrants, and to conduct missionary operations.”111 Its expansive ministry effort doubtless helped Methodists to gain credibility as a denomination that was concerned with the plight of immigrants. The home continued in operation until 1931, when falling numbers of immigrants due to the Great Depression made its task less urgent than it had been in previous decades.112 THE NEW ENGLAND DEACONESS HOME AND TRAINING SCHOOL

The establishment of a deaconess home training school for New England Methodists in 1889 was the culmination of Methodist women's ministry efforts in Boston in the late nineteenth century. Charles Cullis's deaconess house had already been in operation for twenty years when the Boston Methodists decided the time was ripe for a similar venture. Cullis had already clearly established that there were plenty of opportunities for women to get involved in both urban and foreign mission work as nurses, visitors, and evangelists.113 The twenty years of growth of the WFMS, the temperance movement, the East Boston Immigrant Home, and the Salvation Army all pointed to both the vitality of women's ministry as well as the need to more efficiently train women for their work at home and abroad. The early church origin of the title of “deaconess” gave women's ministry an added measure of credibility to wield against those who might challenge the legitimacy of their work.114 The decision to approve a new office of “deaconess” in the Methodist Episcopal denomination in 1888 was a direct outgrowth of the foreign missionary movement. The “Woman's Work for Woman” mission theory being promoted by the WFMS was integral to the establishment of the deaconess office, as Methodist women in urban centers realized that poor women were given inadequate attention in ministry efforts. The earlier foreign missionary emphasis on modeling the “Christian home” was also self-consciously adopted by Methodist deaconess homes around the country. Both the East Boston Immigrant Home and the Deaconess Home and Training School used the term “home” very intentionally as an organizing principle for their work. An early report about the Deaconess Home stressed “that we have here not merely an institution, but a real home. The house is a model of neatness and home comfort. Its furnishings, though simple, are in no way suggestive of the asceticism of the convent. The atmosphere of the Home is cheerfully Christian. All the apparent conditions of life in the

Home are favorable to rest and inspiration for the consecrated women who go in and out in loving ministry among the lowest and most afflicted of the city's poor.”115 The first institutional initiatives to establish deaconesses were born on the Methodist foreign mission field in Germany and India. Methodists in Germany raised the idea of deaconesses in 1864 as they witnessed some of their young women leaving their fledgling denomination to become Lutheran deaconesses.116 By 1878 there were seven trained deaconesses of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Germany, a full ten years before the main decisionmaking body of that denomination formally recognized the deaconess office. The actual petitions in 1888 to establish the deaconess office originated with a woman missionary in India, Isabella Thoburn.117 By 1910 a total of twelve deaconess schools had been founded by the Methodists in the United States.118 Conversations among Methodists in New England to establish a “Ladies Seminary” first occurred as early as 1869—the same year that Boston University was incorporated. There was ample precedent for such an institution, as Mt. Holyoke Female Seminary and similar institutions had been established already in the late 1830s and the women's colleges were beginning to emerge in the 1860s.119 The committee to look into the feasibility of a ladies’ seminary included William Claflin, Isaac Rich, Jacob Sleeper, the Reverend L. R. Thayer, and the Reverend W. R. Clark. In spite of the interest that was expressed at this early date, no ladies’ seminary was ever established. Instead, Methodist women in New England first poured their energies into the practical work of the WFMS and “home missions” before they established formal educational institutions for women.120 Daniel Steele's early leadership in the teaching of deaconesses at the Charles Cullis deaconess institution and Faith Training College would have been known by Methodists in Boston when the New England Deaconess Training School began.121 The establishment of the Methodist Episcopal deaconess home in Boston no doubt would have gratified Steele as he advocated three years earlier for such training schools modeled on the example of Salvation Army training garrisons and the WFMS training school in Chicago. Steele himself taught deaconesses at the New England Deaconess Training School shortly after the school was established and for ten years thereafter.122 Other faculty at the school consisted mostly of area pastors and teachers who taught without pay. Holiness advocate and Methodist pastor William Nast Brodbeck served as president of the New England Deaconess Training School during its first three years.123 The dedication service of the training school was flush with enthusiasm as one speaker noted that there were seven thousand deaconesses in Germany alone—primarily among the Lutherans—and thus set imaginations ablaze with what American Methodists could do with a similar number. Mr. O. M. Durrell, in his opening address, stated that “in taking up this work” the Methodist Church is “putting on its armor anew.” The stated purpose of the New England Deaconess Home and Training School at its official incorporation on June 21, 1889, was “to train evangelistic workers in both home and foreign fields and to utilize the energies of Christian women in active religious work.”124

The Deaconess Training School was located at 45 East Chester Park— now Massachusetts Avenue—in Boston, a few blocks to the west of Franklin Square, where Eben Tourjée had moved the New England Conservatory of Music in 1882. The work of Eben Tourjée and the North End Mission would have been brought to mind for many of the attendees of the dedication ceremony.125 Tourjée's pastor, Rev. W. R. Clark, who had influenced Tourjée to found the North End Mission, gave the dedicatory prayer, and Eben Tourjée's daughter Mrs. Clara Tourjée Nelson sang a solo at the event. W. R. Clark had also served on an 1869 committee charged with exploring the establishment of a ladies’ seminary for the New England Annual Conference.126 In her opening address, Isabella Thoburn stated that the new school had received fifty applications for admission within a few months. Only twelve of these applicants were admitted to the school.127 The low acceptance rate at the school during its initial years is striking. One of the features of the deaconess schools around the country was that they “outdid the more conventional [academic] institutions in extending a welcome to all possible students.”128 With an acceptance rate lower than 25 percent, this was apparently not the case in the initial year of the New England school. After the first six months of their work in Boston the twelve deaconesses who had been accepted into the training program had already posted some impressive statistics. They had made 1,799 visits with people in their homes, distributed nearly a thousand tracts, spent 302 hours in the classroom, and devoted forty-two days to nursing activity. They had also sought to get the word out about their institution, speaking at fifteen different meetings to inform churches about their work.129 This flurry of activity was balanced by an equally impressive list of required reading, which included books on the history of Methodist women, the deaconess movement in Europe, biblical studies, nursing texts, and even the disputed anti-Catholic world history textbook by William Swinton that was the spark that ignited the Boston public schools crisis of 1888–1889.130 In the training school's second year of operation, tragedy struck: two of the students died. Nevertheless, at the end of that year, in the spring of 1891, the first six women graduated from the school. A few months later two women, Miss Clara Organ and Miss Mary Lunn, were consecrated as deaconesses. Mary Lunn, who had already graduated from the Chicago Deaconess Training School, served as the New England Deaconess Home's first superintendent. Clara Organ later went on to minister at the Methodists’ settlement house among the mostly Russian and Polish Jews of Boston's North End by offering a sewing school in addition to regular visitation.131 Two women enrolled at the school in the spring of 1891 were training for foreign missionary work in China and Japan.132 In 1892 the number of women at the school increased to seventeen and remained approximately the same for the next few years. Although the Deaconess Home and Training School was begun as an institution for women, the financial control of the school was ultimately in the hands of men.133 Only two of the original eight trustees of the Deaconess Home were women—Harriet Warren and Emma Watkins. Harriet Warren, the wife of Boston University president William Warren, served as

the editor of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society's publication Heathen Woman's Friend from 1869 until her death in 1893.134 Having lived previously with her husband in Germany for several years, she most certainly would have had the most personal knowledge of how deaconesses functioned on the European continent.135 Emma Watkins was later credited, along with her husband the Reverend T. Corwin Watkins, with raising a substantial amount of money for the Deaconess Hospital in Boston, which was founded in 1896.136 The Deaconess Home and Training School faced many challenges in its day-to-day work in the city and also struggled to come to terms with its own relative affluence. In the summer of 1893 an article appeared in the Zion's Herald questioning both the purpose of the institution and its location in a middle-class section of the city. The Training School is a necessity—must it not be several schools? The parish work is demanded, and training therefor. But there is also work among the unchurched—the women and children of foreign speech, the vicious and the criminal; all these bring contact with sickness and demand the nurse's skill and the hospital. Shall the home of these Christian women be in the midst of the poverty and wretchedness to which they minister? Shall it be out in the salubrious suburbs where the hospital must be? Shall the training school be in the midst of the slums, or with the hospital? Shall all be together in the North or West End, or in Brookline or the [Roxbury] Highlands?137 The Methodist deaconesses never did move the Home and Training School to a more impoverished section of the city, although many of the women continued to work in such areas and some graduates did live in the North End Methodist settlement house established in 1893. The women at the New England Deaconess Training School also faced outright opposition from within the denomination. In 1891, the same year that two training school students died, there was a verbal attack made on the school by Mr. Seth C. Cary at the Alpha Chapter alumni gathering of the Boston University School of Theology. Cary argued that the training school should be open to everyone on the grounds that its exclusion of men by virtue of its identity as a women's school was unnecessary and anachronistic. “[I]f these same people had not been the foremost in demanding that the doors of all schools in the church should be opened to women…it would have been less of a surprise.” He went on to explain how he believed these schools’ education of a “few women” introduced unnecessary and unhelpful divisions in the educational system of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Now, this is one of the strange matters that you do not even see discussed in the papers of our church, though it would be difficult to find almost any other topic that is not ventilated, and I have waited long before beginning the agitation. But what is even more inexplicable, is the fact that a movement is on foot to create a Deacon's Training School [presumably, for men]. Why not be consistent, and have a separate training school for each grade, and both sexes, from Exhorter up to that of Bishop? That would at least be logical, but then it only shows how strangely distorted some great questions may become.138

The choice of wording Cary utilized suggests a degree of male hostility toward the New England Deaconess Training School's female leaders and the “freaks, and whims, and illadvised action” that they undertook. Cary appealed instead to what he likely saw as the male virtues of “wise guidance, great leadership, and a careful clinging to Providential indications.” Cary went on to say that Methodism, in fact, needed innovative institutions for the purpose of training laypersons for effective and useful ministry. He argued that those institutions needed to be structured under established seminaries and that the seminaries needed to continue to expand their curriculum, provide a “lengthened course, and higher requirements for matriculation.”139 It is interesting—and predictable—that Cary made no argument for ways to expand the inclusion of women at Boston University School of Theology. In 1890 the student enrollment list contained only five women. All these women were special students, apparently not admitted to a particular degree program. In future years much of Cary's proposal came true even as his animosity toward the Deaconess Home and Training School decreased. Cary was a teacher at the deaconess school in 1900.140 By 1914 it was renamed the New England Training School for Christian Service, and in 1918 it was absorbed by Boston University and eventually became its Department of Social Work.141 The animosity expressed toward the Deaconess Home and Training School by an alumnus from the Boston University School of Theology was not a unique phenomenon. The Boston Missionary and Training School, founded by A. J. Gordon, opened on October 2, 1889, just a month before the New England Deaconess Home and Training School.142 While not subject to criticism as a training school for women, Gordon's school was indirectly attacked by William Fairfield Warren of Boston University, who feared it would provide insufficient theological education for Christian workers and inhibit mission education in American congregations. Warren preferred that missionary training take place within the context of a theological seminary.143 Gordon's interest in Plymouth Brethren theological teachings also brought on Baptist criticism of his school.144 This chapter illustrates the important roles many evangelical women played in organizations in Boston that, in the case of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society, also extended far beyond Boston's borders. It is unsurprising that the WFMS, as one of the most powerful women's organizations in the period, also influenced the founding of several of the other organizations for “home mission.” The vibrant relationship between the promotion of foreign missionary interests and home mission efforts such as the East Boston Immigrant Home was mutually reinforcing and rarely, if ever, was seen as a matter of competition for scarce funds to go toward either foreign or home mission efforts. In the case of the Methodists’ Deaconess Home and Training School women were trained for work across town as well as across oceans. The Salvation Army was unique as a denomination that fully accepted women as pastors of local congregations. The Army was mimicked in many ways in its early years in Boston even if its embrace of women as pastoral leaders was an innovation most other upstart evangelical groups found too bold. The Salvation Army's “Slum Sisters” embraced a level of poverty in their living situation that exceeded that of the Methodist deaconesses and points to the diversity

of approaches in the crossroads of evangelical urban ministries in late-nineteenth-century Boston. Evangelical women's organizations in Boston were also exceptional in their ability to avoid theological controversy, which was forcing many male-led organizations and churches to make choices in favor of either revivalism or social reform (discussed in the following chapter). Although some women at places such as the Methodist deaconess school were trained in theology and were certainly well versed in biblical studies, for the most part evangelical women were very pragmatic and flexible in their approach to ministry among the poor. Debating the relative merits of revivalism and social reform may simply not have been appealing to them.

CHAPTER FIVE

Evangelical Consensus and Division “All of This Confusion and Hurt” There is no precise “crossroads moment” in the history of Boston evangelicalism, where one group of evangelicals marched decisively down one road and another went a different direction. Rather than Robert Frost's image of two roads diverging in the peace and quiet of the New England woods, we are better served if we picture the boisterous, crowded scene on Boston street corners after a Red Sox game. For readers familiar with Boston, the asymmetrical intersection of six streets known as Kenmore Square, a block away from the Fenway ballpark, is an apt image. In this lively scene, groups of people appear to be walking together only to diverge in the next block—and the direction they move is not clear, as the Boston streets take unexpected twists and turns. Boston evangelicals similarly collaborated with each other on one day and sparred against one another on another day—at times choosing to go their separate ways and at times not. The religious scene of Methodist, Baptist, and Salvation Army adherents in Boston in the 1890s and early 1900s was a complex crossroads, but any attempt to too-quickly divide evangelicals into tightly defined religious “camps” obscures as much as it reveals. Historians of this turbulent period in American Christianity have tended to accentuate the divisions among so-called fundamentalists and modernists and have often retrospectively imposed the divisions of the 1920s on the 1890s.1 The tendency to focus on intellectual developments to the neglect of a detailed analysis of a particular social context has served to accentuate these divisions. Likewise, historians’ tendency to concentrate attention on the main protagonists of the controversies has given the impression that all American Christians lined up—more or less neatly—on one side of the divide or the other. This simply was not the case. Some evangelicals (especially Methodists) looked for a third way through the controversies, found a way to avoid the controversies altogether, or became embroiled in various denominational power struggles only peripherally related to the major intellectual challenges posed by modernity. Evangelicals sparred on a whole assortment of different issues in the 1890s. New methods of interpreting the Bible, known as “higher criticism,” prompted heresy trials and arguments among biblical scholars that quickly spread to the rank-and-file clergy. Varying degrees of openness or defensiveness toward adherents of other religions provoked divisions as people responded in different ways to such dramatic events as the World's Parliament of Religions in 1893. The relative importance of social reform and revivalism was also debated as some evangelicals who had been raised in the revivalistic throes of mid-nineteenth-century America

looked back on their childhood experiences with a more jaundiced perspective. Other evangelicals viewed social reform work with skepticism and wondered what long-term good it was doing for the church as a whole when, as many believed, the imminent return of Jesus would reveal such tasks to have been futile distractions from the real work of “soul saving.” All these concerns had been around for some time. In the 1890s, however, the rancorous debates were louder than they had been for some time. MODERATING METHODISTS

Unlike the Baptists and the Presbyterians, who eventually suffered national denominational splits due to fractious debates over higher criticism and other theological debates, the Methodist Episcopal Church saw no equivalent division. The Methodists “weighed in,” to be sure, on the intellectual debates of the day, but they did so in a rather moderate way. The Salvation Army, owing to its relatively small size and uneducated corps of clergy, mostly avoided the swirling debates about higher criticism and world religions. A careful look at how New England Methodism differed from other evangelicals over the polarizing issues of higher criticism and attitudes toward world religions illustrates how complex the crossroads were. The Methodists were not able to “hold the center” for very long as the polarities became more dramatic in American Christianity in subsequent years. The 1893 World's Parliament of Religions in Chicago was a challenge to the piety of American evangelical leaders. For the first time, they were confronted—either in newspaper reports or in person—with self-evidently pious adherents of world religions other than Christianity or Judaism. Many evangelicals struggled to make sense of this, while others either condemned the World's Parliament or were grandiose in their praise. The Zion's Herald response to the World's Parliament illustrates the dissonance New England Methodists felt at this event and displays their attempt to take a moderating stance on what was, for many, a polarizing issue. In a concluding remark for a three-article series on the Parliament of Religions, the editor of the Zion's Herald chose his words carefully: We have endeavored to help our readers to an intelligent and sympathetic familiarity with this assembly because we believe it to have been one of the most important religious councils of the century. We do not, however, by any means endorse all that was said upon that platform. That Christianity and its Founder have not suffered by comparison with other Oriental religions and their reputed founders, need not be affirmed. The general purposes of the parliament, the spirit of “sweet charity” manifested by all who shared in the deliberations and discussion, the intelligent and wholly frank utterances of the representatives of other religions, must serve to remove much of the misconception and prejudice which are prevalent respecting these “hory faiths” and the people who so tenaciously adhere to them. The editor of this paper was privileged to be present at the last session—the “love feast” of the parliament. To look into the gentle and spiritual faces of the representatives from India, Japan, China, and other Eastern lands, and listen to their profound thought, spoken in most instances in classic and fitting English, was a revelation to

us that must affect our thinking and action for the remainder of life. In the influence which it is to exert upon missionary effort in the several lands represented, the result must be unspeakably important, valuable and permanent.2 More conservative evangelicals such as Boston Baptist leader A. J. Gordon and the revivalist D. L. Moody would have none of this careful searching for a middle ground exemplified by the Zion's Herald editor. For them, the World's Parliament of Religions was simply an unacceptable compromise of Christianity's uniqueness among world religions. In contrast, more liberal Protestants such as Lyman Abbott and Washington Gladden participated enthusiastically in the gathering. The chief organizer of the nascent “social gospel” movement, Josiah Strong, hailed the Parliament of Religions as inaugurating nothing less than a new era of human history.3 The Methodist search for middle ground was also evident in the growing debate over biblical higher criticism in the waning years of the nineteenth century. In the same year as the World's Parliament of Religion the Zion's Herald published a “symposium” on higher criticism. The lengthy article contained the opinions of twenty-five preachers and theologians about the new approach to biblical interpretation. While critical of those higher critics who sought to eliminate the role of the supernatural, the overwhelming majority of the contributors expressed a favorable attitude toward most higher criticism and urged a balanced and patient study of the research. Daniel Steele's remark about higher criticism was typical of other Boston University School of Theology professors and pastors featured in the article. “Abstain from wholesale denunciation before reading what the Higher Criticism has to say. Even then do not dogmatize unless you are an expert in the Hebrew language. This is a battle to be fought by the few, not by the many. So long as the Old Testament as a whole has the endorsement of Jesus Christ, the fountain of inspiration, the truth incarnate, I shall not lose any sleep through fear that it will be destroyed by the advancing scholarship of the world. The Word of the Lord endureth forever. Do not drop your revival work in order to defend it. When you have time, read up.”4 Steele and countless other Methodists maintained a strong emphasis on revivalism and living the holy life, and he encouraged his readers to avoid getting distracted by intellectual debates. Steele's fears were realized at the Boston University School of Theology two years later, in 1895, when Methodists charged Old Testament professor Hinckley G. Mitchell with heresy for his use of higher criticism. Years earlier, in 1886, Mitchell and Steele had been key faculty participants in the seminarians’ renewed enthusiasm for urban mission work prompted by the Salvation Army's “invasion” of the city. In 1895 Mitchell was charged with heresy by thirtyeight of his students, a full 10 percent of the student body. After Mitchell acknowledged that his method of teaching was wrong, the case against him was closed—but not for long. In 1899 nine students again accused Mitchell of heresy. After another investigation, the Boston University trustees unanimously approved his reappointment in November 1899, subject to the approval of the Methodist bishops, which Mitchell received during the summer of 1900 at the denomination's General Conference.5

The Boston University School of Theology faculty defended Mitchell. The most striking endorsement of Mitchell once again came from Daniel Steele in 1900 in a Zion's Herald article published just prior to the Methodist Episcopal bishops’ ruling on Mitchell's orthodoxy that resulted in his reappointment to the school. In his defense of Mitchell, Steele playfully confessed that, in a commentary manuscript he was writing many years earlier, he had struggled with some passages in the Old Testament book of Joshua. “It was in 1864 that I wrestled with this question, long before any orthodox American scholar had adopted the theory of composite authorship. Such a theory would have solved my difficulty. But, clinging to tradition as I did, I felt impelled to adopt a theory which strongly leans toward the new theory of plural authorship.…[B]ut I did not know enough to invent a Greek name for my discovery and get it copyrighted, nor had I courage sufficient to proclaim myself the first evangelical higher critic in America!”6 For Steele and many other Methodists, the concern over higher criticism was unnecessarily exaggerated, and Steele sought to put people at ease. Steele's defense of Mitchell worked in 1900, and Mitchell remained at his teaching post; he would not be so fortunate in 1905, when the Methodist Episcopal bishops finally refused to confirm his appointment as a professor at the School of Theology.7 Changing and even contradictory Methodist attitudes toward revivalistic strategies could also be found on the pages of the Zion's Herald. That magazine's editor could, in one year, strongly criticize Moody's revivalistic techniques and strident opposition to higher criticism and, a few years later, praise him for his revivals in Boston. In 1892 the Zion's Herald explicitly criticized D. L. Moody. “The day has gone by when you can convert a man by throwing a Bagster Bible at his head; the thunder has quite gone out of that mode of attack.”8 In 1897, however, the Zion's Herald applauded Moody's return to Boston with two partner evangelists who carried out a successful evangelistic campaign in three downtown churches— including the flagship Methodist People's Church. (The practice of holding less centralized evangelistic meetings in favor of multiple-site but smaller events, as Moody did in Boston in 1897, was becoming increasingly popular and was the method utilized by Wilbur Chapman in his Boston campaign in 1909, to be discussed in a later chapter.)9 Prominent leaders of the social gospel at the beginning of the twentieth century were almost uniformly opposed to the revivalistic techniques of Moody. Historian Janet Fishburn has noted that Unitarian Francis Greenwood Peabody, a Harvard ethics professor, was the only major social gospel leader who had not been raised in a revivalistic tradition and thus appreciated Moody's revivalism in ways his counterparts could not. They viewed it as an outmoded relic of their past, while Peabody found the emotional warmth and exuberance of Moody a welcome contrast to his coolly intellectual Unitarian background. The best organizer of the social gospel leaders, Josiah Strong was sympathetic toward some aspects of revivalism—especially the use of smaller multiple-site but simultaneous evangelistic rallies—but he too strongly criticized Moody's approach.10 HOLINESS MOVEMENT DIVISIONS

Methodists were reticent to give in to the growing polarization in 1890s America regarding

world religion, higher criticism, and revivalism; the same could not be said about the denomination's most long-standing dispute, the place of the holiness movement and the theology of entire sanctification—something that had as much to do with Christian piety as with intellectual concepts. One scholar of the movement has described the 1880s as the “decade of decision” for the holiness movement's place in the Methodist Episcopal Church.11 Multiple events contributed to the growing rift. The death of Rev. John Inskip in March of 1884 contributed to the increased factionalism or “come-outerism” within the movement.12 As the charismatic founder of the National Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness, Inskip was able to maintain unity in the organization far better than his successor, William McDonald.13 Soon individuals and churches began departing from established denominations to found their own independent churches. This was done much to the dismay of William McDonald, Daniel Steele, and other holiness movement leaders. The factionalism within the Wesleyan holiness movement is evident in New England Annual Conference debates of the Methodist Episcopal Church, as well as in the creation of independent “holiness churches” in the area. Many of these independent churches eventually joined together to form the Central Evangelical Holiness Association in 1890.14 A year earlier, as a response to the growing “come-outerism” among Methodist holiness advocates in New England, the New England Annual Conference resolved that as pastors “we will not organize nor associate ourselves with Holiness Associations in our charges…[and] advise our people not to organize, or to associate themselves with so-called Holiness Associations, independent of the church and of their pastors. We believe that the meetings of such associations are often the occasion of jealousy and ill-feeling, that they tend to division in the church, and that they unjustly reflect upon the faithfulness of the church and the pastors to the doctrines of the church.”15 Holiness meetings not only caused division on the doctrine of entire sanctification within the churches, as the New England pastors gathered at conference stated, but also revealed class divisions within a denomination becoming increasingly wealthy and respectable. Strong advocates of holiness were among the Methodist pastors on the conference's Special Committee on Holiness Associations, which crafted the 1889 resolution. Daniel Steele, William Nast Brodbeck, and S. F. Upham all served on the special committee, were involved with Boston urban mission work, and were leaders in the holiness movement.16 Individuals like Daniel Steele probably viewed the passage of the 1889 resolution as a pragmatic necessity to prevent schism. But Steele's strenuous efforts to hold the center together would not be enough in subsequent years. In 1892 the New England Annual Conference again issued a strongly worded statement against holiness groups, and Daniel Steele put forward an eleventh-hour resolution to give holiness groups some measure of freedom to meet. As an expression of their respect for Steele, the delegates applauded Steele's report—but they did not adopt it.17 Steele had pushed for this kind of flexibility nearly twenty years earlier in his best-selling 1875 book, Love Enthroned, but by 1892 the conflict had grown too strong.18 By then some of Steele's fellow holiness advocates had already begun to leave the Methodist Episcopal Church, and Steele was having

much more difficulty serving as a reconciling force in the New England Methodist connection.19 In 1895 the publication of New England Methodist James Mudge's Growth in Holiness toward Perfection, or Progressive Sanctification was a frontal assault against many holiness advocates in its argument against instantaneous experience of sanctification. Mudge's book prompted considerable debate in the pages of the Methodist Review and other periodicals, and Daniel Steele and L. R. Dunn wrote books refuting Mudge.20 What had been mostly a matter of church discipline in the New England Annual Conference's decision opposing unsupervised holiness meetings in 1892 was now a theological challenge by a respected clergyman and former missionary to India.21 New England Methodism was most affected by these holiness debates, but their effects were national in scope. In one particularly striking 1893 Zion's Herald article, Southern Methodist Bishop A. G. Haygood sought to reframe the terms of debate by seeking to eliminate use of the very term “holiness” in Methodist Episcopal circles. He criticized the excesses of the holiness movement—especially divine healing. The bishop encouraged Methodists to cease using the term “holiness” to describe come-outers since Methodists, he argued, also believed in holiness. He went on to argue that the attempt to define what is and is not meant by holiness “is responsible for all of this confusion and hurt.” Haygood marginalized holiness advocates by urging Methodists not to talk about holiness since it was “in its nature indefinable.”22 That holiness became an idea to be defined rather than an experience to be lived is symptomatic of the growing intellectualization of Methodist leadership and theological faculties in the 1890s.23 In spite of denominational leaders’ arguments against the holiness movement, many rank-and file-Methodists continued to believe strongly in the importance of entire sanctification. Holiness movement scholar Vinson Synan has argued that within the Methodist Episcopal Church of the 1890s “one-third to one-half ” of America's four million Methodists “were committed to sanctification as a second work of grace” and that no more than 100,000 Methodists left to join holiness denominations.24 The ongoing popularity of Daniel Steele's books is further evidence that many Methodist laypersons were still inspired by the call to “entire sanctification.” The continued presence of holiness theology and enthusiasm for entire sanctification in the Methodist Episcopal Church remained a key motivator for the denomination in its ongoing interest in foreign and home mission work.25 During the late 1880s and early 1890s there were also harsh words exchanged between Wesleyan evangelicals and the more Calvinistic adherents of the Keswick holiness tradition. The Keswick tradition received its name from the town of Keswick, England, where large conferences were held in the 1870s to encourage personal holiness among attendees. The main difference between the Wesleyan and the Keswickian schools of thought was whether sin could be completely eradicated from the believer's life or not. The Wesleyans believed it could; the Keswickians believed it could not.26 D. L. Moody and Boston pastor James M. Gray believed that sin could not be eradicated; they were two advocates of this more Reformed perspective on holiness. The wider implication of a Calvinist theology of predestination was an even greater point of contention for Steele and other Methodists than the differences over the

doctrine of entire sanctification. Sparring between the Calvinists and the Wesleyans was nothing new for either side; it was an integral part of the Methodist movement from its earliest days. John Wesley and John Fletcher had led the debate for the Methodists in the mid – to late 1700s, and Steele became the leader of the debates in America a hundred years later. The renewed debate between Calvinists and Wesleyans—so far as the New England context is concerned—began at the second gathering of the Prophetic Conference in Swampscott, Massachusetts—located north of Boston. It was at this meeting, in the summer of 1876, that Steele became more personally acquainted with the ideas of John Nelson Darby, the Plymouth Brethren, and the millenarian ideas that were to constitute much of the theology of D. L. Moody and other leaders of nascent fundamentalism in America.27 Just three months prior to the 1877 Moody revival, Steele wrote a series of articles in the Advocate of Christian Holiness warning his readers against these individuals, who “were strongly flavored with the doctrines of the Plymouth Brethren.”28 In subsequent years Steele wrote several books containing arguments against Calvinism.29 He also joined Catherine Booth in criticizing what she called the Calvinists’ “Oh wretched man that I am religion.”30 It was Steele's Antinomianism Revived, published in 1887, that contained his most pointed attacks. In that book Steele sarcastically criticized Baptist pastor A. J. Gordon for his adoption of certain Calvinist ideas espoused in the Prophetic Conferences in which Gordon participated. “Dr. Gordon's resurrection for the elect only, needs only an atonement for the elect alone to put a very handsome finish upon the system, making it symmetrical and beautiful.” Steele's remarks illustrate that his concerns about Plymouth Brethren teachings on premillennialism and predestination had grown in the ten years since the Swampscott gatherings, just as the Prophetic Conference movement had also grown in its influence.31 However, even after Steele's strong criticisms of Gordon, both leaders were able to continue as supporters of Charles Cullis's institutions throughout the late 1880s and early 1890s. Cullis, the grand mediator of divergent evangelical opinions, wisely placed them on two different boards of trustees that oversaw different aspects of his sprawling network of institutions.32 By the mid-1890s, after Methodist holiness advocates had lost debates in New England Annual Conference meetings, the rallying cries against the Keswick holiness adherents and Calvinism also quieted down. A year after Gordon's death in February of 1895, an article about the Gordon Training School proudly noted: “Hitherto we have not been favored with many Methodists in connection with our school, but now that denomination is ably represented, both on the executive committee and among the students.”33 The persistent belief in entire sanctification and the pragmatic disposition among Methodists at the grassroots in the 1890s helps to explain the expanded Methodist participation at the Gordon Training School in 1896.34 This school taught the importance of growth in holiness even if the way it did so would have sounded strange to Methodist ears. Steele's criticism of Gordon nearly ten years earlier no longer carried the same weight. Methodists who were skeptical about higher criticism but who could at least tolerate a premillennial view of eschatology may have also found refuge at this school, as did many

persons who wanted practical training for ministry but had neither the time, money, academic ability, nor inclination for seminary training. That there was substantial support for the opposition to higher critical methods of biblical interpretation is substantiated by the very popular tenure of Rev. James W. Mendenhall as editor of the Methodist Review from 1888 to 1892. Mendenhall greatly increased the number of subscriptions to the denominational journal and in 1892 was reelected to the editorship by 86 percent of the delegates to the Methodist General Conference. Mendenhall died suddenly shortly thereafter. The theologically moderate New England Methodist pastor James Mudge stated that Mendenhall's editorial pen could be best characterized as being “a spirited onslaught on rationalism which was almost immediately inaugurated and was maintained with immense vigor to the very end. The editor gave himself up with entire abandon and enthusiasm to this crusade against Old Testament criticism. The editorials in which he denounced those who had strayed from the safe paths of orthodoxy, and whom he regarded as wicked disturbers of the peace, amaze one by their length and number.”35 Mendenhall's brief editorial career at the Methodist Review illustrated the growing chasm between what laypersons liked to see in their denomination's official publications and what was occurring in the Methodist seminaries. The advocacy of holiness teaching, for example, was in rapid decline by the first few years of the twentieth century in the Methodist denomination's theological schools. Writing in a scholarly journal in 1906 on changes in Methodist theology, Boston University professor of systematic theology Henry C. Sheldon described the future of the traditional understanding of entire sanctification as “far from being bright.” In a single paragraph, Daniel Steele and other theologians were dismissed as representing—“if not always with entire lucidity”—the teaching of entire sanctification in the late nineteenth century.36 What had been the very center and lifeblood of Methodist theology for nearly two centuries had become little more than a footnote—at least among New England Methodist academics. Boston University's philosophical theologian Borden Parker Bowne was rapidly taking center stage as Methodism's most prominent theologian at the close of the century. A member of the Boston University School of Theology faculty from 1876 to 1910, Bowne began to develop a new school of philosophical Pragmatism in the late 1890s that would later be known as Boston Personalism. Bowne was not overtly hostile to the doctrine of entire sanctification but rather simply sidestepped the issue. Bowne was raised in a home where the magazine Guide to Holiness was present “by the shelful [sic].” Daniel Steele even praised Bowne's Principles of Ethics as containing a philosophical defense of the doctrine. With Bowne, however, the teachings on entire sanctification were transformed into a philosophy that was far less congenial to Methodist piety than holiness doctrine had been.37 Whereas Mitchell challenged orthodox belief by questioning the historical origins of biblical text, Bowne's philosophical approach reinterpreted the nature of Christian experience itself, a theme that had previously been the domain of the holiness movement.38 Bowne was also more successful in dodging charges of heresy in 1904 than his colleague Hinckley Mitchell and was able to remain at Boston University until his death in 1910.39 With sensitivity to Methodism's focus on Christian experience and with deep respect for Bowne, Harvard

philosopher William James noted in 1902 “how the ancient spirit of Methodism evaporates under those wonderfully able rationalistic booklets (which everyone should read) of a philosopher like Professor Bowne.”40 In spite of James's advice, everyone did not read Bowne's philosophical treatises, and thus, as important as his contributions were among intellectuals, their impact on popular religiosity was initially far less significant. Without the need to craft finely tuned position papers, many Methodists and other evangelicals found themselves sympathetic to opponents on both sides of the religious questions pertaining to holiness, premillennialism, world religions, and higher criticism. In the 1870s Charles Cullis erected a “big tent” that was able to embrace Unitarians and Baptists in his Faith Training College; many evangelicals in the 1890s sought to do likewise on many of the divisive issues of their day. Methodist Episcopal fervor for foreign missions remained strong, and Methodists’ moderate acceptance of higher criticism did not substantially lessen their evangelistic interests. Remarkably, there was also enough common ground shared by revivalism and social reform to hold most Wesleyan and Calvinist (or premillennialist) evangelicals together in joint ministry efforts at the turn of the century. In 1909 Boston Methodists were integral participants in the Wilbur Chapman “Simultaneous Campaign” in Boston, and J. W. Hamilton, former pastor of the Methodist People's Church, served side by side with followers of A. J. Gordon in the Evangelistic Association of New England. Methodist support of D. L. Moody's 1891 and 1897 Boston revivals was similarly strong, even if fewer Boston residents showed interest in Moody in those years than in 1877.41 The following eloquent but cautionary statement about the social gospel made in 1898 by the Zion's Herald editor Charles Parkhurst exemplified the position of Methodists who remained grounded in the holiness tradition and revivalism but were seeking to respond to the growing concern about the social problems surrounding them. The one danger now is that earthly goals may be sought by earthly roads and forces. The complete obliteration of poverty and its replacement by universal affluence is the golden dream of many social reformers, but it is not the ideal set before us by Jesus Christ. Too many aim at altering the circumstances. Only the transformation of the soul can effect the transformation of the world, and only the spiritual dynamic of the Gospel can effect the transformation of the soul. Amid the manifold philanthropies and the endless multiplication of societies we are tempted to forget the real mission of the church, which is not to preach fine systems of morality to the unconverted, but to convert them. Her work is to impart new life to those who are dead and life more abundant to those who already possess it. It is in the supernatural region that religion lives, moves, and has its being. Moral expedients and reforms are good, but only as means to moral transformations. Instruction in ethics and politics must be subordinated to filling men with the life of God. The New Jerusalem is not built by the strength of man, whose breath is in his nostrils. We may clear the site and prepare the way, but that is all. It descends out of heaven from God.42

Parkhurst's remark would have been warmly embraced by the vast majority of Boston evangelicals in the 1890s as they worked together in revivalism and social reform in the city. There were efforts to achieve a creative yet moderate stance toward the divisive issues of the day, but there was nevertheless a growing religious divide between Wesleyan and Calvinist evangelicals in Boston. Contemporaries would not have observed this growing divide as the establishment of clearly demarcated groups; the shifts among evangelicals at these crossroads were often subtle and perhaps not discernible by outside observers or even by key evangelical leaders in spite of occasional invectives by opposing sides. Two main factors—more connected to ministerial practice than to intellectual theories— contributed to the growing divide between evangelicals in Boston in the 1890s. The first was in their differing decisions about how much time, energy, and resources to devote to alleviating the social problems of the day versus converting individuals to the Christian faith. Wesleyan and Calvinist evangelicals believed in both, but the Calvinists were beginning to place greater emphasis on evangelistic efforts while the Wesleyans gradually chose to invest more energy in social welfare initiatives. These differing priorities for urban mission were based on the premillennialists’ more pessimistic outlook on human nature and eschatology and the Wesleyans’ correspondingly more optimistic stance on these questions. The growing divide between premillennialists and Wesleyan evangelicals can also be understood by examining their different reaction to liberal Protestantism. Wesleyans and premillennialists were usually not opposed to one another directly, but the premillennialists grew to greatly dislike Protestant liberalism while Wesleyans became more amenable to it. Wesleyans and premillennialists simply did not share the same enemy. The growing interest among premillennialist evangelicals in the Prophecy Conference movement also distanced them from Wesleyans, who, for the most part, did not participate.43 The Keswick understanding of holiness would have been a less significant factor in the developing rift between these different types of evangelicals in Boston except insofar as it was linked with more pessimistic views of human nature, which also contributed to the growing divide between the groups. The Baptist A. J. Gordon and the Methodist E. J. Helms exemplify the growing divisions among evangelicals better than any two figures in Boston. The differences between these two men are not reducible to their denominational differences. There were Methodists such as Mendenhall (discussed above) who would have found common cause with A. J. Gordon more than with Edgar Helms later in his life. Likewise, there were Baptists who would have found more in common with Helms than with Gordon. The differences between Gordon and Helms sprang from more contextual circumstances in their lives, and from the respective theological and practical decisions each of them made. ARCHETYPES OF DIVISION: A . J. GORDON AND E. J. HELMS

Gordon's embrace of premillennialism increasingly caused him to stress revivalism over social reform from the late 1880s until his death in February of 1895.44 Fellow Baptist Walter Rauschenbusch would, in subsequent years, become equally famous for his enthusiastic

espousal of social reform in the “social gospel.” In 1890 Gordon exemplified an abiding sense of social concern when he cautioned readers of his magazine, the Watchword, about “[w]hat a temptation it is to get out of partnership with the suffering world, and to get into some quiet retreat where there is nothing to disturb the spirit's tranquility.” In 1894, however, Gordon was more resolute in his stress on individual conversion as opposed to social reform. His anger toward Protestant liberals was also clearly evident. “Go into the liberal churches where they boast so loudly of their ethical preaching, and their high morality, and their strict integrity; and ask them how many drunkards they picked up from the gutter last year, changing them into sober men who can pray and sing praises to God. They cannot show you one; I find they are condemned by this test.” The same year, in an editorial in the Watchword, Gordon urged “Preach Jesus; be not drawn away from this one theme amid all moral preaching and ethical preaching and political preaching.”45 Although Gordon continued to believe in the value of social reform and members of his church participated in rescue mission efforts, Gordon's priorities were elsewhere. These priorities became more pronounced among his followers after his death, and much of Gordon's embrace of social reform efforts grew cold in the hands of his followers.46 It was clear what direction Gordon's church was taking when Gordon's friend James M. Gray served as supply pastor of Clarendon Street Baptist Church after Gordon's death.47 Premillennialist evangelicals’ primary involvement in rescue mission work drew its inspiration from D. L. Moody's famous saying that he began using in the mid-1870s: “The way it looks to me is this: Here is a vessel going to pieces on the rocks. God puts a life-boat in my hands, and says: ‘Rescue every man you can.’”48 Holiness advocate Daniel Steele explicitly criticized Moody's imagery of a “vessel going to pieces” as a “pessimistic Plymouth [Brethren] idea” in his 1899 book Substitute for Holiness.49 Moody's metaphor of a shipwrecked vessel breaking apart in a turbulent ocean was also criticized by the lead organizer of the nascent social gospel movement, Josiah Strong, who instead called on American Protestants to “save the wreck itself.”50 Strong sought to do precisely this when he assumed leadership of the Evangelical Alliance in 1886 after receiving wide acclaim for his book Our Country. The Evangelical Alliance was the country's most significant ecumenical organization in the late nineteenth century and was the country's intellectual and organizing center for pastors interested in social reform.51 At an 1887 conference of the Evangelical Alliance (of which he was still a member), A. J. Gordon threw down the gauntlet against Josiah Strong's expansive goals for social change and what the conference called a “revival of ethics.”52 Gordon called instead for a “revival of vital piety.” A week prior to this conference Gordon had given the inaugural address at the founding meeting for the Evangelistic Association of New England (EANE), a new organization competitive with the Evangelical Alliance. The EANE represented the beginning of institutional fissure within the evangelical network in Boston. A measure of Protestant consensus persisted, but with this new organization Gordon and like-minded evangelicals distanced themselves from the Evangelical Alliance under Josiah Strong's leadership.53 Strong eventually stepped down from leadership of the Evangelical Alliance in 1898 because others in the organization

differed with his radical views on the social implications of Christianity.54 The idea for organizing the EANE started with Mr. John E. Gray, who previously served as a librarian for the YMCA as well as assistant secretary to M. R. Deming, the general secretary of the Boston YMCA from 1873 to 1887. Gray received inspiration for the organization from a similar group in London that he became acquainted with during a trip to that city.55 The EANE claimed to be the only transdenominational association in the country exclusively devoted to evangelistic work. “Our desire is that the Good News should be preached not only in churches, BUT IN HALLS, SCHOOL HOUSES, TENTS, BARNS, FROM THE GOSPEL CARRIAGE, TO THE FISHERMEN ALONG OUR COASTS, AND TO THE LUMBERMEN IN OUR FORESTS [capitalization in the original].”56

In making this very focused claim for evangelistic work outside church walls, the EANE— with A. J. Gordon at its helm—was going against the tide in the developing “institutional church” movement, which sought to attract members through practical but largely secular programming within local churches in addition to the churches’ more traditional spiritual emphases. The term “institutional church” was coined by William Jewett Tucker in 1888 in reference to the Boston Congregationalists’ Berkeley Temple.57 The Methodists’ Morgan Memorial Church, located a few blocks from Berkeley Temple, rivaled the Congregationalist church in the diversity of its offerings. (Morgan Memorial is discussed in greater detail below.) The EANE's ministry had two emphases. The organization sought to hold open-air evangelistic services around New England either independently or with other organizations such as the YMCA. In its second year the EANE held forty-one outdoor services including sixteen on the Boston Common and thirteen at Crescent Beach in South Boston. The second emphasis was to supply churches and organizations with approved evangelists who were a part of the EANE's approved “pool” of preachers. According to the EANE's second annual report, the North End Mission utilized the evangelist supply services a total of thirteen times, twice as much as any other organization.58 This pulpit supply service was most useful to churches that were congregational in their polity (mostly Baptists and Congregationalists) and thus lacked a centralized means of clergy deployment, but Methodist Episcopal pastors and members of most Protestant denominations also served on the organization's governing board.59 The EANE's meeting minutes indicate that there was “initial difficulty in finding an Episcopalian who would consent to membership, but after considerable searching, an evangelical Anglican was located.”60 The urban focus of the organization in its early years quickly gave way to a greater focus on rural New England. But the move did not come without debate. In the EANE's very first year of existence most members called for greater attention to rural New England, but Methodist Episcopal Rev. L. B. Bates countered that the need for evangelism was greater in the city. “There was no city in the world but London that contained a greater variety of nationalities than Boston, and it was estimated that within a certain range in the northerly part of Boston, there were more than forty different languages and dialects spoken.”61 Other members of the organization were less convinced, and by the fourth year of the EANE's work only one of the

seventy-one evangelistic services sponsored by the EANE was held within the city limits of Boston.62 In spite of the EANE's nonsectarian aspirations, the organization was most identified with the chairman of the examination committee, Rev. A. J. Gordon. Gordon and his close friend the Reformed Episcopalian pastor James M. Gray were the most consistent members of the examination committee charged with the duty of screening potential evangelists who would comprise the EANE's available pool of preachers. It is difficult to discern to what extent the premillennial orientation of these pastors influenced the organization as a whole, but the presence of these two avid premillennialists on the examination committee suggests that premillennial views were strongly preferred if not a requirement for EANE endorsement of evangelists. The Niagara conference of 1890—a major forum for premillennial teachings— was also prominently advertised in the organization's magazine.63 Several members of A. J. Gordon's church were also active in the organization.64 For a brief period following Gordon's death in February of 1895, the EANE's monthly magazine even served as the Gordon Missionary Training School's magazine.65 After Gordon's death, the Evangelistic Association of New England continued to focus most of its energies on evangelistic activities in rural New England rather than Boston. However, in September 1894 and again in 1895 the EANE held weekly evangelistic services at Boston's Music Hall. On at least one occasion the chief divisional officer of the Salvation Army, Major William Brewer, was invited to lead the evangelistic service at Music Hall.66 D. L. Moody led an evangelistic service under the EANE's auspices at the same venue in 1895, during his second visit to the city since his 1877 revival. Moody's reception in 1890s Boston was far different from the one he had received in 1877.67 The city had changed dramatically in the intervening years, and Moody could no longer bring in large audiences comparable to the throngs of people who had come to see him in 1877. If A. J. Gordon and the EANE constitute the best example of premillennialists’ increased focus on individual conversion, Methodist pastor Edgar J. Helms and Morgan Memorial Church constitute the best example of the Wesleyans’ increased interest in social reform. Helms sold a successful newspaper business in Iowa to go to Boston University School of Theology in 1889 at the age of twenty-six.68 He felt a call from God to become a missionary to India and wanted to prepare for this ministry by gaining an excellent theological education. At seminary, Helms studied with Bowne and admired his ideas enough to continue studying with him after graduating in 1893.69 As Boston Methodism's most promising seminary graduate, Helms was a founding member of Boston University's settlement house, became superintendent of the Methodists’ Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society from 1893 to 1895, and began serving as pastor of the Morgan Chapel in 1895—the same year as A. J. Gordon's death. Four years into his pastorate, in 1899, Helms also asserted his personal yearning for instantaneous sanctification in spite of Mudge's and others’ published assertions against this staple doctrine of the holiness movement. Helms wrote a letter to his parishioners expressing a desire to be entirely sanctified and urged his parishioners to join him in seeking entire

sanctification on Pentecost of that year. Your pastor is groaning for a complete deliverance from the power of sin. He yearns to be cleansed from impure desire and be so filled with God's spirit that he can be daily, every day, what God wants him to be. Do you not desire this for yourself? Christ came to destroy the works of the Devil. He sent his Spirit to abide with us. If we have the Spirit in Pentecostal fullness we shall not continue to doubt and fall into sin as we now do. The anniversary of Pentecost is May 21. The disciples waited together in prayer ten days before the Spirit fell on them. We are going to celebrate this birthday of the Christian church by ten days of waiting and seeking for the power of the Holy Spirit. There will be day and evening services to be announced later. Will you not join with me in seeking power for yourself and the church by remembering these meetings morning and noon and night and by attending them when the time comes. They begin Thursday May 11 [emphasis in the original].70 This letter is a clear illustration that Helms still believed in both instantaneous sanctification and the power of sanctification to fully eradicate sin in the believer's life.71 Although a lifelong admirer of Bowne's Personalist metaphysics, in these early years Helms seems to have pastored from a heart that had been shaped by the holiness tradition for most of his life. In 1895 Helms also studied with Francis Greenwood Peabody, a professor of social ethics and the most prominent advocate of the social gospel on Harvard's faculty at the time.72 The same year Peabody had Helms as a student, Peabody gave an address before the Unitarian National Conference and urged his hearers not to emphasize the humanitarian aspects of philanthropy to the detriment of the spiritual aspects of the work. “The life with God, the sentiment of worship, the conception of humanity as organic and perfectible, the impulse of the ideal life, as manifested in Christ, —these are not extraneous interests, set apart from the practical problems and needs of the time: they are the lofty source from which the whole stream of modern philanthropy derives its freshness and its breadth. Let that source dry, and the stream will shrink.”73 Instead of having a secularizing influence, the Unitarian Peabody, with his affection for revivalism, may have ironically bolstered Helms's holiness piety. In contrast to other Boston settlement houses, the University Settlement at first focused most of its energies on evangelistic efforts. It was only as time went on that its focus increasingly turned to “social and educational ways.”74 Two years after starting his ministry at the University Settlement, Helms devoted a considerable amount of space in his first book to defending the settlement against individuals who criticized it for expending too much effort on evangelistic efforts to the neglect of social work. Helms responded sharply to this criticism: There is no necessity of neglecting either. All along we have believed we had a mission to these critics as well as our neighbors. The conceit that these people [poorer residents of the North End] will have nothing to do with one if he maintains a manly, frank, Christian profession, we believe to be a delusion of the devil. From what we have heard, our social

work has never suffered as severely from Roman Catholics and Jews as has that of those who have tried to give them the impression that they had no faith or convictions worth speaking of. It is difficult for these people to understand the purely disinterested motive that many philanthropists and social reformers insist upon as the mainspring of their action. We confess, ourselves, that it seems to us a little ungrateful that a child who is indebted to the Gospel of Jesus Christ for all that he has of noble motive and life and liberty, should prefer to withhold from Him the honor that is His due and pose before His enemies as a pagan.… Whenever we find a man…we do all we can to convert him. We believe this is what the Master meant when He commanded that we should “make disciples of all the nations.” The opposite criticism, that the University Settlement should spend all its time in evangelistic efforts, was simply dismissed by Helms. He noted that whenever individuals who criticized the settlement in this way were introduced to the dire circumstances of extreme poverty in the North End, they immediately retracted their criticism. In his defense, Helms also stressed that the inevitable need to address social welfare concerns alongside the evangelistic work followed the example set by foreign missionaries.75 Helms's move toward a more radical social gospel framework for his ministry occurred gradually, as had Gordon's move in the opposite direction. Helms emphasized evangelism and holiness doctrine to his parishioners, but gradually his Morgan Memorial Church in the South End began to focus greater amounts of energy on social problems, with comparatively less emphasis on individual conversion. In a dissertation examining “institutional” churches in Boston's South End, Jonathan Dorn describes Morgan Memorial as a different kind of institutional church. “Pentecostal fire and so-called business methods coexisted in awkward and ironic balance. A standard wisdom of the institutional church movement advised ministers to tone down prosyletic [sic] fervor in order to attract the unchurched and non- Protestant. Helms continued to hold revivals ‘in the old-time Methodist way’ even as he developed a mandate for the secular work of his new venture— Goodwill Industries. One of Morgan Chapel's distinctive features was its dual personality—the ‘Are You Saved?’ handbills on one hand and the signpainting classes on the other.”76 Helms's visit to Germany in 1899 introduced him to major figures in Christian socialism and tipped the scales in his own thinking toward a prioritization of social work over evangelistic work.77 The articles he wrote for the Zion's Herald about his experiences in Germany revealed his sense of enthusiasm over what he had observed there. He wrote admiringly of the founder of the German “Inner Mission” movement, Johann Wichern, whose own administrative talents in establishing orphanages, asylums, workhouses, and like institutions in the mid–nineteenth century were soon mirrored in the work of Morgan Memorial Church by the turn of the twentieth century. Adolph Stöcker, the founder of the German Christian Socialist movement, also impressed Helms, and he interviewed Stöcker for a Zion's Herald article in February of 1900. Helms seems to have especially appreciated the careful way in which Stöcker was able to distinguish his own Christian socialism from that of “revolutionary and immoral” atheistic socialists in Germany.78

In a 1901 address given before the International Epworth League Convention in San Francisco, Helms delivered his most ringing endorsement of Christian socialism along with an attack against misplaced priorities in the church. Although separated by only two years, the Pentecost letter to his parishioners in the summer of 1899 that expressed his desire to be entirely sanctified was a world away from his remarks made in San Francisco. In his speech Helms greatly downplayed the role of the church and the transcendent power of the Holy Spirit he had so emphasized in his Pentecost letter. The best examples of Christian brotherhood today are not found in the organized church, but in state institutions, and labor and philanthropic organizations, many of them independent of the church. It costs more to be philanthropic than it does to be dogmatic. It is easier to propagate faith than to demonstrate love. Schools and churches are cheaper to found and maintain than hospitals, asylums and orphanages. The spirit of Christ outside the organized church has established these material evidences of the Christ love—these hospitals, asylums and orphanages; while the church is not taking her chief pride in works of merciful love, but in her schools and church edifices as the material evidence of her faith. The church has evidently prized her love of truth higher than her love of man.…Wherever the spirit of Christ is found—the spirit of loving trust in God and man— there is the true church universal [emphasis in the original].79 A few months earlier Helms predicted in another speech, this one before Boston preachers, that “ten years from now it will be generally recognized that the second-coming theories as preached by such saints as Moody and Gordon and others have done injury, great injury, to evangelism.”80 These addresses represent a watershed in Helms's thinking that would have also been present among many of his contemporaries. It also may represent a greater influence of Professor Bowne's ideas on Helms.81 The intellectual and cultural challenges faced by Methodists in Boston from higher criticism, premillennialism, and the social gospel were handled cautiously by Methodist leaders, rather than by clear denunciation or embrace. Over time and in the practical setting of urban mission priorities, Methodist support or rejection of these intellectual and cultural challenges became more clearly articulated. A. J. Gordon and his followers in the 1890s and early years of the twentieth century gradually distinguished themselves from their evangelical counterparts in the Methodist tradition primarily in their different practical choices in urban mission. For this branch of Boston evangelicals, theological rhetoric against liberalism was far more pronounced than it was among Methodists. The Methodists were simply not receptive to nascent fundamentalist movements, such as the Bible Prophecy Conferences, that mobilized more conservative evangelicals. Edgar Helms best symbolizes the Methodist response to the intellectual challenges of his era in his movement toward a more liberal theology after his months in Germany in 1899. Helms's watershed experience in Germany in 1899 serves as an appropriate year of demarcation for Boston Methodists’ greater embrace of liberal ideas. Professor Border Parker

Bowne's Personalist metaphysics became more widely disseminated around 1899 as well. Bowne's continued teaching responsibilities at Boston University School of Theology until 1910 made him an important player in Methodist theology nationwide but especially in Boston. Bowne's thought rapidly displaced the teaching on entire sanctification, which had been prominent at the school in earlier decades. Boston Methodists remained involved in the evangelistic efforts of 1907 and 1909, but the center of Methodist leaders’ identity increasingly focused on social gospel principles to the detriment of their earlier evangelistic fervor.82 The intellectual crossroads of Boston evangelicals and their pragmatic decisions about ministry were related to one another in complicated but mutually reinforcing ways. Evangelical motivations and methods intersected in creative ways that caused evangelicals to spar against one another on one day and work together on the next. People such as Daniel Steele, A. J. Gordon, Edgar Helms, and others were sometimes able to keep the tension lively between opposing viewpoints, but their successors seemed less adept in these negotiations. In the midst of the powerful social and political forces buffeting the city of Boston, it was difficult for church leaders to reflect carefully on the theological choices they were making as they carried out their ministry. As we will see in the next chapter, new immigrant leaders brought a completely different history and intellectual background to these challenges, and this was hard for American-born leaders like Helms to fully understand.

CHAPTER SIX

The North End and South End in the 1890s “Let Us Re-take the North End for Methodism” Boston had become the most Catholic city in America by 1890. The evangelicals had to adapt to this changing environment. Accepting this change was not easy for Protestants even though the signs of this new demographic reality had been building for decades. The federal census of 1890 demonstrated that out of a city population of 448,477 a total of 185,188 persons (41.3 percent) identified themselves as Catholic. By 1906 the number of Catholics increased to 258,936 or 42 percent of the city's population. By comparison, the five cities as large as or larger than Boston had significantly lower percentages of Catholic communicants in 1890: New York City, 25.5 percent; Chicago, 23.8 percent; Philadelphia, 18.6 percent; Brooklyn, 24.9 percent; St. Louis, 16.8 percent.1 The nation's cities had changed a great deal in the post– Civil War years, and Americans increasingly recognized that they had to come to terms with these facts.2 Some people made the adjustment more easily than others. Social gospel organizer Josiah Strong's 1893 book, The New Era, contained statistical analysis seemingly stuck in an older era; Strong ignored census data to argue that Boston was still the most Protestant of the seven largest American cities. Rather than using demographic data, he focused on comparing the number of Protestant churches to the population of the city. This method of measuring religiosity yielded exaggerated numbers for Protestants, as their churches were smaller than Catholic churches, and Strong made no assessment of the membership of the individual Protestant churches.3 Josiah Strong was too simplistic in his description of Boston Protestantism in 1893, but the census statistics do show some gains in membership from previous years; yet those gains were minimal compared with Roman Catholic growth in the city.4 Compared with population statistics from the time of Moody's 1877 revival, Protestant churches in Boston experienced modest growth in terms of absolute numbers but a decline relative to the growth in the city's population at large. The one exception was the Protestant Episcopal Church, which grew at a significantly faster rate than the others. The Episcopalians’ 61 percent growth between 1890 and 1906 was the only rate of increase among Protestant denominations that came close to matching the Roman Catholics’ 71 percent growth during the same years. The full reason for the Episcopalians’ growth is difficult to ascertain but is likely, in part, due to the continued pattern of immigration from the British Isles and the Maritime Provinces, both of which had many Anglican adherents.5 The decline in Unitarian members is also noteworthy in light of their dominance a century earlier.6 Evangelical efforts in revivalism and social reform—and

statistical gymnastics—no matter how heroic, could do nothing to stop the flow of Roman Catholic immigrants flooding into Boston harbor.

FIGURE 6.1. Comparison of 1890 and 1906 federal census membership numbers for Protestant denominations in Boston. The 1890 and 1906 statistics were obtained from Carroll, Report on Statistics of Churches in the United States at Eleventh Census: 1890; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Special Reports; Religious Bodies, 1906: Part 1, Summary and General Tables (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1910).

The North End was the neighborhood that first received each new wave of immigrants whether they were Irish, Jewish, or Italian. The North End was not a large area of city real estate; it could be easily traversed in a fifteen-minute stroll. But in part because of its compact size, it illustrated the big changes happening in the 1890s better than any other neighborhood in the city. The North End had long been Boston's most notorious slum tenement district with labyrinthine streets where children played, drunken sailors stumbled, and prostitutes sought customers. The evangelicals were there too in the 1890s—just as they had been in earlier decades, when Father Taylor preached to sailors and kept Transcendentalist onlookers spellbound by his raucous sermons. The North End held a special place in upstart evangelicals’ hearts, as many evangelical ministry efforts in Boston had begun there a century earlier. Both the Methodists and the Baptists established their first Boston churches in the North End in the 1700s.7 The Home for Little Wanderers was first housed in what was the Second Baptist Church founded in 1743, and the Methodists’ first church, begun in the early 1790s, was on a street known as “Methodist Alley” in the North End (see figure 6.2).8 The North End neighborhood, of course, also had great significance for Boston's earliest European residents, the Puritans. In an 1893 article about new evangelical mission efforts in the North End, a Boston Globe reporter made reference to the ancient Puritans interred in the Copp's Hill burial ground, noting ruefully that “only the dead remain” after a “lingering descendant of the Puritans” recently left his North End home for the suburbs.9 Evangelicals noted the dissonant images of Italian children playing amidst the Puritan tombstones in the North End's cemetery even if some probably conceded that it was a strangely suitable location for children's games in the otherwise densely packed squalor of North End tenements.10 Although remaining solidly Roman Catholic throughout the late nineteenth century, the North

End neighborhood in the 1880s was in the midst of a radical demographic change as Irish families were replaced by Italian and Jewish immigrants. By 1895 two-thirds of the North End was predominantly Italian, and Irish households remained only on the periphery of the neighborhood. A decade later their presence diminished further.11 The new Italian Catholics were more receptive to Protestant missionary efforts than their Irish Catholic predecessors had been. The Italians simply did not have the history of Protestant–Catholic conflict that was tearing Ireland apart, and many Italians held a more jaundiced view of the Roman Catholic Church and the Papal States that the church lost in 1870. Evangelical ministries (discussed in previous chapters) that began in the North End in the 1870s had disappeared or changed dramatically by the 1890s. The Home for Little Wanderers left the North End for the South End in 1889. Father Taylor's mission to seamen had become a Roman Catholic church by the 1870s, but the Baptist Bethel for seamen remained in the North End. The Methodist church on Hanover Street had been bought by the Congregationalists, who were renting part of the space to a Jewish synagogue. Two founders of North End ministry efforts, Eben Tourjée and Charles Cullis, had both died in 1891 and 1892, respectively. Tourjée's North End Mission persevered in the community for another decade after his death, but Cullis's mission efforts in the North End quickly diminished as his institutions struggled for lack of funds and folded in the wake of the 1893–1897 depression. Evangelicals in Boston vacillated in their rhetoric about the North End, at times exhibiting desperation and other times displaying jubilant hopefulness. Many evangelicals would have readily declared the North End the place where “Satan hath his seat and synagogue,” just as they had in the 1870s.12 When settlement house leader Edgar J. Helms proclaimed in 1894 “Let us re-take the North End for Methodism,” he was recalling the neighborhood's hallowed past as a place of sacred origins for Methodists—something other Methodist leaders echoed as well.13 Appeals to history in Methodist books and pamphlets were not always sufficient to convince their Methodist readership to support new urban mission initiatives. Methodist leaders sometimes sought to shame church members into supporting city missions by noting their comparatively small monetary investment in city missions in contrast to Congregationalist, Episcopalian, and Unitarian financial outlays. These other groups contributed as much as seven times the amounts handed over by Methodist adherents, although the results gained from such investments were frequently less noteworthy.14 One historian of the Congregationalists’ City Missionary Society described Daniel Waldron, the leader of the cms in 1892, as “conservative, thoroughly conservative. There were no new ventures undertaken during his era [1892–1918], no launching into the unknown, no innovations, no asking strange and upsetting questions, but a careful, orderly, refined carryout of a well-tested program.”15 Figure 6.2 shows the locations of several new evangelical ministry sites in the North End that are discussed in this chapter as well as older evangelical efforts that had disappeared by the 1890s. BOSTON POLITICS IN THE 1890S

The demographic changes occurring in the North End in the 1890s were symptomatic of the growing fragmentation in Boston politics between 1893 and the close of the nineteenth century. From 1890 to the end of 1894, Boston mayor Nathan Matthews held together a fragile Irish/Yankee Democrat alliance and was regarded as an efficient manager of the city's affairs. During Matthews's term of office, however, local ward bosses became increasingly powerful. When the panic of 1893 hit the Boston economy, the Irish/Yankee Democrat alliance withered away as Matthews failed to respond. A Republican mayor gained brief control of City Hall in December 1894, and Matthews made a bitter departure as he condemned the “insidious encroachment of socialism” and proudly asserted that no city money was spent for unemployment relief.16 “Nathan Matthews had entered public life a sturdy Democratic reformer. He returned to private life a narrow, fearful conservative, his robust reform energies stunted by economic collapse.”17 The rise of the social gospel and the decline of the holiness movement in New England Methodism in the 1890s paralleled the economic depression of 1893–1897 and the increased difficulties of the poor and unemployed. By the fall of 1893 the crisis on Wall Street had begun to affect New England. Hardest hit were the clothing, leather, and woolen industries, already in decline prior to the crisis. The textile industry was the core of New England's manufacturing economy. It employed 36.9 percent of wage earners in the region in 1880 but dropped to 31 percent of wage earners by 1900.18 An 1893 survey estimated that 37 percent of the 26,645 members of Boston craft unions were out of work in the fall of 1893.19 The response of the cautious and conservative Mayor Matthews to this crisis was to form a Citizen's Relief Committee of Brahmin philanthropists and reformers to employ 5,761 people in public works projects around the city. This did little to solve the unemployment problem. In February 1894 a crowd of six hundred unemployed workers stormed the State House to protest unemployment.20

FIGURE 6.2. Map of selected North End Protestant institutions, 1890–1910. By the mid-890s, the former Hanover Street Methodist Episcopal Church housed Gaetano Conte's Italian Methodist Episcopal Church. The actual building, however, was probably not owned by the Methodists. The Medical Mission, established by University Settlement worker Harriet C. Cooke, was located two doors down from University Settlement at 40 Hull Street. By 1895 the Methodist Seamen's Bethel was the Roman Catholic Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.

Ward bosses around the city quickly filled the vacuum of Matthews's passivity in the face of the financial crisis and regrouped in order to regain the mayor's chair.21 In December 1895 the Democrats gained control of the mayoralty with thirty-six-year-old Josiah Quincy, who started his political life as a Mugwump defector from the Republican Party in 1884 but shrewdly sided with the Irish and against the Mugwump reformers’ idealism. By 1890 the Irish constituted a majority of the city's population. As a state representative beginning in 1886, Quincy was instrumental in getting major pieces of labor legislation passed that made Massachusetts the most progressive state in America in its labor laws by the early 1890s. Quincy continued his tradition of labor advocacy as mayor of Boston from 1896 to 1900 as he “combined the vision of a municipal socialist, the sophistication of a responsible aristocrat, and the sinuous flexibility of a professional politician.”22 Quincy's ability to creatively combine a socialist's idealism with a politician's pragmatism

made Boston perhaps come closer to a socialist ideal than any other city in the country. Historian Geoffrey Blodgett argues that with Quincy “[a]t no time in the past had the humanitarian urges of proper Boston been so systematically exploited by the city government.”23 Municipal bathhouses, swimming pools, children's playgrounds, and other community projects in the South End and elsewhere sought to improve public health. A public gymnasium in East Boston built in 1897 was the first of its kind in the nation. Although not universally appreciated by New England Methodists, Quincy apparently earned the respect of the Methodist superintendent of the city missionary society. The Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society newsletter praised Quincy as having “a policy that is far-reaching. In many respects does this appear, but in none more than in his urgent and repeated recommendations for parks, playgrounds, bathhouses, public conveniences, and improved sanitary conditions generally.”24 Renewed attention was also given to tenement housing problems exacerbated by the depression of 1893–1897. A law passed in the late 1890s in Massachusetts and New York permitting the seizure of property dangerous to public health was enforced enthusiastically under Quincy's watch. Jacob Riis heaped praise on Boston in his 1902 book The Battle with the Slum when he noted that Massachusetts “destroyed twice as many unfit houses as we did in New York and stood their ground on its letter, paying the owners the bare cost of the old timbers.”25 Powerful books—some of them including the new photojournalism—brought urban poverty and housing issues to the attention of Bostonians. The photographic views of poverty captured by Jacob Riis in the 1890 publication of How the Other Half Lives made a striking impact on many Americans. Unfortunately, when Riis's book was first published in 1890, his photographs had to be redrawn by hand since printers had not yet perfected a way to reproduce photographs easily in books. The redrawn pictures still illustrated the desperate situation of tenement dwellers but not as powerfully as Riis's photographs.26 The publication of William Booth's Darkest England and the Way Out the same year as Riis's book combined to increase the sense of urgency many evangelicals felt toward social problems and ushered in a new era of social work by the Salvation Army and others in America.27 Many Boston evangelicals shared some of the overwhelming confidence Booth displayed in his book for remedying society's ills, even if they could not go along with his extravagant plans for massive work programs and farm colonies across the globe. Although not a comprehensive program for reform, Methodist pastor Louis A. Banks's muckraking book White Slaves, published in 1892, sought to do for Boston's housing problems what Riis had done for New York just two years earlier. Banks followed in the tradition of Jacob Riis in documenting the “worthy poor” he met in walks through the tenement districts of Boston's North End and as a Methodist pastor in South Boston. A year after White Slaves was published, Banks was pastor of Temple Street Methodist Episcopal Church in Boston's West End and also ran as the Prohibition Party's candidate for governor of Massachusetts. Banks's book was filled with a reformer's fervor to right the wrongs of dire poverty in Boston's tenements and sweatshops. The use of about forty actual photographs reprinted in the book no

doubt shocked many of his readers who had seen Riis's books, which had only sketches for illustrations.28 The book made it clear that the ugliness of poverty in Manhattan's Lower East Side displayed in Riis's book was also present in Boston's North End.29 B. O. Flower's 1893 publication Civilization's Inferno; or, Studies in the Social Cellar was virtually identical to Banks's White Slaves, with the exception that Flower's book did not have photographs for illustrations and was more explicitly socialist in its proposed solutions to the tenement problem.30 Both Flower's and Banks's books built on the incredible success of Edward Bellamy's utopian novel Looking Backward, 2000–1887.31 Most of the examples given in Flower's book were of poor people employed in the textile industry hard hit by the depression of 1893. Flower reported scenes he observed on neighborhood walks “within less than an hour's walk of palatial homes on Commonwealth Avenue” with Rev. Walter J. Swaffield of the Baptists’ Bethel in the North End. Flower praised the mission for its work with sailors, the unemployed, and children.32 Flower's book was significant for its explicit use of social gospel terminology, such as the “fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man.” Flower criticized the church for being “subsidized by gold” and because “she has failed in her true mission—that of establishing on earth an ideal brotherhood.” The author's assertion that “far more drunkenness is caused by abject poverty and inability to obtain work than want is produced by drink” was a hallmark of social gospel reasoning and a reversal of the more usual argument for temperance, which claimed that drunkenness was a cause rather than a result of poverty.33 The use of sociological concepts and a growing belief in “social salvation” and the tenets of the social gospel were beginning to become part of the consciousness of Boston readers by the early 1890s even while direct appeals to socialism became less frequent.34 There was a creative—if discordant—mingling of social gospel rhetoric with harsh antiCatholic speeches in the 1890s. For example, in an announcement for the newly founded AntiTenement House League in 1893, two of the three featured speakers at the Methodists’ People's Church were the Reverends Alonzo A. Miner and Emory J. Haynes. Miner was a key speaker at anti-Catholic protest meetings in 1888, and Haynes was pastor of Tremont Temple, where many of these meetings were held.35 The five years separating the two meetings—where in one Catholics were bitterly condemned and in the other praised (albeit indirectly) as part of the “brotherhood of man”— were clearly years of remarkable growth in the social gospel movement, but they were also years of growth for anti-Catholicism across the country. Participants in both of these movements would have been unlikely to see their actions as contradictory even if more detached observers may have raised some questions. As discussed in a previous chapter, antiCatholic animosity tended to be framed in terms of a political contest and primarily targeted the Roman Catholic hierarchy for its alleged attempts to gain control of the American republic. The general Catholic population was also feared to some extent, especially in the 1890s as growing numbers of southern and southeastern European immigrants arrived in Boston, radically changing the city as the Irish had done years earlier. There was also a more altruistic side to evangelical-Catholic engagement, as evangelical initiatives in revivalism and social

reform sought to reach out to Catholic neighbors. It was not always easy to predict which of these evangelical sentiments—competition, fear, or altruism—would dominate at any particular time. When Josiah Quincy ran for mayor in December 1895, one of the most significant challenges he faced was a resurrected anti-Catholic movement, which had shown in no uncertain terms the fear and rivalry felt by members of the American Protective Association.36 Five months before the election, on July 4, 1895, an APA parade in East Boston turned into a riot and resulted in one death. In a speech denouncing the Democratic candidate for mayor, Josiah Quincy, the Reverend James Boyd Brady, an American Protective Association (APA) supporter and Methodist Episcopal pastor of People's Temple, delivered an incendiary speech charging that a vote for Quincy was a vote for “rum sellers.” Brady condemned as well Irish politician Patrick Maguire and his publication, the Republic: Now, here is a paper. By reading this we see how things are. This is Pat Maguire's Republic. He calls you APA men “the inhabitants of cellars.” He says that the APA temple on Columbus Ave. [People's Temple] is “a recruiting station for the [Republican mayoral candidate] Curtis forces,” that the parson Brady is “an Irishman from Connemara” (applause and laughter) that he is the “leading spirit of the movement,” and that “through the weekly APA and Orange organ he has declared that the city clerk the city collector and one or two other officials who have escaped the ax are creatures of Rome and must be driven out.” Well, supposing I did. I say it again (applause).…I have been reading this. It is full of all kinds of scurrilities and lies, and as an emblem of my respect for Patrick Maguire I stamp upon his paper (throwing the paper down and stamping on it). (Great applause and laughter).37 Brady went on to praise the APA's newspaper for being the “one paper in Boston” not controlled by the liquor-licensing interest.38 Boston historian John Galvin has argued that Maguire's use of circulated copies of Brady's fiery address at Democratic rallies was the key ingredient to the Democratic victory in the mayoral race against the Republican incumbent Mayor Curtis.39 Brady's speech stands in stark contrast to the praise Quincy received from the superintendent of the Methodist Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society two years later. James Brady's skill at delivering political speeches was certain, but he also presided over a tremendous expansion of People's Church in the South End in the 1890s. The church had its cornerstone laid in 1877 just after the Moody revival and was known as the largest Methodist church structure in the nation. In 1895 People's Church officially renamed itself People's Temple in an attempt to appear more modern to potential members. The name change from People's Church to People's Temple mimicked a similar move by Berkeley Congregational Church three blocks to the south, which had renamed itself Berkeley Temple in 1888 and has been known as the first “institutional church” in America.40 The institutional church movement in America had, as its core belief, the idea that the church needed to reach out to the poor

community with a variety of special programs of both a secular and sacred nature.41 With these new methods coupled with New England Methodism's most fiery preacher, People's Temple experienced meteoric growth from 1895 to 1899 and doubled in size from 1,000 to 2,000.42 But this was not sustained after Brady left. From 1899 to 1900 the membership at the church plummeted from just over 2,000 to 364.43 Methodists’ continued faithfulness to the anti-Catholic cause in the 1890s was also evident in their response to international politics.44 Unlike the Brahmin Congregationalists and Episcopalians who founded the Anti-Imperialist League in 1898, the Methodists in New England wholeheartedly favored American imperialist expansion in 1898, especially in reference to the Philippines. They were proud to follow the lead of Methodist President William McKinley in the Oval Office. The debate over America's imperialistic endeavors overseas was most prominent in American politics for the decade beginning in 1892 and ending in 1902 but became a matter of particularly heightened concern after the invasion of Manila Bay.45 Methodists in this period easily equated the nation's successes with their own denomination's success. A sermon preached by the Reverend Charles L. Goodell at the Hanson Place Methodist Church in New York City in May 1898 is a seamless convergence of Methodist support for imperialism, anti-Catholic fervor, and missionary enthusiasm fired by Dewey's conquering of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.46 Today we step on a higher level and serve notice upon the world that we are the friends of the oppressed everywhere.…I was never so proud of America as I am today. The old flag never looked so glorious to me. It is floating in the East today the proud protector of 9,000,000 of the oppressed. The thunderous shock of Dewey's cannon blew the rack and the thumb-screw and the whole paraphernalia of medieval persecution off the face of the earth forever.…The hoarse roar from the cannon's throat is the first note in the song, “Peace on earth, good will to men.” I watch the banners of the world tonight, and when I see what each one represents, I glory in the fact that without dispute the flag that presses closest after the crimson cross is the Stars and Stripes.47 Although few Methodists could match Goodell's flamboyant rhetoric of approval of the Spanish-American War, Methodists were almost universally perceived by others as being imperialists in their political views. The Zion's Herald noted this fact proudly in an editorial on February 1, 1899, stating that the secretary of the Anti-Imperialist League, Erving Winslow, had been “unable, after weeks of inquiry and investigation, to secure the name of a single prominent representative of the Methodist Church who was willing to pronounce himself an anti-imperialist.” He went on to say that in other denominations he had found those in sympathy with the movement which he represented, but not one in the Methodist body.” The editor of the Zion's Herald noted that “[t]he term ‘imperialism,’ therefore, has no terror for Methodists. …‘The world is my parish,’ said our founder, John Wesley.”48 When the Anti-Imperialist League was founded in Boston in 1898, its participants were a

group of individuals very similar to those who had organized against evangelicals in the antiCatholic Boston public schools crisis ten years earlier. They tended to be Brahmin Democrats.49 The only Republicans who could be found in the Anti-Imperialist League were older in age. These individuals saw the Anti-Imperialist cause as parallel to the abolitionist cause in the Civil War, much as older Methodist labor radicals like Edward H. Rogers and Henry Morgan maintained their support for labor while younger Methodists tended to abandon or at least neglect the cause.50 EVANGELISTIC SETTLEMENT HOUSES

Although younger Methodists tended to shun the issues held dear by earlier labor organizers, they nonetheless used some of the same methods as people like Henry Morgan. Street preaching, schools for poor children, sewing classes, and fiery rhetoric never went out of style —even if the new crop of Methodist leaders now seemed more self-conscious in their use of “old-fashioned” methods. Former Iowan newspaperman Edgar J. Helms was the leader of the new Methodist settlement house and eagerly brought a journalist's eye to the work when he reported that “[t]he beginning of our public work of proclaiming the Gospel to the Jews was a most Methodistic one. A Gospel-Wagon drives up to the corner of Prince and Salem streets. A throng of Jews at once gathers, and after a few songs the Hebrew Professor at Boston University [Hinckley G. Mitchell] stands up and preaches to the people. This is a real oldfashioned Methodist scene. It is culture popularized. It is the University in touch with the masses of the lowest.”51 The Methodists’ University Settlement house, founded in November of 1892, was given its name because of its connections to Boston University students and recent graduates from the Methodists’ Deaconess Home and Training School who worked there.52 University Settlement began in Boston's West End, but its founders very quickly decided that the North End was a better place because its needs seemed greater and because their neighbors in the West End were suspicious of their motives and annoyed by the young adults’ eagerness to knock on their doors for no reason other than to visit. The University Settlement moved to the North End in January of 1893—across the street from the historic Copp's Hill burial ground, where Puritan fathers Increase and Cotton Mather were interred.53 University Settlement was the first settlement house in the North End, but in the city of Boston as a whole it followed the Congregationalists’ Andover House started in 1891 in the South End. William Jewett Tucker, a Congregationalist and professor at Andover Theological Seminary, was the early leader for this initiative, but Robert Woods of Andover House quickly rose to national leadership in the settlement house movement. Not to be outdone, Wellesley College professors and students were instrumental in founding Denison House, also in the South End, the same year as University Settlement.54 These new initiatives to establish settlement houses were the result of a combination of international, national, and local trends. In 1891 there were a total of six settlement houses in existence in the United States. By 1897 there were seventy-four of them in American cities, largely owing to continued middle-class concerns over immigration and the economic

depression that began in 1893. Settlement houses in America ranged from being completely secular in their orientation to explicitly religious and even evangelistic. The Methodist settlement house was the most evangelistic of the ones established in Boston in the early 1890s. The settlement house movement received much of its inspiration from the first settlement house, Toynbee Hall in London, established in 1884.55 The deaconess movement, which had also originated in Europe, contributed to the development of the settlement house movement in American Methodism but had less impact among more secular settlement houses. Settlement house workers saw themselves as engaged in work that was monumental in its importance. Nothing illustrates this better than an address given by Robert Woods in 1892 at the first national gathering of settlement house workers in Plymouth, Massachusetts. The choice of Plymouth as a place of meeting was packed with symbolic meaning in Woods's address. Woods stated that “we are working toward vast changes in the life of modern society, not perhaps so visible and outward as those involved in the beginnings of nations, but so profound as to be likely to make over the inner and closer life of modern people.”56 Woods and other settlement house workers sought to begin a new kind of nation. Indeed, as they surveyed the dramatic changes of the American city in their lifetime alone, the nation must have seemed radically new. The Methodist settlement house workers in Boston built on earlier local institutions as well for their work. The North End Mission, the Cullis institutions, the deaconess home, the East Boston Immigrant Home, and the Salvation Army were all important predecessors to the Methodist settlement house.57 Initially focused on street ministry and then on working directly with local churches, the Methodist seminary students’ creation of a settlement house was their first foray into establishing an extra-parochial ministry among the poor in Boston. The deaconesses and other women involved at the settlement house would have been far more accustomed to acting outside local church structures, as leadership opportunities within churches were more limited. After all, women Methodists had already established the East Boston Immigrant Home and the Deaconess Training School a few years prior. The settlement house benefited considerably from the volunteer labor provided by enthusiastic teenagers and young adults from local Methodist youth organizations known as Epworth Leagues. (Epworth, England, was the boyhood home of John Wesley.) Although Epworth Leagues had several earlier antecedent organizations in American Methodism, the Epworth Leagues themselves began in 1889, and in less than a year there were 100,000 members and two thousand chapters across the country.58 Epworth League members and (mostly female) students from Boston University's College of Liberal Arts provided a great deal of voluntary work and financial backing for the settlement house. An April 1895 annual report stated that “[m]ore than fifty volunteer workers from the Epworth Leagues and Boston University, etc., have given regular and systematic service.”59 The enthusiasm college students felt for this work was enhanced by the near quadrupling of national enrollments of eighteen – to twenty-one-year-olds in undergraduate institutions between 1870 and 1900.60 Young and single adults with few family obligations discovered they could contribute their free time to new ministry initiatives. The growth of the Student Volunteer

Movement in mobilizing college students for foreign missionary service also had significant “spillover” effects for urban mission efforts as young adults collaborated—often across denominational lines—to found new institutions. For example, two Methodist young adults from Temple Street Methodist Episcopal Church in the West End collaborated with a young person from Clarendon Street Baptist Church and another from Park Street Church to establish the Merrimac Rescue Mission in the West End in 1899, which eventually became the stillextant Boston Rescue Mission.61 The reaction in the Boston press to the new Methodist settlement house ranged from exuberant praise to yawning skepticism. Both the Boston Globe and the Evening Transcript praised the University Settlement, calling it “original” when compared with Andover House and Denison House because of its mix of evangelistic and social work.62 The most critical reaction to the Methodists’ new work was from the Christian Socialist paper The Dawn. “Surely, Boston has settlements enough. If they would only work more for social reconstructive justice than do most such philanthropists, there would be little need of ‘settlements among the poor.’”63 The Methodist settlement house differed from Andover House and Denison House in three important ways. First, University Settlement was not located in the South End but rather, with the exception of a few short months at the start, in the North End. The North End was a more impoverished neighborhood than the South End in the 1890s. A neighborhood study published in 1898 and conducted by Robert Woods and the Andover House noted that the South End “advanced a step” in assimilating immigrants when compared with the North End, which was a more geographically isolated neighborhood and possessed a more exclusively immigrant population.64 The South End was a crossroads for commerce and culture and was a place where some secondgeneration European immigrants moved in order to escape the North End.65 The South End was still a poor neighborhood, but the significant presence of American-born rural migrants along with first – and second-generation immigrants helped the neighborhood to be more stable economically.66 The two neighborhoods also differed in the mid-1890s in that the North End was an overwhelmingly male environment while the South End had more gender balance. Estimates run that in the 1880s and 1890s approximately 70 percent of North End residents were male. Unlike previous immigrants, who tended to come mostly as families, Italian immigrants were much more likely to be men who often came to America alone and would often return to Italy after a few years.67 However, the list of activities of settlement house workers shows that they still had plenty of work to do among women and children in the North End. University Settlement, on at least one occasion, was mistaken for an orphanage by a visitor because of the numerous neighborhood children in the house. A second important difference between the Methodist settlement house and the others was its gender-inclusive nature and more family-like atmosphere. Andover House and Denison House were exclusively men's and women's settlements, respectively, while the Methodist settlement house had five men and four women living there. The homelike atmosphere of the University Settlement was far from a mere afterthought for the Methodists. In describing their

first few months of work, Mrs. Eugenia Helms, the wife of Edgar J. Helms, stated, “[w]e felt that our first duty was to make a home.”68 This emphasis on the “Christian home” was a wellestablished model for women foreign missionaries and deaconesses as they sought to teach by example that the Christian message leads to positive changes in the household for women. This foreign missionary history would have been familiar to Mrs. Eugenia Helms and others as graduates of the Deaconess Home and Training School.69 A settlement house comprising both men and women was not entirely understood by at least one Congregationalist observer as he compared the Methodist settlement house to Andover House and “the girls’” Denison House. “[S]ome of the married theologues have established their wives as housekeepers and thus a genuine home atmosphere is created.” Unknown to the Congregationalist observer, two of the four women at University Settlement, Eugenia Helms and Clara Organ, were Methodist deaconesses with ministry responsibilities of their own and hardly “housekeepers.”70 The third woman was the mother of seminarian Rollin H. Walker, who also lived in the house, and the fourth was the sister of seminary student W. S. Naylor.71 Such an arrangement of older and younger residents—some from the same family—contributed to the home atmosphere of the University Settlement. The presence of older settlement house workers among young adults no doubt also assured supporters that proper precautions were taken to prevent sexual impropriety among the residents. Promotional materials about the settlement house and other aspects of Methodist urban mission work also exhibited the more egalitarian nature of the Methodists’ ministry when compared with those of Congregationalists and other older denominations. The illustrated cover of the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society's newsletter Our City contained eight illustrations of urban ministry scenes. Prominently placed at the top of the page was a man preaching in a setting outside a local church. Of the remaining seven illustrations, five depicted women ministering to the poor while only two additional images were of men.72 The rhetorical importance of having a “home atmosphere” in a settlement house was not an exclusively Methodist idea, but the ability to make such an atmosphere a practical reality was a unique Methodist contribution. In his 1892 address Robert Woods emphasized the importance of a home atmosphere. “First of all, the settlement should begin by being as nearly as possible a home. It is a disadvantage, I think, to have, from the first, easy public access to the house. The residents should be neighbors, and should become acquainted in the same natural way by which neighbors come to know one another in the simpler circles of society.…The first and constant effort of the settlement should be to have its men or its women come into relations of friendliness and intimacy with the people in their homes [emphasis added].”73 Woods assumed that single-sex settlement houses would be the norm, but he did not identify this as a potential contradiction to the settlements’ goal of being “a home” in the community. By contrast, an 1898 article on the Methodists’ University Settlement conveyed a story that illustrated the extent to which their settlement house resembled an actual home. “We did have a dainty little Pauline born in our home, who was in danger of being spoiled, if love ever can spoil. A lady visiting us one day looked at the fair-haired, blue-eyed little maiden and said, “What a pretty baby! Is her mother living?” Mrs. Helms clasped the little pet closely and

proudly replied, I am her mother.” The attention given to the Helms's baby in the home illustrated to the settlement house residents how difficult life was for neighborhood children, who would have received far less attention owing to the work responsibilities of their poor parents. The settlement workers apparently took the task of caring for neighborhood children very seriously, since the residents had to correct at least one observer who believed that the house was an orphanage.74 A third difference between University Settlement and both Andover and Denison settlements was the University Settlement's more pronounced evangelistic goals, which, at times, had to be defended by Edgar Helms and others in the face of critics who believed that the mission should be wholly philanthropic and secular.75 Robert Woods affirmed the importance of a “deep and broad” religious motive for settlement house workers. Woods urged, however, that this motive should seek to demonstrate to the neighborhood “the insignificance of differences compared with the unity of spirit in which every man is in some sense religious.”76 This sentiment was a far cry from the evangelistic fervor contained in Helms's 1894 book promoting the work of the settlement, which proclaimed, “[l]et us retake the North End for Methodism.”77 Evangelistic efforts were infused with new energy upon the arrival of Harriet Cooke nine months after the establishment of the settlement house. Harriet Cooke, who had been a history professor and one of E. J. Helms's teachers at Cornell College in Iowa, had just completed three years of ministry and study at the Mildmay Deaconess House in England.78 Her student, Edgar Helms, wrote of his former teacher with deep appreciation: “Obedient to a heavenly vision, she left her pleasant college work to take a part in this greatest problem of our age—to evangelize our American cities.”79 Her leadership abilities were clear as she led the “women's department” at the settlement house and founded a Medical Mission just two houses away.80 Three months after her arrival, her former student Edgar Helms was appointed as pastor of a new Methodist church he wanted to establish in the North End. The evangelistic orientation of the University Settlement was most clearly evident in its attempts to convert the Jewish population in the North End.81 During the summer of 1894 Harriet Cooke and other University Settlement workers led a new initiative to invite two evangelists from London who specialized in converting Jews.82 The London evangelists, Rev. John Wilkinson and Rev. Joseph Adler, held several meetings at Clarendon Street Baptist Church, the Baptist Bethel, Gordon's Training School, and other places. Moody's Northfield Training School also sent money and bouquets of flowers with scripture verses attached to assist in the evangelism of Boston Jews. The Methodists’ cooperation with Moody and A. J. Gordon's church illustrates the extent to which Wesleyans and premillennialists could still work together on evangelistic efforts in spite of their theological differences on other matters.83 The evangelistic efforts with Jews prompted considerable complaints, resulting in mass protest meetings of Jews in the North End. A series of three articles in a Boston newspaper focused on the Jewish communities’ complaints about Protestants proselytizing Jewish children. A reporter investigated the North End Mission, the University Settlement house, and the Baptist Bethel and interviewed leaders of these three organizations. Of the three, the University Settlement's Harriet Cooke—now the clear spokesperson for the house—was most

forthcoming in admitting that “[w]e should like to convert the Jews to become Christians.” However, her claim that “we make no direct effort to do so” is extraordinary in light of her efforts to recruit the London evangelists and the well-established programs at the settlement house to reach out to the Jewish community. The leadership of the North End Mission, on the other hand, which had become primarily a Unitarian endeavor, was decidedly against evangelization of Jews.84 A November 1894 issue of the Methodist newsletter The Signal Light reprinted several evangelistic tracts that explicitly utilized many Old Testament scripture passages in order to demonstrate the truth of the Christian faith to Jews. The same November newsletter also contained an article, “How to Win Catholics,” that illustrated the Methodists’ continued evangelistic and anti-Catholic fervor.85 An annual report published in 1894 for the Methodist settlement house also reported that the evangelistic services held for Jews in the former Hanover Street Methodist Church building (but in 1894 owned by the Congregationalists) had to cease because the building was also used as a Jewish synagogue. Jewish leaders complained to the Congregationalist owners of the building, and the Methodists “were unceremoniously thrust upon the street.”86 The Methodist settlement house was distinct from other Boston settlement houses for its evangelistic emphasis, gender inclusivity, and geographical location in the North End; in most other aspects it was typical of settlement houses cropping up across the country in the 1890s. Distinct “departments” were established within the settlement house to focus on ministry with the Portuguese immigrants, with lodging house residents, and with Italian immigrants, and there was also a special department addressing the needs of women. The University Settlement's work with women involved a variety of different activities including house-to-house visitation, sewing classes, and other classes for women and girls. In the sewing classes Deaconess Clara Organ and Harriet Cooke focused their attention on training the more affluent Italian girls so that these girls could, in turn, assist their poorer neighbors. “We are thus training up home missionaries at our doors.”87 In September 1893 the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church sponsored Miss Nellie Huff from Cape Porpoise, Maine, to serve as the sole Protestant missionary to the seven-thousand-strong Portuguese immigrant community in the Boston area. A generous contributor at this time also sponsored a Portuguese convert, Joseph F. Durao, in his studies at Boston University School of Theology.88 Most of the missionary activity with the Portuguese took place at the East Boston Immigrant Home rather than at the University Settlement location itself. The Portuguese had a relatively small presence in the North End; their neighborhood comprised less than one city block. The collaboration of the whms and the East Boston Immigrant Home is an example of how the University Settlement was able to garner the growing enthusiasm of Boston Methodism for city missions. Helms's leadership of the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society in these early years helped facilitate this cooperation.89 The University Settlement also sought to address the growing numbers of individuals residing in the city's lodging house district in the South End. The number of people living in

lodging house establishments grew tremendously between 1860 and 1900 both in absolute numbers and as a proportion of the city's population. In 1860, 7.6 percent of Boston residents lived in lodging houses or boardinghouses. This proportion grew to 8.4 percent by 1880 and 14 percent by 1900. In absolute terms, the numbers of lodging house and boardinghouse residents grew from approximately 11,000 individuals in 1860 to 26,737 by 1900. The growth in lodging house establishments was especially a cause for concern among social reformers and settlement house workers in Boston, as lodging house mores represented a departure from the earlier boardinghouse tradition, which included a degree of supervision over residents. Reformers feared that since lodging houses lacked supervision of young adults by older adults, the residents were turning to dangerous and sexually illicit activities.90 Seminary graduate and future missionary to India T. P. Fisher led the settlement house's ministry among Boston's lodging house residents. Fisher's work in the lodging houses clearly followed the methodology of the Salvation Army. First, he went into lodging houses to distribute “Christian newspapers.” After several trips, Fisher was able to gain the trust of the lodging house owner and residents enough to hold a worship service at the house. Fisher also utilized a “baby organ” and would bring friends who could play other musical instruments. He noted, according to one newspaper report of his work, how the well-known Protestant hymns “Where is my Wandering Boy Tonight” and “Nearer my God to Thee” were some of the lodging house residents’ favorite songs.91 This musical preference of lodging house residents revealed their social status, as many were new rural migrants to the city.92 Fisher noted that his work in the lodging houses was seasonal in nature and did not take place in the spring and summer, as many of the residents of the lodging houses were transient and lived elsewhere during these seasons, perhaps moving back to rural areas for farm-related labor.93 Of all of the ministries at the University Settlement, the work with residents of the lodging houses in Boston was perhaps the most familiar of venues for Methodists, because the lodging house residents and the young Methodists were of similar age and social status as rural migrants in Boston. It is likely that some of the lodging house residents were also students at Boston University.94 Ten years earlier, when People's Church was constructed, its young members too had found work with lodging house residents and other young rural migrants fruitful. Approximately 65 percent of the marriages performed at People's Church between 1884 and 1886 were for couples where one or both persons had been born outside metropolitan Boston, most often in rural New England or the Maritime Provinces of Canada.95 At the turn of the century, People's Temple was located in the very heart of Boston's lodging house district. The focus on evangelism at the settlement house so evident in 1894 was fading by 1898, as illustrated in several articles in the Methodist urban ministry newsletter, Our City. Both Edgar Helms and Harriet Cooke exemplified this shift in their writing about the city and their ministry efforts. In one article, after stressing the settlement's example as a Christian home, Cooke condemned the city for filling in the Charles River estuary known as Back Bay and building up a posh new neighborhood there because of its negative effect on the North End. “[W]e have been robbed of our encircling ocean to build up our ‘Back Bays,’ which never can be as

beautiful as this favored spot with its implement of hills and its bright setting of ocean tides which bring health and refreshment in their strong current of ebb and flow.” She went on to criticize taxation policies that favored the more wealthy areas of the city.96 An article on the University Settlement in the Evening Transcript in 1896 spoke admiringly of the Methodists’ work in the North End, noting that many religious services were held at the settlement house, but quickly stressed that proselytism was “not attempted nor encouraged.”97 By the late 1890s a geographical division of labor had arisen among North End Methodists. At the settlement house the residents increasingly focused on social welfare concerns. There was more than enough to keep them occupied. At the new church in the North End the same settlement house residents tended to express a more evangelistic outlook as they assisted Edgar Helms in his dream of building an institutional church much like People's Temple in the roughest neighborhood of the city. GAETANO CONTE AND THE NORTH END ITALIANS

A little more than a year after beginning the University Settlement house, the settlement house workers founded the North End Methodist Episcopal Church on December 15, 1893, with a clear goal of its being a multicultural endeavor. Edgar Helms was named the “preacher in charge” of this new church effort, and he left the settlement house tasks in the capable hands of his former college professor. But the settlement house and the church were not really separate from one another. Individuals at the settlement house were placed in charge of “class meetings” or small groups comprising Italian, Jewish, and Portuguese members.98 At its founding meeting in December, the church accepted as members one Jew, fifty Italians, nine Portuguese, one Swede, and seventeen Americans. Shortly after this multiethnic church was founded, however, the Italian ministry became independent of North End Methodist Episcopal Church in spite of Edgar Helms's protest. The Portuguese and Swedish ministries soon followed and became independent as well.99 In a 1916 letter recalling his early days of ministry in the North End, Helms noted his disappointment. “[T]here was no unity to our endeavors and the work began to decline.”100 Helms's goal of a multiethnic congregation in the North End may not have succeeded, but of all of the Methodists’ efforts in the North End, their work among the Italians became the most successful. This success was due to the remarkable talents of two immigrant Italian Methodists, Gaetano Conte and his wife, Clorinda.101 Born in 1859 in a well-educated Roman Catholic family, Gaetano Conte became a Methodist at the age of seventeen as an indignant response to his father's religious hypocrisy, marital infidelity, and neglect. The Methodists encouraged the charismatic and freethinking Gaetano, and the itinerant life served him well. He was an entrepreneur at heart and soon grew restless if he stayed in one place for too long. At the age of twenty-four, Gaetano met and soon married Clorinda while in Rome for a brief period of study. Clorinda was a Protestant teacher with an entrepreneurial flair of her own and would establish schools wherever Gaetano established or revived churches—on both sides of the Atlantic.102 Prior to coming to the United States in September 1893—the same month as Harriet Cooke's

arrival—the Contes had already served the Methodist Church of Italy for more than ten years, primarily in southern cities of Italy such as Naples, Venosa, Palermo, and Messina. The Contes’ work in Boston followed the pattern for ministry that Gaetano and Clorinda had started many years earlier in Italy. While Gaetano performed other tasks necessary to begin a new church, Clorinda visited immigrants in their homes, talked with mothers about struggles of parenting, presented classes on child care and homemaking, and emphasized the importance of learning English.103 Gaetano and Clorinda Conte's wide exposure to southern regions in Italy served them extremely well as they sought to evangelize North End Italians who likewise came from southern provinces of Italy and settled in a North End segregated according to Italian immigrants’ regional origin and dialect. Most of the Italians in the North End at this time came from either Sicily or Avellino, a province immediately to the east of Naples where Conte had spent much of his adolescent years.104 The newly arrived Conte family thus in some ways understood the North End streets better than evangelicals who had lived in the city all their lives. The complex evangelical crossroads now had an immigrant Italian to strengthen their work. The Conte family's affluent and educated background in Italy also helped them develop helpful relationships with members of Boston's upper-class society.105 Toward the end of his life, Conte wrote a book in Italian about his experiences in America and conveyed to his readers a humorous anecdote that revealed his more refined tastes in artwork. Conte described the controversial frieze of two naked boys above the door of the Boston Public Library and noted that such an immodest depiction of the human body was “the object of long vigils” by some of Boston's more prudish residents.106 Clorinda Conte was popular at the cultured Women's Educational and Industrial Union (weiu) for her weekly six-month-long series of weekly lectures on Italian literature.107 Through these classes Clorinda became acquainted with Julia Ward Howe and Edward Everett Hale, who soon became integral and powerful players in the Contes’ work in the North End and helped them gain national recognition as well.108 The Contes’ youngest daughter, Gertrude, became somewhat of a local theater star when she was chosen among local Boston Italian girls to perform in an Italian play at the Tremont Theatre starring a famous Italian actress, Eleanor Duse. Nine-year-old Gertrude was apparently chosen, in part, because she spoke a “pure” Italian unlike other immigrant children who spoke a less desirable dialect.109 Although the lack of unity at the North End Methodist Episcopal Church was a source of disappointment for Edgar Helms, it is unlikely that the Italian work in the North End could have succeeded if the Italians had remained at the church. Reverend Gaetano Conte was simply too independent and successful a leader to remain in a church led by Edgar Helms, who was four years younger than the ambitious thirty-five-year-old Conte. The disproportionate number of Italians in the North End Methodist Episcopal Church compared with other ethnic groups in the church also would have made continued close cooperation among the groups difficult. The Italian Methodist Episcopal Church in the North End was established as a separate entity in November of 1894, and five months later the church claimed a total of 29 full

members and 203 probationary members.110 The Epworth League for this church posted even more remarkable growth with a total of 221 regular members and 259 associate members by April of 1895.111 Harriet J. Cooke of the University Settlement praised the Sunday school at the Italian church—no doubt the work of Clorinda—as a “model Sunday School.” Methodist deaconesses and members of area Epworth Leagues frequently volunteered at the Italian mission.112 An annual report for the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society boasted that, in Gaetano Conte's first six months of work, more Italians had been converted to Methodism in Boston than to the entire Methodist Church in Italy during the year 1892–1893. Furthermore, it noted that this one pastor's success in Boston was achieved at a cost of $1,000, a fraction of the $45,000 and thirty-one preachers of the Methodist Church in Italy.113 Subsequent years showed continued vitality of the Italian Methodist Episcopal Church of the North End. In 1898 the Italian church claimed 150 regular members and 234 probationary members. By 1900 the church's membership stabilized and remained between one hundred and two hundred members for the next decade. In 1900 the Italian church also moved from its hall on the corner of Cross and Hanover streets to the historic hall on Hanover Street where the Hanover Street Methodist Episcopal Church had worshipped decades earlier.114 In 1902 a new pastor from Italy assumed leadership of the church. The work among Italians was reported to be struggling with division but still “had a good year.”115 The Italian Methodist Episcopal Church was the first Protestant Italian church in the North End but not the first successful organizing effort by Gaetano and Clorinda Conte. They also made important contributions as city and national leaders in social welfare and advocacy efforts for Italian immigrants.116 In September 1894, just a year after arriving in Boston, Gaetano Conte established the Association for Protecting Italian Workmen in Boston and later also established a branch in New York City. Conte's work in advocating for Italian workers brought him considerable fame in Boston, and he was seen as a key leader of the nearly fifteen thousand Italians in the city.117 Conte's work even brought praise from the Italian government, which awarded Conte's Association for Protecting Italian Workmen a several-thousand-dollar grant.118 During the McKinley administration Gaetano Conte was invited to the White House for conferences on the subject of immigration.119 The Association for Protecting Italian Workers was founded with considerable fanfare and with the support of some of the biggest names among Boston Brahmin social reformers. On May 31, 1894, a large conference was held to begin the process of establishing the organization. Conte and two thousand followers marched from the University Settlement in the North End to Faneuil Hall. At Faneuil Hall, the editor of the New England Magazine, Edwin D. Mead, served as chairperson of the meeting. Unitarian orator Edward Everett Hale—whom Conte called the “Tolstoy of America”—also spoke. William Lloyd Garrison served as one of the committee members for the new organization when it was formally established in September.120 The Association for Protecting Italian Workmen had departments that provided legal aid, employment assistance, English classes, banking services, newspaper publication, and other services for the Italians of Boston. The most high-profile contribution of the University

Settlement for Italians was its exposure of the corrupt business practices of Italian padroni or “bosses” who charged exorbitant rates for Italian immigrants’ remittances back to family in Italy.121 The padroni also helped Italian workers secure employment with various “contractors” but demanded huge commissions from the workers. In many cases the Italians were shortly fired from their jobs to provide the padroni with another opportunity to obtain a commission for his employment services.122 Members of the Italian community who were involved in various corrupt schemes found the exposure of their work to the wider Boston press problematic and published many articles in Italian newspapers condemning Conte, and on one occasion someone attempted to assassinate him.123 Letters from the Methodist “Epworth League House Commission” identified members of the Italian Epworth League as the ones responsible for exposing the misdeeds of the Boston Italian padroni.124 Italian newspapers fired back with condemnations of Conte but were overshadowed by muckraking journalism that reached a wider American readership in Boston. Author B. O. Flower was one of these journalists; he served as editor of the Boston magazine The Arena from 1889 to 1899. Edward Everett Hale's magazine, Lend A Hand, also brought to light the padroni problem in Boston.125 In addition to receiving support from some of the most prominent Boston Brahmins of the day, Methodist leaders and the Methodist press also praised Conte's new labor organization. Edgar Helms served on one of the committees for the new organization, and R. H. Walker of the University Settlement spoke at the Faneuil Hall meeting of the Association for Protecting Italian Workmen. Professor Hinckley G. Mitchell praised Conte as “the best friend your countrymen have” in a public endorsement of Conte's new newspaper, L'Amico Del Popuolo.126 Six years earlier, when Methodists and Baptists met at Faneuil Hall in the midst of the Boston public school crisis of 1888, Edwin D. Mead and Edward Everett Hale were some of the most vocal opponents of the anti-Catholic movement, but they were now finding common cause with Methodist Gaetano Conte, who exhibited his own variety of anti-Catholic feeling.127 When Gaetano Conte compared the Immigration Restriction League and the American Protective Association, he favored the more vehemently anti- Catholic APA even while some of his most valued contacts in Boston were prominent members of the more polite and refined Immigration Restriction League. The Immigration Restriction League, Conte noted, was for the “most part Unitarian in religion, [and] looks with indifference on the alliance of the Catholics with the Democratic party while the APA, having a better understanding of Catholicism, directs their forces especially against them.”128 Conte's Brahmin supporters would have likely shuddered at such support of the APA. Conte, as a Methodist of upper-class background, maintained good relationships with both the APA and the more religiously tolerant Boston Unitarians. Conte was a significant asset for the APA in Boston in the mid-1890s. On September 20, 1895, just two months after a Fourth of July 4 APA parade in East Boston that ended in violence, Gaetano Conte led a parade through the streets of the North End honoring the twentyfifth anniversary of the “fall of the papal power” (loss of the Papal States occurred in 1870)

and Italian unification. It was a parade primarily comprising members of the Boston Italian Epworth League or the “Circolo Umanitario Educativo” as it was called in Italian.129 Among the marchers was Methodist Portuguese pastor Joseph F. Durao and a Protestant Italian missionary from New York City. As leader of the parade, Gaetano Conte presented a bouquet of flowers to a representative of the APA newspaper, the Daily Standard. Conte presented the bouquet as “homage of a people who, having had for long centuries the practical experience of clerical oppression, salute the Daily Standard, a representative of liberty which, righteously jealous of its rights, would prevent the well known papal ambitions in this free land.” This parade and speech was just the beginning of an entire day's worth of celebratory events that the APA newspaper proudly reported as its lead story.130 For all the public disapproval Conte displayed toward the Catholic hierarchy, as evidenced by his hearty endorsement of the APA, he seems to have reserved his greatest personal disdain for the Irish, who in the mid-1890s still comprised almost half the population of the North End. Conte claimed that about four-fifths of the 3,124 arrests for drunkenness in the North End in 1901 were of Irish, and he was distrustful of the Irish ward bosses who still represented the North End at City Hall. Conte also strongly criticized North End Jews but was most critical of Irish women in the North End: he exaggerated to his Italian readers in 1906 that “most of their women are prostitutes.”131 Conte returned with his family to Italy in 1903 after a whirlwind ten-year stay in Boston. The Methodist Church in Italy appointed him to serve in Palermo—a decision with which he was not entirely pleased. He found his work in Palermo to be discouraging and soon moved to Venice—all the while being very engaged in social welfare efforts with the Methodists just as he had been in Boston. Conte's move to Italy also gave him an opportunity to rest and reflect, and he soon discovered that he could no longer affirm the orthodox Christian creed required of him as a Methodist preacher. He soon began the Italian Free Believers Association, which was Unitarian in its sympathies and stressed social welfare efforts a great deal. He resigned from the Methodist Church in 1911 and received a warm farewell from his clergy colleagues, who requested that the words “honorably dismissed” be written on his ordination certificate.132 Gaetano Conte died in Italy in 1917. MORGAN MEMORIAL CHURCH AND GOODWILL INDUSTRIES

Edgar Helms may have been unsuccessful in his first attempt to establish a multiethnic institutional church in the North End, but he was resoundingly successful in his efforts to accomplish something similar at Morgan Memorial Church in the South End. In the early years of the twentieth century Morgan Memorial was the most famous Methodist urban ministry effort on the eastern seaboard.133 It had been started decades earlier by the famous Henry Morgan, and Edgar Helms was able to recapture much of the spirit of revivalism and social reform of its founder after being appointed to the church in 1895 with the express purpose of making Morgan Chapel an institutional church. While People's Church in 1888 sought to attract the masses, it never went as far as did Morgan Chapel in providing a multitude of self-help

industries and other projects. The precipitous decline at People's Temple after the fiery James Brady's departure in 1899 occurred at the same time that Morgan Memorial was being recognized as a national success. In 1891 Daniel Steele made the first proposal in New England Methodism for the establishment of a Methodist “institutional church” modeled after the work of Hugh Price Hughes in London and the Congregationalist Berkeley Temple in Boston:134 Not every church can support a Methodist Bureau of Employment; but it is evident that there should be such an institution if we would retain our hold upon our own young people who are steadily flowing from the country into our cities in constantly increasing streams. Help in finding work and a suitable boarding-house, kindly offered by the church to the young man or young woman, a stranger amid the perils of a great city, will tend to bind them to the church with the strong tie of gratitude. To those who say that we have delegated this to the YMCA and the ywca we reply, these institutions are not the church, nor does this kind of work done by them very strongly bind the beneficiaries to the church. It has long been my private opinion, now publicly expressed, that any institution which does the work that the church ought to do in order to save the masses, is, in the long run, a detriment rather than a help to the church. In the same article Steele called for a Methodist Bureau of Charities, a church with a reading room, daily evangelistic services, and young peoples’ choirs “composed of all the young people of any musical talent to be found in all the Methodist congregations.” In reference to the choirs, Steele explicitly called for a successor to Eben Tourjée to revive Methodist enthusiasm for congregational singing.135 Reverend E. P. King immediately took up many of Steele's suggestions while pastor of Morgan Chapel from 1891 to 1895. With the assistance of University Settlement volunteers, Morgan Chapel began a Men's Institute organized by Harriet J. Cooke, an industrial school for boys and girls, a reading room, a relief department, and free Sunday breakfasts. Evangelistic work was also present at Morgan Chapel, but the church struggled considerably until Edgar Helms assumed leadership of the church in 1895. Harriet J. Cooke and Edgar J. Helms, following Steele's lead, wrote articles calling for the establishment of an institutional church for Boston Methodism.136 When Helms became pastor of Morgan Chapel, he built on the foundations established by E. P. King and created several new departments at the church: spiritual, social and amusement, educational, and industrial. He also founded a music school, industrial schools for children and actual industries for adults, an employment agency, a day nursery, and a lodging referral service.137 A salvage ministry begun in 1895 that became known as Goodwill Industries became his most lasting legacy. More traditional activities for churches such as temperance clubs, youth groups, and frequent evangelistic revivals were also part of Morgan Chapel in the first five years of Helms's leadership. The intensity with which Morgan Chapel maintained an emphasis on evangelistic work alongside the many businesses and social service efforts

distinguished it from other institutional churches in the country, which tended to downplay their evangelistic fervor.138 Helms consciously sought to blur the lines between secular and sacred. This fusion of sacred and secular was most symbolically represented in his adaptation of Henry Morgan's baptistry in the church sanctuary as a water reservoir for the showers offered to the public in the basement of the building. Helms's provision of shower facilities and use of union laborers in a printing business at the church were parallel developments to Mayor Josiah Quincy's similar new initiatives of hiring union laborers for a city printing department and the construction of the Dover Street Bath House in the South End.139 Morgan Chapel's rise to prominence in the city of Boston was another fascinating example of a convergence of rural migrants successfully using political and social contacts with more elite Boston residents to accomplish their work. The predominance of Iowans at Morgan Chapel is particularly intriguing. Edgar and Eugenia Helms, W. M. Gilbert (an associate pastor at Morgan Chapel for a time), and Harriet J. Cooke all were originally from Iowa. This is not as surprising as it may seem; in the late nineteenth century Iowa was the midwestern center of strength for the holiness movement.140 People such as Harriet Cooke and Edgar Helms sought to bring that holiness enthusiasm to the whole world. The rural origins of upstart evangelicals did not prevent them from working effectively with the Unitarian Benevolent Fraternity of Churches and with other recruits who came from elite backgrounds to work at Morgan Chapel.141 One worker, Elizabeth Emmons, betrayed her more refined religious sensibilities when she requested that Helms not “sing those gospel songs about the blood of the Lamb. I cannot agree with their theology and I am distressed by their gory sound.” Helms suggested to her that she mentally replace the word “blood” with “love.” Emmons found this a helpful suggestion and no longer had difficulty with Helms's blood atonement theology. Another worker, Mary Fagan, reportedly gave up her job working as a maid in a Back Bay mansion to work at Morgan Chapel as director of the kindergarten and day nursery. Even before Edgar Helms was appointed to Morgan Chapel, Kate Hobart, a Unitarian and member of Arlington Street Church, joined Mrs. Helms in starting the industrial school at Morgan Chapel.142 A kindergarten was also established, and Lucy Wheelock's Kindergarten Training School near Copley Square provided teachers.143 In less than five years of work at Morgan Chapel, Edgar Helms and his many coworkers had transformed a nearly defunct chapel into an institutional church with a national reputation. A “Harvard expert” apparently praised it for running the best mission kindergarten and industrial school, and Methodist authors praised it as the best institutional church in Boston.144 In 1900 Josiah Strong singled out Morgan Chapel as one of the best examples of an American institutional church operating on a limited budget. Strong also praised St. Bartholomew's Episcopal Church in New York City for the work done with a practically unlimited budget thanks to its connections with Vanderbilt money.145 As Morgan Chapel was approaching the pinnacle of its success, there were shifts under way in Helms's own thinking. After a trip to Germany and exposure to socialism there he began to

downplay the role of the local church and increasingly spent his energy on the burgeoning industries and social welfare work performed at Morgan Chapel. The 1902 construction of a new church building that critics chastised as looking more like a warehouse than a church was a symbolic expression of Helms's growing desire to appeal to secular people with secularized architecture devoid of religious symbolism. In response to his critics, however, Helms chose to erect what would have been seen as a very modern electric cross on the top of the building that announced the priorities of the church: “Life, Love, Hope, Faith, and Brotherhood.”146 By 1910 the self-help industries were booming, but church membership remained under two hundred members, and few of them participated in the more secular departments at Morgan Memorial. Helms did not entirely lose his evangelistic fervor and continued to seek conversions at special evangelistic services, but they were given far less priority than in earlier years.147 By the mid-1890s the South End was becoming a popular attraction for many Christian organizations and social reform agencies perhaps competing to do similar work. The Salvation Army Salvage Warehouse and Second-Hand Store was begun before Edgar Helms even began as pastor at Morgan Chapel and started Goodwill Industries.148 The Salvationists’ Social Relief Headquarters at 866 Washington Street also housed their Labor Bureau, two hotels with a total of 205 beds, and the Reading Room. This social services complex was located precisely in between, and two blocks away from, both the Wellesley College Denison House and Morgan Chapel.149 In 1891 the Society of Christian Socialists also established a large complex a few blocks to the east called the Wendell Phillips Union, which also offered an employment bureau and space for labor organizations and social reform societies to meet. Boston abolitionist Wendell Phillips served as the keynote speaker for the grand opening of this center for socialism, labor, and reform.150 The global success of Goodwill Industries, which began as one of Morgan Memorial's industrial self-help ministries, brought notoriety to the church, but the church and Helms should be remembered for more than this. Helms and the church he led had been a place where revivalism and social reform were held in creative synthesis for many years. Helms's early connection to holiness movement piety was clear even if it diminished as the years wore on. But Helms soldiered on in his work and remained identified as a “minister emeritus” of Morgan Memorial Church until his death in 1942. At his funeral the champion of American liberal Protestantism, Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam, delivered the eulogy.151 In light of Oxnam's mid-twentieth-century leadership of American Protestant liberalism, Helms's early youthful exuberance to “retake the North End for Methodism” now seemed very “old-fashioned” indeed. This chapter's focus on the North End and the South End illustrates once again the important role played by women, recent European immigrants, and rural migrants in the crossroads of revivalism and social reform. Anti-Catholic feelings remained strong into the 1890s, but now the anti-Catholic organizing was led by an immigrant Protestant rather than an American-born Protestant. Although significant, this period of anti-Catholic fervor lacked the widespread exuberance of anti-Catholic feeling present in 1888 because it did not coincide with a

galvanizing political event of similar proportions to those of the Boston public schools crisis and increasingly seemed dissonant in the face of social gospel rhetoric about the “Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man.” The importance of upper-class Boston residents as strategic partners for evangelical leaders again emerges in this chapter. A similar partnership was an element of evangelical urban mission work decades earlier in the ministry of Henry Morgan, Eben Tourjée, and Charles Cullis, but in the 1890s this strategy became more pronounced for a different reason. The social distance between Methodists and upper-class Bostonians had become less dramatic than it had been in the 1860s and 1870s owing to the rising income levels of Methodist adherents. The relationships between evangelicals and Boston Brahmins were thus, in a sense, more natural. Upper-class Bostonians played an important role in Clorinda and Gaetano Conte's work as well as in the Salvation Army's expanded social ministry. Edgar Helms's ability to efficiently mimic the work done by the Salvation Army and Mayor Quincy's administration may have been as much due to his ability to build relationships with powerful people in Boston society as it was due to his unwavering concern for the poor.

CONCLUSION

“The Most Marvelous Revival of All of Her History”

In 1906 and 1909 Boston once again played host to two dynamic evangelists who sought to bring revival to the city as D. L. Moody had done thirty years earlier. Moody had died in 1899, and the visiting evangelists, local pastors, and laypersons invoked his memory often and earnestly drew comparisons between Moody's 1877 revival and the new ones under way. But Boston and the evangelical community had changed in thirty years. The city was larger and more pluralistic, with streams of immigrants from southern and south-eastern Europe rapidly supplanting the Boston Irish in the North End slums. The city's geography was also different. The Back Bay neighborhood, just in the process of being reclaimed from the Charles River estuary in 1877, was now firmly established as one of the city's most respectable residential areas and had several ornate Congregational and Episcopal churches in the neighborhood to prove it. Boston city politics had also undergone a sea change. On January 1, 1907, John F. Fitzgerald was inaugurated as the city's first Boston-born Irish mayor. This event, along with the death of Mayor Patrick Collins in September of 1905, effectively ended the long tradition of the Irish-Brahmin alliance in city politics that had been championed by Hugh O'Brien and others. Irish leaders realized they no longer needed Brahmin politicians to win elections, and upper-class Protestants were now firmly marginalized in Boston politics. The less affluent evangelicals were even more so.1 Ironically, the marginalization of the Brahmin Protestants in Boston politics occurred just as Methodists were “mainstreaming” and increasingly resembling their upper-class Protestant neighbors in their social gospel emphases—as the changing ministry of Edgar Helms's Goodwill Industries made clear. To be sure, Methodists’ history of anti-Catholic fervor in earlier years, though now greatly subdued, gained them few friends in City Hall. The Boston Archdiocese of the Roman Catholic Church also underwent a major transition around 1910. In August of 1907 Archbishop John Williams died after serving as the head of Boston Catholicism since 1866. Williams's successor, William Henry O'Connell, was an efficient administrator of the archdiocese's vast network of institutions and worked to centralize power far more than Archbishop Williams had done in previous years. In 1908 the Boston Archdiocese's 850,000 members, nearly two hundred churches, six hundred priests, and sixteen hundred sisters easily dwarfed any Protestant denomination's infrastructure.2 The prediction one evangelical historian made in 1881 about the impending demise of American Catholicism was proven overwhelmingly wrong. Major changes had taken place within the evangelical community in the years since the

Moody campaign. No longer unified by the holiness movement revival of the post–Civil War years, evangelicals were a less cohesive group. A new generation of leaders no longer had a shared set of experiences or assumptions about the world. The Civil War and its immediate aftermath was not the unifying national event for leaders of the evangelical community born around 1860, as it had been for leaders in D. L. Moody's generation who were in young adulthood as the Civil War began. The shape of the evangelical urban mission was also different in 1906. As a whole, evangelicals were wealthier and far more tolerant toward their increasingly respectable Roman Catholic neighbors. The Gipsy Smith and J. Wilbur Chapman campaigns of 1906 and 1909 provide one lens through which the changed city and the changed evangelical crossroads may be understood. Gipsy Smith's 1906 campaign in Boston was not his first time in the city; he had led a seven-week revival there twelve years earlier. His 1896 revival was a more localized—but still dramatic—success. He was the guest evangelist for the fiery and stridently anti-Catholic preacher James Boyd Brady at the Methodists’ People's Temple. Smith's campaign in the South End resulted in eight hundred new members at Brady's church and prompted Brady himself to claim an experience of entire sanctification—a memorable event for the entire congregation. On the fifth Sunday of Smith's preaching Brady announced, “The sermon this morning has been for my own soul. I feel my need of the experience of which our brother has been speaking, and I am going down to that communion rail for myself. I am going there to seek my Pentecost.” The congregation responded with over two hundred persons rising from their seats to kneel at the communion rail beside their pastor. The People's Temple congregation even asked Gipsy Smith to succeed Brady as pastor of People's Temple—an offer Smith declined.3 Gipsy Smith's 1906 revival began on October 29 at Tremont Temple and concluded a month later. His style was described by one journalist as “far removed from the bombastic, melodramatic roaring of some evangelists,” but Smith was far from a polite and staid lecturer. Like Moody before him, Smith had an earthy air about him befitting a former Primitive Methodist and Salvation Army officer.4 Gipsy Smith was born in 1860 in England and experienced a conversion to Christianity in a Primitive Methodist chapel at the age of sixteen. His real name was Rodney Smith, but he always went by the name “Gipsy,” which identified his Romany ethnic origin. A year after his conversion, in 1877, Gipsy Smith became a Salvation Army officer but was put out of the Army five years later by William Booth for accepting a gold watch from admiring townspeople where he worked as an officer. This act was a violation of Salvation Army rules against receiving such gifts.5 Smith was undeterred by this turn of events and continued in his career as a successful itinerant evangelist in the United Kingdom, the United States, France, and South Africa. In spite of the frequent comparisons between the Smith and Moody campaigns, the city's reception of Gipsy Smith in 1906 was symbolically less important than Moody's and its ultimate impact less significant.6 In contrast to Moody, who had requested that a six-thousandseat tabernacle be constructed specifically for the 1877 revival, Gipsy Smith held his evangelistic services in the Baptists’ Tremont Temple. With a seating capacity of approximately three thousand, Tremont Temple was a large space but not as large as Moody's

tabernacle, and Smith's use of it required no coordinated effort by Boston church leaders to build a new $30,000 auditorium, as they had done for Moody. In addition, Smith's revival was one month in length as opposed to three months for Moody's campaign. Approximately 2,500 persons were estimated to have been converted because of Gipsy Smith's influence, a number the Boston Transcript described as “larger than the record of any month's work by any evangelist in the recent history of the city.”7 Although Smith's 2,500 converts in a one-month campaign did demonstrate a more efficient “take” of converts than Moody's 6,000 in three months, the larger size of the city (600,000 instead of 300,000) meant that the Smith revival had a far smaller net impact.8 Furthermore, Smith's practice of only requiring a convert to sign a decision card instead of attending “inquirers’ room” meetings following the evangelistic service, as Moody had done, also may have reduced the level of commitment required of converts and increased their number.9 The people who attended the Moody and Sankey meetings in 1877 did not differ much from those who attended meetings with Gipsy Smith.10 In celebration of Smith's successes, a special service was held on Thanksgiving Day in 1906. In his announcement of the event Gipsy Smith noted that it was to be an “American and English Thanksgiving.” The pastor of Park Street Church and primary organizer for the Gipsy Smith campaign, Arcturus Conrad, remarked in agreement, “Yes[,] both flags will be up and the cross will be above both of them.” Gipsy Smith, on one occasion, also made reference to the very well-dressed appearance of his audience while lamenting the disappointingly low collection plate offering from the previous night's service, which also had people “all dressed as well as you are!”11 These remarks suggest that Gipsy Smith was focusing on middle-class Anglo-Americans for his revival. Eighteen months after the Gipsy Smith campaign ended, Boston pastors again made plans for another evangelistic campaign to come to Boston, but this time the revival was to utilize a different strategy. A “simultaneous campaign” led by J. Wilbur Chapman and Charles M. Alexander took place from January 26 through February 21, 1909, and involved twenty-seven evangelistic meetings happening each evening at different churches around Boston and its suburbs. Instead of a single, unifying location and evangelist as in past events, the 1909 campaign allowed participating churches to seek converts in a way best suited to their particular emphases as a congregation. Of the hundreds of churches involved in this campaign, only two of them were Episcopal churches (located in Charlestown and North Cambridge). Prominent Episcopal churches that had been active in the Moody revival such as Trinity Church in Copley Square and Emmanuel Church on Newberry Street were never mentioned as participants in the Chapman campaign.12 In addition to the local church revivals, Chapman and Alexander led services twice a day at a centralized location—Tremont Temple. During the 1909 Boston revival, the Methodist pastor of the East Boston bethel, the Reverend Lewis B. Bates, proclaimed that “Boston is sharing in the most marvelous revival of all of her history.” The comparisons to the Moody revival were accurate in many ways. Twenty-two years younger than Moody, Chapman was regarded as Moody's protégé and had often received advice from Moody about his career.13 At an overflow meeting to Chapman's Tremont Temple service, L. B. Bates asked the crowd gathered in Faneuil Hall how many

remembered Moody. Many of those in attendance stood up.14 Newspaper accounts of the revival were also effusive in their praise of Chapman and carried headlines such as “Dr. Chapman calls the Boston Revival Greatest Demonstration since Pentecost.”15 Chapman considered the Boston revival to be the greatest revival of his life.16 In the South End, the comparisons to Moody's revival were the most explicit. The venue for the South End meetings was the Methodists’ People's Temple on the corner of Columbus Avenue and Berkeley Street. At one service, the music director at People's Temple announced that the organ to be used during that church's revival services was the very same organ utilized during the Moody revival of 1877. One evening as well, after the evangelistic rally was held at People's Temple, a crowd of 350 “composed largely of women and children” paraded through the streets of the South End with a Salvation Army band leading the way. The parade went down Berkeley Street by the former site of the Moody tabernacle and stopped there to sing a hymn, continued toward Washington Street by the Roman Catholic Cathedral of the Holy Cross, and then returned to People's Temple (for street locations see figure 1.3).17 The Salvation Army's prominent presence during the Chapman campaign was on full display on February 12 when General Evangeline Booth was introduced by Chapman and preached a revival sermon to the Tremont Temple crowd. “Several hundred” Salvation Army officers and soldiers (laypersons) were present at Tremont Temple that night to hear their leader preach. Evangeline Booth was an occasional speaker at Chapman's Winona Bible Conference in Indiana and spoke at several of his city evangelistic campaigns.18 On February 12 she and Wilbur Chapman together presided at the dedication ceremony for a new Salvation Army Rescue Home in the Dorchester neighborhood of Boston.19 In contrast to Moody and Smith, Wilbur Chapman seemed to pay more attention to reaching the poorer populations of Boston and sought the cooperation of the Salvation Army to help him with this focus.20 In a 1908 book Chapman illustrated his interest in social reform by quoting Harvard University social ethics professor (and Unitarian) Francis Greenwood Peabody at length. Chapman described Peabody's Jesus Christ and the Social Question as “the position of the best advocates of Social Reform.” That Peabody's book utilized German higher criticism extensively, in this instance at least, was apparently not problematic for Chapman in 1908, as it was for other members of the Niagara Bible Conference movement in which Chapman participated.21 At the end of the month-long Chapman campaign (which cost approximately $20,000) the lead organizer of the event was reticent to make precise estimates of the number of converts gathered by all the revival venues. Unlike the Moody campaign of 1877, which was largely dependent on Moody and Sankey, Chapman's campaign involved the work of twenty-seven evangelists at many different churches. It is possible that the revival organizers did not wish to provide a precise count of converts gained at the various sites out of fear that such statistics would cause feelings of competition to emerge among churches that would have been counterproductive to the effort. In his book about the campaign, Arcturus Conrad noted only that “[h]undreds and hundreds of men and women are entering into the membership of our churches.…In practically all the co-operating churches from 25 to 100 persons have already

been received into membership.”22 The Smith and Chapman revivals represented the enduring relevance of large revival meetings for Boston evangelicals. Even if the heyday of the New England holiness movement's camp meetings had passed, many continued in operation. The urban revivals would have recalled for older participants earlier days of revival under D. L. Moody's leadership or at such places as Old Orchard Beach, Asbury Grove, or Eastham. The revivalistic language continued for evangelicals even if the accent of the embattled doctrine of entire sanctification was now more difficult to notice in a much larger city. The evangelicals’ revivalistic language was also no longer the lingua franca for a city increasingly populated by immigrants who spoke many different languages. There are four main conclusions that may be drawn from this study of the evangelical crossroads in Boston from 1860 to 1910. First, evangelicals’ work in both revival and social reform was astounding for its breadth in these years. Their methods worked, but their social and religious impact has been vastly underestimated by urban historians. Second, the character of evangelicals’ social welfare efforts changed in the fifty years under consideration, and their motives for undertaking these efforts changed as well. A relentless pragmatism on the part of evangelical urban mission leaders was more influential than evolving theological debates for the shaping of many evangelicals’ ministry efforts. Third, evangelicals possessed an exceptional ability to pay attention to the migration movements swirling about them and to bridge religious, class, cultural, and national boundaries to accomplish their goals in revivalism and social reform. Finally, the interrelationship of home mission and foreign mission for evangelicals was also noteworthy. The interplay of these ministry strategies, of theological ideas and other motivations, and of the charismatic figures who led the way in crossing boundaries of class and ethnicity illustrates the complex ways evangelicals navigated the Boston crossroads. THE STRATEGIES WORKED: THE IMPACT OF EVANGELICAL REVIVAL AND SOCIAL REFORM

The vast array of services provided in the many rescue missions, immigrant homes, industrial education programs, inexpensive hotels, and orphanages, including even banking services, was a testimony to the effectiveness of the upstart evangelicals’ social welfare work in Boston. Largely forgotten by Boston urban historians, evangelicals’ contributions to the city were as significant as those made by Brahmin Protestants, even if the statues and other monuments that dot the city's parks and boulevards fail to recognize the upstarts’ contributions. Today, the simple plaque recognizing the place of Moody's conversion to Christianity on Court Street symbolizes the understated significance of evangelicals’ impact in Boston a hundred years ago —in the areas of revivalism as well as social reform. Evangelicals were often more effective than their more affluent Protestant neighbors in ministries among the poor, since the cultural similarities between evangelicals and poorer rural migrants and immigrants were greater than they were for upper-class Protestants. The success that Independent Methodist Henry Morgan enjoyed in reaching out to Irish newspaper boys in the 1860s was partly the result of his vulgar style, which no Congregationalist or

Episcopalian could match. At Morgan's death in 1883, the Boston Globe was unequivocal in proclaiming his popular appeal. “No man has been better known in Boston for the last quarter of a century than this indefatigable minister.”23 The Salvation Army was similarly praised. After enduring brick-throwing Boston mobs when they first arrived in the 1880s, the Salvation Army was eventually lauded as one of the most successful organizations ministering to the city's poor. The Salvationists rapidly gained the admiration of more affluent Boston citizens who were willing to overlook the Army's less refined qualities first chastised in the respectable press when they invaded the city in 1884. The Salvation Army and Henry Morgan may be names most associated in people's minds with social welfare efforts (the Massachusetts affiliate of Goodwill Industries is still called “Morgan Memorial Goodwill Industries”), but their commitment to revivalism was equally pronounced. Morgan spoke to thousands in his Music Hall revivals while the Salvation Army paraded through the streets and quietly peddled their War Cry in saloons, always looking for lost souls to save. The music ministry of Eben Tourjée and Boston University students at the North End Mission also focused on evangelistic concerns in ways not always clearly delineated from the social reform efforts they also engaged in. The trajectory Methodists and other evangelicals were following toward increased respectability was uneven and inconsistent. When many evangelicals became more respectable in the 1890s, they nonetheless continued to demonstrate greater success than the longestablished Protestant denominations in reaching poorer Boston residents. Pride in “oldfashioned” Methodist street preaching in the 1890s North End and continued fervor for evangelistic efforts among Jews coexisted in a sometimes uneasy tension with social gospel rhetoric. The Evangelistic Association of New England also promoted “open air” preaching and more explicitly shunned social gospel rhetoric. By contrast, in these years the Congregationalists’ City Missionary Society increasingly focused on the bureaucratic efficiency of the organization and studiously avoided creative mission efforts.24 The greater success of Methodists and (especially) Baptists in establishing immigrant churches in the early twentieth century suggests that they were more effective than Congregationalists in addressing immigrants’ concerns and more willing to allow immigrant Christians to take leadership in addressing those concerns.25 As the flood of immigrants continued to add to the population of Bostonians in need of assistance, however, it was not possible for evangelicals to meet the demand. No poverty relief efforts conducted in the city could claim that their work resulted in a reduction of the absolute number of impoverished individuals in Boston in this period.26 The challenges were simply too complex and too massive. As the Roman Catholic Church in Boston became wealthy and stable, Catholic institutions provided much of the material assistance through parochial schools, colleges, and other organizations that was previously offered by evangelicals and Brahmin Protestants.27 The anti-Catholic rhetoric of many evangelicals may have helped to prod Roman Catholics to establish their own social welfare institutions and thus, ironically, in the long run to improve the life situation of Roman Catholics in the city. A similar unintended “spillover effect” occurred with Moody's revival in 1877 when Roman

Catholics initiated a successful rival revival at St. Francis De Sales Church in Lower Roxbury. THE IDEAS CHANGED: THE SEPARATION OF REVIVALISM AND SOCIAL REFORM

The different paths taken by A. J. Gordon and Edgar Helms exemplify the widening breach between evangelicals’ attitudes toward revivalism and social reform. Both preachers promoted the ideals of the holiness movement in their early ministries but ended their careers in much different places. Among Methodists and the Salvation Army, which were less influenced by the fundamentalist movement, urban mission involved a change in strategy from an emphasis on evangelistic activity to social welfare and reform projects. These two spheres of action were rarely, if ever, fully separated from one another in any of the urban mission efforts under consideration prior to 1910. But over time a shift of priorities away from revivalism did occur. This shift was most evident in the work of the North End Mission, the Salvation Army, the University Settlement, and the ministries of Morgan Memorial Church in the South End. The reasons why and how this shift of priorities occurred are complex and, in the Boston context, involve the interaction of five principle factors: the growing affluence of evangelical adherents and resulting distance from the labor movement; generational change in leadership; the decline of the holiness movement as a unifying narrative of Christian piety; the decline of anti-Catholicism in the face of an increasingly respectable Roman Catholic population; and the emphasis on pragmatic needs of the city more than theological arguments. Nothing symbolized the increasingly wealthy status of Boston evangelicals better than the changes that took place in evangelical attitudes toward the labor movement. In the late 1860s and 1870s it was possible for Henry Morgan to be vociferous in advocating for the labor cause and still be equally anti-Catholic in his remarks. Prominent Methodist laymen such as Governor William Claflin and Edward H. Rogers and Methodist pastor Willard Mallalieu were avid supporters of a labor community that was still primarily composed of Americanborn workers. After the Haymarket tragedy of 1886, Methodist leaders had to advocate for labor in more abstract terms and issued carefully worded statements of support. In the 1890s the tendency of the working class to be predominantly Roman Catholic rather than Protestant was lamented by ship's carpenter and labor organizer Edward H. Rogers as an old man when he left the Episcopal Church of the Carpenter in 1896 to return home to his Methodist church in Chelsea. The Church of the Carpenter and many Methodist Episcopal churches as well simply could no longer attract many members of the labor movement with their abstract rhetoric of support. The class distinctions between evangelicals and upper-class Protestants so important to evangelical identity in earlier decades had also substantially diminished by 1910, and the urban mission efforts of the two groups began to look more similar to one another. Although there were not many Methodists involved in the Society of Christian Socialists, Methodists were also not opposed to them or their methods in any meaningful way in the 1890s. The Christian Socialists’ difficulty in expanding beyond their small Episcopalian base illustrates how little any one Protestant group was able to effectively engage the labor community in the

1890s. Only in the first decade of the twentieth century did Methodists and others become more concerned with labor's cause as part of the ascendant social gospel movement, but by this time most evangelicals were outsiders to the labor movement they had led in the 1860s. For example, the Methodist Social Creed of 1908 was a complete list of the labor movement's concerns and quickly became a mainstream Protestant document with nearly wholesale acceptance by the Federal Council of Churches. The Methodist Social Creed best illustrated where the center of Methodist energy was increasingly located. The Methodists in New England were now a part of mainstream American Protestantism and certainly advocated for the labor community but did not often join workers on the streets or in picket lines—and increasingly did not worship with them either.28 The growth of Salvation Army social welfare efforts, with decreasing attention given to church-planting efforts in the 1890s, was also evidence of the Army's growing wealth as Salvationists skillfully raised funds in Back Bay parlors and suburban homes through their network of two hundred auxiliary organizations in Eastern Massachusetts. As a fund-raising tool the auxiliary meetings were far more effective than selling The War Cry in North End saloons, even if the latter was no doubt a better evangelistic strategy and more consistent with the Salvationists’ “aggressive Christianity.” The generational changes that took place among leaders of holiness evangelical urban missions in the late nineteenth century also affected the character of the institutions founded by people who had come of age during the Civil War or earlier. Leaders such as Edgar J. Helms embraced the zeitgeist of the 1890s characterized by the optimism of the social gospel, which was also more critical of traditional emphases on individual conversion.29 The previous generation was more able to hold a stress on individual conversion together with social concern in part because the passion against slavery prior to and during the Civil War held by many evangelicals was also within living memory of the time of Methodism's greatest evangelistic fervor in the first few decades of the nineteenth century. The inability of the holiness movement to serve as a unifying force for Boston evangelicals became increasingly obvious in the late nineteenth century and ironically contributed to the secularization of urban mission efforts. As the most numerous of the participants in the holiness movement, most members of the Methodist Episcopal Church did not make an explicit choice to shun holiness ideas. Rather, these ideas were simply no longer taught as fervently as they once had been. Once a unifying doctrine, church teachings on entire sanctification became the most divisive doctrine in the Methodist Episcopal Church and may be seen as the Methodist equivalent to the fundamentalist/modernist controversy that fractured other denominations in the early twentieth century. Some holiness movement advocates left the Methodist Episcopal denomination for more congenial communities, which eventually formed the Church of the Nazarene and pentecostal denominations a few years later.30 The declining influence of the holiness movement among evangelical urban mission leaders led them to a new movement that had some of the old emotional appeal. The “social piety” and

political agenda of the social gospel gradually replaced the dominant personal piety and optimism of the holiness movement in early-twentieth-century mainline Protestantism. A concern for the poor was certainly a vital part of the late-nineteenth-century holiness movement, but it was not the “heart” of the movement in the same way that it was for the later social gospel movement. The persistent appeal of Daniel Steele's Love Enthroned, reprinted in 1923, demonstrates that holiness movement piety lived on to some extent in the Northeast, but in a more vestigial form in a region that had given birth to the movement through the efforts of Timothy Merritt and others. Holiness movement leadership at the beginning of the twentieth century was found increasingly in the South and the Midwest. The holiness movement that extolled the possibility of being made “perfect in love” diminished among Methodist Episcopal clergymen at the same time and as quickly as the movement that extolled a visceral hatred of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. The growing evangelical tolerance toward Roman Catholicism took some of the fighting energy out of the movement's urban mission efforts and paved the way for more respectable ventures in social reform and welfare activities. The anti-Catholic movement that peaked in 1888 and 1895–1896 quickly diminished in cities on the eastern seaboard by century's end. At the same time, Catholics had gained too much political power in eastern cities to be seriously challenged. They had won the contest for Boston, and it was time for evangelicals to make peace with this fact.31 Nevertheless, the organizing ability of evangelical women and clergypersons that had been honed to near perfection through the anti-Catholic movement was able to be reappropriated for social gospel crusades even if such crusades were of a less vulgar quality. Intellectual innovations such as higher criticism, evolution, and premillennialist interpretations of scripture did not affect some evangelicals as much as others. Evangelicals who would become part of American fundamentalism in the 1920s had become increasingly pessimistic about the desirability of social reform by 1900 and gradually drew back from their earlier involvement in such activities. The decline in social welfare efforts among those evangelicals more influenced by the Niagara Bible Conference movement and fundamentalist theology has been the subject of considerable discussion by many scholars. One of D. L. Moody's most famous lines and one spoken at nearly all his revivals—including Boston's— captured the thinking of many evangelicals of his day who focused less on social reform concerns. “The way it looks to me is this: Here is a vessel going to pieces on the rocks. God puts a life-boat in my hands, and says: ‘Rescue every man you can. Get them out of this wrecked vessel.’ So God wants us to get our family of the wrecked world into the ark of safety, as Noah did his family, and have them in Christ, and if they are in Christ they are safe.”32 Such a focus on an individual's salvation and corresponding disregard for the “wrecked vessel” of the world caused some evangelicals to reprioritize their initiatives toward evangelistic rallies and away from social welfare.33 But evangelicals of a more Methodist and pragmatic bent were less preoccupied with these concerns, as Daniel Steele made clear in his tepid advice to pastors regarding higher criticism —“when you have time, read up.” Intellectual debates took place among Methodists on the pages of the Zion's Herald, but for the Methodist laypersons, women, and recent immigrants

who were leading the urban mission efforts, the impact of the debates was indirect and subtle. Well-educated Methodist clergymen were being drawn to the ethical implications of Borden Parker Bowne's Personalism, but this philosophical system did not directly affect the majority of Methodist preachers or the grassroots mobilizers for urban mission. Personalism would eventually be influential in the theological education and activism of Boston University graduate Martin Luther King, Jr., but for many pastors before King, the Personalist philosophy taught at Boston too often distanced them from their parishioners’ piety and failed to provide them with an adequate replacement to energize them for mission as the holiness movement had done for earlier generations. Urban ministry practitioners such as Gaetano and Clorinda Conte, Eben Tourjée, Harriet Cooke of the University Settlement, Amanda A. Clarke of the East Boston Immigrant Home, and Salvation Army officers were simply not very interested in intellectual debates that seemed distant from their concerns for the poor. For example, during his ten years in America, Conte's intellectual struggles were very subdued, and he showed few signs of pulling back from his evangelistic fervor. It was only after his return to Italy that his intellectual questioning of orthodox Christianity came to the fore in his own thinking and led him to embrace Unitarian ideas. Daniel Steele engaged and criticized more Calvinistic evangelicals such as A. J. Gordon, but he did so as an intellectual leader in Methodism who simultaneously advocated for more basic theological education similar to that offered by the Salvation Army and deaconess training institutes. The lack of concern for intellectual debate among Wesleyan evangelicals may also help to explain how their urban mission efforts rather easily became secularized. The Methodist urban missionaries were so concerned about doing their social service work that they seemingly did not think about how it was becoming less the church's work and more the province of the professionalizing field of social workers. This professionalizing process was evident when in 1909 the Methodists’ Deaconess Training School no longer offered courses in sociology but rather required its students to take such courses at the nearby Simmons College. By 1918 the deaconess school was absorbed by Boston University and eventually became that university's School of Social Work.34 THE LEADERS’ SUCCESS AT CROSSING BOUNDARIES

This book has argued that there was an important difference between upstart evangelicals, who were often recent migrants to the city, and more firmly established Protestant groups such as the Congregationalists and Episcopalians; but the differences between these groups was never absolute. The personal relationships among upper-class Protestants and many evangelical leaders illustrate the evangelicals’ ability to cross class boundaries in order to promote their cause. Unitarians such as Edward Everett Hale and Francis Greenwood Peabody were, at key times, important collaborators with evangelicals in the city. Congregationalists with upstart sentiments such as the Reverend E. N. Kirk were also vital supporters of both Henry Morgan and Dwight L. Moody early in their careers. Phillips Brooks's communion rail controversy with Unitarian James Freeman Clarke in 1877 and Moody's subsequent invitation for Brooks to

preach at the tabernacle illustrate how Protestants across a theological spectrum sought to work together. Moody's advice to Frances Willard to not appear on the same platform with the Universalist Mary Livermore also illustrates the subtle inconsistencies of the movement. At other times, the lines of division between the upstart evangelicals and more established Protestants were far from subtle, as in the case of the anti-Catholic movement in the 1880s, which firmly divided the Methodists and the Baptists from most Unitarians, Congregationalists, and Episcopalians. The lay-led nature of much of the urban mission work enabled “boundary crossing” to occur far more easily than if such efforts had been led entirely by clergymen. Episcopal layman Charles Cullis, more than any other individual in this book, exemplifies the ability to unify an amazing array of people to work for his institutions. If Charles Cullis had been a clergyperson, he would have found it more difficult to bring together so many different people in a single organization and likely would have become absorbed by the controversy between the Reformed and Protestant Episcopalians. Women demonstrated a similarly remarkable ability to organize diverse constituencies for the sake of urban mission and social reform. Their activities in foreign missionary, antiCatholic, and temperance movements demonstrated their profound political skillfulness. Their leadership as well in building institutions for urban mission in this period is an often overlooked aspect of the social gospel movement that took hold in many churches in the early twentieth century. In Boston, the deaconess training schools of Cullis and the Methodists, the East Boston Immigrant Home, the Salvation Army, and the University Settlement house were all institutions where female leaders were particularly prominent. Even in local church congregations, women's ability to act as key fund-raisers and organizers was vital for the success of many of the urban mission efforts. The frequency with which rural migrants were key players in evangelical urban mission efforts is another striking example of evangelicals’ abilities to cross boundaries. Rural migrants’ “urban marginality” enabled them to reach out to persons that longtime Boston residents could not easily approach. The Boston pastors and church workers who came from the state of Iowa alone included Morgan Memorial Church pastors Edgar J. Helms and W. M. Gilbert, women's ministries leader at University Settlement and founder of the Methodist Medical Mission in the North End Harriet J. Cooke, and the Reverend B. B. Scott of Charles Cullis's Grove Hall Church and later missionary to India.35 There were numerous other migrants from rural New England and parts of the Midwest who were similarly drawn to Boston with hopes of economic advancement, theological education, or simply adventure. The amount and importance of rural migrants’ and women's leadership in evangelical institutions did not change markedly over the fifty years of this study but rather remained one of the more consistent elements of evangelical urban mission efforts. THE INFLUENCE OF THE FOREIGN MISSIONARY MOVEMENT

The growth in the foreign missionary force also exerted a profound influence on urban mission efforts in Boston and no doubt contributed to city missionaries’ enthusiasm for reaching city

residents who had immigrated from foreign countries. Social gospel historians have tended to pay insufficient attention to the foreign missionary movement that was so dominant in most American congregations at the time of the rise of the social gospel. For example, one of the major leaders of the foreign mission enterprise in America, the Reverend A. T. Pierson of Philadelphia, was very involved in urban mission work in the nation's cities.36 Gaetano Conte also reported that some Methodist churches in Italy largely consisted of Italians who had previously been members of his North End congregation.37 The influence of immigrant leaders Daniel Sorlin, Gaetano Conte, Clorinda Conte, and others were vital to Methodists’ ability to cross cultural boundaries in Boston after 1880. In 1860 faith mission efforts by J. Hudson Taylor, William Taylor, and Charles Cullis had not yet begun. By 1910 American missionaries included a growing number of “faith mission” personnel sent by independent missionary agencies outside the control of denominational boards. The numbers of American missionaries had increased so much that the American missionary force was coming close to surpassing that of the British. In 1910 the amazing strength of the foreign missionary movement in America was on full display at the World Missionary Conference at Edinburgh and the Woman's Missionary Jubilee that took place the same year. These gatherings were the culmination of the nineteenth-century missionary movement and, in the case of the Woman's Missionary Jubilee, were vivid demonstrations of the grassroots organization of women for mission across North America.38 These gatherings were big news for all Protestant leaders and no doubt also influenced urban mission efforts in American cities. The key leader of the 1910 Woman's Missionary Jubilee, Helen Barrett Montgomery, emphasized many of the same values of the social gospel movement in her stress on the emancipation of women.39 THE LEGACY OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY EVANGELICALS IN BOSTON

The complex interrelationship of people, political events, urban mission efforts, and the city's geography described in this book illustrates the contested ground on which evangelical urban mission took place in Boston from 1860 to 1910. Evangelicals’ urban mission and their group identity changed over time, just as Boston's geography was transformed by landfills and streetcars. The geographical terrain of Boston in the nineteenth century is difficult to recognize in the contemporary city, but if one knows where to look, remnants of the past can still be seen today. Many of the evangelical urban mission efforts that had their genesis more than a hundred years ago are likewise difficult to recognize, but they are nonetheless present in contemporary Boston. The heirs of nineteenth-century urban mission efforts may be seen in many churches and other institutions that dot the Boston landscape. Beth Israel–Deaconess Hospital, Boston Rescue Mission, Boston University, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary, Hattie B. Cooper Community Center, Home for Little Wanderers, Morgan Memorial Goodwill Industries, the New England Conservatory of Music, the Salvation Army, and Vision New England (formerly the Evangelistic Association of New England) can all trace their origins back to upstart evangelical urban mission efforts of the late nineteenth century.

It is perhaps easiest to see the legacy of evangelical revival and social reform in contemporary urban mission efforts in Boston that are largely led by recent immigrants from Latin America, the Caribbean, and other countries of the Southern Hemisphere. For these immigrants, the interrelationship of home and foreign missions finds expression in new ways as their churches in Boston send money and sponsor mission efforts in the countries that their immigrant congregants call home. As in the late nineteenth century, immigrant groups today continue to develop relationships with more established Protestants in the city as they create an infrastructure of institutions that often operates “under the radar” of the Boston religious establishment, both Protestant and Catholic.40 While there is no single movement that mobilizes immigrant communities in a rearguard fashion today as the anti-Catholic movement did in the late nineteenth century, the growing pentecostal community in Boston still finds inspiration in the fully sanctified Christian life. As such, it is perhaps the most direct heir of the nineteenthcentury holiness movement in Boston today. Americans who call themselves evangelicals in the early twenty-first century face many of the same challenges as their forebears in Boston in the late nineteenth century. They too confront a new crossroads in their religious and political lives. And the ways they navigate these crossroads in particular social contexts will likely be no less complex than the courses traveled by those who have gone before them.41

NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1. Paul Nussbaum, “The Purpose-Driven Pastor,” Philadelphia Inquirer, 8 January 2006. Michael Lerner, “Michael Lerner and Jim Wallis in Discussion,” Tikkun, 1 November 2005. Krista Tippett and Jim Wallis, “The New Evangelical Leaders, Part 1: Jim Wallis,” Speaking of Faith, National Public Radio, 29 November 2007. 2. Alan Gilbert has illustrated the way similar dynamics took place in eighteenth-and nineteenth-century England between Nonconformist churches and the Church of England. Alan D. Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England: Church, Chapel, and Social Change, 1740–1914 (London: Longman, 1976). Mark Peel, “On the Margins: Lodgers and Boarders in Boston, 1860–1900,” Journal of American History 72, no. 4 (1986): 833. Mark Peel's language of “marginality” is adopted from Robert Ezra Park's use of the term. Robert Ezra Park, “Human Migration and the Marginal Man,” The American Journal of Sociology 33, no. 6 (1928): 881–893. 3. Margaret Lamberts Bendroth, Fundamentalists in the City: Conflict and Division in Boston's Churches, 1885–1950 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 16–22. 4. Omar M. McRoberts, Streets of Glory: Church and Community in a Black Urban Neighborhood (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). McRoberts's text is an intriguing companion to this one, as it focuses on the contemporary situation of churches in Boston with a particular focus on immigrant congregations. 5. Anna Lisa Schmidt, “Executive Summary: A Population Perspective of the United States,” Population Resource Center, http://www.prcdc.org/summaries/uspopperspec/uspopperspec.html. Accessed on 1 December 2007. Andrew Walls, “The Ephesian Moment,” in The Cross-cultural Process in Christian History, ed. Andrew F. Walls (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 2002). 6. The absolute number of immigrants is greater in our own day than it was one hundred years ago, but the percentage of the U.S. population who are foreign-born is lower than it was a century ago. 7. This quotation is attributed to Thomas “Tip” O'Neill, Jr., Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1977 to 1987. 8. The nuances of the private lives of evangelicals (their prayers, family habits, and worship), while no less important, are accorded less attention in this study. 9. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 3–32. 10. Holmes called Boston the “Hub of the Solar System” in an 1858 Atlantic Monthly series of articles that was reprinted in book form several times. Oliver Wendell Holmes, The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table (Boston: Phillips, Sampson, and Company, 1858). John Corrigan, Business of the Heart: Religion and Emotion in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002).

11. Bendroth; Thomas H. O'Connor, The Boston Irish: A Political History (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1995); Thomas H. O'Connor, Boston Catholics: A History of the Church and Its People (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998). 12. Oscar Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, 1790–1880: A Study in Acculturation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1991); Stephan Thernstrom, The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880–1970, Harvard Studies in Urban History (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1973); Sam Bass Warner, Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston, 1870–1900, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978). 13. A recent review of the state of American urban religious history is Jon Butler, “Protestant Success in the New American City, 1870–1920,” in New Directions in American Religious History, ed. Harry S. Stout and D. G. Hart (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997). The work by Hugh McLeod offers an excellent introduction to the large body of work available on urban religion in Britain and on the European continent. Hugh McLeod, Class and Religion in the Late Victorian City (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1974); Hugh McLeod, European Religion in the Age of the Great Cities, 1830–1930, Christianity and Society in the Modern World (London: Routledge, 1995); Hugh McLeod, Secularisation in Western Europe, 1848–1914 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000). 14. Ralph E. Luker, “Review Essay: Religion and Social Control in the Nineteenth Century American City,” Journal of Urban History 2, no. 3 (1976); Anthony J. Steinhoff, “Religion as Urban Culture: A View from Strasbourg, 1870–1914,” Journal of Urban History 30, no. 2 (2004); Diane Winston, “Review Essay: Babylon by the Hudson; Jerusalem on the Charles: Religion and the American City,” Journal of Urban History 25, no. 1 (1998). For a discussion of urban history as a field of study in the American context see Carl Abbott, “Thinking about Cities: The Central Tradition in U.S. Urban History,” Journal of Urban History 22, no. 6 (1996): 695. 15. David K. Adams and Cornelis A. Van Minnen, eds., Religious and Secular Reform in America: Ideas, Beliefs and Social Change (New York: New York University Press, 1999); Barton J. Bernstein, “Francis Greenwood Peabody: Conservative Social Critic,” New England Quarterly 36, no. 3 (1963): 320–337; Sarah Deutsch, Women and the City: Gender, Space, and Power in Boston, 1870–1940 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); Jonathan Dorn, “‘Our Best Gospel Appliances’: Institutional Churches and the Emergence of Social Christianity in the South End of Boston, 1880–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994); Peter C. Holloran, Boston's Wayward Children: Social Services for Homeless Children, 1830–1930 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994); Nathan Irvin Huggins, Protestants against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870–1900 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1971); Arthur Mann, Yankee Reformers in the Urban Age: Social Reform in Boston, 1880– 1900 (New York: Harper and Row, 1954); Barbara M. Solomon, Ancestors and Immigrants: A Changing New England Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956). One of the more detailed analyses of the Associated Charities in Boston is an unpublished master's thesis by Brenda M. Lawson, “Starving While Waiting for a Friend: Assessing the Success of the

Associated Charities of Boston, 1879–1899” (M.A. thesis, Simmons College, 1996). 16. I have chosen to place less emphasis on the old debate about whether churches were proponents more of social reform or of social control. I share Hugh McLeod's assessment that the “most interesting studies have not been those which assume a neat fit between religion and social roles, but those which have explored the unintended consequences of people's beliefs, and the contradictions between different deeply held convictions. This is one area in which ambiguity is all important and clear cut answers are generally wrong.” Hugh McLeod, Religion and Society in England, 1850–1914 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), 222. 17. Arthur J. Vidich and Stanford M. Lyman, American Sociology: Worldly Rejections of Religion and Their Directions (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985). On evangelical involvement in social welfare in New York City see Norris Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums: Evangelical Social Work, 1865–1920 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press and the American Theological Library Association, 1977). On antebellum evangelical involvement see the classic work by Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957). 18. Lorraine Garkovich, Population and Community in Rural America (New York and Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1989), 63, 85. 19. Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis, revised ed. (New York: The Baker & Taylor Co., 1891). 20. Alan A. Brookes, “The Exodus Migration from the Maritime Provinces to Boston During the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., University of New Brunswick [Canada], 1979). 21. A similar class diversity was operative among Congregationalists at this time. Margaret Bendroth, personal communication, 11 August 2005. 22. This “puzzle of American Methodism” has been most prominently noted by Nathan Hatch in a presidential address given before the American Society of Church History in 1994. It has been reprinted several times. Nathan O. Hatch, “The Puzzle of American Methodism,” in Methodism and the Shaping of American Culture, ed. Nathan O. Hatch and John H. Wigger (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2001). The lack of attention given to Methodists during the Civil War period is also evident in otherwise fine works such as Mark A. Noll, The Civil War as a Theological Crisis (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2006). 23. David Martin, Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002); Vidich and Lyman; Donald E. Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism: The New Face of Christian Social Engagement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007). 24. Margaret Bendroth focuses a great deal more on Calvinist evangelicals to explain the rise of American fundamentalism. Bendroth. For an explanation of Methodists’ lack of involvement in the fundamentalist movement see Glenn Spann, “Theological Transition within Methodism: The Rise of Liberalism and the Conservative Response,” Methodist History 43, no. 3 (2005). 25. I was introduced to this metaphor with relation to a different topic in religious history in courses at Boston University with David Hempton.

26. For a review of the influence of premillennialism in American religion of this era see Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 151–161. Sandeen also notes the small number of premillennial Methodists. 27. Catherine Booth, Aggressive Christianity: Practical Sermons, with an Introduction by Daniel Steele, D.D. (Boston: McDonald & Gill, 1883), 11, 70. 28. James H. Moorhead notes that until about 1910 it was still possible for people with a premillennial outlook to cooperate with those with a postmillennial outlook but that this became increasingly difficult in subsequent years. See James H. Moorhead, World without End: Mainstream American Protestant Visions of the Last Things, 1880–1925 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 102. 29. Jesse T. Peck, “Dangers to New England Methodism,” Zion's Herald, 54, 12 July 1877, 217. 30. Richard Carwardine, Evangelicals and Politics in Antebellum America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 3. 31. Leigh E. Schmidt illustrates the importance of the New England region for the development of early-nineteenth-century Protestant liberalism. Leigh E. Schmidt, “Cosmopolitan Piety: Sympathy, Comparative Religions, and Nineteenth-Century Liberalism,” in Practicing Protestants: Histories of Christian Life in America, ed. Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp, Leigh E. Schmidt, and Mark Valeri (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006). 32. Charles Wesley, “Love Divine All Loves Excelling,” United Methodist Hymnal (Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House, 1989), 384. 33. Timothy Merritt, The Christian's Manual: A Treatise on Christian Perfection, with Directions for Obtaining That State (New York: N. Bangs and J. Emory for the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1825). For an excellent study of Merritt and the doctrine of holiness in early New England Methodism see Glen Alton Messer, “Restless for Zion: New England Methodism, Holiness, and the Abolitionist Struggle, circa 1789–1845” (Th.D. diss., Boston University, 2006), 233. Messer argues that Merritt's Guide may be seen as evidence of the holiness doctrine's decline in official New England Methodist circles even as it also symbolized its expansion outside those circles. The Guide was published in Boston from 1839 to 1845. Charles Edwin Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867–1936 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1974), 2. 34. George Hughes, Fragrant Memories of the Tuesday Meeting and the Guide to Holiness, and Their Fifty Years’ Work for Jesus (New York: Palmer and Hughes, 1889). 35. There were others who briefly owned the Guide to Holiness after Timothy Merritt and before the Palmers purchased the journal. Timothy Smith, 124, 171; Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), 18. Merritt's Guide to Christian Perfection had its name changed to The Guide to Holiness. 36. Jones, 20–21. “John Inskip on National Camp Meeting, Vineland, N.J., 1867,” in Frederick A. Norwood, ed., Sourcebook of American Methodism (Nashville: Abingdon Press,

1995), 383–391. Frederick Douglass cited in David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001), 43. 37. For an explanation of this connection in antebellum New England Methodism see Messer, 141. James Buckley was distressed by the lack of Methodist involvement in social welfare institutions and called for Methodists to found more hospitals and other social welfare institutions in 1881. Such a move was already under way. James M. Buckley, “Editor James Buckley Expresses Publicly the Need for Methodist Hospitals (1881),” in The Methodist Experience in America: A Sourcebook, ed. Kenneth E. Rowe, Russell E. Richey, and Jean Miller Schmidt (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2000). 38. “Dr. McDonald's Illness,” Zion's Herald, 79, 11 September 1901, 1161; “Dr. and Mrs. Daniel Steele: Golden Anniversary,” Zion's Herald, 78, 8 August 1900, 1001. 39. William McDonald, “Close of the Fourth Volume,” Advocate of Christian Holiness 4, no. 12 (1874): 282. 40. Minutes and Retrospective Register of the Eighty-third Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Boston: James P. Magee, 1882), 105. 41. “Dr. and Mrs. Daniel Steele: Golden Anniversary,” Zion's Herald, 8 August 1900, 1001. John Fletcher was an eighteenth-century Methodist in Britain and a close colleague of John Wesley. Leroy E. Lindsey, “Radical Remedy: The Eradication of Sin and Related Terminology in Wesleyan-Holiness Thought, 1875–1925” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1996), 82. Daniel Steele, Love Enthroned: Essays on Evangelical Perfection (New York: Nelson & Phillips, 1875), 142. 42. Henry C. Sheldon, “Changes in Theology among American Methodists,” American Journal of Theology 10, no. 1 (1906): 46. For a discussion of Methodism's initial reticence to embrace theological liberalism or fundamentalism see Spann. CHAPTER ONE

D. L. Moody Arrives in a Changing Boston 1. The Reverend E. N. Kirk of Mount Vernon Congregational Church was instrumental in Moody's early Christian formation. In subsequent years Kirk was also instrumental in helping new evangelical initiatives for social reform to get organized. Heather D. Curtis, “Visions of Self, Success, and Society among Young Men in Antebellum Boston,” Church History 73, no. 3 (2004). 2. During his time in Boston, Mr. Moody stayed at the home of Henry F. Durant, Esq., at 30 Marlboro Street. Boston Daily Journal, 24 January 1877. 3. “The Great Revivalists: Arrival of Moody and Sankey,” Boston Daily Journal, 27 January 1877. 4. “Moody and Sankey. The Work of Evangelization Begun,” Boston Daily Journal, 29 January 1877, 1. 5. “Moody and Sankey; Preparations for their Coming; Dedication of the Tabernacle a Remarkable Religious Gathering,” Boston Daily Journal, 26 January 1877, 1. 6. “Moody and Sankey. The Work of Evangelization Begun,” Boston Daily Journal, 29

January 1877, 1. 7. “Moody and Sankey: Preparations for their Coming,” Boston Daily Journal, 26 January 1877. 8. Methodist Episcopal Church pastor John Atkinson, in an 1877 article, documented church membership statistics to be the following: Baptists 9,387; Congregationalists (Trinitarian) 7,730; Methodist Episcopal 5,145; Episcopalian 4,405. These statistics were obtained by Atkinson from “the latest official statistics.” John Atkinson, “Methodism in the Cities of the United States,” Methodist Quarterly Review 59 (July 1877). For more empirical information about the denominational loyalties of Boston residents see my dissertation, Benjamin L. Hartley, “Holiness Evangelical Urban Mission and Identity in Boston, 1860– 1910” (Th.D. diss., Boston University, 2005), 41–51. 9. For a discussion of Moody's leadership of the Chicago YMCA see James F. Findlay, Dwight L. Moody: American Evangelist, 1837–1899 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), 112–118. 10. YMCA Board of Managers Minutes, 1871–1884, Snell Library Archives, Northeastern University, Boston, Mass. 11. “The Great Revivalists: Arrival of Moody and Sankey,” Boston Daily Journal, 27 January 1877. 12. Jesse Jones, “The Marriage of God and Mammon,” Equity: A Journal of Christian Labor Reform 2, no. 7 (1875): 26. Ezra Farnsworth was president of the board of managers for the North End Mission in 1876, an organization to be discussed later in the book. Report of the North End Mission, March 1876, Healey Library archives, University of Massachusetts at Boston, Mass. 13. The iconoclastic preacher Henry Morgan is also not identified on the list of participants for the organizing committee in spite of his reputation as one of the city's most successful revivalists. One may speculate that Morgan too, a strident advocate for the cause of labor, may have had feelings toward Sturgis similar to those of Jesse Jones. Morgan nonetheless praised Moody and looked forward to the benefits of the revival in a lecture delivered to several hundred persons a few weeks before Moody's arrival. Morgan was praised by a journalist reporting on the event as one who had “made more than a thousand converts” in the city. “The Great Revival in Boston: The Rev. Henry Morgan Explains How it Can be Made Successful,” Boston Daily Globe, 8 January 1877. 14. “Moody and Sankey: The Work of Evangelization Begun,” Boston Daily Journal, 29 January 1877. 15. Ibid. 16. Statistical information for figure 1.4 was obtained from the following sources: Henry K. Carroll, Report on Statistics of Churches in the United States at Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894); Report on Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890, Part 1, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1895); Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910: Volume 1, Population, General Report and Analysis (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

1913); U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census (June 1, 1880), vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1883),; George E. Waring, Report on the Social Statistics of Cities: Part 1, the New England and the Middle States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1886). 17. Sam Bass Warner, Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston, 1870–1900, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978). Many years after Streetcar Suburbs's publication, Warner named its documentation of income segregation as the book's most important contribution. Robert Wiebe, “The Urban Historian as Citizen: In Honor of Sam Bass Warner, Jr.,” Journal of Urban History 22, no. 5 (1996): 628. Henry C. Binford has argued that the process of suburbanization took place earlier than Warner has argued in Streetcar Suburbs. Henry C. Binford, The First Suburbs: Residential Communities on the Boston Periphery, 1815–1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985). Carol A. O'Connor, “Review Essay: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia,” Journal of Urban History 13, no. 3 (1987): 354–361. David Ward, Cities and Immigrants: A Geography of Change in NineteenthCentury America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 125–143. 18. The Washington Village section of South Boston was annexed in 1855. Roxbury was annexed in 1867, Dorchester in 1869, and West Roxbury, Brighton, and Charleston in 1873. Carroll D. Wright, The Social, Commercial, and Manufacturing Statistics of the City of Boston, from the United States Census Returns for 1880, and from Original Sources, with an Account of the Railroad and Shipping Facilities of the City (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, City Printers, 1882), 8. 19. Toward the end of the Moody campaign, the editor of the Catholic newspaper The Pilot noted the “grand churches which are growing up in the city” and boasted that “it is questionable if any city in the Union can now point to a finer group of new Catholic churches than Boston.” “Holy Week in Boston,” The Pilot 40, 7 April 1877, 5. A few months later Methodists also noticed (with alarm) the Catholic building projects at this time. “Methodism in Boston,” Zion's Herald 54, 16 August 1877, 260. 20. For an analysis of the Cathedral of the Holy Cross parish in this period see James M. O'Toole, “Portrait of a Parish: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in Boston's Cathedral of the Holy Cross, 1865–1880,” in Boston's Histories: Essays in Honor of Thomas H. O’ Connor, ed. James M. O'Toole and David Quigley (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2004). 21. Thomas H. O'Connor, Boston Catholics: A History of the Church and Its People (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 129–130, 162. 22. For a photograph of Mission Church in 1878 and the mudflats in the background see Anthony Mitchell Sammarco, Images of America: Roxbury (Dover, N.H.: Arcadia Publishing, 1997), 87. 23. Susan L. Emery, A Catholic Stronghold and Its Making: A History of St. Peter's Parish, Dorchester, Massachusetts, and of Its First Rector, the Rev. Peter Ronan, P.R. (Boston: Geo. H. Ellis, 1910). 24. Henry K. Carroll, The Religious Forces of the United States: Enumerated, Classified, and Described; Returns for 1900 and 1910 Compared with the Government Census of 1890;

Condition and Characteristics of Christianity in the United States: Revised and Brought Down to 1910 (New York: Scribner, 1912), 407, 414–415. 25. Also worthy of note was the construction of a new building for Old South (Trinitarian) Congregational Church completed in December of 1875, the same month as the Cathedral of the Holy Cross. Old South is located just a block away from Trinity Church. 26. Gillis J. Harp, Brahmin Prophet: Phillips Brooks and the Path of Liberal Protestantism (Lanham, Md.: Rowan & Littlefield, 2003), 86. 27. Stephen H. Tyng was a part of the Niagara Bible Conference movement and was an advocate of premillennialism. A few years earlier, James Freeman Clarke's church was purchased by a Methodist preacher, the Reverend Henry Morgan, with the financial assistance of Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts William Claflin. The contributions of Henry Morgan and William Claflin will be extensively discussed in the following chapter. Walter Unger, “‘Earnestly Contending for the Faith’: The Role of the Niagara Bible Conference in the Emergence of American Fundamentalism, 1875–1900” (Ph.D. diss., Simon Fraser University, 1981), 256. 28. Harp, 89. 29. “Moody and Sankey; An Immense Evening Congregation; Sermon by Phillips Brooks,” Boston Evening Journal, 20 March 1877. 30. The Boston tabernacle was somewhat less expensive and smaller than the Chicago tabernacle, which had been constructed for a cost of approximately $60,000. The total cost of the New York City revival was placed at $40,000. “Moody and Sankey; Preparations for their Coming; Dedication of the Tabernacle,” Boston Daily Journal, 26 January 1877, 2; “The Ten Commandments,” Boston Daily Globe, 27 April 1877, 2; Boston Morning Journal, 19 April 1876, 2; Darrel M. Robertson, The Chicago Revival, 1876: Society and Revivalism in a Nineteenth-Century City, Studies in Evangelicalism Series, ed. Kenneth E. Rowe and Donald W. Dayton (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1989), 84. 31. Harp, 88–89. 32. Boston Daily Journal, 24 January 1877. 33. Boston Daily Journal, 27 January 1877. 34. Ernest B. Gordon, Adoniram Judson Gordon: A Biography (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1896), 96–101. One hundred twenty-five persons were added to the membership rolls in 1877, the greatest growth ever recorded for the church. Scott M. Gibson, A. J. Gordon: American Premillennialist (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2001), 63. 35. Curtis Lee Laws is credited with coining the term “fundamentalist” for religious conservatives in the early twentieth century. 36. Frances E. Willard, Glimpses of Fifty Years: The Autobiography of an American Woman (Chicago: Woman's Temperance Publication Association, 1889), 357–358. 37. “After the Revival,” Boston Daily Globe, 4 May 1877. For a recent account of Willard's contribution as an evangelist see Laceye C. Warner, Saving Women: Retrieving Evangelistic Theology and Practice (Waco, Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2007). 38. Wendy Hamand Venet, A Strong-Minded Woman: The Life of Mary Livermore

(Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005). 39. Willard, 359–361. 40. Willard later became a radical advocate for organized labor and Christian socialism beginning in the mid-1880s. This will be discussed later in chapter 4. 41. “The Meeting at Faneuil Hall,” Boston Daily Globe, 14 February 1877, 5. For a sympathetic account of the railroad workers’ struggle in the 1877 railroad strikes in Boston and elsewhere see Robert V. Bruce, 1877: Year of Violence (Chicago: Elephant Paperbacks, Ivan R. Dee, 1987), 35. 42. Boston Daily Globe, 9 February 1877. 43. With regard to the railroad strike of 1877 Darrel Robertson has argued that the Moody and Sankey meetings in Chicago probably “hardened the response of middle-class evangelicals to the strikers” since “Moody's sermons reinforced existing Protestant attitudes about political economy.” Robertson, 156. 44. Henry Morgan, “The Railroad of Life,” Boston Daily Globe, 13 August, 1877, 2. The connection Morgan makes between the abolitionist cause and the labor movement was common for labor radicals in the period. 45. Report of the North End Mission (Boston: Press of Frank Wood, 1883). Tourjée purchased the hotel with the funds he received from selling his own home in Auburndale. Once it was refurbished, Tourjée and his family lived on the top floors of the former hotel. Leo Eben Tourjée, “For God and Music: The Life Story of Eben Tourjée, Father of the American Conservatory, 1960,” manuscript, p. 180, The Archives at The New England Conservatory of Music, Boston, Mass. 46. The June 1869 Peace Jubilee, held to celebrate the end of the Civil War, was an immense gathering. A coliseum that seated 50,000 individuals was erected in Boston's Back Bay, choir members from around the country were recruited, and orchestra members came from Europe to perform at the event. One observer described the gathering as follows: “The magnitude and costliness of the enterprise exceeded any musical demonstration the modern world had ever witnessed.” The total cost of the event was $281,426. Sarah B. Lawrence, “The Great Peace Jubilee of 1869,” in The Many Voices of Boston: A Historical Anthology, 1630–1975, ed. Howard Mumford Jones and Bessie Zaban Jones (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1975), 282. Tourjée, p. 112–142. 47. “The Weapons We Use on North Street,” The North Street Beacon Light, North End Mission Records, Healey Library archives. 48. Boston Journal newspaper clipping, 3 April 1872, contained in Scrapbook of the North End Mission, Healy Library archives. 49. “Words of Parting,” Boston Daily Globe, 30 April 1877. 50. Bruce J. Evensen, God's Man for the Gilded Age: D. L. Moody and the Rise of Modern Mass Evangelism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 178–179. 51. For a discussion of the Boston press's coverage of Moody and their increase in sales see ibid., 173. 52. Ibid., 169–171. One Boston Herald reporter also confessed that he had been saved at a

Moody meeting. James B. Dunn, Moody's Talks on Temperance, with Anecdotes and Incidents in Connection with the Tabernacle Work in Boston (New York: National Temperance Society and Publishing House, 1877), 153. 53. Gibson, 64. 54. Arthur Warren Smith, Baptist Situation of Boston Proper: A Survey of Historical and Present Conditions (Boston: Griffith-Stillings Press, 1912), 19. 55. The term “institutional churches” was used to describe congregations in the 1890s that offered a wide array of social services and special programs of a more secular nature in order to attract members. Jonathan Dorn, “‘Our Best Gospel Appliances’: Institutional Churches and the Emergence of Social Christianity in the South End of Boston, 1880–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994), 34–35. 56. City Missionary Society, Sixty-first Annual Report of the City Missionary Society, Boston, for the Year 1877 (Boston: Frank Wood, 1877), 10. 57. Samuel W. Dike, “A Study of New England Revivals,” American Journal of Sociology 15, no. 3 (1909). 361–378. 58. Second Annual Report of the Evangelistic Association of New England, May 30, 1889, (Boston: Winship, Daniels, & Co., 1889). 59. The Boston Herald further claimed that the costs for the event fell on the city churches while the benefits mainly accrued to the suburban ones. Evensen, 176. 60. Minutes of the Seventy-Eighth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held at Common-Street Church, Lynn, April 4–11, 1877 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1877), 29. 61. Minutes of the Seventy-Ninth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held at Westfield, Mass., April 3–10, 1878 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1878), 47. 62. Atkinson, 487; Dike, 365. The methodologically problematic calculation of statistics by Dike in 1909 led Bruce Evensen to similarly underestimate the effect of the Moody campaign of 1877 on the Methodists of Boston and surrounding eastern Massachusetts towns. Evensen, 180. 63. Findlay, 271–272. Darrel Robertson's study of the Moody revival in Chicago confirmed Findlay's findings although without finding much of a positive benefit for Methodists in that city. Robertson, 148–150. 64. A small chapel and the adjacent parsonage, however, were completed during the summer of 1877 as the first phase of construction for People's Church at the intersection of Columbus and Berkeley. It was estimated at this time that the People's Methodist Episcopal Church building would cost approximately $50,000. Minutes of the Seventy- Eighth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held at Common-Street Church, Lynn, April 4–11, 1877 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1877), 29. 65. James Dunn in J. W. Hamilton, The People's Church: A Full Account of the Exercises at the Laying of the Cornerstone, Corner of Columbus Ave. And Berkeley St., Boston, Monday Afternoon, 2 O'clock, May 28th, 1877 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1877), 32. After the

Boston campaign was completed at the end of April 1877, Moody visited smaller towns in New England and thus was near enough to the city to come for the cornerstone-laying ceremony. 66. James Dunn in ibid. 67. “Catholic Missions,” The Pilot, 17 February 1877, 5. The concurrent holding of revivals by Catholics and Protestants in this period has also been noted by Bruce C. Nelson, “Revival and Upheaval: Religion, Irreligion, and Chicago's Working Class in 1886,” Journal of Social History 25 (Winter 1991): 243–244. The similarities and differences between Catholic and Protestant revivalism have been discussed by Jay P. Dolan, Catholic Revivalism: The American Experience, 1830–1900 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1978). 68. Henry Morgan, Boston inside Out: A Story of Real Life (Boston: American Citizen Co., 1895), 6–7. CHAPTER TWO

The Early Years of Evangelical Institution Building, 1858–1883 1. Howard Mumford Jones, The Age of Energy: Varieties of American Experience, 1865– 1915 (New York: Viking Press, 1971). 2. Sargent Bush, “The Pulpit Artistry of Father Taylor: An 1836 Account,” American Literature 50, no. 1 (1978); Allan MacDonald, “A Sailor among the Transcendentalists,” New England Quarterly 8, no. 3 (1935). 3. John Corrigan, Business of the Heart: Religion and Emotion in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 22. 4. Henry Morgan, Music Hall Discourses, Miscellaneous Sketches, Ministerial Notes, and Prison Incidents. Also, Song of Creation, a Poem. To Which Is Added a Sketch of His Life, 2nd enlarged ed. (Boston: H. V. Degen and Son, 1860), xvii. Henry Morgan, Shadowy Hand; or, Life Struggles. A Story of Real Life, 7th ed., extra chapters ed. (Boston: Shawmut Publishing Company, 1883), 107. Morgan also preached a temperance sermon at the Baptists’ Tremont Temple and visited almshouses and hospitals in the city. 5. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 205–206. 6. Ibid., 213. 7. Henry Morgan, The Fallen Priest, Story Founded on Fact; Key and Sequel to Boston inside Out, 3rd ed. (Boston: Shawmut Publishing Co., 1883), preface. 8. A thousand dollars would have been at least double the annual salary of a common laborer. 9. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 226. 10. Kathryn Teresa Long, The Revival of 1857–58: Interpreting an American Religious Awakening (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 66. 11. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 244–245. 12. Ibid., 245. Sixteen years earlier, Kirk had also written Plea for the Poor, which emphasized the importance for the church to focus more on the poor. Kirk's Mt. Vernon

Congregational Church was one of the more revivalistic Congregationalist churches in the city at this time. Kirk's interest in revivalism and social reform would have made Morgan an appealing colleague for Kirk. Edward N. Kirk, Plea for the Poor (Boston: Tappan and Dennett, 1843). Heather D. Curtis, “Visions of Self, Success, and Society among Young Men in Antebellum Boston,” Church History 73, no. 3 (2004): 617. 13. Ivan D. Steen, “Ministering to the Poor of Boston: The Work of the Reverend Henry Morgan,” in Massachusetts in the Gilded Age: Selected Essays, ed. Jack Tager and John W. Ifkovic (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1985), 200. 14. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 260. Huntington struggled with his Unitarian beliefs throughout his five years at Harvard University. He wrote a Trinitarian orthodox confession of faith in December of 1859, just a few months after hearing Morgan's Music Hall discourses. Arria S. Huntington, Memoir and Letters of Frederic Dan Huntington (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1906), 164. 15. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 262. 16. Morgan, Music Hall Discourses, 12. 17. Morgan, however, identified no Methodist clergy on the list of clergy endorsements at the end of the Music Hall Discourses. In 1864, however, the editor of the Methodists’ Zion's Herald, Rev. Gilbert Haven, was favorably disposed toward Morgan's Union Mission Society. Henry Morgan, Fourth Anniversary Celebration of the Boston Union Mission Society, in Franklin School Building, January 17, 1864. Report by the Pastor, Rev. Henry Morgan, and Addresses by Gov. Andrew, Judge Russell, and Hon. Josiah Quincy, Jr. Also Addresses to Newsboys, by Ex-Mayor Wightman, Wendell Phillips, and J. D. Philbrick, Esq. (Boston: Henry W. Duton and Son, 1864). 18. Methodist growth in New England was a matter of growing concern for the religious establishment in the 1830s. Maura Jane Farrelly, “God Is the Author of Both: Science, Religion, and the Intellectualization of American Methodism,” Church History 77, no. 3 (2008): 663. 19. Corrigan, 249. Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957), 20–21. The exponential growth of Methodism in the early republic, however, had waned considerably by this time. See David Hempton, Methodism: Empire of the Spirit (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 212. 20. In the 1890s, the Franklin School was located on Waltham Street near Tremont Street. Its earlier Washington Street location is mentioned in “Organization of Morgan Memorial, December, 1861 as related by Rev. Henry Morgan” published in the Boston Sunday Herald, 19 April 1863, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library, Boston, Mass. 21. Morgan, Fourth Anniversary Celebration of the Boston Union Mission Society, 1–11. 22. Corrigan, 20. 23. Morgan, Fourth Anniversary Celebration of the Boston Union Mission Society, 5. 24. This denomination is described by Timothy Smith as having been founded in the New

York vicinity during the Civil War by Hiram Mattison and other Methodist Episcopal clergymen who desired a return to a more primitive Methodism, work among the poor, and greater allowance for lay representation in church governance. Smith, 165. “Organization of Morgan Memorial, December 1861: As Related by Rev. Henry Morgan,” reprint from Boston Sunday Herald, 19 April 1863, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Box 1, Folder 1, Boston University School of Theology Library. Morgan's church sent delegates to St. John's Methodist Church in New York for a meeting of the Independent Methodists. Previously, the Independent Methodist Church has been described as a denomination founded by Morgan and the Boston Union Mission Society alone without an awareness of its existence beyond Morgan's own church. Steen, 201. Hiram Mattison was an opponent of Phoebe Palmer throughout the 1850s and believed that her “shorter way” of holiness was too easy and involved “mere consecration” rather than an “essential change” by the Holy Spirit. Charles Edward White, The Beauty of Holiness: Phoebe Palmer as Theologian, Revivalist, Feminist, and Humanitarian (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, Francis Asbury Press, 1986), 53. 25. Morgan, Fourth Anniversary Celebration of the Boston Union Mission Society, 11. 26. Henry Morgan, Ned Nevins, the News Boy; or, Street Life in Boston, 4th ed. (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1867), 7. Daily Evening Voice, 13 April 1867, 1. 27. Morgan, Ned Nevins, 5. 28. Consumption was the leading cause of death in the United States after the Civil War until 1909. It was sometimes referred to as the Great White Plague. Oscar Handlin has documented the correlation between a higher tuberculosis death rate and increased population density of neighborhoods in the city of Boston in 1865. Willis Barnes, The Great White Plague, Consumption: Cause, Treatment, Prevention (New York: Willis Barnes, 1897); Oscar Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, 1790–1880: A Study in Acculturation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1991), 254. 29. Morgan, Fourth Anniversary Celebration of the Boston Union Mission Society, 11. 30. Morgan, Ned Nevins, 165–166. 31. “Organization of Morgan Memorial, December 1861: As Related by Rev. Henry Morgan,” reprint from Boston Sunday Herald, 19 April, 1863. Morgan Memorial Church Records, Box 1, Boston University School of Theology Library. Henry Morgan, “Letter from Henry Morgan to Miss Alice Baker, 1870,” collection of Massachusetts literary letters, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass. 32. Julia Ward Howe also preached at Morgan's church. Morgan, “Letter from Henry Morgan to Miss Alice Baker, 1870,” collection of Massachusetts literary letters, Massachusetts Historical Society. Wendy Hamand Venet, A Strong-Minded Woman: The Life of Mary Livermore (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005). 33. Philip L. Giles, “A Millennium Denied: Northern Methodists and Workers, 1865– 1886,” Methodist History 26, no. 1 (1987): 33. 34. The still-extant Claflin building—named after the governor and other prominent members of the Claflin family—stands across the street from the Massachusetts State House at 20 Beacon Street.

35. William Claflin, Address of His Excellency William Claflin to the Two Branches of the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 7, 1871 (Boston: Wright & Potter, State Printers, 1871), 67. This rare document is held in the pamphlet collection at Boston University School of Theology Library. 36. Charles Sidney Ensign, “Hon. William Claflin, Ll.D.,” New England Historical and Genealogical Register 61 (April 1907): 114. 37. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 323. 38. Ivan D. Steen, “Cleansing the Puritan City: The Reverend Henry Morgan's Antivice Crusade in Boston,” New England Quarterly 54, no. 3 (1981): 409–410. 39. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, iv. 40. Morgan, The Fallen Priest, unpaginated back matter. 41. The School of Theology, the School of Medicine, the College of Music, and the School of Law were all in operation by 1873. Kathleen Kilgore, Transformations: A History of Boston University (Boston: Boston University, 1991), 32–42. 42. Today, the three dormitories overlooking the athletic fields on Boston University's campus are named after these three individuals. 43. Donald B. Marti, “Laymen, Bring Your Money: Lee Claflin, Methodist Philanthropist, 1791–1871,” Methodist History 14, no. 3 (1976). 44. Ibid., 176. Ensign, 112. 45. Neil Harris, “The Gilded Age Revisited: Boston and the Museum Movement,” American Quarterly 14, no. 4 (1962): 545–566. 46. Peter C. Holloran, Boston's Wayward Children: Social Services for Homeless Children, 1830–1930 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994), 125. Sleeper was identified as one of the first prominent supporters of Charles Cullis's Consumptives’ Home. Charles Cullis, A Work of Faith. History of the Consumptives’ Home, Nos. 4 & 6 Vernon Street, and the First Annual Report, to September 30, 1865; with an Introduction by Rev. F. D. Huntington, D.D., and Rev. E. N. Kirk, D.D., Vol. 1 (Boston: J. E. Farwell and Co., 1868). 47. Holloran, 73. 48. Richard Morgan Cameron, Boston University School of Theology, 1839–1968 (Boston: Boston University School of Theology, 1968), 21. 49. Cited in Kilgore, 44. 50. Margaret Lamberts Bendroth, Fundamentalists in the City: Conflict and Division in Boston's Churches, 1885–1950 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005). 51. William Claflin cited in Marti, 165. 52. S. W. Coggeshall, “Methodism in the Cities,” Zion's Herald 54, 5 April 1877, 106. 53. Cameron, 22. Ronald C. White, Liberty and Justice for All: Racial Reform and the Social Gospel, 1877–1925 (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1990), 119–120. 54. “Dr. and Mrs. Daniel Steele: Golden Anniversary,” Zion's Herald, 8 August 1900, 1001. At Binney's death in 1878, it was said that his Compendium had reached a circulation of forty thousand copies in the English language alone. By 1878 it had been translated into six languages including Arabic, Chinese, German, Swedish, Bulgarian, and Spanish. Minutes of

the Seventy-Ninth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held at Westfield, Massachusetts, April 3–10, 1878 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1878), 44. 55. Daniel Steele, Love Enthroned: Essays on Evangelical Perfection (New York: Nelson & Phillips, 1875), 129. This excerpt also demonstrates Steele's own argument against Calvinist theologians and their belief in a “limited atonement,” namely, the belief that Jesus Christ's redemption has only been intended for a limited number of chosen individuals. 56. Holloran, 33. 57. “The Pecuniary Value of a Child,” Little Wanderers Advocate, April 1865, 59. Home for Little Wanderers administrative offices, Boston, Mass. 58. Holloran, 14. Recent scholarship on the history of child welfare in Boston includes the following: Matthew A. Crenson, Building the Invisible Orphanage: A Prehistory of the American Welfare System (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); Susan S. Walton, To Preserve the Faith: Catholic Charities in Boston, 1870–1930 (New York: Garland, 1993). 59. It was a Christian worker from the Howard Mission who may have been responsible for the reform of a drunkard named Jeremiah McAuley, who went on to become “one of the most important founders of the modern rescue mission movement.” Norris Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums: Evangelical Social Work, 1865–1920 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press and the American Theological Library Association, 1977), 9. A detailed account of McAuley's conversion to evangelical Christianity is found in R. M. Offord, ed., Jerry McAuley: His Life and Work with Introduction by the Rev. S. Irenaeus Prime, D.D. And Personal Sketches by A. S. Hatch, Esq., 2nd ed. (New York: New York Observer, 1885), 9– 19. 60. Holloran, 125, 275. Little Wanderers Advocate, February 1865, 19–21. Early volumes of the Little Wanderers Advocate are available at the current administrative offices of the Home for Little Wanderers, 271 Huntington Ave., Boston, Mass. At the time of writing, however, plans were being made to ship the materials to the Healey Library at the University of Massachusetts at Boston. An earlier organization, the North Street Mission in the North End, also merged with the Home for Little Wanderers in these early years. The North Street Mission appears to have been a nonsectarian mission led by persons of different Protestant backgrounds. It was founded during the revival year of 1858, but the details of its history appear to have been lost. George S. Hale, “The Charities of Boston and Contributions to the Distressed of Other Parts,” in The Memorial History of Boston, Including Suffolk County, Massachusetts, 1630–1880, ed. Justin Winsor (Boston: James R. Osgood & Co., 1881), 673. 61. The Boston Female Asylum and the Boston Children's Aid Society both benefited from Brahmin support. Holloran, 125. The dean of Boston philanthropy in this period was Robert Treat Paine, who was also director of the Boston Children's Aid Society and president of Associated Charities. Holloran, 56–57. 62. Second Annual Report of the Evangelistic Association of New England, May 30, 1889 (Boston: Winship, Daniels, & Co., 1889). 63. Holloran, 75.

64. The Home for Destitute Catholic Children also opened in 1864. Holloran, 91. 65. Walton, 49–50. Methodist preacher Rev. Silas S. Cummins worked at the home beginning in 1868 as missionary agent. He served the organization for more than two decades and was primarily responsible for organizing “orphan trains” from Boston to the American West. 66. Holloran, 151. 67. The First Baptist Church of Boston was established in Charlestown in 1665. The Second Baptist Church in the North End and subsequently known as the Baldwin-Place Church was established in 1743. In the late nineteenth century the Baptists only had a Seamen's Bethel in the North End, which had been in operation since 1843. In 1864 the Baptist Bethel relocated to a larger church still in the North End on Hanover Street. This move was made possible partly by the considerable fund-raising work done by Baptist women in the Boston area. The Methodists founded their seamen's mission in North Square in 1828. Henry A. Cooke, Phineas Stowe and Bethel Work (Boston: James H. Earle, 1874), 308–328. 68. Minutes of the Seventy-Fifth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held at Trinity M. E. Church (Charlestown), Boston (Boston: James P. Magee, 1874), 55. The New England Annual Conference also organized an apparently short-lived Wesleyan Home for Orphans and Destitute Children in 1884. Cooper is identified in the pastoral record as appointed to the home. The still-extant Hattie B. Cooper Community Center in Roxbury is named after Varnum A. Cooper's daughter. Official Minutes and Pastoral Record of the Eighty-Eighth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church (Boston: James P. Magee, 1887), 120. Hattie B. Cooper, “History of the New England Conference Society,” in Annual Report and Thirty-fifth Anniversary of the New England Conference Woman's Home Missionary Society, 1915–1916 (Boston: Woman's Home Missionary Society, 1916). 69. Nineteenth Annual Report and Quarterly Advocate, May 1884 17, no. 9, 178. Home for Little Wanderers administrative offices, Boston, Mass. 70. Twenty-fourth Annual Report and Quarterly Advocate 23, no. 2. Home for Little Wanderers administrative offices. 71. Sarah Deutsch, Women and the City: Gender, Space, and Power in Boston, 1870– 1940 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 89–90. 72. Minutes of the Seventy-Sixth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held at State-Street Church, Springfield, April 7–14, 1875 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1875), 37. 73. The precise location of Charles Cullis's Fulton Street Mission (established in 1878 and discussed below) is not known, but the street's location was just to the east of the Lewis Street Mission identified in figure 2.1. The street identified as “Methodist Alley” on the map is the location of the first Methodist Episcopal Church established in Boston in 1795. 74. Undated letter, North End Mission Scrapbook, Healey Library archives, University of Massachusetts at Boston, Boston, Mass. 75. Leo Eben Tourjée, “For God and Music: The Life Story of Eben Tourjée, Father of the

American Conservatory, 1960,” manuscript, The Archives at The New England Conservatory of Music, Boston, Mass. 76. Ibid., 39–40. 77. Tourjée's biographer states that this event occurred in June of 1868. However, the meeting minutes for the Hanover Street Mission and North End Mission first identify Tourjée's involvement as the new superintendent of the Sunday School at the mission in February 1868. The time of Clark's sermon was most likely June of 1867. as this was also the time when the Boston Methodists were organizing the Boston Sunday School and Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Records of the Boston Methodist Home Missionary Association, Boston University School of Theology Library. 78. Tourjée, 143. 79. The North End Mission 1 (January 1872): 15. North End Mission records, Healey Library archives. 80. Undated newspaper clipping probably from 1870 or 1871. Scrapbook of the North End Mission compiled by Eben Tourjée. North End Mission records, Healey Library archives. 81. North End Mission Annual Meeting Minutes, 25 January 1869. North End Mission Records, Healey Library archives. For a biography of Gilbert Haven see William Gravely, Gilbert Haven, Methodist Abolitionist: A Study in Race, Religion, and Reform, 1850–1880 (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1973). 82. North End Mission meeting minutes, 3 May 1869. The cooperation between the North End Mission and the Home for Little Wanderers even led them to be the shared target of a criminal who claimed to be raising funds for the two organizations but was charged with swindling people out of their money for his own use. Scrapbook of the North End Mission. 83. The annual report stated that the recently concluded Civil War had caused a gender disparity of 100,000 more women than men in the population of Massachusetts. It noted the tendency of women to be “[d]riven by scarcity of work from the country to the city, under the impression that here they will find better social advantages.” The annual report indicated that women who completed the sewing training were able to earn significantly higher wages. The Boston North End Mission (Boston: Alfred Mudge & Son, 1871), 7, 9. Healey Library archives. 84. An 8 October 1868 letter from Mrs. Claflin addressed to Tourjée stated that it “would be impossible for me to have any official connection with the Industrial School.” Apparently a change of heart had occurred by the 25 January 1869 annual meeting as Mrs. Claflin is identified as President of the Industrial School along with a board entirely comprised of women. Scrapbook of the North End Mission. 85. Scrapbook of the North End Mission. The rate of crime in Boston reached an all-time high in 1875–1878. For an analysis of Boston police arrest reports between 1849 and 1951 see Theodore N. Ferdinand, “The Criminal Patterns of Boston since 1849,” The American Journal of Sociology 73, no. 1 (1967). 86. Boston Journal newspaper clipping, 3 April 1872, contained in Scrapbook of the North End Mission.

87. The North End Mission Magazine 1 (April 1872): 28. Healey Library archives. Music Hall was located just a block away from Tremont Temple, Park Street Church, and Bromfield Street Methodist Episcopal Church near the Boston Common. 88. “Our Mount Hope Estate,” The North End Mission Magazine 2 (July 1873): 85. In later years this would also house the Mount Hope Home for Orphan Boys that Tourjée established. Tourjée, p. 148. 89. “The Peril and the Refuge,” The North End Mission Magazine 1 (July 1872): 38–39. 90. “About Home Matters: The Portuguese: The Work of Relief—the School of the North End Mission,” Boston Post, 8 March 1873, contained in Scrapbook of the North End Mission; “Work of the Mission among the Portuguese under the direction of Mrs. L. E. Caswell,” North Street Beacon Light (Boston: Alfred Mudge & Son, 1874), 48. The Irish who dominated the North End at that time were deemed more resistant than some of the smaller immigrant groups. In the late 1880s, as Italian immigration patterns increased, the North End Mission also employed an Italian-speaking missionary and held an Italian Sunday School. Report of the Boston North End Mission, January (Boston: Daniel Gunn & Co., 1889), 10. 91. Jesse Jones, “Editorial Notes,” Equity: A Journal of Christian Labor Reform 2, no. 5 (1875): 20. 92. Tourjée, 148. 93. This organization was first named the Boston Sunday School and Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. It was only after 1873 that it was known as the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society. 94. Minutes from 3 February 1868, Records of the Boston Methodist Home Missionary Association, Boston University School of Theology Library. 95. Daniel Dorchester, “The Methodist Episcopal Church, Its Origin, Growth, and Offshoots in Suffolk County,” in The Memorial History of Boston, Including Suffolk County, Massachusetts, 1630–1880, ed. Justin Winsor (Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1881), 441. 96. Scrapbook of the North End Mission. 97. Report of the Boston North End Mission (Boston: L. F. Lawrence & Co, 1876). 98. Methodist Episcopal churches gave only ten dollars to the mission in 1882. Rev. L. B. Bates was an accomplished Methodist Episcopal evangelist, holiness movement advocate, Charles Cullis supporter, and pastor in the New England Annual Conference. Report of the Boston North End Mission (Boston: Press of Frank Wood, 1883). 99. Report of the Boston North End Mission (Boston: Daniel Gunn & Co., 1892). 100. Annual Report of the Boston North End Mission for the Year 1902 (Boston: The Garden Press, 1903). 101. Tourjée has been credited as a leader in the conservatory system for music education in America and served as the first president of the Music Teachers National Association when it was organized in 1876. James A. Keene, A History of Music Education in the United States (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1982), 279–280. Tourjée, 112–142. 102. Kilgore, 56.

103. Figure 2.2 is from Sally Ann Kydd, Boston University, The Campus History Series (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2002), 30. 104. Report of the North End Mission (Boston: Press of Frank Wood, 1883). He purchased the hotel with the funds he received from selling his own home in Auburndale. Once the former hotel was refurbished, Tourjée and his family lived on the top floors. Tourjée, p. 180. 105. Tourjée's Educational Excursions to Europe Including all Traveling Expenses: Seventh Season, pamphlet published in 1884, Microfilm 204, The Archives at The New England Conservatory of Music. 106. Tourjée, p. 206. 107. Lizzie S. Tourjée, “There's a Wideness in God's Mercy,” in United Methodist Hymnal: Book of United Methodist Worship (Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House, 1989). 108. Charles Cullis, Sixteenth Annual Report of the Consumptives’ Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1880 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1880), 56–57. 109. Paul G. Chappell, “The Divine Healing Movement in America” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1983), 106. 110. In November 1871 the Massachusetts Medical Society brought charges against eight physicians at the Massachusetts Homeopathic Hospital. One of the effects of this fight between traditional medical doctors and practitioners of homeopathy was that there was increased support for the homeopathic physicians and their alternative techniques. Cullis's vigorous advocacy of faith-healing practices in the years following 1873 would have found encouragement from this controversy. Jonathan R. Baer, “Perfectly Empowered Bodies: Divine Healing in Modernizing America” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 2002), 57. When Boston University's School of Medicine opened in 1873, it did so with the faculty from the Massachusetts Homeopathic Hospital. The Massachusetts Female Medical College also merged with the new Boston University School of Medicine at this time. As a result, one-third of the students in the first class were female, a very high percentage for the time but also indicative of a movement that was trying to carve out a niche for healing techniques that were different from traditional medicine. Kilgore. 111. This debate was initiated by British physicist John Tyndall, who called for an experiment whereby patients in one hospital ward would receive prayer while patients in another ward would not. The uproar that this proposal caused led J. O. Means to publish a book in 1876 titled simply The Prayer Gauge Debate. Means was a Cullis supporter at the time. Baer, 58. 112. Harriet A. Robeson, Emmanuel Church in the City of Boston, 1860–1960: The First Hundred Years (Boston: privately printed, 1960), 8. 113. Walter Muir Whitehill and Lawrence W. Kennedy, Boston: A Topographical History, 3rd, enlarged ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 2000). Cullis's pew rent receipts for Emmanuel Church (Episcopal) began in March of 1861. In previous years one

finds pew rent receipts from Grace Church (Episcopal). Charles Cullis papers, American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. For information on Emmanuel Church's work among the poor and the philanthropic spirit of the 1870s see “Reports to the Parish Association of Emmanuel Church,” American Antiquarian Society. The Honorable Alexander H. Rice, a prominent member of Emmanuel Church's vestry in the late 1860s and early 1870s, was a public supporter of Charles Cullis in 1864. He also served on the board of trustees for Eben Tourjée's New England Conservatory. Tourjée, 303–304. Emmanuel Church Vestry Minutes, local church records, Emmanuel Church (Episcopal), Boston, Mass. 114. Emmanuel Church, Boston, Rector's Records, 1860, Emmanuel Church. The same record book also identifies Rev. Huntington as presiding at a wedding between Elizabeth A. Cullis and Charles H. Hopkins on September 28, 1865. Charles Cullis's name does not appear in the vestry records of the 1860s or 1870s. 115. For a full account of Cullis's experience of entire sanctification see S. Olin Garison, ed., Forty Witnesses: Covering the Whole Range of Christian Experience (New York: Phillips & Hunt, 1888), 220–222. 116. Charles Cullis, The Tenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home, and Other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith, to September 30, 1874 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1874), 91. 117. W. H. Daniels, Dr. Cullis and His Work (New York: Garland Publishing, 1985), 259. 118. Allen C. Guelzo, For the Union of Evangelical Christendom: The Irony of the Reformed Episcopalians (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 56. Allen C. Guelzo, “Ritual, Romanism, and Rebellion: The Disappearance of the Evangelical Episcopalians,” Anglican and Episcopal History 62, no. 4 (1993): 573, 576. Allen Guelzo argues that Episcopal historiography has substantially minimized the nineteenth-century fight between evangelicals and liberals in that denomination, preferring instead to promote a “myth of synthesis.” Gillis J. Harp, Brahmin Prophet: Phillips Brooks and the Path of Liberal Protestantism (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 79–89. Harp argues that Brooks was more of a liberal than previous scholars have maintained and notes how Trinity's architecture sent a clear message that he was not in wholehearted agreement with the evangelicals in his denomination. 119. F. D. Huntington remained a bishop in the Episcopal Church but also contributed articles to periodicals such as the Palmers’ Guide to Holiness, where he seemed to advocate for the Reformed Episcopal Church's methods if not its schismatic move. “Possibly God wants in His Church, just now, the fiery inspiration of uncalculating zeal, and a fearless faith, more than mathematical proportions or a faultlessly-adjusted scheme.” F. D. Huntington, “Miscellaneous Gatherings: Wet the Ropes,” Guide to Holiness (March 1880): 92. 120. James M. Gray, “The Memory of the Just Is Blessed.”: A Sermon Preached in the First Reformed Episcopal Church in Boston, (Somerset St. Near Beacon,) by the Pastor, Rev. James M. Gray, November 14, 1880, in Memory of Rev. Samuel Cutler, Founder and First Pastor of That Church (Boston: J. W. Robinson, 1880), 9–10. By November of 1877 Cutler formally severed ties with the Protestant Episcopal Church and founded the first Reformed

Episcopal Church of Boston at 12 Somerset Street. This was just a few doors down from Charles Cullis's home on 16 Somerset Street. The 12 Somerset Street address in 1882 became Boston University's College of Liberal Arts. Kilgore, 64–65. Gray's funeral sermon notes that Cutler also occasionally served at the North End Mission. 121. Daniels, 121. Cullis remained as pastor of the Grove Hall Church until 1880, at which point he assumed the pastorate at his Beacon Hill church. Cullis's Grove Hall Church merged with Highlands Methodist Episcopal Church in 1900 and was renamed Greenwood Memorial in 1913. Boston Church Records finding aid, Boston University School of Theology Library. 122. Nicholson became a bishop in the Reformed Episcopal Church in 1876. He later became an active participant in the prophecy conferences of the 1880s and 1890s. It is likely that his premillennial ideas were influential in bringing James M. Gray into the Reformed Episcopal Church. First a Boston pastor and friend of A. J. Gordon, James M. Gray almost succeeded Gordon as pastor of Clarendon Street Baptist Church after Gordon's death, but he refused the call when it came. Gray would instead become superintendent of Moody's Chicago Bible Institute and pastor of Moody Church beginning in 1899. Guelzo, For the Union of Evangelical Christendom, 210–211. John D. Hannah, “James Martin Gray, 1851–1935: His Life and Work” (Th.D. diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 1974); William McGuire King, “Denominational Modernization and Religious Identity: The Case of the Methodist Episcopal Church,” in Perspectives on American Methodism: Interpretive Essays, ed. Kenneth E. Rowe Russell E. Richey, and Jean Miller Schmidt (Nashville: Abingdon Press, Kingswood Books, 1993), 348. 123. By 1875 Charles Cullis and his wife do not appear as supporters of the “Parish Association” at Emmanuel Church that was involved in urban mission outreach efforts in Boston. Membership in that association simply required a two-dollar donation. Cullis's lack of involvement in this group at his former parish suggests he had for all practical purposes separated himself from active involvement at Emmanuel Church. His leadership of Sunday morning worship services would have resulted in a kind of de facto separation as well. “Reports to the Parish Association of Emmanuel Church,” 1875, Emmanuel Church records, American Antiquarian Society. 124. The Brighton Street Mission was founded in June of 1877. Up until that time Cullis's pastor had continued to provide Sunday worship at the Consumptives’ Home. Vinton had natural affinities for Cullis's work, as he had left the medical profession to enter the Episcopal priesthood. Vinton was also a lifelong friend of the Reverend Phillips Brooks. Vinton resigned from Emmanuel Church at the end of 1877. Brooks's involvement in the Cullis institutions was always marginal and appears to have ceased by 1875. Thirteenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and Other Institutions connected with a work of faith, to September 30, 1877 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1877). Raymond W. Albright, Focus on Infinity: A Life of Phillips Brooks (New York: Macmillan, 1961), 17. Daniels, 242. Robeson, 16. 125. Twenty-first Annual Report (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1885), 50. 126. Cited in Gray, 10. 127. An 1888 recounting of Cullis's experience of entire sanctification still identifies him

as an Episcopalian. Garison, ed., 220–222. 128. The dominant denominational representation at the dedication ceremonies for the founding of the Consumptives’ Home was Baptist and Congregationalist. The Reverend E. N. Kirk (Congregationalist), the Reverend J. D. Fulton of Tremont Temple Baptist, the Reverend O. T. Walker of Bowdoin Square Baptist, the Reverend G. W. Gardiner of the Baptist church in Charlestown, and the Reverend Hague of Charles Street Baptist all spoke at the dedication event. Only a year later, at the dedication of a second building, was there significant representation from the Episcopal Church in the presence of the Reverend F. D. Huntington and the Emmanuel Church choir. 129. The Seventeenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1881 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1881), 117–121. The Willard Tract Repository in 1881 alone raised $8,423, presumably from book and tract sales. 130. George Müller, The Life of Trust: Being a Narrative of the Lord's Dealings with George Mueller, Written by Himself (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1861). R. A. Torrey, Essek William Kenyon, and others were also strongly influenced by Müller. Dale Hawthorne Simmons, “The Postbellum Pursuit of Peace, Power, and Plenty: As Seen in the Writings of Essek William Kenyon” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1990), 15. For a discussion of Müller's influence on A. T. Pierson see Dana L. Robert, Occupy until I Come: A. T. Pierson and the Evangelization of the World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 103–108. 131. Cullis's founding of an orphanage also was partly inspired by Müller, who, in 1862, expanded his orphanage in Bristol, which was soon caring for 2,050 orphans. Simmons, 12. 132. Daniel Steele cited in Twelfth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and Other Institutions Connected with a Work of Faith, to September 30, 1876 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1876), 38–39. Steele's relationship with Cullis did not seem to have been bothered by Cullis's association with persons who followed the teachings of John Nelson Darby rather closely such as William R. Nicholson or A. J. Gordon. As a layman and a Wesleyan holiness advocate Cullis was able to sidestep some of the theological sparring that was taking place between Steele and followers of the Plymouth Brethren. For a theological analysis of some of the nuances within the holiness movement see Myung Soo Park, “Concepts of Holiness in American Evangelicalism: 1835–1915” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1992). 133. Jesse Jones, “Editorial Notes,” Equity: A Journal of Christian Labor Reform 2, no. 4 (1875): 16. 134. The Fifth Annual Report of the Consumptive's Home, no. 11 Willard Street, and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1869 (Boston: A. Williams and Co. 1869), 128. 135. Fliedner's institutions bear a striking resemblance as well to the institutions founded by August Hermann Francke in the early eighteenth century. Francke, in turn, influenced the founding of John Wesley's Orphan House at Newcastle and Whitefield's orphanage in Savannah, Georgia. Manfred Marquardt, John Wesley's Social Ethics: Praxis and Principles (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1992), 116. W. Reginald Ward, The Protestant Evangelical

Awakening (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Karl Zehrer, “ The Relationship between Pietism in Halle and Early Methodism,” Methodist History 17, no. 4 (1979): 211–224. 136. Cullis provided a detailed account of his visit to the Kaiserswerth institutions in his Times of Refreshing magazine. Charles Cullis, “A Visit to the Deaconess Work at Kaiserswerth, June, 1873,” Times of Refreshing; or, Records of Christian Life and Christian Testimony 5, no. 7 (1873): 97–100. 137. In fact, William Alfred Passavant, a Lutheran, had already established the first American deaconess institution in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in 1850. Theodor Fliedner and Wilhelm Löhe were among the leaders of the deaconess movement in Germany, and both had sent deaconess missionaries to the United States prior to the Civil War. Jeannine E. Olson, One Ministry Many Roles: Deacons and Deaconesses through the Centuries (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1992), 253–271. 138. It appears that the first institution after Cullis to institute a deaconess office in Boston was Episcopal Emmanuel Church. Parish Association records from 1875 identify deaconesses who are part of that church's philanthropic work. The Methodist Episcopal Church utilized the ministry of deaconesses more than any other denomination in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. C. Golder, History of the Deaconess Movement in the Christian Church (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1903); Sarah Sloan Kreutziger, “Going on to Perfection: The Contributions of the Wesleyan Theological Doctrine of Entire Sanctification to the Value Base of American Professional Social Work through the Lives and Activities of Nineteenth Century Evangelical Women Reformers” (Ph.D. diss., Tulane University, 1991). 139. Seventh Annual Report of the Consumptives Home, no. 11 Willard Street, and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1871 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1875). The modern deaconess movement began in the mid–nineteenth century in Germany and focused on social work among the poor. 140. Seventeenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1881 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1881), 63. 141. Daniels, 187. 142. Times of Refreshing; or, Records of Christian Life and Christian Testimony 5, no. 7 (1873): 1. 143. Boardman's Higher Christian Life and Hannah Whitall Smith's Christian's Secret of a Happy Life were both very popular books and sold extremely quickly when they were released. In 1872 the publishing volume of tracts was more than 500,000 copies. Chappell, 120. Melvin Dieter describes Boardman as “essentially a part of the Wesleyan holiness movement” in spite of his efforts to resist Wesleyan terminology. Melvin E. Dieter, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1980), 50. Roy Leonard Williams has argued with more convincing evidence that Boardman's views on holiness were a kind of “middle ground on which the proponents of various holiness theologies could unite.” Such an assessment is consistent with Boardman's teaching role at Charles

Cullis's Faith Training College. Roy Leonard Williams, “William Edwin Boardman (1810– 1886): Evangelist of the Higher Christian Life” (Ph.D. diss., Calvin Theological Seminary, 1998), 200. 144. Chappell, 104. 145. A. J. Gordon, The Ministry of Healing: Miracles of Cure in All Ages (Boston: H. Gannett, 1882). Chappell, 224. 146. Scholars who have documented aspects of the history of faith healing in America include the following: Baer; Chappell; Raymond J. Cunningham, “From Holiness to Healing: The Faith Cure in America, 1872–1892,” Church History 43 (December 1974); Heather D. Curtis, Faith in the Great Physician: Suffering and Divine Healing in American Culture, 1860–1900 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007); Donald W. Dayton, “The Rise of the Evangelical Healing Movement in 19th Century America,” Pneuma 4, no. 1 (1982); Robert Bruce Mullin, “The Debate over Religion and Healing in the Episcopal Church, 1870– 1930,” Anglican and Episcopal History 60, no. 2 (1991); Ronald L. Numbers and Darrel W. Amundsen, eds., Caring and Curing: Health and Medicine in the Western Religious Traditions (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986); Simmons. In order to accentuate other aspects of Cullis's ministry, his contribution to the faith-healing movement will not be extensively analyzed in this study. 147. William McDonald and John E. Searles, The Life of Rev. John S. Inskip, President of the National Association for the Promotion of Holiness (Chicago: Christian Witness Company, 1885), 280. 148. The public's excessive emphasis on Cullis's faith-healing ministry was a problem even during Cullis's lifetime and especially after Cullis's publication of his book Faith Cures in 1879. By the late 1880s individuals had to be reminded that faith healing was only one dimension of Cullis's work. Cunningham, 501. 149. Daniels, 221. 150. Kilgore, 64. Daniel Steele began serving as chairperson of the board of trustees for the Faith Training College in 1875, the same year the college was first incorporated. The Eleventh Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1875 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1875). 151. Daniels, 360–361. Not everyone was pleased with the establishment of institutions like the Faith Training College. During the late 1880s, in meetings of the Inter-Seminary Missionary Alliance, such institutions were sometimes criticized by seminaries for their relative lack of educational rigor. Inter-Seminary Alliance, American Inter-Seminary Missionary Alliance Tenth Annual Convention, October 17th to 20th, 1889 (Cincinnati: Elm Street Printing Co., 1889), 96. 152. William Boardman appears on the faculty list only in 1875. Charles Wesley Emerson began teaching at the Faith Training College in 1877. There was considerable turnover among faculty at this college, most likely because they were unpaid for their work. The Eleventh Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1875 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1875), 103; The Thirteenth

Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and Other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1877 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1877). 153. Women were very gradually becoming accepted as preachers during this period. New England Methodists were at the forefront of this movement. In 1876 Miss Anna Oliver from Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts (a neighborhood of Boston), was licensed as a local preacher, and in 1880 she was put forth for ordination in the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church but was subsequently rejected. At the General Conference of 1880 her case was debated as well with the full support of the New England Annual Conference delegation, but she was again refused ordination. J. W. Bashford, “Does the Bible Allow Women to Preach?” in Frederick A. Norwood, ed., Sourcebook of American Methodism (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1995), 446–456. 154. Charles Wesley Emerson's religious importance as a teacher of one of the influential leaders of nascent pentecostalism in the twentieth century, William Essek Kenyon, has been previously examined in a dissertation by Simmons, 20–31. 155. Ibid., 23. 156. John Main Coffee and Richard Lewis Wentworth, A Century of Eloquence: The History of Emerson College, 1880–1980 (Boston: Alternative Publications, 1982), 16. 157. The nature of Emerson's medical training is rather suspect, as it was from the Eclectic Medical College of Pennsylvania, which apparently sold diplomas rather freely to interested persons. Simmons, 22. 158. Coffee and Wentworth, 57. See also Charles Wesley Emerson, Stenographic reports of the Saturday Lectures, given by Dr. Charles Wesley Emerson, during the school year 1893–94 (Boston: Emerson College of Oratory, 1894), Emerson College Library archives, Boston, Mass. 159. The position of Cullis's Faith Training College as the first Bible school in America is relatively unknown but has been previously argued by Dale H. Simmons, E. W. Kenyon and the Postbellum Pursuit of Peace, Power, and Plenty (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1997), 5. 160. At Cullis's 1881 Faith Convention, Rev. A. B. Simpson experienced a miraculous healing and went on to establish faith cures as an integral aspect of the Christian and Missionary Alliance's practices. Simpson would have known about Cullis's Faith Training College, as it was well established at this time. Magnuson, 68. For more information about the 1880s’ missionary training institutes see Virginia Lieson Brereton, Training God's Army: The American Bible School, 1880–1940 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990). 161. The history of the Boston Missionary Training School is outlined in Scott M. Gibson, A. J. Gordon: American Premillennialist (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2001), 131–142. 162. Daniels, 280. 163. The church in Dorchester was begun at the request of church members from the vicinity after several churches had closed owing to “misfortune or dissension.” It was shortlived as a church under Cullis's direction. After local church conflicts were resolved, the churches of the area were again able to resume their work. Daniels, 282. At the dedication of

the Lewis Street Mission, Charles Cullis noted that, years earlier, the building had housed the Boston Baptist Bethel for work among sailors. The Reverend Phineas Stowe, the pastor at the Baptist Bethel for decades, died in November 1868 and was warmly memorialized at his funeral by the leading Baptist pastors in the city. A children's choir from the Reverend Toles’ Home for Little Wanderers performed at the funeral in 1868. Fifteenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1879 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1879), 157. Cooke, 22. 164. See figure 2.1 for the location of the Lewis Street Mission in the North End. Daniels, 284–292. City Missionary Society, Sixty-third Annual Report of the City Missionary Society, Boston, for the Year 1879 (Boston: Frank Wood, 1879), 1–13. 165. Twentieth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1884 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1884). 166. Lucy Drake Osborn and her husband later founded an annual gathering for returning foreign missionaries in Wesley Park, Ontario. They also established the Union Missionary Training Institute of Brooklyn, New York, which became one of the more important promoters of Methodist Bishop William Taylor's method of self-supporting mission work. Charles Edwin Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867– 1936 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1974), 53–54. 167. Seventeenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1881 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1881), 70–85. 168. Samuel L. Gracey and Daniel Steele, Healing by Faith: Two Essays (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1882). Samuel L. Gracey was the husband of Mrs. Lillie Thompson Gracey. Samuel Gracey served in the Massachusetts state legislature for two terms representing the city of Salem, where he had pastored a Methodist Episcopal church. During President Harrison's administration he was appointed the U.S. consul to Foochow, China. He was recalled from that office during the Cleveland administration and reappointed there under President William McKinley. The Chinese government bestowed special honors on him for his valuable service during the Boxer rebellion of 1902. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Sixteenth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held in Trinity Church Springfield April 10–15, 1912 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1912), 132–33. 169. Baer, 112. 170. Baer, 63, 167–173. 171. Daniel Steele, “Faith and Bone-Setting,” Zion's Herald 62, 13 May 1885, 146. 172. Today there is a side street in the Grove Hall neighborhood of Roxbury named “Intervale”—the only physical reminder of Cullis's institutions in this neighborhood of Boston. 173. Baer, 172. 174. Letter written to the Boston Globe by Mary Baker Eddy, 24 April 1888, Early Organizational Records, The Mary Baker Eddy Library, Boston, Mass. Luther Townsend, A. J. Gordon, and many others also issued strong criticisms of Mary Baker Eddy and her new

teachings. Bendroth, 23. 175. Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with a Work of Faith to September 30, 1892 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1892), 5. 176. For a detailed account of the influence of the New England holiness movement on abolition see Glen Alton Messer, “Restless for Zion: New England Methodism, Holiness, and the Abolitionist Struggle, circa 1789–1845” (Th.D. diss., Boston University, 2006). CHAPTER THREE

Evangelicals and Boston Politics 1. Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis, revised ed. (New York: The Baker & Taylor Co., 1891), viii, 172. 2. Dorchester also noted the significant Methodist losses in the North End and West End sections of Boston. He nevertheless confidently proclaimed that those losses had been more than compensated by Methodist growth in expanding suburbs such as Roxbury and Dorchester. Daniel Dorchester, “The Status of Methodism in Boston and Vicinity,” Zion's Herald 58, 27 January 1881, 20. Sydney Ahlstrom has called Dorchester's Christianity in the United States “probably the finest work of its kind ever published.” Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), 9; Daniel Dorchester, The Problem of Religious Progress (New York: Phillips & Hunt; Cincinnati: Walden & Stowe, 1881). Daniel Dorchester, Christianity in the United States from the First Settlement Down to the Present Time (New York: Cranston and Stowe, 1888). John Atkinson, “Methodism in the Cities of the United States,” Methodist Quarterly Review 59 (July 1877): 483. 3. Atkinson, 483. Seven years earlier, in 1870, the Methodist Quarterly Review proudly stated that “in Methodism alone [there is] a numerical and moral force sufficient to withstand and overwhelm any opposing force of Popery in a contest which must depend on public opinion and legislation.” “Romanism and the Common Schools,” Methodist Quarterly Review 52 (April 1870), 220. 4. In the 1870s The Pilot published numerous articles noting the growth of Catholics in America and the decline of Bostonian descendants from Puritan stock. Cited in Francis R. Walsh, “The Boston Pilot: A Newspaper for the Irish Immigrant, 1829–1908” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1968), 216–221. 5. “The Comparative Attendance of Protestant and Catholic Church-Goers,” Methodist Quarterly Review 64 (October 1882): 758–759. 6. Attendees of Methodist Episcopal churches in the city of Boston may have visited other churches on this Sunday, as the pastors were all away from their pulpits at their annual conference gathering. The number of Baptists is probably overestimated, as the Baptist churches in Boston were more likely than other groups to hold both afternoon and evening services in addition to a morning service, and thus it is quite likely that more Baptist parishioners were counted twice. Roman Catholic numbers were underestimated owing to the

large number of early morning worship services in Roman Catholic parishes, which were not counted at all. “Church Attendance, the Boston Congregations Figured Up,” Boston Advertiser, 18 April 1882. 7. “The Comparative Attendance of Protestant and Catholic Church-Goers,” 758– 759. This percentage of church attendance is roughly equivalent to that found in other major American cities but sharply divergent from attendance patterns in Berlin and, to a somewhat lesser extent, London. Jon Butler, “Protestant Success in the New American City, 1870–1920,” in New Directions in American Religious History, ed. Harry S. Stout and D. G. Hart (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 306–307; Hugh McLeod, Piety and Poverty: WorkingClass Religion in Berlin, London, and New York, 1870–1914, Europe Past and Present Series (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1996). For a study of Chicago's religiosity in this period see Bruce C. Nelson, “Revival and Upheaval: Religion, Irreligion, and Chicago's Working Class in 1886,” Journal of Social History 25 (Winter 1991): 233–253. 8. Those Baptist churches that were predominantly African-American are not easily identifiable from these data. It is possible that some of the African-American Methodists were counted twice, as there was both an afternoon and an evening service at these churches and individuals could have gone to both services. Official church statistics in the Methodist Episcopal Church in New England do not clearly demarcate which congregations were predominantly African-American. On interracial marriage rates see Elizabeth Hafkin Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty, Boston, 1865–1900 (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 209. In the preface to a book celebrating the opening of People's Church, Rev. J. W. Hamilton stressed that the church would be a place where interracial marriages were welcomed. J. W. Hamilton, ed., The People's Church Pulpit (Boston: The People's Church, 1885), xvii. 9. The Methodist Review published an extensive three-part article “symposium” in 1891 that analyzed the subject of immigration. The final article described the character of immigrants since 1880 as inferior to that of previous immigrants because of their greater poverty, poorer morals, lack of “love of country,” and criminal nature. George L. Curtiss, “Duty of This Nation and the Church toward Immigration,” Methodist Review 73 (September 1891): 721. 10. Hugh O'Brien received 27,494 votes, three thousand more than the incumbent, Augustus Pearl Martin. Lawrence W. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice: Boston Political Conflict, 1885– 1895” (Ph.D. diss., Boston College, 1987), 125. 11. Geoffrey Blodgett, “Yankee Leadership in a Divided City, 1860–1910,” in Boston 1700–1900: The Evolution of Urban Politics, ed. Ronald P. Formisano and Constance K. Burns (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984), 90. For an examination of the wrangling between state and city politicians over the police force see Roger Lane, Policing the City: Boston, 1822–1885 (New York: Atheneum, 1971). 12. Dale Baum, The Civil War Party System: The Case of Massachusetts, 1848–1876 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 164–210. 13. David W. Blight offers an excellent analysis of the push toward a premature resolution of differences between North and South in the way the Civil War was remembered during the

Reconstruction period. The national mood was far from the polarizing politics of the war years. David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 2001). 14. Kennedy, 81. Years earlier, in 1864, Phillips had won over Henry Morgan's newsboys with a similar eulogizing of Daniel O'Connell. 15. Baum, 155. Donald B. Marti, “Laymen, Bring Your Money: Lee Claflin, Methodist Philanthropist, 1791–1871,” Methodist History 14, no. 3 (1976): 181. 16. The Republican Party's continued attempt to appeal to workingmen in these years can be most vividly observed in a pamphlet published in 1871 by an anonymous “Practical Mechanic.” “The Republican Party the Workingman's Friend,” in Labor Politics: Collected Pamphlets, vol. 2, ed. Leon Stein and Philip Taft (New York: Arno & the New York Times, 1971). 17. Nell Irvin Painter, Standing at Armageddon: The United States, 1877–1919 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987), 10. 18. Baum, 183. See also Richard H. Abbott, “Massachusetts: Maintaining Hegemony,” in Radical Republicans in the North: State Politics during Reconstruction, ed. James C. Mohr (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976); Richard Peter Harmond, “Tradition and Change in the Gilded Age: A Political History of Massachusetts, 1878–1893” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1966). 19. Baum, 183. See also Abbott, Harmond. 20. Peter Eisinger notes that from 1884 to 1930 only one Irishman held the governorship of Massachusetts and that for only two years. Non-Irish Democratic governors led the state for only an additional seven years during this thirty-six-year span. Peter K. Eisinger, “Ethnic Political Transition in Boston, 1884–1933: Some Lessons for Contemporary Cities,” Political Science Quarterly 93, no. 2 (1978): 234–236. 21. Patrick Riddleberger has succinctly defined Stalwart Republicans as those individuals who remained supportive of the Grant administration after 1872. Patrick W. Riddleberger, “The Radicals’ Abandonment of the Negro during Reconstruction,” The Journal of Negro History 45, no. 2 (1960): 88. Intraparty Republican factions were extremely complex in this period. For a review of this complexity see Allan Peskin, “Who Were the Stalwarts? Who Were Their Rivals? Republican Factions in the Gilded Age,” Political Science Quarterly 99, no. 4 (1984). Dale Baum, “The Massachusetts Voter: Party Loyalty in the Gilded Age, 1872– 1896,” in Massachusetts in the Gilded Age: Selected Essays, ed. Jack Tager and John W. Ifkovic (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1985). 22. “Townsend's Fate of Republics,” Zion's Herald, 7 February 1878, 42. Grant's presidency ended in 1876. Townsend was also a “cautious supporter” of Dr. Charles Cullis's faith-healing work and advised the medical community in 1885 to accept elements of faith healing for what help it could offer. Raymond J. Cunningham, “From Holiness to Healing: The Faith Cure in America, 1872–1892,” Church History 43 (December 1974): 513. 23. Eisinger, 234, Arthur Mann, Yankee Reformers in the Urban Age: Social Reform in Boston, 1880–1900 (New York: Harper and Row, 1954), 7; Barbara M. Solomon, Ancestors

and Immigrants: A Changing New England Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956), 56–57; Alexander W. Williams, A Social History of the Greater Boston Clubs ([Barre, Mass.]: Barre Publishers, 1970), 4. 24. Frederick O. Prince, Nathan Matthews, and Josiah Quincy were all Harvard University graduates from upper-class families. Blodgett, 92. 25. Geoffrey Blodgett, “The Mind of the Boston Mugwump,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 4 (1962): 622. The Mugwump movement has been described as “the most overstudied reform-minded political elites in American history.” Dale Baum, “‘Noisy but Not Numerous’: The Revolt of the Massachusetts Mugwumps,” The Historian 41, no. 2 (1979): 241. The “Committee of One Hundred” organized in the wake of Blaine's receiving the Republican nomination for president did not contain a single known Methodist representative. George Frederick Williams papers, Box 1, containing Committee of One Hundred correspondence, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass. 26. Blodgett, “Yankee Leadership in a Divided City,” 93–97. 27. Paul Kleppner, “From Party to Factions: The Dissolution of Boston's Majority Party, 1876–1908,” in Boston 1700–1980: The Evolution of Urban Politics, ed. Ronald P. Formisano and Constance K. Burns (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984), 111. 28. “A Great Majority: Mayor O'Brien leads Mr. Clark 8,580 Votes,” Boston Daily Advertiser, 16 December 1885. O'Brien's greatest areas of strength were, predictably, in the North End and West End of Boston. Other Republican strongholds were in Boston's Back Bay and the western half of the South End (Ward Eighteen). The adjacent eastern half of the South End (Ward Nineteen) voted with almost the exact reverse percentages of Ward Eighteen in favor of O'Brien. At this time, the South End had nearly completed its metamorphosis from a somewhat trendy neighborhood to a more depressed area of the city. City of Boston, City of Boston Voting Precincts, 1889 (Boston: City of Boston, 1889). 29. “A Great Majority: Mayor O'Brien leads Mr. Clark 8,580 Votes,” Boston Daily Advertiser, 16 December, 1885, 1. On December 14, 1885, one day prior to the 1885 election, a prominent advertisement in the business-oriented Boston Daily Advertiser newspaper listed 119 names of prominent citizens who publicly supported O'Brien for mayor. On election day the paper carried a rebuttal advertisement, “Fraud Exposed,” claiming that “many” of the names of citizens who supposedly endorsed O'Brien were forgeries. This rebuttal advertisement, however, named only four who specifically denied being supporters of O'Brien. None of the 119 were known Methodist leaders. Boston Daily Advertiser, 14 and 15 December 1885. 30. Eisinger, 223. 31. Henry Morgan, Catholic Church in Politics: For Sale or to Let. Who Run the City of Boston? Who Pay the Bills? Who Furnish the Criminals and Paupers? Lectures on the Key and Sequel To “Boston inside Out” (Boston: Shawmut Publishing Co., 1883), 1; Henry Morgan, The Fallen Priest, Story Founded on Fact; Key and Sequel to Boston inside Out, 3rd ed. (Boston: Shawmut Publishing Co., 1883); Henry Morgan, Shadowy Hand; or, Life Struggles. A Story of Real Life, 7th ed. (Boston: Shawmut Publishing Co., 1883).

32. Morgan, The Fallen Priest. It is difficult to know whether it was the growing political power of Irish Catholics in Boston that compelled Morgan to publish new issues of his books or whether it was Morgan's own realization that he was dying of a respiratory illness he had struggled with for many years. 33. Ibid., preface. 34. Between 1879 and 1884 Catholic schools in the Boston Archdiocese had doubled from seventeen to thirty-four, and in 1884 the Third Plenary Council of American Roman Catholic Bishops set as a goal the establishment of a school in every parish. This was never achieved, but the number of children in parochial elementary schools doubled between 1880 and 1900. Elite Protestants in Boston would have been less concerned than others about this loss of public school students to parochial schools since a greater proportion of upper-class Bostonians did not send their children to public schools at all but rather to Philip's Andover and other elite private schools. Thomas H. O'Connor, Boston Catholics: A History of the Church and Its People (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 138. In 1880 there were 405,234 Catholic students in parochial elementary schools, and in 1900 there were 854,523. James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 114, 186–187. 35. Hugh O'Brien, Inaugural Address of Hugh O'Brien, Mayor of Boston, before the City Council, January 5, 1885 (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1885), 63. 36. Baum, The Civil War Party System; Kennedy, 82; Alvin Packer Stauffer, “AntiCatholicism in American Politics, 1865–1900” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1933), 1–87. The most infamous case of anti-Catholic rioting in Boston prior to the 1880s was the 1834 burning of the Ursuline Convent in Charlestown. Nancy Lusignan Schultz, Fire and Roses: The Burning of the Charlestown Convent (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2002). 37. Robert Glenn Wright, The Social Christian Novel (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989), 63. Wright analyzes 145 social Christian novels written during the last thirty years of the nineteenth century. 38. Morgan is making reference to a popular book at the time on the dangers of city life. Henry W. Herbert, The Spider and the Fly; or, Tricks, Traps, and Pitfalls of City Life (New York: C. Miller & Co., 1873). 39. Henry Morgan, Boston inside Out: A Story of Real Life (Boston: American Citizen Co., 1895), 19. 40. Morgan's South End neighborhood was rapidly becoming the major lodging house district in Boston, and many evangelicals looked with grave concern on the many unsupervised young adults living in close proximity to one another. In the story, two prominent female characters from rural New England fall prey to the wiles of young men from prestigious Beacon Hill families whom Morgan portrayed as having too much leisure time on their hands. Morgan's portrayal of two wealthy young men from Beacon Hill as villains illustrates both Morgan's own more modest social location as well as his critical attitude toward the lifestyles of the Boston elite and stalwart defense of the labor movement. Albert Benedict Wolfe, The Lodging House Problem in Boston (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1913). Ivan D.

Steen, “Cleansing the Puritan City: The Reverend Henry Morgan's Antivice Crusade in Boston,” New England Quarterly 54, no. 3 (1981): 398. 41. Steen, 401–407. 42. Cited in ibid., 405. 43. Morgan, Catholic Church in Politics, 39–40. 44. Morgan noted the presence of Mr. Donahue at the auction for the church building he would buy through the financial assistance of William Claflin and remarked at how he knew Donahue would not bid against him since Donahue believed Morgan did important work. Morgan, Shadowy Hand, 324. Morgan, The Fallen Priest, dedication page. 45. Cited in Kennedy, 224. 46. Women had received the right to vote in elections for the Boston School Committee in 1879, but owing to cumbersome poll tax requirements and other factors they did not significantly affect School Committee politics until 1884. Lois Bannister Merk, “Boston's Historic Public School Crisis,” New England Quarterly 31, no. 2 (1958): 172–177. 47. Democrats across the nation and in the city of Boston were swept into power in 1884 including many Democratic members of the School Committee. 48. The heavily Catholic wards in the North End posted the largest numbers of women's votes, surpassing Roxbury. which had previously led in garnering the most women's votes since 1879, the year women first gained the right to vote in School Committee elections. 49. Cited in Margaret Lamberts Bendroth, Fundamentalists in the City: Conflict and Division in Boston's Churches, 1885–1950 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 61. 50. See ibid. for an analysis of the arrest of preachers on the Boston Common in 1885 and the public reaction to it. 51. Polly Welts Kaufman, “Boston Women and City School Politics, 1872–1905” (Ed.D. diss., Boston University, 1978), 190. Alan A. Brookes, “The Exodus Migration from the Maritime Provinces to Boston during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., University of New Brunswick [Canada], 1979), 216–217. 52. Kennedy, 161. 53. Merk, 175, 181. John T. Galvin, “The Dark Ages of Boston Politics,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 89 (1977): 90–91, James J. Kenneally, “Catholicism and Woman Suffrage in Massachusetts,” Catholic Historical Review 53 (1967): 43–49. 54. Lawrence W. Kennedy, “The Irish Question and Boston Politics,” in Boston's Histories: Essays in Honor of Thomas H. O'Connor, ed. James M. O'Toole and David Quigley (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2004), 129–133. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 188–189. 55. Kaufman, 202–203. 56. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 231. 57. Ruined by the scandal, Shepard faded from the local and national scene as Catholics gleefully sought to discredit the anti-Catholic movement in its entirety. Bendroth, 80–81. 58. Galvin, 105. 59. Kaufman, 209–210. William Swinton, Outlines of the World's History, Ancient,

Mediaeval, and Modern, with Special Relation to the History of Civilization and the Progress of Mankind (New York: Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor and Company, 1874). 60. Miner received indirect praise from the Catholic Pilot when it described him as “‘not an unprincipled mountebank like Fulton' but a member of ‘the better class of anti-Catholic bigots.’” Cited in Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 224. In an 1878 article in the Methodist Zion's Herald, Miner was praised as possibly being a representative of the more conservative faction within the Universalist Church, which held that a person could choose to become a Christian sometime after death and thus not be condemned for all eternity. The article condemned a disturbing trend among Universalists who believed in the nonexistence of hell. “Future Punishment,” Zion's Herald 54, 21 March 1878, 90. 61. Methodist pro-labor radical Edward H. Rogers (mentioned later in this chapter) would have still been a class leader at Walnut Street Church at this time. Louis A. Banks wrote a very popular book in 1892 about the “worthy poor” of Boston based on his experience as a pastor. Louis A. Banks, White Slaves; or, The Oppression of the Worthy Poor (Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1892). 62. John Leslie Dunstan, A Light to the City: 150 Years of the City Missionary Society of Boston, 1816–1966 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), 161. The comprehensive institutional history of the Boston Archdiocese published in 1945 noted that “Catholics today may gratefully recall that the Unitarians, the Episcopalians, most Universalists, and many Congregationalists held strictly aloof from the [anti-Catholic] movement.” In fact, several prominent religious leaders from these groups explicitly condemned the anti-Catholic campaigns. Robert Howard Lord, Edward T. Harrington, and John E. Sexton, History of the Archdiocese of Boston in the Various Stages of Its Development, 1604 to 1943, vol. 3 (Boston: Pilot Pub. Co., 1945), 107. 63. The respectable Brahmin and Republican-oriented Boston Evening Transcript newspaper advertised the meeting at Faneuil Hall but noted (in error) that “[t]his assemblage is not intended, as we understand it, to array public opinion against any particular form of religion.” “The School Meeting at Faneuil Hall,” Boston Evening Transcript, 11 July 1888, 4. 64. James M. Gray did not introduce her to the audience using her professional title as a physician. 65. The other woman who voted to keep Swinton's textbook was Emily Fifield, a Unitarian. Although not an evangelical, Fifield was from a small New England town. She was not honored at the anti-Catholic meeting on July 11, 1888, along with Hastings, but she was instrumental in getting Hastings nominated in the first place to serve on the committee with her. Kaufman, 205, 455. 66. Hastings's precise denominational affiliation is unknown. One can only catch a glimpse of her Christian piety. When she reported to her alma mater, Mt. Holyoke Seminary, about her life's experiences she stated, “Have nothing in the way of a brilliant record. Have tried to serve the Master.” Ibid., 207. The American Woman Suffrage Association, led by Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown Blackwell, was based in Boston ever since it split from the more radical National Woman's Suffrage Association in the years after the Civil War. Bendroth, 61. 67. Committees of One Hundred had been organized on at least two other occasions in the

few years previous to 1888, but they were completely unrelated to one another. In 1886 a Committee of One Hundred endorsed George McNeill for mayor. In 1884 there was yet another Committee of One Hundred formed to oppose James Blaine's Republican candidacy for president. “For O'Brien,” Boston Globe, 15 December 1886, 1. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 167. 68. In Faneuil Hall, the resolution specifically stated that the following persons were to organize a committee of fifty who would “unite with a similar committee just appointed at the overflow meeting in Tremont Temple.” “Indignation: The Public Schools,” British-American Citizen, 14 July 1888. The British-American was a newspaper for the British-American immigrant community in Boston. It contained considerable news about Britain, the Maritime Provinces, and anti-Catholic organizing. 69. Philip Moxom became a significant social gospel leader in the mid-1890s but eventually left the Baptists for the Congregationalists because of what he perceived to be Baptists’ unfriendly attitude toward workers. Lawrence B. Davis, Immigrants, Baptists, and the Protestant Mind in America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973), 62; C. H. Hopkins, The Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940), 125–128. Rev. David H. Ela served on the Special Committee on Holiness Associations in 1889 and the Special Committee on the East Boston Immigrants’ Home for the New England Annual Conference. He also led the Methodists’ Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society in the early to mid-1890s. 70. Cited in Lord, Harrington, and Sexton, 122. On the same day as Townsend's speech the Boston Evening Transcript maintained a moderate Republican position and critiqued Roman Catholic attempts to influence the Boston public schools but also criticized “religious bigots on either side.” “The Phenomena at City Hall,” Boston Evening Transcript, 29 September 1888. 71. “Dr. Townsend's Critics,” British-American Citizen, 29 September 1888, 4. The same issue of the newspaper reported that Eliza Trask Hill and Margaret Shepard spoke to a large audience of black Methodists as well at the Charles Street African Methodist Episcopal congregation on Sunday evening. “Our Schools!” British-American Citizen, 29 September 1888, 4. 72. Justin Fulton, Washington in the Lap of Rome (Boston: W. Kellaway, 1888); Justin D. Fulton, Why Priests Should Wed (Boston: Rand Avery Company, 1888), 303; Justin D. Fulton, The Fight with Rome (Marlboro, Mass.: Pratt Brothers, 1889), 22–25. Lawrence Kennedy incorrectly noted that Fulton became pastor of Tremont Temple again in the summer of 1888. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 224. An anniversary publication for that church identifies Rev. Emory J. Haynes as pastor from 1885 to 1890. Haynes had previously been a Methodist Episcopal pastor and returned to Methodism again in 1891 after reconsidering his views toward baptism, which had led him to leave the Methodists in the first place. Fulton was pastor of Tremont Temple from 1864 to 1873. Tremont Temple Baptist Church: A Light in the City for 150 Years (Boston: Tremont Temple Baptist Church, 1989). “Report of Special Committee on Emory J. Haynes,” Official Minutes of the Ninety-Second Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Common St. Church, Lynn, April 8–

14, 1891 (Boston: McDonald and Gill, 1891), 87. 73. Justin D. Fulton attended the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of Charles Cullis's Consumptives’ Home in 1889 and was recognized as one of two clergymen who had been involved with Cullis's Consumptives’ Home since its inception. The other clergyman was Bishop F. D. Huntington of the Episcopal Church. Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifty Annual Reports of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with a Work of Faith to September 30, 1889 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1892). 74. Fulton, Why Priests Should Wed, 22. 75. Ibid. 76. Daniel Dorchester, Romanism Versus the Public School System (New York: Phillips & Hunt; Cincinnati: Cranston & Stowe, 1888), 3–4, 351. At the New England Annual Conference in 1889 Daniel Dorchester, David Sherman, and W. I. Haven served on the standing committee and presented a report on “Romanism and the Public Schools.” Official Minutes of the Ninetieth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held in Trinity Church, Worcester, April 10–16, 1889 (Boston: Alfred Mudge & Son, 1889), 84–85. 77. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 282. 78. Robert A. Silverman, “Nathan Matthews: Politics of Reform in Boston, 1890– 1910,” New England Quarterly 50, no. 4 (1977): 628. 79. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 280–281. Samuel L. Gracey was previously discussed in chapter 2 for his role in Charles Cullis's faith-healing ministry and his future work as a U.S. ambassador to China at the end of the nineteenth century. 80. Cited in Bendroth, 69. 81. “What should be the attitude of Methodism toward the Roman Catholic Church,” Zion's Herald, 3 April 1895, 210. 82. E. J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (New York: Basic Books, 1964). 83. Philip L. Giles, “A Millennium Denied: Northern Methodists and Workers, 1865– 1886,” Methodist History 26, no. 1 (1987): 33. 84. Gilbert Haven cited in David Montgomery, Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967), 78. Gilbert Haven was one of the most radical advocates of racial equality in the Methodist Episcopal Church throughout the 1860s and 1870s. He served as editor of the Zion's Herald from 1867 to 1872 and was elevated to the Methodist episcopacy in 1872. William Gravely, Gilbert Haven, Methodist Abolitionist: A Study in Race, Religion, and Reform, 1850–1880 (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1973). 85. Aaron Ignatius Abell argued that the Christian Labor Union was the first labor organization to explicitly connect labor with the Christian faith. Subsequent historical research has shown this to not be the case. Aaron Ignatius Abell, The Urban Impact on American Protestantism, 1865–1900 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press and H. Milford Oxford University Press, 1943), 21; Montgomery, 209. For recent work on the relationship of labor

and Christianity see Jama Lazerow, Religion and the Working Class in Antebellum America (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian, 1995); Teresa Ann Murphy, Ten Hours’ Labor: Religion, Reform, and Gender in Early New England (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press: 1992); William R. Sutton, Journeymen for Jesus: Evangelical Artisans Confront Capitalism in Jacksonian Baltimore (State College: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998). 86. Jesse Jones, “The Marriage of God and Mammon,” Equity: A Journal of Christian Labor Reform 2, no. 7 (1875): 26. Ezra Farnsworth was president of the board of managers for the North End Mission in 1876, an organization to be discussed later in this chapter. Report of the North End Mission, March 1876, Healey Library archives, University of Massachusetts at Boston, Boston, Mass. 87. Philip Laurence Giles, “Workingman and Theologian: Edward Henry Rogers (1824– 1909) and the Impact of Evangelicalism on the Making of the American Working Class” (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1990), 149; Edward H. Rogers, “Eight Hours a Day's Work: A Lecture,” in Labor Politics: Collected Pamphlets, vol. 2, ed. Leon Stein and Philip Taft (New York: Arno & the New York Times, 1971). 88. It would have been hard for any labor leader in Boston at this time to be unaware of the popularity of Morgan's Ned Nevins, the News Boy. Henry Morgan's name does not appear in the Christian Labor Union's publication Equity: A Journal of Christian Labor Reform in 1874–1875, even though he would have been a clear supporter of this journal's goal of promoting a biblical perspective on the labor question: “[The journal] takes the ground that Jesus Christ was the Supreme Reformer of all history, as well as the Saviour from sin; and that the reorganization of society into The Kingdom of Heaven is essential to the curing men of sin, and the making them fully ‘Sons of God.’ For the current year it will be chiefly occupied with presenting practical steps which may now be taken towards that end, by any who love their fellow-men better than they love money.” Jesse Jones ed., Equity: A Journal of Christian Labor Reform 2, no. 5 (1875): 20. 89. Mallalieu was the person primarily responsible for securing for Rogers a place on the speaker's platform for the 1887 meeting of the Evangelical Alliance in Washington, D.C., in spite of Rogers's lack of clergy credentials. Prior to joining the Methodist Episcopal church in Chelsea in 1858, Rogers attended the Hawthorne Unitarian Church in the same city. The pastor of the Unitarian church at that time was the Reverend F. D. Huntington, who would later become an Episcopal priest, bishop, and enthusiastic advocate of the holiness movement and the Society of Christian Socialists. Giles, “Workingman and Theologian,” 74. “Record of Progress,” The Dawn 2 (May 1890): 42. 90. Edward H. Rogers, “Holiness,” Zion's Herald 63, 15 December 1886, 398. 91. Samuel P. Hays, The Response to Industrialism: 1885–1914, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 87. See also Tom Juravich, William F. Hartford, and James R. Green, Commonwealth of Toil: Chapters in the History of Massachusetts Workers and Their Unions (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996), 45–46. 92. The actual persons who were truly guilty of throwing the bomb that triggered the Haymarket riot are still not known. Anarchists were blamed for the crime. Paul Avrich, The

Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984), 181–220. 93. Bradford K. Pierce, “Editorial Comment,” Zion's Herald 63, no. 19 (12 May 1886): 4. Six months before the Haymarket tragedy the Zion's Herald was most critical not of labor but of European immigrant labor radicals “who have renounced faith in God and man” and who “openly seek the destruction of the church, the state, and the family,” “Great Social Question,” Zion's Herald 62 (25 November 1885): 372. 94. In the wake of the Haymarket riot, the Congregationalist specified that “a Gatling gun or two, swiftly brought into position and well served, offers, on the whole, the most merciful as well as effectual remedy.” The Gatling gun was also proposed in the July 25, 1877, issue. Cited in Henry Farnham May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York: Harper, 1967), 93, 101. For a historiographical review of the relative neglect of religious issues in the populist movement and some suggestive lines for further research see Randall J. Stephens, “The Convergence of Populism, Religion, and the Holiness-Pentecostal Movements: A Review of the Historical Literature,” Fides et Historia 32, no. 1 (2000): 51–64. 95. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 167. 96. “For O'Brien,” Boston Globe, 15 December 1886, 1. 97. James R. Green and Hugh Carter Donahue, Boston's Workers: A Labor History (Boston: Boston Public Library, 1979), 74. 98. Boston Globe, 15 March 1886, cited in Giles, “Workingman and Theologian,” 223. In 1892 Christian Socialist W.D.P. Bliss asked Rogers and George McNeill to write the creed for the Church of the Carpenter, a mission church supported as well by the Reverend Phillips Brooks. Juravich, Hartford, and Green, 51. 99. May, 102. 100. Official Minutes of the Eighty-Seventh Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held at Washington-Street Church, Newburyport, April 15–20, 1886 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1886), 56–57. Henry May noted how the Haymarket riot caused alarm in Protestant communities, and this is true to an extent. Green and Donahue, 74. Nevertheless, the official resolution from the New England Annual Conference before the riot and subsequent articles after Haymarket in the Zion's Herald remained hopeful. The Zion's Herald reported on a lecture given at Boston's Tremont Temple by social gospeler Washington Gladden about the conflict between labor and capital: “The Doctor sought, in a candid way, to do justice to both the employer and the workingman, pointing out the grievances of the latter, the mistakes and sufferings he falls into in the present violent way of attempting to secure his rights, and the measures for an honorable and peaceful adjustment of the struggle. It was a wholesome and able consideration of the question, now submitted to the last and violent ordeal for adjudication.” “Personal and Miscellaneous,” Zion's Herald 63, 12 May 1886, 4. 101. Giles, “Workingman and Theologian.” 102. Edward H. Rogers, “Holiness,” Zion's Herald 63, 15 December 1886, 398. 103. Edward H. Rogers, “Holiness,” Central Christian Advocate 10 February 1886, 2–3. This was the first of a six-article series titled simply “Holiness.” For a listing of most of

Rogers's publications see appendix 2 of Wolfe, 14. 104. Glen Alton Messer, “Restless for Zion: New England Methodism, Holiness, and the Abolitionist Struggle, circa 1789–1845” (Th.D. diss., Boston University, 2006). 105. Bradford K. Pierce, “Methodism and Her Critic,” Zion's Herald 63, 15 December 1886, 400. 106. Marriage records from the new Methodist “People's Church” in Boston's South End between 1880 and 1884 reveal a constituency comprising many laborers and tradesmen with relatively few individuals representing the professional classes. A list of members from any other Back Bay congregation would have shown a much different constituency. People's Temple Church Records book, 1877–1884. Boston University School of Theology Library, Boston, Mass. Bendroth. 107. A study of the lodging house problem in Boston in 1904 provides a history of the South End's economic decline. “It is not possible to assign any definite date for the exodus [of the affluent from the South End]. All we can say is that it began in the seventies, gained momentum during the early eighties, and was practically finished before 1890. By 1885 the South End had become dominantly a lodging-house section.” A rapid drop in real estate prices on Columbus Avenue, where People's Church was located, precipitated the decline of the rest of the neighborhood. Robert Archey Woods, The City Wilderness: A Settlement Study (New York: Garrett Press, 1970), 5. See also Dorchester, The Problem of Religious Progress. 108. Robert C. Elliott in Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward, 2000–1887, Riverside ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), vii. James Dombrowski, The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), 84. 109. Dombrowski, 93. 110. The Nationalist was financed, for the most part, from sales of Edward Bellamy's utopian novel, Looking Backward. Ibid. 111. “Our Record of Progress,” The Dawn 2, no. 1 (May 1890): 39. 112. “The Society of Christian Socialists in Boston” The Dawn 1, no. 1, (1889): 3. The Methodist clergyman present at this meeting was not identified in available sources. 113. No significant evidence of anti-Catholic sentiment could be found in The Dawn throughout its seven years of existence. The editor of the Catholic magazine The Pilot contributed poetry on at least one occasion, and the magazine's editor, W.D.P. Bliss, praised O'Reilly as a great Christian Socialist. John Boyle O'Reilly, “A Poem,” The Dawn 2, no. 5 (September 1890). 114. The marked increase in discussion of the working classes in the Church of England from 1880 to 1900 would have also likely helped the Society of Christian Socialists to be appealing to Boston Episcopalians. Kenneth Stanley Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1963), 23. 115. It was not until the December 18, 1890, issue of the magazine that the address of the editor was identified as something other than 36 Bromfield Street. W.P.D. Bliss ed., The Dawn 3, no. 2 (1890): 1. 116. In 1891 Daniel Dorchester, Sr., was appointed to a government post as superintendent

of Indian schools in the United States and had also served as a presiding elder in several districts of the Methodist New England Annual Conference. 117. Vincent was one of the founders of the Chautauqua Institution movement. W.P.D. Bliss, “Editorial Outlook,” The Dawn 2, nos. 3 and 4 (1890): 159. 118. Edward H. Rogers, “Church Socialism,” The Dawn 3, no. 18 (1892): 8. Around this time Edward H. Rogers left the Methodist Episcopal Church to join W.D.P. Bliss's Episcopal Church of the Carpenter. 119. “The Church: What Churches and Clergyman are Doing and Can Do for Social Reforms,” The Dawn 2, no. 2 (1890): 98. With the exception of Moxom's “class” almost all the Boston churches mentioned in this article were Episcopalian. 120. Bendroth, 95. 121. Letter to the editor, The Dawn 3, no. 5 (1891): 11–12. 122. May, 242. Dombrowski, 108. 123. W.D.P. Bliss, “Editorial Outlook,” The Dawn 2, no. 5 (1890): 199. 124. “Departments,” The Dawn 2, no. 5 (1890): 199. W.D.P. Bliss, “To Our Old Subscribers,” The Dawn 6, no. 1 (1894): 2. Numerous sample copies were sometimes sent to persons requesting them. On one occasion five hundred sample copies were sent to a supporter in Kansas City. “To Subscribers,” The Dawn 6, no. 3 (1894): 34. 125. The frequent lengthy insertions of Christian Socialist reflections on particular Sundays and feast days in the liturgical year is evidence that the readership of The Dawn may have been limited chiefly to Episcopal priests. Such sermon aids would have been very foreign to a less educated reader. Sermons given at various Episcopal churches in Boston were also often reprinted. In 1895 Bliss responded to criticism that The Dawn had become very Episcopal in its orientation by boldly proclaiming that the Episcopal Church offered the greatest opportunity for church unity toward which Christian Socialists must strive. Francis Watts Lee, “Notes on the Social Teaching of the Christian Year,” The Dawn 6, no. 2 (1894): 10; W.D.P. Bliss, “Questions and Answers,” The Dawn 7, no. 1 (1895): 2–3. 126. Edwin Elisha Bliss worked for thirty-six years in Constantinople as an editor of various Christian newspapers and at least one Bible handbook in the Armenian language. “Bliss, Edwin Elisha,” in Dictionary of American Biography, ed. Allen Johnson (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929). Daniel Bliss, a relative of Edwin Elisha Bliss, founded the Syrian Protestant College (now American University) of Beirut. 127. Giles, “Workingman and Theologian,”, 224. Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Rise of the City, 1878–1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1933), 341. The Church of the Carpenter was officially founded in 1892, but the Mission of the Carpenter started at least a year earlier. An article and announcement of the mission was printed in the December 1890 issue of The Dawn 3, no. 1 (1890): 8. 128. “Bliss, William Dwight Porter,” in Dictionary of American Biography, ed. Allen Johnson (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929), 377; Dombrowski, 96. One of the vice presidents of the Society of Christian Socialists at its founding was Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, who became well known as an organizer and fund-raiser for Union hospitals during the Civil

War and subsequently became involved in women's suffrage and philanthropic causes. Henry Morgan, “Letter from Henry Morgan to Miss Alice Baker, 1870,” Collection of Massachusetts literary letters, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass. Leo Eben Tourjée, “For God and Music: The Life Story of Eben Tourjée, Father of the American Conservatory, 1960,” manuscript, 304, The Archives at The New England Conservatory of Music, Boston, Mass. Celebration of Second Cornerstone Laying, July 3, 1882, People's Temple Records containing pamphlets, Boston University School of Theology Library. Dombrowski, 99–100. 129. Wendy Hamand Venet, A Strong-Minded Woman: The Life of Mary Livermore (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005), 225–226. 130. The Dawn's political pragmatism remained even after Bliss purchased The Dawn in December 1890 for the stated purpose of wanting to make “a more pronounced political stand.” W.D.P. Bliss, “Editorial,” The Dawn 3, no. 1 (1890): 2. 131. On at least one occasion Bliss ran a balanced article in The Dawn that entertained the contrasting approaches of Edward Bellamy and Henry George. Ezra P. Gould, “Henry George or Edward Bellamy: Which, or Neither?” The Dawn 2, no. 2 (1890): 53–65. Richard B. Dressner, “William Dwight Porter Bliss's Christian Socialism,” Church History 47 (March 1978): 72. 132. Bliss cited in Dressner, 68. For more discussion of W.D.P. Bliss's activities see Peter J. Frederick, Knights of the Golden Rule: The Intellectual as Christian Social Reformer in the 1890s (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1976), 81–98. 133. May, 127. 134. Ruth Bordin, Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873–1900 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981), 117. 135. The tendency to downplay the influence of the holiness movement on Willard is evident in Ruth Bordin, Frances Willard: A Biography (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 156. 136. The influence of the holiness movement on Frances Willard is clearly evident in diary entries from January through March 1866. Her retelling of her experience of entire sanctification is in S. Olin Garison, ed., Forty Witnesses: Covering the Whole Range of Christian Experience (New York: Phillips & Hunt, 1888); Carolyn De Swarte Gifford, ed., Writing Out My Heart: Selections from the Journal of Frances E. Willard, 1855–96 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 221–227. See also Mary Earhart, Frances Willard: From Prayers to Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944), 45, 61. For Foster's role in the holiness movement see Kenneth O. Brown, Inskip, McDonald, Fowler: “Wholly and Forever Thine”: Early Leadership in the National Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness (Hazleton, Pa.: Holiness Archives, 1999), 247; Charles Edwin Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867–1936 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1974), 56. 137. Livermore also experienced a turning point at this time and became far more strident in her condemnations of industry and her advocacy of labor. Earhart, 287–289. 138. Ibid., 74–75.

139. The precise nature of Willard's relationship with Powderly is still a mystery. In a diary entry she described “the real romance” of her life as being “unguessed save by a trio of close friends.” Biographers of Willard disagree in their speculation about Willard and Powderly's relationship. Powderly was ten years her junior and already married. Bordin, Frances Willard, 143; Harry J. Carman, Henry David, and Paul N. Guthrie, eds., The Path I Trod: The Autobiography of Terence V. Powderly (New York: Columbia University Press, 1940), 268–270; Earhart. 140. Carman, David, and Guthrie, eds., 365. 141. Frances Willard, “Christian Socialism and Temperance,” The Dawn 2, no. 1 (1890): 7. 142. Terrence Powderly resigned as head of the Knights of Labor in 1893. May, 159. 143. For Willard's own assessment of her time in Boston during the 1877 Moody revival see Frances E. Willard, Glimpses of Fifty Years: The Autobiography of an American Woman (Chicago: Woman's Temperance Publication Association, 1889), 356–361. 144. Cited in Eisinger, 231. G. M. Steele, “Industrial Reconstruction,” Methodist Review 73 (January–February 1891): 43. 145. “Society as Christian Socialism views it” Zion's Herald, 31 December 1890. CHAPTER FOUR

The Salvation Army and Other Evangelical Organizations Led by Women, 1884–1892 1. Helen Barrett Montgomery in Dana L. Robert, American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1997), 137. The Congregationalists also formed a woman's foreign missionary organization in 1868, and women from other denominations soon followed in setting up separate women's organizations devoted to the cause of foreign missions. Several stained glass windows commemorating this event and the original eight founders of the WFMS still exist at the former Tremont Street church —now New Hope Baptist Church in the South End. Francis Baker, The Story of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1869–1895 (Cincinnati: Curts and Jennings, 1898), 12–18. 2. Dana L. Robert, “The Influence of American Missionary Women on the World Back Home,” Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 12, no. 1 (2002): 68. 3. Robert, American Women in Mission, 254. 4. Mary Sparkes Wheeler, Zion's Herald, February 1879. The full text of the poem is also cited in ibid., 125. 5. Ian Tyrrell, Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991). 6. Norton Mezvinsky, “The White Ribbon Reform, 1874–1920 (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1959). 7. The most famous of these is Ehwa Women's University in South Korea. Robert,

American Women in Mission, 137. 8. Ibid., 130. 9. Meeting minutes, 6 October 1873, Records of the Boston Methodist Home Missionary Association, Boston University School of Theology Library, Boston, Mass. The WFMS similarly assisted urban mission efforts in other regions of the country. Lewis R. Dunn, “Mission Churches a Necessity” Zion's Herald 58, 18 August 1881, 257. See Robert, “The Influence of American Missionary Women on the World Back Home,” 85. 10. The national organization of the Woman's Home Missionary Society was begun in 1880, but the founding meeting of the first auxiliary in New England did not take place until June of 1881. Initially, its focus was more on western states and the American South, but the WHMS soon became more concerned about large cities in the Northeast as well. Woman's Home Missionary Society Secretary's Minutes, 2 June 1881, Boston University School of Theology Library, Boston, Mass. The strong connection between the WFMS and the WHMS is also made explicit in R. S. Rust, “The Woman's Home Missionary Society,” Methodist Review 69 (September 1887): 653–678. 11. Willard's personal interest in expanding the WCTU internationally had been developing for several years prior to 1881. Tyrrell, 19. 12. Bordin notes that Willard's call to “do everything” had more to do with tactics (the time was ripe for all kinds of action) than with reckless expansion of a diffuse set of goals. Ruth Bordin, Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873–1900 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981), 131, 191–193. 13. Tyrrell, 39. 14. Marsh Chapel at Boston University has a large stained glass window depicting Frances Willard in the midst of reams of paper from the Polyglot Petition. 15. Tyrrell, 45. 16. Robert E. Weir, Beyond Labor's Veil: The Culture of the Knights of Labor (University Park,: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), 70–71. 17. Sarah Deutsch, Women and the City: Gender, Space, and Power in Boston, 1870– 1940 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 4; Mark Peel, “On the Margins: Lodgers and Boarders in Boston, 1860–1900,” Journal of American History 72, no. 4 (1986): 832; Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Rise of the City, 1878–1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1933), 141; Suzanne Spencer-Wood, “A Survey of Domestic Reform Movement Sites in Boston and Cambridge, Ca. 1865–1905,” Historical Archaeology 21, no. 1 (1987): 7–31. 18. Deutsch, 3–24. For a detailed examination of the complexities of Methodist piety in the mid- to late nineteenth century and how it affected women's roles at home and in the wider society see A. Gregory Schneider, The Way of the Cross Leads Home: The Domestication of American Methodism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 120–121. See also Catherine Brekus, “Female Evangelism in the Early Methodist Movement, 1784–1845,” in Methodism and the Shaping of American Culture, ed. Nathan O. Hatch and John H. Wigger (Nashville: Kingswood Books, 2001). 19. “The President's Annual Report of Liberal Abstract Therefrom—the Higher Education

of Women,” Boston Daily Globe, 10 January 1877. The report went on to describe Boston University as “the first and only [university] in the world, organized from the bottom and throughout for both men and women impartially.” 20. Jean Miller Schmidt, Grace Sufficient: A History of Women in American Methodism, 1760–1939 (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1999), 59. 21. Single events such as the licensing of Van Cott must not obscure the countless more informal ways the evangelical movement affirmed women's roles as evangelists and church leaders. Dee Andrews, The Methodists and Revolutionary America, 1760–1800: The Shaping of an Evangelical Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 115; Rosemary Skinner Keller, “Creating a Sphere for Women: The Methodist Episcopal Church, 1869–1906,” in Perspectives on American Methodism: Interpretive Essays, ed. Russell E. Richey, Kenneth E. Rowe, and Jean Miller Schmidt (Nashville: Abingdon Press, Kingswood Books, 1993). 22. See Deutsch. The women's organizations featured in Deutsch's text tended to comprise more upper-class women than the women's organizations discussed in this chapter. They were also of a more secular character. 23. Robert, American Women in Mission, 142–143. 24. On at least one occasion the two organizations chose to hold the annual meetings for both organizations at the Asbury Grove camp meeting site. Woman's Home Missionary Society Secretary's Minutes, 1881–1892, Boston University School of Theology Library. Dana L. Robert, “Holiness and the Missionary Vision of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1869–1894,” Methodist History 39, no. 1 (2000). 25. Newspaper obituary of unknown source, Daniel Steele biographical file, Boston University School of Theology Library. Daniel Steele had even been the pastor of Tremont Street Methodist Episcopal Church three years after the WFMS was founded at that church and served as a professor at Boston University School of Theology from 1884 to 1893. “Dr. and Mrs. Daniel Steele: Golden Anniversary,” Zion's Herald, 8 August 1900, 1001. 72 Mount Vernon Street Scrapbook, Boston University School of Theology Library. 26. Robert, American Women in Mission, 142. 27. Robert Sandall, The History of the Salvation Army, Volume 2, 1878–1886 (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1956), 229. 28. In 1880 this work received official support from Booth, and he sent George Scott Railton, the son of Wesleyan missionaries, to take over the American work. Railton and six female officers arrived in New York on March 10, 1880, now considered the official inauguration of the Salvation Army's work in America. 29. The rapid growth of the Salvation Army continued from 1890 to 1910. Based on census data comparing returns from 1890 and 1910, the Salvation Army posted a 201 percent increase, or an increase of 17,533 Salvationists, nationwide. Henry K. Carroll, The Religious Forces of the United States: Enumerated, Classified, and Described; Returns for 1900 and 1910 Compared with the Government Census of 1890; Condition and Characteristics of Christianity in the United States: Revised and Brought Down to 1910 (New York: Scribner,

1912), 469. 30. For nine out of twelve months in 1888 the two Boston corps were led entirely by female officers. In 1888 only two male officers were assigned to a Boston corps for a total of three months and not during the same months. Disposition of Forces records, 1888–1907, Salvation Army Archives and Research Center, Alexandria, Va. These statistics are consistent with national trends in the Salvation Army in 1888, as 45.5 percent of officers were single women while 38.5 percent were single men. Married officers in 1888 comprised 16 percent of the total. Lillian Taiz, Halleluja Lads and Lasses: Remaking the Salvation Army in America, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 169. See also Pamela Walker, “Pulling the Devil Down: Gender and Popular Culture in the Salvation Army, 1865– 1892” (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1992). 31. Daniel Steele, “The Salvation Army,” Zion's Herald 58, 18 August, 1881, 1. The New York–based holiness magazine Guide to Holiness issued a similarly laudatory article on the Salvation Army in May of 1880. “Editorial,” Guide to Holiness, (May 1880,): 148. Another New York nondenominational journal, the Christian Herald and Signs of Our Times published by T. DeWitt Talmadge, carried six positive articles on the Salvation Army in 1880, the year of its New York arrival, and criticized New York City newspapers for their inaccurate portrayal of the Army. “The Salvation Army Work in New York,” Christian Herald and Signs of Our Times, 25 March 1880, 847. 32. Catherine Booth, Aggressive Christianity: Practical Sermons, with an Introduction by Daniel Steele, D.D. (Boston: McDonald & Gill, 1883). 33. “The Salvation Army,” The New Englander 6, new series (July 1883): 437. 34. Ibid., 431–432. 35. Biographical file for Amos Shirley, Salvation Army Archives and Research Center; “Boston Besieged,” Boston Daily Globe, 8 September 1884, 1. “An Impending Invasion,” 6 September 1884, reprint of Boston Daily Globe article in The Salvation Army in the Eighties (Boston: Provincial Headquarters, 1952), 1. Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. The Republican-oriented Evening Transcript made no mention of the Salvation Army's invasion of Boston. 36. The first charity organization society in the United States was in Buffalo, New York. Frank Dekker Watson, The Charity Organization Movement in the United States: A Study in American Philanthropy (New York: Macmillan, 1922), 178. Matthew A. Crenson, Building the Invisible Orphanage: A Prehistory of the American Welfare System (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); Nathan Irvin Huggins, Protestants against Poverty: Boston's Charities, 1870–1900 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1971); Watson. 37. Brenda M. Lawson, “Starving While Waiting for a Friend: Assessing the Success of the Associated Charities of Boston, 1879–1899” (M.A. thesis, Simmons College, 1996), 29–41. By 1885 the Congregationalist City Missionary Society was also no longer trying to convert Catholics to Protestant Christianity. John Leslie Dunstan, A Light to the City: 150 Years of the City Missionary Society of Boston, 1816–1966 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), 184. 38. John Boyle O'Reilly cited in Robert Bremner, From the Depths: The Discovery of

Poverty in the United States (New York: New York University Press, 1956), 53. The Pilot has been described as “one of the most influential immigrant newspapers, ‘the Irish Bible,’ of nineteenth century America.” Beginning in 1829 under the name Jesuit or Catholic Sentinel it was owned by Irish immigrants for many decades until, in 1908, it became the official weekly for the Boston Archdiocese. Francis R. Walsh, “The Boston Pilot: A Newspaper for the Irish Immigrant, 1829–1908” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1968), iv–vii. 39. “The Minstrel in Massachusetts,” American War Cry, 12 May 1888, 4. The article reported on a large meeting the Salvation Army held at Tremont Temple in either April or May 1888, just as the bitter anti-Catholic campaign was beginning to heat up. The article noted that two “saved Roman Catholics” testified at this meeting. Such a testimony by two former Catholics may have contributed to the fighting atmosphere between some Protestants and Roman Catholics. For a recent analysis of the Salvation Army and social strife in Montreal, Canada, see Norman Murdoch, “Marching as to War: The Salvation Army Invasion of Montreal, 1884–1885,” Fides et Historia 35, no. 1 (2003): 59–89. 40. The Salvation Army was involved in politics elsewhere in the country. At national headquarters in New York City, Commissioner Frank Smith was an enthusiastic supporter of Henry George immediately upon arriving in New York from England. George made an unsuccessful bid for mayor under the United Labor Party in the city of New York. The Army also supported striking Pennsylvania coal miners in 1888 and issued a national appeal for financial assistance for the struggling corps in the coal-mining region. The divisional officer of the region referred to the strikers as “our class of people.” “The Great Strike,” American War Cry, 28 January 1888, 1. Edward H. McKinley, Marching to Glory: The History of the Salvation Army in the United States, 1880–1992, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 78–79. 41. Their political action involved the systematic visitation of homes to urge support of what they called the “Salvation Temperance Crusade.” They also held special meetings and street demonstrations in order to persuade voters to vote for the temperance cause. “The Columbian War: New England Division,” The Conqueror 1, no. 9 (October 1892): 305. 42. Cullis's Brighton Street Mission appears to have closed after 1879 and does not appear as a Cullis ministry in 1884. Twentieth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and Other Institutions Connected to A Work of Faith to 30 September, 1884 by Charles Cullis (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1884). 43. A. J. Gordon preached at a Salvation Army meeting in the Windsor Theatre in April 1885. “Windsor Theatre, Boston,” American War Cry, 25 April, 1885, 3. In his biography of A. J. Gordon, Scott Gibson mistakenly describes Emma M. Whittemore as a Salvation Army officer. Emma M. Whittemore wrote a column for Gordon's magazine, Watchword, in the 1890s. Although Whittemore was very involved in rescue mission work and a frequent speaker at Salvation Army events, there is no evidence in Salvation Army archives that she ever served as a Salvation Army officer. Scott M. Gibson, A. J. Gordon: American Premillennialist (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2001), 151. 44. Frank Smith, Salvation War in America (New York: Headquarters and Trade

Department, 1885), 27–28. 45. Disposition of Forces records, 1888–1907, Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. 46. Frank Smith, The Salvation War in America for 1885 (New York: Headquarters and Trade Department, 1886). 47. Taiz, 23–24. The schism of 1884 occurred in large part because of conflicting understandings of property law between General Booth in England and Major Thomas Moore in command of the American Army in New York. Over the objection of General Booth, Moore filed a preliminary petition to incorporate the Army under New York law in July of 1883. Relations between American Salvationists and General Booth further deteriorated when Booth did not attend the fourth anniversary celebration of the Army in Brooklyn. In October 1884, when Moore refused to yield to an officer sent by Booth to take command away from Moore, two Salvation Armies emerged. McKinley, 29–37. 48. “A Youthful Veteran,” The Conqueror (November 1892): 324. 49. “Boston No. 2,” American War Cry, 28 April 1888, 15. The confusion caused by the 1884 schism lasted for five years until in October 1889 the two Salvation Armies once again united. McKinley, 34. 50. “Salooning,” American War Cry, 30 May 1885, 2. A similar complaint made by a saloon keeper is recorded in the following month's issue as well. “Salooning: Boston, No. 1,” American War Cry, 13 June 1885, 4. 51. Cited in Taiz, 52. 52. Glen Alton Messer, “Restless for Zion: New England Methodism, Holiness, and the Abolitionist Struggle, circa 1789–1845” (Th.D. diss., Boston University, 2006). 53. The most well-known case of Methodist persecution would have been in 1833, still in living memory of many people fifty years later. In 1833 a famous court case accused Methodist preacher Ephraim Avery in the murder of a pregnant young woman who had worked in the mills of Fall River. This case brought an immense amount of criticism of Avery and, by association, the Methodist Episcopal Church of New England, and many effigies of Avery were burned in protest. A book written at the time with mill owners’ interests in mind contrasted the chaotic and sexually charged Methodist camp meetings with the order and decorum of New England mill town factories. Many mill workers were Methodists. Tavern owners disturbed by Methodist organizing around temperance joined in the fray as well and encouraged mobs to oppose Methodism. David Richard Kasserman, Fall River Outrage: Life, Murder, and Justice in Early Industrial New England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986). Anti-Methodist feelings were also expressed in a Congregationalist journal in the 1850s complaining of the Methodists’ excessive emotionality at camp meetings. John Corrigan, Business of the Heart: Religion and Emotion in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 22. See also Eric Baldwin, “The Devil Begins to Roar: Opposition to Early Methodists in New England,” Church History 75, no. 1 (2006). Methodist identification with the Salvation Army was not universal, as more genteel Methodists sought to distance themselves from the Salvation Army's

work. Explicit criticism of the Salvation Army appeared in the Methodist Review. “Recent Doings of the Salvation Army,” Methodist Review (May 1885): 451–452. 54. “The Salvationists: What the Newburyport Herald Thinks About the Soldiers,” American War Cry, 21 February 1885, 1. 55. “A Youthful Veteran,” The Conqueror 1, no. 10 (November 1892): 324. 56. Ibid, 322–323. 57. Taiz, 50. 58. William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror 2, no. 6 (July 1893): 253. R. David Rightmire, Sanctified Sanity: The Life and Teaching of Samuel Logan Brengle (Alexandria, Va.: Crest Books, 2003), 11. 59. Rightmire, 14. 60. Rightmire, 19. 61. Rightmire, 12. 62. McDonald regretted that toward the end of his life he had increasingly become a “holiness fighter, fighting for the doctrine, attacking preachers and teachers who did not accept my preaching, often putting up men of straw and knocking them down.” Kenneth O. Brown, Inskip, McDonald, Fowler: “Wholly and Forever Thine”; Early Leadership in the National Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness (Hazleton, Pa.: Holiness Archives, 1999), 231. Rightmire, 22. 63. Rightmire, 12. 64. “Great Opening Day of the Sixth Anniversary of the Salvation Army in America,” American War Cry, 27 March 1886, 1. 65. Susan Southworth and Michael Southworth, The Boston Society of Architects’ AIA Guide to Boston (Old Saybrook, Conn.: Globe Pequot Press, 1992), 174. 66. Diane H. Winston, Red-Hot and Righteous: The Urban Religion of the Salvation Army (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 34. 67. “Aggressive Work in Cities” Zion's Herald 63, 25 August 1886, 268. Five years later Hugh Price Hughes spoke to School of Theology students at Boston's People's Church, which would have been the church and neighborhood in Boston most similar to his own in London. “Hugh Price Hughes in Boston,” Zion's Herald, 14 October 1891, newspaper clipping in Mount Vernon Scrapbook box, Boston University School of Theology Library. 68.. Hinckley G. Mitchell, “The School of Theology and Missions,” Zion's Herald 71, 7 June 1893, 8. Hinckley Mitchell was a professor of Old Testament and a participant in the class meeting where this call to more active urban mission on the part of the students was felt. The student body at the time numbered approximately 150. That 30 of them became immediately involved in urban mission illustrated that this was a significant development in the life of the school. 69. “A Youthful Veteran,” The Conqueror 1 (November 1892): 322. Significant involvement of Boston University School of Theology students with the Salvation Army in 1885 is mentioned by Samuel L. Brengle in William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893): 253.

70. “Letter from Boston,” Central Christian Advocate, 8 February 1888, 72; Mount Vernon Street Scrapbook, Boston University School of Theology Library. Another newspaper clipping in the scrapbook dated 15 December 1887 described bands of students working at the North End Mission and being led by two professors beginning in the winter of 1886–1887. 71. Boston Globe, 29 July 1893, in “North End Settlement” folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Box 1, Boston University School of Theology Library. 72. It is possible that Steele was referred to a book by his student Samuel Brengle, whose future wife had just written A Cradle of Empire, which extolled the Salvation Army's London Training Garrison and criticized the more scholastic training with which Brengle was familiar at Boston University. Elizabeth's book played a decisive role in convincing Brengle that he must leave Boston University. Brengle wrote that “this little book finally tipped the scales and dropped me into the Army.…[T]he apostolic simplicity and spirit of devotion of the Army's school was so different from the scholastic spirit of the theological school that it broke my heart. Bursting into tears, I cried out, ‘These are my people!’” Rightmire, 16. Elizabeth Swift, A Cradle of Empire (London: Salvation Army Book Stores, 1885). Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. 73. Steele here is referring to the Boston Methodist Episcopal seamen's preacher, Edward Thompson “Father” Taylor, and to Methodist foreign missions leader William Taylor, who also spoke at Boston University around this time. 74. Daniel Steele, “Non-classical Methodist Theological Schools,” Methodist Review (May 1886): 455, 457. 75. “The Salvation Army from a Money Standpoint,” American War Cry, 5 September 1885, 1. 76. Official Minutes and Retrospective Register of the Eighty-Sixth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held at Trinity Church, Springfield, April 9–14, 1885 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1885), 78, 96. 77. “The Camp Meeting at Old Orchard: Intense Enthusiasm,” American War Cry, 15 August 1885. 78. Paul G. Chappell, “The Divine Healing Movement in America” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1983), 144. 79. Marjorie Hartman Scott, The Old Orchard Beach Camp Meetings, Salvation Army Northern New England Division, 1995. Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. 80. By the early 1890s the Army could count as enthusiastic supporters Bishop Phillips Brooks of the Episcopal Church (he became bishop in 1891) and Congregationalist Joseph Cook. William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893): 252. In 1882 Brooks first encountered the Salvation Army in Britain, but the only good thing he said about it at that time was that “there was nothing very bad about it, and I am not sure that it might not do good to somebody.” Raymond W. Albright, Focus on Infinity: A Life of Phillips Brooks (New York: Macmillan, 1961), 253. Joseph Cook, in an 1894 lecture, praised the Salvation Army: “If we are to be saved from a starvation army like that which besieged the State House, it must be through the Salvation Army.” Also in 1894, a commencement address at Boston University

School of Theology lavished a paragraph of praise on the Salvation Army for its work among laborers. 1894 Epworth League House folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Box 1, Boston University School of Theology Library. 81. Taiz, 43. 82. William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893): 252. 83. Edith Marshall, “The Auxiliary League,” The Conqueror (May 1894): 192. 84. William Booth, In Darkest England and the Way Out (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1890). Booth's ideas for farm colonies and other plans outlined in his book were tried more enthusiastically in Britain than they were in America. Taiz, 108–111. 85. Edward Everett Hale, If Jesus Came to Boston (Boston: Lamson Wolffe, 1895), 40– 41. Hale's book was written in response to the far more popular 1894 book If Christ Came to Chicago. W. T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago! A Plea for the Union of All Who Love in the Service of All Who Suffer (London: Review of Reviews, 1894). Whereas Stead portrayed the dire poverty of Chicago with few examples of Christian action for the poor, Hale portrayed Boston in a more optimistic light, making mention of the many Christian workers among the poor. 86. Cited in Jonathan Dorn, “‘Our Best Gospel Appliances’: Institutional Churches and the Emergence of Social Christianity in the South End of Boston, 1880–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994), 249. 87. Undated newspaper clipping, “Adjt. Newcomb Left Wellesley for Slum Work,” biographical file, Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. 88. William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893): 255. Brewer acknowledged that this numerical estimate was not based on any rigorous record keeping. 89. Disposition of Forces records, Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. A narrative account of five of the Boston corps is in William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893). 90. William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893): 255. The difference between a “Slum post” and a “Slum corps” was simply the level of development. A “Slum post” would usually have fewer participants involved and generally would have been developed more recently than a “Slum corps.” 91. The Methodist Episcopal Church instituted the office of deaconess in 1888, and the number of deaconess institutions flourished in Methodism and other denominations in the ensuing years. Jeannine E. Olson, One Ministry Many Roles: Deacons and Deaconesses through the Centuries (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1992). The settlement house movement in America began in 1886. It received its inspiration from Toynbee Hall in London, which began in 1884. Allen Freeman Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 6–9. 92. Taiz, 42. 93. Taiz, 111. 94. William Brewer, “Boston,” The Conqueror (July 1893), 255. A corps in the Boston neighborhood of Jamaica Plain and a Swedish corps were both begun in November 1893.

Archives at the Salvation Army Massachusetts Divisional Headquarters, Boston, Mass. “Inauguration of Swedish Work,” American War Cry, 16 December 1893, 8; “New England Review,” American War Cry, 18 November 1893, 11. 95. William J. Cozens, Church of the Back Street: Annual Report of the Salvation Army (Incorporated) in Boston for the Year Ending November, 1900, (Boston: New England Headquarters, 1900), archives at the Salvation Army Massachusetts Divisional Headquarters. 96. Kristen Petersen Farmelant, “Trophies of Grace: Religious Conversion and Americanization in Boston's Immigrant Communities, 1890–1940” (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 2001), 91. A short-lived beginning to the Salvation Army's Swedish work occurred in the summer of 1891. Captain Graham and Lieutenant Olson are identified on the Disposition of Forces record only for June of 1891. After this time, the record has no officers assigned to this work. By the end of the year, the Swedish corps completely disappears from the Disposition of Forces records until, in 1894, it reappears under the Swedish District Disposition of Forces, a separate administrative unit for work among Swedes in America. The American War Cry described the inauguration date of work among Swedes in Boston as December of 1893. “Inauguration for Swedish Work in Boston,” American War Cry, 16 December 1893, 8. 97. Scandinavian Department Disposition of Forces, Salvation Army Archives and Research Center. The archive at the Salvation Army New England Divisional Headquarters in Boston also has some documentation about Boston #6. The current Salvation Army New England Divisional Headquarters is located at the former site of the Methodist Episcopal People's Church in the South End. 98. The Salvation Army's work among Swedish immigrants began in New York in 1887. McKinley, 59, 63. 99. Farmelant, 85. Louis A. Banks, White Slaves; or, The Oppression of the Worthy Poor (Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1892). 100. Farmelant, 84. 101. Hattie B. Cooper, “History of the New England Conference Society,” in Annual Report and Thirty-Fifth Anniversary of the New England Conference Woman's Home Missionary Society, 1915–1916 (Boston: Woman's Home Missionary Society, 1916), 51. 102. Sorlin worked on the bethel ship, the John Wesley, in New York Harbor from 1874 to 1876. Henry C. Whyman, The Hedstroms and the Bethel Ship Saga: Methodist Influence on Swedish Religious Life (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992). “Daniel S. Sorlin,” Official Minutes of the Ninetieth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Trinity Church, Worcester, April 10–16, 1889 (Boston: Alfred Mudge & Sons, 1889), 113. 103. Woman's Home Missionary Society Minutes, 1893, Boston University School of Theology Library. Prior to the late 1880s the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church had concentrated most of its work among freedmen in the American South and Mormons in the West. Some small efforts among Chinese immigrants had begun in 1886 in the western states as well. Cooper, 50.

104. Roman Catholic parishes in East Boston also sponsored women dock workers among the immigrants. Farmelant, 87. 105. Ibid., 82, 86. 106. The location of the home was first at 10 Haynes Street in East Boston and subsequently at two locations on Marginal Street. Cooper, 50. 107. Ibid. 108. George W. Mansfield, “Other Institutions—Concluded,” in The Centennial of New England Methodism, ed. George A. Crawford (Boston: Crawford Brothers, 1891), 543–548. 109. Farmelant, 32. 110. Ibid., 94. Farmelant, 94. 111. “Organizational Records, 1896–1928,” Immigrant Home, East Boston, Boston University School of Theology Library. 112. Farmelant, 31, 94. 113. Cullis's deaconess home also had a de facto deaconess training school, as many of the deaconesses attended evening classes in his Faith Training College on Beacon Hill. 114. The curriculum at the training school included books on the recent history of deaconesses in Europe as well as the ancient history of the church office. First Annual Report of the New England Deaconess Home and Training School (Boston: McDonald, Gill, and Co., 1890). Benjamin L. Hartley, “Salvation and Sociology in the Methodist Episcopal Deaconess Movement,” Methodist History 40, no. 3 (2002). 115. Robert, American Women in Mission, 65–75, 125–188. Official Minutes of the Ninety-Second Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1891 (Boston: McDonald & Gill & Co., 1891), 74. 116. For an overview of the deaconess movement's history in Europe and elsewhere see Olson. 117. Bishop James Thoburn, a well-known missionary from India, led the petitions through the intricacies of the General Conference with the urgings of his missionary sister, Isabella Thoburn, who had recently joined forces with Chicago's Lucy Rider Meyer in their common cause to establish the office of deaconess in the denomination. Elizabeth Meredith Lee, As among the Methodists: Deaconesses Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow (New York: Woman's Division of Christian Service, Board of Missions, The Methodist Church, 1963), 21. Similar movements of “Methodist Sisters” occurred in Britain in the 1870s under the leadership of Katharine and Hugh Price Hughes—the most prominent Methodist preacher in Britain at the turn of the century. Hughes praised the Sisterhood of the West London Mission as “by far the most important departure of the Mission.” These “sisters” were not called deaconesses, as Hugh Price Hughes “did not fancy the title.” Dorothea Price Hughes, The Life of Hugh Price Hughes (New York: A. C. Armstrong & Son, 1904), 202. Philip S. Bagwell, Outcast London, a Christian Response: The West London Mission of the Methodist Church, 1887–1987 (London: Epworth Press, 1987), 29. 118. Mary Agnes Dougherty, My Calling to Fulfill: Deaconesses in the United Methodist Tradition (New York: Women's Division, General Board of Global Ministries, The United

Methodist Church, 1997), 94–170. 119. Robert, American Women in Mission, 92–101. 120. Subsequent years’ records of the New England Annual Conference suggest that little progress was made on this idea of a women's seminary. Minutes of the Seventieth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held at Lowell, Mass., March 24–30, 1869 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1869), 38. 121. Although it is difficult to discern their popular impact, three novels in the 1870s and 1880s explicitly criticized the male office of deacon as it was known in Congregationalist and Baptist churches. Portrayed as hypocritical and stuck in their ways, the deacon characters in these novels would have provided a helpful contrast to the female deaconess movement, which viewed its ministry as a kind of retrieval of a primitive Christian ideal. Robert Glenn Wright, The Social Christian Novel (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989), 20, 115, 116, 122. 122. “Deaconess Training School Commencement,” Zion's Herald 78, 30 May 1900, 686. 123. After his death, Brodbeck was said to be for Methodists in Boston what A. J. Gordon was for the Baptists. William Nast Brodbeck, Sermons and Addresses (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1898), 75. Official Minutes of the Ninety-First Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in People's Church, Boston, April 9– 15, 1890 (Boston: McDonald, Gill & Co, 1890), 95. 124. Incorporation minutes of 21 June 21 1889, New England Deaconess Association Corporation Records: 21 June 1889–22 January 1924, New England Deaconess Association archive, Concord, Mass. Although the training component of this institution was rather unique for Methodist women in Boston, the tradition of women organizing for the purposes of benevolent activities was a long one in Boston. See Anne M. Boylan, “Women in Groups: An Analysis of Women's Benevolent Organizations in New York and Boston, 1797–1840,” The Journal of American History 71, no. 3 (1984): 497–523; Jonathan Cooney, “‘The Means of Doing Good’: The Methodist Female Relief Society of Boston, 1828–1868, 2002,” unpublished paper, Boston University School of Theology. 125. The East Chester Park location of the Deaconess Home and Training School was located between Albany and Washington streets on the western side of Boston's South End in the highly Republican Ward Eighteen. The street is now called Massachusetts Avenue. City of Boston, A Record of the Streets, Alleys, Places, Etc., in the City of Boston (Boston: City of Boston Printing Department, 1910). 126. The Boston University School of Theology did not wholly exclude women from taking course work there. Prior to the founding of the deaconess training school, five women had graduated from the Boston University School of Theology, although none had done so since 1882: Anna Oliver in 1876; Anna H. Shaw in 1878; Elizabeth H. Delavan in 1880; Katharine Lente Stevenson in 1881; and Harriet E. Stone in 1882. Other women took some courses at the seminary but did not graduate. “School of Theology—Miscellaneous Mention,” Zion's Herald 71, 7 June, 1893. 127. Undated newspaper clipping found in the inside front cover of New England Deaconess Association Corporation Records: 21 June 1889–22 January 1924. New England

Deaconess Association archive. This volume contains the incorporation documents and other minutes from the first decade of the school's existence. 128. Virginia Lieson Brereton, “Preparing Women for the Lord's Work: The Story of Three Methodist Training Schools, 1880–1940, in Women in New Worlds, ed. Hilah F. Thomas and Rosemary S. Keller (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1981), 181. 129. New England Deaconess Association Corporation Records: 21 June 1889–22 January 1924. New England Deaconess Association archive. 130. For a more detailed analysis of the curriculum of the New England Deaconess Home and Training School see Hartley, 182–197. 131. New England Deaconess Journal, December 1909, New England Deaconess Association archive. Edgar James Helms, Epworth League House (University Settlement) 34 Hull Street, Boston: A Religious Social Study Revealing the Religious Destitution and Consequent Christian Opportunity and Obligation in a Section of Boston Slums (n.p.: Epworth League House Commission of the First General Conference District, 1894), 64–67. 132. Official Minutes of the Ninety-Second Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Common St. Church, Lynn, April 8–14, 1891 (Boston: McDonald, Gill, & Co., 1891), 75. 133. The board of managers, consisting of fifteen individuals, provided more direct supervision of the Deaconess Home and contained a majority of women. New England Deaconess Association Corporation Records: 21 June 1889–22 January 1924. New England Deaconess Association archive. 134. Robert, American Women in Mission, 142–143. 135. Harriet Warren was most likely in Germany at least until 1866, the year her husband was appointed to the faculty of Boston University. 136. Official Minutes of the One Hundred Thirty-Sixth Annual Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held in Leominster, Mass. April 6– 11, 1932 (Cambridge: Murray Printing), 116. 137. “Shawmut,” “Boston Letter,” Zion's Herald 71, 14 June 1893. 138. Seth C. Cary, “The Deaconess Training School of the Methodist Episcopal Church: A Plan to Broaden and Develop It, and to Transform It into Methodism's Greatest Need—a Training School for Christian Workers, 1891,” Address given before a meeting of the Alpha Chapter alumni organization of Boston University School of Theology on December 21, 1891, New England Deaconess Home and Training School Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 139. Ibid. 140. “Deaconess Training School Commencement,” Zion's Herald, 30 May 1900, 686. 141. New England Deaconess Journal, June 1914. 142. The Salvation Army also opened a training garrison in Boston the following summer. “Opening of Men's Training Garrison at Boston,” American War Cry, 9 August 1990, 7. 143. Inter-Seminary Alliance, Report of the Ninth Annual Convention of the American Inter-Seminary Missionary Alliance, Boston, Mass., October 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th,

1888 (Chicago: Clark and Longley, 1889), 17. Five years earlier at this same gathering of the Inter-Seminary Missionary Alliance Gordon called for a more minimalistic training regimen for missionaries but with a strong emphasis on transformation by the Holy Spirit. See InterSeminary Alliance, Fourth Annual Convention of the American Inter-Seminary Alliance, Hartford, Connecticut, October 25, 26, 27, 28 1883 (Hartford: Case, Lockwood and Brainard Co., 1883), 37–41. 144. Gibson, 134. CHAPTER FIVE

Evangelical Consensus and Division 1. The polarized nature of American religion in this period is especially accentuated in Ferenc Morton Szasz, The Divided Mind of Protestant America, 1880–1930 (University: University of Alabama Press, 1982). 2. “The World's Parliament of Religions,” Zion's Herald 71, 11 October 1893, 324. 3. Dana L. Robert, Occupy until I Come: A. T. Pierson and the Evangelization of the World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 225–233. Szasz, 12. 4. “The Higher Criticism: A Symposium,” Zion's Herald 71, 22 March 1893, 89. 5. “Aggressive Work in Cities,” Zion's Herald 63, 25 August 1886, 268. Frederick V. Mills, “Hinckley Gilbert Thomas Mitchell (1846–1920),” in Dictionary of Heresy Trials in American Christianity, ed. George H. Shriver (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1997), 294. 6. Daniel Steele, “A Good Word for Higher Criticism,” Zion's Herald 78, 23 May 1900, 649. 7. Richard Morgan Cameron, Boston University School of Theology, 1839–1968 (Boston: Boston University School of Theology, 1968), 41. 8. “The Bible and Higher Criticism,” Zion's Herald, 13 January 1892, 12. The Zion's Herald was usually very sympathetic to the contributions higher criticism could offer. For example, Boston University Old Testament professor Hinckley G. Mitchell named the Zion's Herald editor as a supporter of his when he was under attack for heresy. “Its editor allowed me to say what I would, in reason, without always taking the trouble to provide the reader with a ready antidote. He held that there were critics and critics, and whatever I said or omitted to say, treated me as one of the constructive class. Of course, he was prejudiced in my favor.” Hinckley G. Mitchell, For the Benefit of My Creditors (Boston: Beacon Press, 1922), 137– 138. 9. Arcturus Z. Conrad, ed., Boston's Awakening: A Complete Account of the Great Boston Revival under the Leadership of J. Wilbur Chapman and Charles M. Alexander, January 26th to February 21st 1909 (Boston: The King's Business Publishing Company, 1909). “Three Distinguished Evangelists in Boston,” Zion's Herald 75, 6 January 1897, 16. 10. Josiah Strong, The New Era; or, The Coming Kingdom (New York: Baker & Taylor Co., 1893), 320–374. Janet Forsythe Fishburn, The Fatherhood of God and the Victorian Family: The Social Gospel in America (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981), 99.

11. Dale Dunlap, “Tuesday Meetings, Camp Meetings, and Cabinet Meetings: A Perspective on the Holiness Movement in the Methodist Church in the United States in the Nineteenth Century,” Methodist History 13, no. 3 (1975): 96. 12. “Come-outerism” is a term scholars have used to describe the action taken by many individuals and groups to leave established denominations (mostly Methodist) in order to gain more freedom to focus on the doctrine and experiences of entire sanctification. Charles Edwin Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867– 1936 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1974), 47–61. 13. There was not a generational difference between Inskip and McDonald, as Inskip was only four years older than McDonald. Kenneth O. Brown, Inskip, McDonald, Fowler: “Wholly and Forever Thine”; Early Leadership in the National Camp Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness (Hazleton, Pa.: Holiness Archives, 1999), 216. 14. The Church of the Nazarene denomination in New England began with the People's Evangelical Church of South Providence, Rhode Island, which formed out of heated arguments over holiness at St. Paul's Methodist Episcopal Church also in Rhode Island. Timothy Lawrence Smith and W. T. Purkiser, Called unto Holiness: The Story of the Nazarenes (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1962), 54–73. Jones, 91. 15. Official Minutes of the Ninetieth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Held in Trinity Church, Worcester, April 10–16, 1889 (Boston: Alfred Mudge & Son, 1889), 87. 16. Daniel Steele promoted the work of Charles Cullis, the Salvation Army, and the Methodist Deaconess Home. Samuel F. Upham was a supporter of Charles Cullis's work. William Nast Brodbeck was named after the German Methodist holiness leader William Nast, was pastor and friend to Eben Tourjée, and was a prominent leader in the Evangelistic Association of New England and other groups. A collection of sermons published after Brodbeck's death noted his commitment to the holiness movement and described him as being to Boston Methodists what A. J. Gordon was to the city's Baptists. William Nast Brodbeck, Sermons and Addresses (New York: Eaton and Mains; Cincinnati: Curts and Jennings, 1898), 76. Two other members of the Special Committee on Holiness Association were David Hough Ela and John Mansfield, both important leaders of the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society in the 1890s. Their careers suggest they were also supportive of the holiness movement although not to the same extent as Steele, Brodbeck, and Upham. 17. Smith and Purkiser, 60. 18. Daniel Steele, Love Enthroned: Essays on Evangelical Perfection (New York: Nelson & Phillips, 1875), 413–414. 19. Rev. J. N. Short, also a member of the 1889 Special Committee on Holiness Associations, left the Methodist connection in 1893 and organized a church in Cambridge that eventually became the Cambridge Church of the Nazarene. The publisher of the New England Annual Conference's annual meeting minutes, Joshua Gill, also organized the First Evangelical Church of Boston in 1892, which met in the revered Jesse Lee Chapel for weekly worship. Smith and Purkiser, 62–63. In 1890 the presiding elder of the Lynn District was instructed to

bring up charges against Gill for his violation of the 1889 resolution on holiness meetings. Official Minutes of the Ninety-First Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in People's Church, Boston, April 9–15, 1890 (Boston: McDonald, Gill & Co, 1890), 112. 20. Daniel Steele, A Defense of Christian Perfection; or, A Criticism of Dr. James Mudge's Growth in Holiness toward Perfection (New York: Hunt & Eaton, 1896). Lewis R. Dunn, A Manual of Holiness and Review of Dr. James B. Mudge (New York: Hunt and Eaton, 1895); Smith and Purkiser, 45. 21. James Mudge participated in Indian holiness revivals led by holiness leaders John Inskip and William McDonald. Brown. Mudge wrote very favorably about the progress of the holiness movement in India in an 1874 article in the Advocate of Christian Holiness. James M. Mudge, “Letter from India,” Advocate of Christian Holiness 4, no. 12 (1874): 265–282. Years later Mudge also became a professor of mission at Boston University School of Theology. Although opposed to teaching on “instantaneous sanctification,” which had become popularized with Timothy Merritt and Phoebe Palmer earlier in the nineteenth century, Mudge remained committed to the idea of “progressive sanctification” and in 1915 could still warmly write of Steele's contributions in Steele's official obituary for the New England Annual Conference. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Nineteenth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held in People's Temple, Boston, April 14–19, 1915 (Cambridge: Charles R. Magee, 1915), 130. 22. Bishop A. G. Haygood, “Disputing About Holiness,” Zion's Herald 71, 7 June 1893, 178. Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), 37. Haygood was perhaps the most ardent critic of instantaneous sanctification in southern Methodism. The Zion's Herald also published rebuttal attacks against holiness leader William McDonald for his critical remarks against the Zion's Herald in his magazine the Christian Witness. “Dr. McDonald Again,” Zion's Herald, 8 December 1890, 388. 23. For a recent review of theological developments in American Methodism see Glenn Spann, “Theological Transition within Methodism: The Rise of Liberalism and the Conservative Response,” Methodist History 43, no. 3 (2005). 24. Synan, 43. 25. Dana L. Robert, “Holiness and the Missionary Vision of the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1869–1894,” Methodist History 39, no. 1 (2000): 15–27. 26. Studies of holiness theologians in this period demonstrate that there was considerable diversity in teachings on holiness and some of these theologians did not at all line up neatly as Wesleyan or Keswickian advocates. This was particularly the case with William E. Boardman, as cogently argued by Williams. Roy Leonard Williams, “William Edwin Boardman (1810– 1886): Evangelist of the Higher Christian Life,” (Ph.D. diss., Calvin Theological Seminary, 1998), 182–199. 27. The Swampscott meeting of evangelists and Bible teachers included such notables as

revivalist D. W. Whittle, Presbyterian pastor W. J. Erdman, and premillennialist pastor from Missouri James Hall Brookes. Whittle and Erdman were close associates of Moody at this time. 28. Daniel Steele, “The Evangelists by the Sea-Side,” Advocate of Christian Holiness 6 (October 1876): 274. 29. Daniel Steele, Mile-Stone Papers: Doctrinal, Ethical and Experimental on Christian Progress (New York: Nelson & Phillips, 1878); Daniel Steele, Antinomianism Revived; or, The Theology of the So-Called Plymouth Brethren Examined and Refuted (Boston: McDonald Gill, 1887); Steele, A Defense of Christian Perfection; Daniel Steele, Jesus Exultant; or, Christ No Pessimist: And Other Essays (Boston: Christian Witness Co., 1899). 30. Steele cited in Catherine Booth, Aggressive Christianity: Practical Sermons, with an Introduction by Daniel Steele, D.D. (Boston: McDonald & Gill, 1883), 11, 70. Steele, Antinomianism Revived. 31. The increasing popularity of Plymouth Brethren ideas observed in the continued Prophetic Conferences were doubtless a major concern for Steele. His growing fears of Plymouth Brethren teaching may have also been spurred on by the recent arrival of Presbyterian pastor and Prophetic Conference leader Charles Erdman, who pastored a Presbyterian Church in the Boston area from 1886 to 1888. Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 135. 32. Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with a Work of Faith to September 30, 1892 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1892), 5. 33. “Gordon Training School Items,” The Evangelistic Record 2 (December–January 1895–1896): 14. EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary, Hamilton, Mass. 34. The Gordon Training School by this time was more influenced by the more (Reformed) Keswick understanding of sanctification. Premillennialist teachings would have held an equally central place in the school's curriculum. 35. James Mudge, “Seventy-Five Years of the ‘Methodist Review.’” Methodist Review 76, no. 4 (1894): 531. Pennsylvania Methodist Rev. Leander W. Munhall was one of the few Methodists who also supported the premillennial perspectives prevalent at the Gordon Training School and was the only Methodist speaker at the 1901 Prophecy Conference held at Clarendon Street Baptist Church in Boston. At one Methodist ministers’ meeting Munhall once blamed higher criticism as the cause of a whole host of social ills and heretical sects. Szasz, 40. 36. Henry C. Sheldon started at Boston University as professor of historical theology in 1875. He became a professor of systematic theology in 1895. Henry C. Sheldon, “Changes in Theology among American Methodists,” American Journal of Theology 10, no. 1 (1906): 46– 49. 37. Francis John McConnell, Borden Parker Bowne: His Life and Philosophy (New York:

Abingdon Press, 1929), 13–14. 38. In the 1904 book Methodist Theology vs. Methodist Theologians, author George W. Wilson blamed “this new theology” for what he saw as the “slowly dying” status of New England Methodism. George W. Wilson, Methodist Theology vs. Methodist Theologians (Cincinnati: Jennings and Pye, 1904), 330. Bishop Willard F. Mallalieu of the New England Annual Conference wrote the introduction to this book and gave it his hearty endorsement. In the book, Wilson critiqued the theologies of Borden Parker Bowne of Boston University, W. F. Tillett of Vanderbilt University, and W. C. Huntington of Nebraska Wesleyan University. 39. For a review of the heresy charges brought up against Bowne see Harmon L. Smith, “Borden Parker Bowne,” in Dictionary of Heresy Trials in American Christianity, ed. George H. Shriver (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1997), 38–45. 40. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature Being the Gifford Lectures on Natural Religion Delivered at Edinburgh in 1901–1902 (New York: Modern Library, 1929), 492. James wrote Bowne a letter in 1901 where he similarly praised Bowne's book, The Christian Life, published that year, for its “relaxing of ancient doctrines” and remarked how “all our sects are doctrinally coming together on the basis of theism much like that of earlier Unitarianism.” Cited in McConnell, 275. 41. “A Day with Moody,” Zion's Herald, 14 January 1891, 10; “Mr. Moody,” Zion's Herald. 21 January 1891, 20. “Three Distinguished Evangelists in Boston,” Zion's Herald 75, 6 January 1897, 16. Neither the 1891 nor the 1897 revival was received with any measure of the enthusiasm with which Boston had welcomed Moody in 1877. Scott M. Gibson, A. J. Gordon: American Premillennialist (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2001), 198. 42. “The Social Gospel,” Zion's Herald 76, 13 April 1898, 453. 43. Spann. 44. Gibson, 150. 45. Cited in Gibson, 147. 46. A similar ability to hold together a stress on individual and social transformation could be seen in Gordon's closest friend at the time of his death, the Reverend A. T. Pierson. Robert, Occupy until I Come, 216–249. 47. James Gray served as supply pastor at Clarendon Street Baptist Church from April 1897 to May 1898, at which time the church voted to invite him to be their regular pastor. Gray did not accept this invitation. John D. Hannah, “James Martin Gray, 1851–1935: His Life and Work” (Th.D. diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 1974), 114–115. 48. Dwight Lyman Moody, “To All People,” in Comprising Sermons, Bible Readings, Temperance Addresses, and Prayer-Meeting Talks. Delivered in the Boston Tabernacle, by D. L. Moody. From the Boston Daily Globe Verbatim Reports, Carefully Revised and Corrected. With an Introduction by Rev. Joseph Cook (New York: E. B. Treat; Chicago: L. T. Palmer & Co., 1877), 510. The rescue mission work of premillennialists is most clearly evident in the pages of The Christian Herald and Signs of Our Times, published in New York City and edited by T. Dewitt Talmadge of Brooklyn. From 1879 to 1884 the number of articles related to interpreting Bible prophecies increased, and thus the magazine was likely popular

among Christians associated with the Prophecy Conference movement. The journal would have been relatively unpopular among Methodists and other Wesleyan holiness adherents even though Methodist leaders were occasionally featured in the magazine. Christian Herald and Signs of Our Times, Harvard Divinity School archives, Cambridge, Mass. For an analysis of this magazine and mostly New York City evangelicals’ urban mission work see Norris Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums: Evangelical Social Work, 1865–1920 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press and the American Theological Library Association, 1977). 49. Myung Soo Park, “Concepts of Holiness in American Evangelicalism: 1835–1915” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1992), 223. 50. Strong, 236. 51. The Evangelical Alliance was American Protestantism's most important ecumenical organization in the late nineteenth century and was the country's intellectual and organizing center for pastors interested in “social Christianity.” Philip D. Jordan, The Evangelical Alliance for the United States of America, 1847–1900: Ecumenism, Identity, and the Religion of the Republic (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1982); Robert, Occupy until I Come, 126. 52. The theme of the 1887 conference was “National Perils and Opportunities,” clearly borrowing from Josiah Strong's Our Country. Strong assumed the leadership of the Evangelical Alliance in 1886. Robert, Occupy until I Come, 127. Jordan, 143–190. Gordon also condemned materialism in the church at this conference, saying “We have no power to prevent men of the world from heaping up colossal fortunes, but our gospel plainly forbids Christians to do it [emphasis in the original].” Methodist labor radical Edward H. Rogers also gave a rousing speech at this conference, something he was able to do even as an uneducated layman because of the connections his former pastor and now bishop, Willard F. Mallalieu, had with other notables in the Evangelical Alliance. Cited in Philip Laurence Giles, “Workingman and Theologian: Edward Henry Rogers (1824–1909) and the Impact of Evangelicalism on the Making of the American Working Class” (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 1990), 176, 172. 53. Robert T. Rowlands, “Conservative Protestant Efforts to Institutionalize Revivalism as Seen in the Evangelistic Association of New England, 1887–1971” (M.A. thesis, Northeastern University, 1971), 14. For a review of the Evangelical Alliance's turn toward a more liberal social gospel expression of its activities see Jordan, 155–160. The EANE is currently known as Vision New England. For an excellent description of Strong's theological disposition see James H. Moorhead, World without End: Mainstream American Protestant Visions of the Last Things, 1880–1925 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 99. See also Wendy Jane Deichmann, “Josiah Strong: Practical Theologian and Social Crusader for a Global Kingdom” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1991). 54. Strong's progressive social views must be seen in light of his simultaneous ability to advocate very racist perspectives in Our Country. Wendy J. Deichmann Edwards, “Forging an Ideology for American Missions: Josiah Strong and Manifest Destiny,” in North American Foreign Missions, 1810–1914: Theology, Theory, and Policy, ed. Wilbert R. Shenk (Grand

Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004), 181–188. 55. Rowlands, 8. L. L. Doggett, History of the Boston Young Men's Christian Association (Boston: Young Men's Christian Association, 1901), 44, 59. 56. Second Annual Report of the Evangelistic Association of New England, May 30, 1889 (Boston: Winship, Daniels, & Co., 1889), EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. 57. Jonathan Dorn, “‘Our Best Gospel Appliances’: Institutional Churches and the Emergence of Social Christianity in the South End of Boston, 1880–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994), 53. 58. Second Annual Report of the Evangelistic Association of New England, May 30, 1889 (Boston: Winship, Daniels, & Co., 1889). EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. 59. William Nast Brodbeck and L. B. Bates at different times both served on the examination committee to approve evangelists for the available pool of preachers. Brodbeck also was in charge of coordinating pulpit supply services for the organization, a task he seemed to enjoy doing. On one occasion when the difficulty of obtaining evangelists was mentioned, he teased his colleagues, saying “[y]ou may all have to turn Methodists and become itinerants.” The Evangelist June 1891 and January 1890. EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. 60. Rowlands, 8. 61. First Annual Report of the Evangelistic Association of New England with Constitution and Rules and Regulations, May 31, 1888 (Lynn, Mass.: M, A, Leger & Co., Printers, 1888). EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. At the time, L. B. Bates had been serving as pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Meridian Street Bethel in East Boston since 1878 and was also serving on the board of directors for the North End Mission. In 1888 Bates also served on the board of instruction for Charles Cullis's Faith Training College. At Cullis's death Bates was one of the trustees of the “Corporation of Faith Missions at Home and Abroad.” 62. Fourth Annual Report of the Evangelistic Association of New England, May 27, 1891, EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. 63. The Evangelist, May 1890. EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. 64. Gordon's wife, Maria, his assistant pastor, John A. McElwain, and deacons Charles W. Perkins and Samuel B. Thing were also involved. Gibson, 260. 65. Ibid., 295. 66. The Evangelistic Record: A Monthly Curative for Infidelity, December 1894. EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. 67. The Evangelistic Record: A Monthly Curative for Infidelity, November 1895. EANE Records, Goddard Library, Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. Moody also came to Boston in 1891 and experienced a lukewarm reception. 68. Boston University Transcript for Edgar J. Helms, 1889, Boston University Registrar's

Office, Boston, Mass. 69. Charles Wesley Fisher, “The Development of Morgan Memorial as a Social Institution” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1949), 38, 46. In an address made in 1935 Helms told of the profound influence Borden Parker Bowne had on his thinking. 70. Handwritten letter from Rev. Edgar J. Helms dated 5 May 1899, Morgan Memorial Church Records, 1899 folder, Boston University School of Theology Library. Helms spent a year studying with Borden Parker Bowne following his seminary studies prior to 1899. Fisher, 46. 71. Leroy E. Lindsey, “Radical Remedy: The Eradication of Sin and Related Terminology in Wesleyan-Holiness Thought, 1875–1925” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1996), 71–79, 97. Lindsey argues that the biggest difference between Keswick holiness advocates and Wesleyan holiness advocates was in the Wesleyans’ belief in the possibility of sin to be eradicated in a believer. 72. Newspaper clipping from the Christian Register, 1895, Folder for Morgan Chapel 1895–1900, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 73. Francis Greenwood Peabody, “Unitarianism and Philanthropy,” Charities Review 5 (1895): 32. 74. Hinckley G. Mitchell cited in Fisher, 44. 75. Edgar James Helms, Epworth League House (University Settlement) 34 Hull Street, Boston: A Religious Social Study Revealing the Religious Destitution and Consequent Christian Opportunity and Obligation in a Section of Boston Slums (n.p.: Epworth League House Commission of the First General Conference District, 1894), 79. 76. Dorn, 161. 77. Helms was in Europe visiting both Germany and England from July 1899 to March 1900. He departed for Europe a month after the previously cited Pentecost letter to his parishioners. Morgan Chapel Mirror, March 1900, Morgan Memorial 1899 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 78. Edgar J. Helms, “German Christian Socialism, Part II,” Zion's Herald 78, 21 February 1900, 237–238. Edgar J. Helms “German Christian Socialism, Part 1,” Zion's Herald 78, 14 February 1900, 203. 79. Edgar J. Helms, “Church and Workingman,” Zion's Herald, 79, 17 July 1901, 919. 80. “The Forward Movement” article from unknown source, Morgan Memorial Church Records, 1899 folder, Boston University School of Theology Library. 81. Bowne's Personalism stressed the person as a kind of “ontological ultimate,” which is evident in Helms's argument that a “love of man” should be higher than the church's “love of truth.” Briefly stated, Personalism may be seen as a reaction to both Hegel's philosophical idealism and Marx's materialism. 82. William McGuire King, “The Emergence of Social Gospel Radicalism: The Methodist Case,” Church History 50, no. 4 (1981): 439.

CHAPTER SIX

The North End and the South End in the 1890s 1. Henry K. Carroll, The Religious Forces of the United States: Enumerated, Classified, and Described; Returns for 1900 and 1910 Compared with the Government Census of 1890; Condition and Characteristics of Christianity in the United States: Revised and Brought Down to 1910 (New York: Scribner, 1912), 407, 414–415. 2. Christiano has noted that it was not until the 1890s that Americans really understood that the nation was going through a dramatic urbanization process. Kevin J. Christiano, Religious Diversity and Social Change: American Cities, 1890–1906 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 4–6. 3. Josiah Strong, The New Era; or, The Coming Kingdom (New York: Baker & Taylor Co., 1893), 198–199. 4. The 1890 and 1906 statistics may be obtained from Henry K. Carroll, Report on Statistics of Churches in the United States at Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894); U.S. Bureau of the Census, Special Reports; Religious Bodies, 1906: Part 1, Summary and General Tables. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1910). For articles by contemporaries discussing Methodist gains and losses by neighborhood see Daniel Dorchester, “Status of Methodism in Boston and Vicinity,” Zion's Herald 58, 27 January 1881, 20; J. W. Hamilton, “Leaving the Churches,” Zion's Herald 58, 8 September 1881, 281. 5. The late nineteenth century was also a time of ascendancy for the Church of England in Great Britain. Alan D. Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England: Church, Chapel, and Social Change, 1740–1914 (London: Longman, 1976). 6. An 1882 history of the Trinitarian Congregational churches in Boston stated that of the sixteen Congregational churches in Boston “all but two in the early years of the present century became known as Unitarian. The two remaining Trinitarian were the First Church in Charlestown and the Old South.” Increase N. Tarbox, “The Congregational (Trinitarian) Churches of Boston since 1780,” in The Memorial History of Boston Including Suffolk County, Massachusetts, 1630–1880, vol. 3, ed. Justin Winsor (Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1882), 404. 7. The First Baptist Church of Boston was actually established across the river in Charlestown in 1665, but Charlestown was not annexed by the city of Boston until 1874. The Second Baptist Church, established in 1743 in the North End, was subsequently known as the Baldwin-Place Church. In the late nineteenth century the Baptists only had a seamen's bethel in the North End, which had been in operation since 1843. In 1864 the Baptist Bethel relocated to a larger church still in the North End on Hanover Street. Henry S. Burrage, A History of the Baptists in New England (Philadelphia: American Baptist Publication Society, 1894), 48; Edgar James Helms, Epworth League House (University Settlement) 34 Hull Street, Boston: A Religious Social Study Revealing the Religious Destitution and Consequent Christian Opportunity and Obligation in a Section of Boston Slums (n.p.: Epworth League House Commission of the First General Conference District, 1894), 112.

8. For detailed analysis of this first Methodist society and early Methodist work in Boston see Glen Alton Messer, “Restless for Zion: New England Methodism, Holiness, and the Abolitionist Struggle, circa 1789–1845” (Th.D. diss., Boston University, 2006), 81–86. 9. “With Charity for All: University Settlement Makes Many Hearts Glad,” Boston Globe, 2 October, 1893. 10. Louis A. Banks, White Slaves; or. The Oppression of the Worthy Poor (Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1892). 11. Block-by-block demographic information on the North End has been compiled by William M. DeMarco, Ethnics and Enclaves: Boston's Italian North End (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1981). 12. Minutes of the Seventy-Sixth Session of the New England Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held at State-Street Church, Springfield, April 7–14, 1875 (Boston: James P. Magee, 1875), 37. 13. George E. Atwood, “University Settlement at Epworth League House,” North End Settlement, 1893–1894 folder, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library, Boston, Mass. Atwood was president of the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church in New England. 14. In 1892 the Methodist Episcopal Church in New England was said to have contributed $6,000 and “a handful of missionaries” for city missionary work. By comparison, the Zion's Herald editor noted that the Congregationalists had twenty-one missionaries and a budget of $44,455.50, the Unitarians a $20,000 budget, and the Episcopalians a $25,000 budget with sixteen missionaries. The success of these other denominations, however, in establishing churches among recent immigrants or the poor was not commensurate with the greater amount of money they apparently spent. “City Evangelization,” Zion's Herald 70, 26 October 1892, 340. 15. The Congregationalist City Missionary Society in 1892 was under the new leadership of Rev. Daniel Waldron, who stressed that the CMS was not a church extension society and rather focused on internal efficiency, Christmas and Easter events, hospital visitation, and the like. John Leslie Dunstan, A Light to the City: 150 Years of the City Missionary Society of Boston, 1816–1966 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), 196. 16. Geoffrey Blodgett, Gentle Reformers: Massachusetts Democrats in the Cleveland Era, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), 165. Geoffrey Blodgett, “Josiah Quincy, Brahmin Democrat,” New England Quarterly 38 (December 1965): 439. 17. Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 165. 18. The overall unemployment rate in New England in 1895 was 7.8 percent, with approximately 30 percent of workers reporting at least one period of temporary joblessness for the year. Joshua L. Rosenbloom, “The Challenges of Economic Maturity: New England, 1880– 1940,” in Engines of Enterprise: An Economic History of New England, ed. Peter Temin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 156, 80. 19. Leah Hannah Feder, Unemployment Relief in Periods of Depression: A Study of Measures Adopted in Certain American Cities, 1857 through 1922 (New York: Russell Sage

Foundation, 1936), 83. 20. Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 161–163. “The Relief of the Unemployed in the United States During the Winter of 1893–1894,” Journal of Social Science 32 (1894): 8–11. 21. Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 141–171. 22. Blodgett, “Josiah Quincy, Brahmin Democrat,” 437. 23. Blodgett, “Josiah Quincy, Brahmin Democrat,” 440, 5. 24. Charles A. Littlefield, ed., “Two Excellent Inaugurals,” Our City, 15 January 1898, 1898 Folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 25. Jacob A. Riis, The Battle with the Slum (Mineola, N.Y.: Dover Publications, 1998), 116–123. 26. Five years before, in 1885, George Eastman discovered a way for film to be rolled, thus enabling cameras to be less bulky. Developments in flash photography also were important for making Riis's work possible. Charles A. Madison, preface to How the Other Half Lives: Studies among the Tenements of New York with 100 Photographs from the Jacob A. Riis Collection, the Museum of the City of New York and a New Preface by Charles A. Madison, by Jacob A. Riis (New York: Dover Publications, 1971), vii–viii. 27. Edward H. McKinley, Marching to Glory: The History of the Salvation Army in the United States, 1880–1992, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995),70–71. 28. Louis A. Banks, “Pew and Pulpit,” Boston Daily Globe, 23 October 1893, 8. 29. Several cities in the Northeast sought to compare the “Five Points” neighborhood of New York with their own slums. See Benjamin L. Hartley, “The ‘Five Points’ of Philadelphia: Evangelism and Social Reform at the Bedford Street Mission, 1850–1900,” Methodist History 48, no. 1 (2009): 10–22. 30. Robert Bremner, From the Depths: The Discovery of Poverty in the United States (New York: New York University Press, 1956), 69. 31. For more description of Flower's other activities see Peter J. Frederick, Knights of the Golden Rule: The Intellectual as Christian Social Reformer in the 1890s (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1976), 98–112. In its first year of publication, Bellamy's Looking Backward sold 10,000 copies and in its second year sold 300,000 copies. Robert C. Elliott in Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward, 2000–1887, Riverside ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), vii. James Dombrowski, The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), 84. 32. The Boston Bethel Mission had been operated by the Baptists at 332 Hanover Street in the North End since 1864. John Woolman Brush, Baptists in Massachusetts (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1970), 70; B. O. Flower, Civilization's Inferno; or, Studies in the Social Cellar (Boston: Arena Publishing Company, 1893), 49. Several members of A. J. Gordon's Clarendon Street Baptist Church were active participants in the Boston Bethel Mission. Gibson, 153. Flower, 13, 49, 65. 33. Flower, 28, 36. The term “social gospel” began to be used in 1886, having possibly been coined by Iowa pastor Charles O. Brown. The magazine Social Gospel, which began in

1898, is largely responsible for the widespread acceptance of the term. The “social gospel” was not simply about Christian social concern but rather tended to emphasize the systemic more than the individual nature of sin. Ronald C. White, Liberty and Justice for All: Racial Reform and the Social Gospel, 1877–1925 (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1990), xxi–xxii. Janet Forsythe Fishburn, The Fatherhood of God and the Victorian Family: The Social Gospel in America (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981), 69. Aaron Ignatius Abell, The Urban Impact on American Protestantism, 1865–1900 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press and H. Milford Oxford University Press, 1943), 4, 83. Dana L. Robert, Occupy until I Come: A. T. Pierson and the Evangelization of the World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 147. 34. The emergence of sociology in this period is particularly important for the Boston context since, in the 1890s, Harvard University was at the forefront of the new discipline of sociology through the work of Francis Greenwood Peabody and Edward Cummings. For a historical examination of the discipline of sociology see Arthur J. Vidich and Stanford M. Lyman, American Sociology: Worldly Rejections of Religion and Their Directions (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985). William Graham Sumner at Yale University is believed to have taught the first course that could be considered sociology in 1876. In 1892, John R. Commons published Popular Bibliography of Sociology specifically targeting pastors. Dombrowski, 10. 35. “Mass Meeting under the Auspices of the Anti-Tenement House League,” The Dawn 5, no. 4 (1893): 1. 36. The anti-Catholic American Protective Association was formed in Clinton, Iowa, in March of 1887 and was relatively small until 1892, at which point the APA became increasingly popular as an organizing force against growing Catholic power in local and national politics. The promulgation of a false papal bull calling all Catholics to massacre “heretics” in September of 1893 played a large role in drumming up support for the APA. Although its area of greatest strength was in the midwestern regions of the country, the APA was able to maintain a daily newspaper in Boston for two years that featured prominently in Boston city politics. For a discussion of the APA see Humphrey J. Desmond, The A.P. A. Movement (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969). 37. “A.P.A. to Support Curtis. Pastor Brady Tells Why He Stands in Favor With Patriotic Order,” Boston Daily Globe, 9 December 1895, 1. This article was the lead, front-page story in the Globe. Directly below a nearly complete reprinting of Brady's sermon, the Globe ran a very large advertisement urging its readers to vote against the prohibitionists and their nolicense referendum in the December 10 election. 38. “Dr. Brady's Sermon,” Boston Daily Standard, 9 December 1895, 2. 39. Patrick Maguire's Republic was established in 1882 to advocate for the interests of the Irish in both Ireland and America. He was also influential in getting his friend Hugh O'Brien elected as mayor in 1884. John T. Galvin, “Patrick J. Maguire: Boston's Last Democratic Boss,” The New England Quarterly 55, no. 3 (1982): 409. Lawrence W. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice: Boston Political Conflict, 1885–1895” (Ph.D. diss., Boston College, 1987), 322.

40. The Baptist Tremont Temple in downtown Boston was another church that discarded the “church” name for the modern “temple.” In the case of Berkeley Street Congregational Church, the name change to “temple” signified the beginning of the church's serious adoption of institutional church methods. Jonathan Dorn, “‘Our Best Gospel Appliances’: Institutional Churches and the Emergence of Social Christianity in the South End of Boston, 1880–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994), 44. Official Minutes of the Ninety-Ninth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church held in Lafayette Street Church, Salem, April 3–8, 1895 (Boston: Charles R. Magee), 124. 41. Josiah Strong, Religious Movements for Social Betterment (New York: Baker and Taylor Company, 1900), 42. 42. Official Minutes of the Ninety-ninth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Lafayette Street Church, Salem, April 3–8, 1895 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1895), 47; Official Minutes of the One Hundredth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Held in Asbury First Church, Springfield, April 8–13, 1896 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1896), 226. Gipsy Smith, Gipsy Smith: His Life and Work (New York, Chicago, and Toronto: Fleming H. Revell, 1925), 260. 43. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Fourth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in First Church, Fitchburg, April 4–10, 1900 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1900), 142, 164. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Third Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Tremont Street Church, Boston, April 5–11, 1899 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1899), 134. 44. E. L. Godkin, the editor of The Nation, a consistently anti-imperialist periodical, identified anti-Catholic sentiment among Methodists as the key reason for their support of the Spanish-American War and described Methodists as one of “the most powerful propagandists of the McKinley wars.” K. M. MacKenzie, The Robe and the Sword: The Methodist Church and the Rise of American Imperialism (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1961), 65. 45. E. B. Tompkins, Anti-imperialism in the United States: The Great Debate, 1890–1920 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970), 2. 46. MacKenzie, 70, 81. 47. MacKenzie. 48. “Editorial: Methodists are Imperialists,” Zion's Herald, 1 February 1899, 134. 49. For a list of prominent members of the Anti-Imperialist League see Fred H. Harrington, “The Anti-imperialist Movement in the United States, 1898–1900,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 22, no. 2 (1935): 211–230. 50. Tompkins. 51. Helms, 32–33, 70. Mitchell was chosen to be “captain” of the Boston University School of Theology “Students’ Mission Band” in 1894 as part of the seminarians’ mimicry of Salvation Army militaristic organization. 52. University Settlement was also sometimes called the Epworth League House because of the support it received from the Methodist youth organizations in the area. 53. University Settlement was first located at 18 Charter Street and then shortly moved a

block away to 34 Hull Street. Helms, 55–56. 54. Sarah Deutsch, “Learning to Talk More Like a Man: Boston Women's Class-Bridging Organizations, 1870–1940,” The American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (1992): 398. For a review of Robert Woods's contributions see Allan Freeman Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967). 55. Davis, Spearheads for Reform, 6–12. 56. Robert Archey Woods, The Neighborhood in Nation-Building: The Running Comment of Thirty Years at the South End House (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), 2. 57. The Salvation Army never established settlement houses. Their “slum brigades” were often a more radical expression of living with the poor, as “Slum Sisters” did not live in their own house but rather in a tenement house apartment where the poor living conditions would have been a constant presence. 58. Official Minutes of the Ninety-First Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in People's Church, Boston, April 9–15, 1890 (Boston: McDonald & Gill & Co., 1890), 105. 59. 1897–1899 Epworth League House folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 60. Undergraduate enrollments increased from 62,839 in 1870 to 237,592 in 1900. Although a significant increase in absolute numbers, this represented only about 4 percent of the total young adult population between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one in 1900. David P. Setran, The College “Y”: Student Religion in the Era of Secularization (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007), 63. 61. Boston Rescue Mission Records, Boston Rescue Mission, Boston, Mass. 62. Epworth League House 1894 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 63. 1892 newspaper clipping from The Dawn, Epworth Settlement, 1893–1894 folder, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 64. The North End's greater geographical isolation relative to the South End was largely due to the extensive streetcar lines that went through the South End in order to get to the more suburb-like districts of Roxbury and Dorchester. Sam Bass Warner, Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston, 1870–1900, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), 15–34; Robert Archey Woods, The City Wilderness: A Settlement Study (New York: Garrett Press, 1970), 38. 65. The Baldwin Place Home for Little Wanderers, discussed in chapter 2, left the North End in 1889 for the less congested South End. Woods, The City Wilderness, 4, 38–39. 66. In his 1898 study, Robert Woods estimated that the South End population was 30 percent American-born (with parents who had also been born in the United States), 32 percent Irish (first and second generation), more than 11 percent Jewish, and 6 percent BritishAmerican. Small numbers of Italians, non-Jewish Germans, Austrians, French, and Swedes comprised the remainder of the South End's population. Woods, The City Wilderness, 56.

67. From 1895 to 1899 the number of departures from the United States was approximately half of the number of arrivals. This was the highest repatriation rate of any five-year period in the late nineteenth century. Sarah Deutsch has estimated that, in contrast to the mostly male North End population in the same period, as many as 60 percent of residents in Boston's affluent Back Bay were women. Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America: Impressions and Recollections, ed. William R. Conte and Suzanne K. Conte, translated by Gina Servini (Olympia, Wash.: privately printed, 1976), 103, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass.; Nell Irvin Painter, Standing at Armageddon: The United States, 1877–1919 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987), xxxii–xxxiii. Sarah Deutsch, Women and the City: Gender, Space, and Power in Boston, 1870–1940 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 12. 68. The idea that the settlement house should serve as a model American home was emphasized by Edgar Helms at the close of the first chapter of this book. Helms, 10, 55. 69. Dana L. Robert, American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1997), 65–75. 70. Newspaper clipping from the Congregationalist, North End Settlement House, 1893– 1895 folder, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 71. Letter dated 7 December 1916 from Edgar J. Helms to William F. Warren describing the origins of the University Settlement house. North End Settlement, 1893–1894 folder, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 72. Charles A. Littlefield, ed., “University Settlement: A Study in Sociology,” Our City, 15 January 1898, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 73. Woods, The Neighborhood in Nation-Building, 9–14. 74. Charles A. Littlefield, ed., “University Settlement: A Study in Sociology,” Our City, 15 January 1898, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 75. Mina Carson, Settlement Folk: Social Thought and the American Settlement Movement, 1885–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 63; Helms, 79; Hinckley G. Mitchell, For the Benefit of My Creditors (Boston: Beacon Press, 1922), 130– 131. 76. Woods, The Neighborhood in Nation-Building, 18. 77. Helms, 112. 78. Begun in 1864, the Mildmay institution in London initially focused on training women as foreign missionaries but very quickly focused more on home missionary work in England. By the 1890s Mildmay included a hospital, a deaconess home, an orphanage, an outreach ministry for prostitutes, and numerous other ventures. By the end of the nineteenth century there were 250 deaconesses and nurses at Mildmay. American Methodist deaconess advocate Jane Bancroft stated that no other institution “will perhaps furnish more practical models for American Methodism” than Mildmay. Jane M. Bancroft, Deaconesses in Europe and Their

Lessons for America (New York: Hunt & Eaton, 1889), 166. 79. Helms, 63. 80. Letter dated 7 December 1916 from Edgar J. Helms to William F. Warren describing the origins of the University Settlement, North End Settlement 1893–1894 folder, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. The Medical Mission was located at 40 Hull Street. Dr. Howard A. Powers of Boston University School of Medicine was medical director at this mission until his death in 1916. The Woman's Home Missionary Society officially assumed oversight of the Medical Mission in 1895. “History of the New England Conference Society,” in Annual Report and Thirty-Fifth Anniversary of the New England Conference Woman's Home Missionary Society, 1915–1916 (Boston: Woman's Home Missionary Society, 1916), 52. 81. By 1895 the section of the North End where most of the Jews lived was approximately one-third the size of the Italian sections and was located just two blocks to the south of the University Settlement. University Settlement was located in the midst of the Italian neighborhood inhabited by residents who had immigrated from the province of Avellino in southern Italy. DeMarco. For a sociological study of the Jewish North End based on interviews of older residents in the 1960s see Arnold A. Wieder, The Early Jewish Community of Boston's North End: A Sociologically Oriented Study of an Eastern European Jewish Immigrant Community in an American Big-City Neighborhood between 1870 and 1900 (Waltham, Mass.: Brandeis University, 1962). 82. Edgar J. Helms, Rollin Walker, and T. P. Fisher, all from the settlement house, were mentioned as key individuals who invited the London evangelists to work with the Jews. Dr. E. S. Niles was also identified as one of the individuals who invited the evangelists. Niles previously operated a Jewish Mission on Portland Street, about seven blocks from the University Settlement. “Boston Bound. London Hebrew Mission Workers Coming: Will Introduce Work Here: Boston Hebrews Inclined to Believe that they will have no Success,” Newspaper clipping from the Boston Post dated May 1894, Epworth League House 1894 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 83. Epworth League House 1894 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology library. 84. “No Attempts to Convert,” 6 May 1895, Morgan Chapel 1895–1900 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. The scrapbook identifies this as a Boston Globe article, but the article could not be verified as being from this source. Years earlier the North End Mission had a primarily Methodist identity. 85. The Signal Light 1, no. 4 (1894), 1893–1894 North End Settlement folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. Nearly a decade earlier, the Congregationalist City Missionary Society ceased attempts to convert Catholics. Dunstan, 184. 86. Record of the Year: Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1893–1894 (Boston: Everett Press Company, 1894), 13. North End Settlement 1893–1894 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University

School of Theology Library. 87. Helms, 62. 88. Durao is later mentioned as a Methodist Portuguese pastor in an 1895 newspaper article but never appeared as an official member of the New England Annual Conference. “Free Italy Forever. Two Large Italian Parades March Boston's Streets. Washington Statue Decorated.” Boston Daily Standard, 21 September 1895, 1, 7. 89. Helms, 44. 90. Mark Peel, “On the Margins: Lodgers and Boarders in Boston, 1860–1900,” Journal of American History 72, no. 4 (1986): 813–817. For an excellent analysis of the ways that single women in particular found the lodging houses to be a liberating experience see Deutsch, Women and the City, 78–114. 91. 1894 Epworth League House folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 92. Census reports for the period show that, in 1900, 48 percent of boardinghouse and lodging house residents were American-born of American-born parents while only 28 percent of the general population of Boston could claim this same heritage. Many of the lodging house residents were rural migrants, and if they were immigrants they were often of Canadian or British origin. Peel, 817. 93. “His Handbag Organ,” 1895 article in Morgan Chapel 1895–1900 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 94. The area of the city with the densest population of students at the end of the nineteenth century was the South End. For a collection of maps, charts, and other details on the lodging house situation in the South End see Albert Benedict Wolfe, The Lodging House Problem in Boston (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1913). 95. People's Church marriage records, People's Temple Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 96. See Our City 2, no. 5 (1898), 1898 Morgan Chapel folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 97. August 1896 Boston Evening Transcript reprint in the 1898 Morgan Chapel folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 98. Italian immigrant Gaetano Conte was the class leader for the Italians, Joseph Durao for the Portuguese, and R. H. Walker for the Jews. Helms, 84. 99. Letter from Helms dated 7 December 1916 to William F. Warren detailing the origins and early history of the University Settlement. North End Settlement 1893–1894 folder, Box 1, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 100. Helms, 112. Letter from Helms to William F. Warren (see note 98 above). Helms's 1894 book about the work in the North End appears to have been part of a fund-raising effort to build a new “institutional church” in the North End. 101. Gaetano Conte was incorrectly identified as a Baptist in Kristen Petersen Farmelant, “Trophies of Grace: Religious Conversion and Americanization in Boston's Immigrant Communities, 1890–1940” (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 2001), 13. Although he did not

mention him by name, Boston historian Geoffrey Blodgett also incorrectly identified Gaetano Conte as a Roman Catholic priest and “agent of the APA” who led a parade honoring the APA and an Italian holiday. Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 152. 102. William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope, 1992,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library, Madison, N.J., 4–16, 20. 103. Ibid. Considerable detail about the Contes’ life in Italy as well as in the United States before and after their return to Italy is provided in this manuscript written by one of Conte's descendants. 104. Conte spent a great deal of time in the city of Venosa as well, which was just to the east of Avellino Province. The cities of Palermo and Messina are both on the island of Sicily. For further discussion of the regional demarcations in the North End see DeMarco. 105. Conte described his father as a “successful lawyer” and his mother as “an intellectual or an educated lady.” Gaetano Conte cited in William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library, 4. 106. Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America, 17. 107. Gaetano Conte, “Societies for the Protection of Italian Immigrants: Documents and Illustrations [Scrapbook],” Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass., 1906, 10. The Denison House and the WEIU primarily sought to cater to more educated Italians than did the University Settlement. The WEIU was founded in 1877 by upper-class women primarily from the Back Bay with established careers of their own. Of the eight founding members, three were physicians. For more information on the WEIU see Deutsch, Women and the City, 136–160. 108. William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library, 34. 109. “Little Boston Girl Who Played with Duse,” Boston Herald, 30 October 1902, in Gaetano Conte, “Societies for the Protection of Italian Immigrants: Documents and Illustrations [Scrapbook],” Massachusetts Historical Society, 1906, 13. William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library, 131. 110. Official Minutes of the Ninety-Ninth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Lafayette Street Church, Salem, April 3–8, 1895, (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1895), 124. 111. In 1903 Gaetano Conte claimed to have five hundred members in his North End congregation. William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library, p. 57. 112. Gaetano Conte, “Societies for the Protection of Italian Immigrants: Documents and Illustrations [Scrapbook],” Massachusetts Historical Society, 1906. 113. The Methodists were one of the leading denominations in Protestant work among Italians both in the United States and in Italy. The first Protestant work among Italians in America was begun by an Italian Methodist in New York. Converted in Iowa in 1858 by the

Methodists, Arrighi attended Boston Theological Seminary in 1865 and founded the first Italian Protestant Church in New York in 1881 when he began preaching at the Five Points Mission that had been founded years earlier by Phoebe Palmer. Arrighi may have also been the first Protestant to be ordained in the city of Rome. Bishop Matthew Simpson ordained Arrighi in Rome prior to returning to America in 1881. Frederick H. Wright, “Italian Methodism in America,” in Religious Work among Italians in America, ed. Antonio Mangano (Philadelphia: Board of Home Missions and Church Extension of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1917), 33. John B. Bisceglia, Italian Evangelical Pioneers (Kansas City, Mo.: Brown-White-Lowell Press, 1948), 18. 114. The location of the Italian Methodists’ new meeting place was 287 Hanover Street, just around the block from North Square, where Father Taylor's Methodist mission was once located. The Italian church in 1900 had 115 regular members and 62 probationary members. In 1900 the Italian church was under the oversight of the Cambridge rather than the Boston District in spite of being located in Boston's North End. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Fourth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in First Church, Fitchburg, April 4–10, 1900 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1900), 52, 168. 115. The exact cause of the division in the Italian ministry is not known but may have had something to do with conflict between Gaetano Conte and the new Italian pastor, Salvator Musso. Musso remained as pastor of the North End Italian Methodist Episcopal Church through 1908. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Sixth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in First Church, Boston, April 9–15, 1902 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1902), 50, 142. Official Minutes of the One Hundred and Twelfth Session of the New England Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church Held in Trinity Church, Worcester April 8–14, 1908 (Boston: Charles R. Magee, 1908), 170. 116. As a majority Italian congregation, the North End Methodist Episcopal Church was founded in 1893, the same year that Kristen Petersen Farmelant has argued that the Boston Baptist Bethel also founded its Italian work. Farmelant, 100, 266. The Baptists, however, do not appear to have created an independent Italian congregation, as the Methodists did a year later in 1894. Meeting minutes of the Boston Baptist Bethel in the early 1890s make no reference to a specifically Italian church meeting at the bethel but rather only that the bethel was doing some work among the Italians in the North End. Boston Baptist Bethel Meeting Minutes, 1888–1917, Trask Library, Andover Newton Theological Seminary, Newton, Mass. A book that includes a survey of the Baptist situation in New England in 1894 also makes no mention of work with Italians but does mention work with French, Norwegian, German, Swedish, and Finnish immigrants. Henry S. Burrage, A History of the Baptists in New England (Philadelphia: American Baptist Publication Society, 1894), 297–305. A 1912 report of the Baptist situation in the North End, however, notes that “[a]t the Bethel the preponderance of North End Italians over North End English-speaking members of church and Sunday school rather discounts the English-speaking constituency.” Arthur Warren Smith, Baptist Situation of Boston Proper: A Survey of Historical and Present Conditions (Boston: Griffith-Stillings

Press, 1912), 42. For a good treatment of the Baptists’ relationship to immigrants that is national in scope see Lawrence B. Davis, Immigrants, Baptists, and the Protestant Mind in America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973). 117. Gaetano Conte, “Societies for the Protection of Italian Immigrants: Documents and Illustrations [Scrapbook],” Massachusetts Historical Society, 1906, 5. 118. “Association for Protecting Italian Workmen,” L'Amico Del Popuolo [The Friend of the People], 16 February 1894, in ibid., 2, 40. 119. William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library, 37. 120. Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America, 150. Edwin D. Mead was editor of the literary journal the New England Magazine from 1889 to 1901. Edwin D. Mead, “Boston Memories of Fifty Years,” in Fifty Years of Boston: A Memorial Volume Issued in Commemoration of the Tercentenary of 1930, ed. Elisabeth M. Herlihy, C. K. Bolton, et al. (Boston: Subcommittee on Memorial History of the Boston Tercentenary Committee, 1932), 27. 121. The problem of corrupt banking practices was also recorded by DeMarco, 82–83. 122. Further details on the corrupt practices of the padrones is provided by Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America, 124–128. 123. Ibid., 146. 124. Fund-raising letter from the Epworth League House Commission, 1894 Epworth League House folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 125. Cited in Salvatore Mondello, The Italian Immigrant in Urban America, 1880–1920, as Reported in the Contemporary Periodical Press (New York: Arno Press, 1980), 81–83. 126. Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America, 138. 127. Kennedy, “Power and Prejudice,” 252. 128. Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America, 93. A lengthy article in the Methodist Review in 1891 published a “symposium” on the problem of immigration that also stressed the need for immigration restrictions and continued to view the Roman Catholic hierarchy as a tremendous threat. Charles Parkhurst, W. H. Wilder, and G. L. Curtiss, “Immigration: A Symposium,” Methodist Review, 73 (September–October 1891): 709. 129. The rather secularized Italian “translation” of the Methodist “Epworth League” as “Society for Humanitarian Education” is revealing in light of Conte's eventual departure from Methodism to Unitarianism a few years after he returned to Italy. 130. “Free Italy Forever. Two Large Italian Parades March Boston's Streets. Washington Statue Decorated.” Boston Daily Standard, 21 September 1895, 1, 7.

131. Gaetano Conte, Ten Years in America, 102. The conflict between the Irish and Italians in the North End is also discussed in Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, 151–152. 132. A photocopy of this ordination certificate and a detailed description of Conte's final years in Italy is provided in William R. Conte, “Gaetano Conte: His Mission and His Hope,” manuscript, United Methodist Archives Center, Drew University Methodist Library. 133. See also Dorn; Charles Wesley Fisher, “The Development of Morgan Memorial as a Social Institution” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1949). Dorn's dissertation is particularly helpful for its comparison of Morgan Memorial with three other institutional churches in the South End of Boston between 1880 and 1920. 134. With the arrival of Rev. Charles Albert Dickinson in 1888, Berkeley Temple was quickly transformed into a place that offered a wide array of social welfare services, industrial classes, and religious activities. After less than a year at Berkeley Temple, Dickinson witnessed a doubling of Sunday morning worship attendance and a total weekly attendance at various programs of up to five thousand individuals. Dorn, 52. 135. Daniel Steele, “Cathedral Methodism,” Zion's Herald, 69, 19 August 1891, 257. 136. Helms, 112; Harriet J. Cooke, “The City Problem,” March 1894, North End Settlement 1894 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 137. Morgan Memorial ran businesses in dressmaking, millinery, mending, printing, carpentry, and shoe making. The Morgan Memorial music school offered classes in a variety of instruments and voice that were taught by faculty at Eben Tourjée's New England Conservatory of Music. Dorn, 153–154. 138. Dorn, 161. 139. Blodgett, “Josiah Quincy, Brahmin Democrat,” 441–443; Dorn, 157; Fisher, 95. 140. Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), 51. 141. Henry Morgan's bequest of Morgan Chapel included a stipulation that the Unitarian Benevolent Fraternity of Churches be in charge of the physical property of the chapel while the Methodist Episcopal Church was given the right to supervise the ministry that took place there. This arrangement was not always very clear-cut, as the Benevolent Fraternity of Churches sometimes urged Helms in a particular direction in his ministry. Dorn, 145.; E. C. E. Dorion, The Redemption of the South End: A Study in City Evangelization, Constructive Church Series (n.p.: Published for the Epworth League of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1915). 142. Henry Helms and Eugenia Helms, “Life with Father,” 8 February 1952 manuscript, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library; Fisher, 96, 8. 143. Morgan Chapel 1895–1900 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. Wheelock was a Congregationalist from Vermont who has been called the “Dean of Kindergarteners in America.” Lucy Wheelock, “My Life Story, 1946,” manuscript, Wheelock College Library, Boston, Mass. 144. Dorn, 162.

145. Strong, Religious Movements for Social Betterment, 60–63. 146. Dorn, 292. Morgan Chapel was renamed Morgan Memorial Church upon the completion of the new church building in 1902. 147. Dorn, 311. 148. Shortly after Major Frank Smith returned to London in 1887 after serving as head of the Salvation Army in America, he became head of the Army's social work in England and established “Salvage Brigades,” which the Boston Salvation Army and Edgar Helms mimicked. George H. Murphy in a commencement address given in June 1894 also stated that the Salvation Army “sometimes sells [lunch and old clothes] at a low rate.” Epworth League House 1894 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. Lillian Taiz, Halleluja Lads and Lasses: Remaking the Salvation Army in America, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 106. 149. A helpful map illustrating all the various religious and social welfare institutions in the South End in 1898 is contained in Woods, The City Wilderness, 176–177. 150. “Wendell Phillips Union,” The Dawn 3, no. 15 (1891): 2. “The Wendell Phillips Union Opened at 812 Washington Street, a Success,” The Dawn 3, no. 16, (1891): 6. 151. Official Minutes of the New England Conference One Hundred Forty-Sixth Session, (Boston: Taylor Press, 1942), 936–937. See also Dorn; Fisher. Robert Moats Miller, Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam: Paladin of Liberal Protestantism (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990). CONCLUSION

1. Thomas H. O'Connor, The Boston Irish: A Political History (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1995), 170. 2. Thomas H. O'Connor, Boston Catholics: A History of the Church and Its People (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 188, 201. 3. Gipsy Smith, Gipsy Smith: His Life and Work (New York, Chicago, and Toronto: Fleming H. Revell, 1925), 260, 304. Such an invitation by a Methodist congregation was also a departure from the normal process of clergy deployment in the Methodist Episcopal Church. 4. Edward E. Bayliss, ed., The Gipsy Smith Missions in America: A Volume Commemorative of His Sixth Evangelistic Campaign in the United States, 1906–1907 (Boston: Interdenominational Publication Co., 1907), 62. 5. Gipsy Smith, 2, 90, 131. 6. Editorials in both the Baptist Watchman and in the Congregationalist made the comparison between the Smith and Moody campaigns. Bayliss, ed., 132, 135. The Methodist Zion's Herald also praised Gipsy Smith but without making a comparison to Moody. “The Gipsy Smith Meetings,” Zion's Herald, 21 November 1906, 1508. 7. Editorial cited in Bayliss, ed., 137. 8. Bruce J. Evensen, God's Man for the Gilded Age: D. L. Moody and the Rise of Modern Mass Evangelism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 178–179. 9. Bayliss, ed., 124, 148. 10. A report from J. Wilbur Chapman's evangelistic campaign in 1909 stated that 70

percent of the population in the downtown areas of the city were either foreign-born or the children of foreign-born parents. Arcturus Z. Conrad, ed., Boston's Awakening: A Complete Account of the Great Boston Revival under the Leadership of J. Wilbur Chapman and Charles M. Alexander, January 26th to February 21st 1909 (Boston: The King's Business Publishing Company, 1909), 14. 11. Bayliss, ed., 148. 12. Conrad, ed., 16, 227–235. 13. John C. Ramsay, John Wilbur Chapman: The Man, His Methods and His Message (Boston: Christopher Publishing House, 1962), 78. 14. “Faneuil Hall Meeting,” Boston Record, 2 February 1909, newspaper clipping in John Wilbur Chapman Scrapbook on Boston Revival, microfilm copy, Wheaton College, Archives of the Billy Graham Center, Wheaton, Ill. 15. “Rev. Dr. Chapman calls the Boston Revival Greatest Demonstration Since Pentecost,” Melrose Free Press, 12 February 1909, newspaper clipping in ibid. 16. Ramsay, 58–59. 17. Another parade took place the next evening in East Boston and was again led by a Salvation Army band. “East Boston Minister's March: Salvation Army leads Demonstration Before Evening Meeting,” Boston Advertiser, 3 February 1909, newspaper clipping in John Wilbur Chapman Scrapbook of Boston Revival, microfilm copy, Wheaton College, Archives of the Billy Graham Center; “Parade South End: Congregation of People's Temple Headed by Evangelists and Band Hold Services on Street,” Boston Globe, 2 February 1909 newspaper clipping in ibid. 18. Ramsay, 37–38. 19. Evangeline Booth also preached at Tremont Temple on February 13. “Listened to Miss Booth: Commander of Salvation Army Makes Stirring Address and is Introduced by Dr. Chapman,” Boston Evening Transcript, 12 February 1909, newspaper clipping in John Wilbur Chapman Scrapbook on Boston Revival, microfilm copy, Wheaton College, Archives of the Billy Graham Center. “Eva Booth Moves Big Revival Audience,” Boston Advertiser, 13 February 1909, newspaper clipping in ibid. 20. “Dr. Chapman Holds First Slum Meeting,” Boston Advertiser, 30 January 1909, newspaper clipping in ibid. Wilbur Chapman represented the progressive wing on social issues among participants in the Niagara Bible Conference movement that espoused premillennialist perspectives on biblical interpretation. Ramsay, 41–46. 21. J. Wilbur Chapman cited in Walter Unger, “‘Earnestly Contending for the Faith’: The Role of the Niagara Bible Conference in the Emergence of American Fundamentalism, 1875– 1900” (Ph.D. diss., Simon Fraser University, 1981), 267–268. 22. Conrad, ed., 43–54. 23. Ivan D. Steen, “Cleansing the Puritan City: The Reverend Henry Morgan's Antivice Crusade in Boston,” New England Quarterly 54, no. 3 (1981): 409–410. 24. John Leslie Dunstan, A Light to the City: 150 Years of the City Missionary Society of Boston, 1816–1966 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), 187–201.

25. The pronounced statistical growth of Boston Episcopalians at the turn of the century suggests that they were effective in attracting (and keeping) recent British and Canadian Anglicans in their churches. The contribution of Maritime Province immigrants to New England Episcopal churches in the late nineteenth century is an area in need of further research. 26. Only one study has sought to empirically measure the effectiveness in poverty alleviation of Boston charities in the late nineteenth century. In her master's thesis on the Associated Charities in Boston, Brenda Lawson found that between 1885 and 1890 there was a 19.6 percent decline in new cases taken up by the Associated Charities at a time when the population of Boston increased 14.9 percent. Subsequent years’ annual reports for this organization demonstrate that it continued to decline in its influence. Brenda M. Lawson, “Starving While Waiting for a Friend: Assessing the Success of the Associated Charities of Boston, 1879–1899” (M.A. thesis, Simmons College, 1996), 3, 56. 27. For a discussion of the plethora of Catholic social welfare institutions see O'Connor, Boston Catholics, 175–183. See also Susan S. Walton, To Preserve the Faith: Catholic Charities in Boston, 1870–1930 (New York: Garland, 1893). 28. Even in 1912 the work of earlier Methodists was seemingly downplayed when Methodist Harry F. Ward declared that the 1908 Social Creed constituted the “entrance of the Church upon the field of social action.” The Church—and holiness evangelicals in particular— had entered that field long before 1908. Henry Farnham May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York: Harper, 1967), 188–190. For a history of the Methodist Social Creed see Donald K. Gorrell, “The Social Creed and Methodism through Eighty Years,” in Perspectives on American Methodism: Interpretive Essays, ed. Russell E. Richey, Kenneth E. Rowe, and Jean Miller Schmidt (Nashville: Abingdon Press, Kingswood Books, 1993). 29. John C. Waldmeir has recently argued for a kind of cultural studies approach to the social gospel that looks at the pervasive influence of social gospel ideas in American society in the late nineteenth century. John C. Waldmeir, Poetry, Prose and Art in the American Social Gospel Movement, 1880–1910 (Lewiston, U.K.: Edwin Mellen Press, 2002). 30. Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997). 31. This was not the case in the American Midwest, where anti-Catholic organizations were able to continue with considerable popularity for some time. D. H. Bennett, The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 179–181. 32. Dwight Lyman Moody, “To All People,” in Comprising Sermons, Bible Readings, Temperance Addresses, and Prayer-Meeting Talks. Delivered in the Boston Tabernacle, by D. L. Moody. From the Boston Daily Globe Verbatim Reports, Carefully Revised and Corrected. With an Introduction by Rev. Joseph Cook (New York: E. B. Treat; Chicago: L. T. Palmer & Co., 1877). 33. Many scholars have discussed this development at considerable length. Donald W. Dayton, Discovering an Evangelical Heritage (New York: Harper and Row, 1976); George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth-Century

Evangelicalism, 1870–1925 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980); Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800– 1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); Unger. 34. Benjamin L. Hartley, “Salvation and Sociology in the Methodist Episcopal Deaconess Movement,” Methodist History 40, no. 3 (2002), 187–196. 35. W. M. Gilbert, Edgar J. Helms, Eugenia Helms, and Harriet Cooke all came to Boston from Cornell College in Iowa. Gilbert began as associate pastor of Morgan Memorial Church in 1913. E. C. E. Dorion, The Redemption of the South End: A Study in City Evangelization, Constructive Church Series (n.p.: Published for the Epworth League of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1915), 117. Edgar James Helms, Epworth League House (University Settlement) 34 Hull Street, Boston: A Religious Social Study Revealing the Religious Destitution and Consequent Christian Opportunity and Obligation in a Section of Boston Slums (n.p.: Epworth League House Commission of the First General Conference District, 1894), 62–64. Seventeenth Annual Report of the Consumptives Home and other Institutions Connected with A Work of Faith to September 30, 1881 (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1881), 51. Newspaper clipping from Cornell College alumni/ae newspaper, 1898 folder, Morgan Memorial Church Records, Boston University School of Theology Library. 36. Dana L. Robert, Occupy until I Come: A. T. Pierson and the Evangelization of the World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 116–128. 37. Gaetano Conte, “Societies for the Protection of Italian Immigrants: Documents and Illustrations [Scrapbook],” Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass., 1906. 38. Dana L. Robert, American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1997), 255–272. 39. She sought to make these values concrete in her later work as the first female president of a major denomination (the Northern Baptist Convention) beginning in 1921. That Montgomery has been excluded from the list of social gospel leaders perhaps says more about social gospel historiography than it does about the movement itself. Kendal P. Mobley, “The Ecumenical Woman's Missionary Movement: Helen Barrett Montgomery and The Baptist, 1920–30,” in Gender and the Social Gospel, ed. Wendy J. Deichmann Edwards and Carolyn De Swarte Gifford (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 167–171. 40. The Emmanuel Gospel Center in Boston has done a great deal of research in documenting the growth of many contemporary immigrant congregations in Boston. See http://www.egc.org for published research reports on this theme. 41. David Kirkpatrick, “The Evangelical Crackup,” New York Times, 28 October 2007.

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INDEX

African-Americans, 10, 43, 45–46, 62, 67, 101–102, 206n8, 212n71 Aggressive Christianity, 93, 99, 107. See also Salvation Army; Catherine Booth American Protective Association (APA), 80, 144–145, 159, 241n36 American War Cry, 100–102, 104, 106, 171. See also Salvation Army Andover House, 147, 149–150 Anti-catholicism, 5, 7, 83, 95, 100, 152, 163–166, 174, 177, 179, 211n65, 222n39, 252n31; Boston campaigns for, 14, 65, 73, 75–76, 77–80, 92, 144; critics of, 71, 75, 77, 80, 81, 146, 159, 171, 172, 210n57, 211n62, 242n44; of Henry Morgan, 21, 31, 72–73, 172; and the labor movement, 83, 85–86, 92; Methodist and Baptist leaders in, 77, 79, 80, 81, 87, 144– 146, 159, 176; origins of, 64, 73–74, 81, 209n36, 241n36; publications promoting, 30–31, 66, 72–73, 79–80, 113, 212n68, 216n113 Anti-imperialism, 145–146, 242n44, 242n49 Asbury Grove (Hamilton, MA), 9, 169, 220n24 Associated Charities, 99–100, 182n15, 194n61, 252n26 Association for Protecting Italian Workmen, 157–158 Back Bay, 71, 88, 154, 162, 165, 189n46, 208n28; churches in the, 22, 54, 85, 87, 215n106; Moody in the, 15, 22; Salvation Army in the, 99, 107, 173; women in the, 243n67, 246n107 Baldwin Place Home for Little Wanderers. See Home for Little Wanderers Banks, Louis A., 77, 143, 211n.61 Baptist Bethel (North End), 46, 139, 141, 143, 152, 195n67, 204n163, 238n7, 247n116 Baptists, 1–2, 4, 6, 8, 11, 30, 69, 77, 85, 93, 107, 116–118, 126, 130, 159, 200; Home for Little Wanderers and the, 33, 45; and immigrants, 109–111, 171, 246n101, 248n116; individual churches of, 7, 22–23, 27, 45–46, 49, 58–59, 76, 79, 86, 100, 219n1; and the North End, 138–139, 143, 152, 195n67, 204n163, 238n7, 240n32, 247n116; political activity of, 78–79, 81, 92, 176; publications of, 40, 72, 228n121, 250n6; Society of Christian Socialists and the, 86–87, 89; statistics of, 10, 17, 29, 37, 67, 185n8, 206n6, 206n8. See also anti-catholicism; Baptist Bethel; Clarendon Street Baptist Church; Gordon, A. J.; Gordon, Maria; Moxom, Philip; Rauschenbusch, Walter; Tremont Temple Baptist Church Bates, Lewis Benton, 51, 63, 130, 168, 197n98, 236nn59 and 61 Bellamy, Edward, 86, 90–91, 143, 216n110, 217n131, 240n31. See also Nationalist Clubs Bendroth, Margaret, 2, 4, 7, 183n24 Berkeley Street Congregational Church, 22, 27, 28, 130, 145, 160, 241n40. See also Congregationalists; Moody, D. L.; South End

Berkeley Temple. See Berkeley Street Congregational Church Bliss, William Dwight Porter, 86, 88–92, 215n98, 216nn113 and 118, 217nn125 and 130–132 Blodgett, Geoffrey, 69, 142, 246 Boardman, William, 57–59, 202n143, 203n152, 233n26 Booth, Catherine, 98–99, 107, 124. See also Aggressive Christianity; Booth- Tucker, Emma and Frederick; Booth, William; Salvation Army Booth, Maud, 107 Booth-Tucker, Emma and Frederick, 107–108 Booth, William, 98, 101, 103, 107, 143, 167, 226n84 Boston Archdiocese. See Roman Catholics Boston Brahmins, 2, 4, 9, 14, 36, 70, 71, 158, 164 Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society (Methodist Episcopal, BMCES), 48, 50, 51, 94, 109, 131, 142, 145, 150, 153, 157, 197n93, 212n69, 232n16, 239n13. See also Methodism; Tourjée, Eben Boston Missionary Training School (Baptist), 60, 116, 124, 152, 204n161 Boston politics, 65, 68, 71, 73, 75, 78, 85, 92, 140, 165. Boston Rescue Mission, 149, 178. See also Merrimac Rescue Mission Boston School Committee. See public school reform Boston Sunday School and Missionary Society, 197n93. See also Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society (Methodist Episcopal, BMCES) Boston University, College of Liberal Arts, 59, 87, 148, 199n120; Monroe School of Oratory, 60; origins of, 33, 39–43; School of Medicine, 78, 193n41, 198n110, 244n80; School of Music, 25, 51; School of Social Work, 116; School of Theology, 4, 11, 51–52, 59, 62, 79, 102–105, 115–116, 119–120, 125, 131, 135, 153, 176, 220n25, 224nn67–70, 225n80, 229n126, 232n21, 242n51. See also Bowne, Borden Parker; Brengle, Samuel; Claflin, Lee; deaconesses; Dorchester, Daniel, Jr; Durao, Joseph F; Helms, Edgar; Henry, Carl F. H.; King, Martin Luther, Jr.; Mitchell, Hinckley; Rich, Isaac; Sleeper, Jacob; Steele, Daniel; Townsend, Luther; University Settlement; Warren, Harriet; Warren, William Fairfield; Boston University School of Theology. See Boston University Bowne, Borden Parker, 125–126, 131–132, 134–135, 175, 234nn38–40, 237nn69 and 81 Brady, James Boyd, 144–145, 160, 166, 241n37 Brahmin Democrats, 71, 76, 146 Brengle, Elizabeth Swift, 103, 225n72 Brengle, Samuel, 103–104, 225n72 Brodbeck, William Nast, 52, 113, 122, 228n123, 231n16, 236n59 Brooks, Phillips, 31, 40, 60, 88, 200n124, 215n98, 225n80; controversy surrounding, 22, 24, 176; and the construction of Trinity Church, 21–22, 199n118. See also Episcopalians;

Trinity Episcopal Church Buckley, James Monroe, 62, 184 Calvinists, 9, 123–124, 126–127, 175, 183n24, 194n55. See also premillennialism camp meetings, 7, 51–52, 66, 91, 169; in antebellum period, 6, 9, 34, 36, 223n53; and the National Camp Meeting Association, 10, 62, 104, 121; as site for organizational collaboration, 55, 81, 93, 97, 107, 220n24. See also Asbury Grove; entire sanctification; holiness movement; Old Orchard Beach Cathedral of the Holy Cross (Roman Catholic), 19–21, 168, 187nn20 and 25 census, 5, 20, 67, 137–138, 221n29 Chapman, J. Wilbur, 14, 121, 126, 166, 168–169, 250n10, 251n20 Christian Labor Union, 18, 50, 57, 82, 84, 213n85, 214n88. See also labor movement; Rogers, Edward Church of the Carpenter, 89, 172, 215n98, 216n118, 217n127 City Missionary Society (Congregationalist), 28, 61, 140, 171, 222n37, 239n15, 245n85 Claflin, Lee, 40–41, 44, 69, 193n34 Claflin, William, 68–70, 112, 172; and Charles Cullis's work, 56, 63; and Henry Morgan's work, 39–42, 187n27, 210n44; and the North End Mission, 48–50, 52 Clarendon Street Baptist Church, 22–23, 27, 49, 58, 100, 128, 149, 152, 199, 234n35, 234n47, 240n32 Clark, Amanda A. 109–110, 175. See also East Boston Immigrant Home Clark, W. R., 48, 50, 112–113, 196n77 Clarke, James Freeman, 22, 39, 187n27 Congregationalists, 4, 6, 8–9, 17, 42, 87–88, 130, 139, 153, 165, 170, 176, 183n21, 191n12, 223n53, 238n6; and anti-catholicism, 77, 79, 211n62, 245n85; and Charles Cullis, 55, 60, 200n128; and immigrants, 110–111, 171; and the labor movement, 83, 212n69, 214n94; and social welfare efforts, 5, 45, 99, 140, 147, 239n14; statistics of, 10, 17, 28–29, 68, 185n8; women, 39, 93, 97, 150, 218n1, 249n143. See also City Missionary Society (Congregationalist); Berkeley Street Congregational Church (Temple); Conrad, Arcturus; Farnsworth, Ezra; Kirk, Edward N.; Park Street Church Conrad, Arcturus, 167, 169 Conte, Clorinda,155–157, 164, 175, 177. See also immigrants; University Settlement Conte, Gaetano, 141, 155–160, 164, 175, 177, 246nn98, 101, and 105, 247nn111 and 115, 248nn122 and 128. See also Association for the Protection of Italian Workmen; immigrants; Italian Methodist Episcopal Church; University Settlement Cook, Joseph, 40, 225n80, Cooke, Harriet, 141, 151–154, 156–157, 161–162, 175, 177, 252n35. See also settlement houses; University Settlement

Cooper, Hattie, 178, 195n68 Cooper, Varnum A., 45, 110, 195n68 Copp's Hill burial ground, 139, 147 Cornell College (Iowa), 152, 252n35 Cullis, Charles, 33, 46, 53–56, 61, 63, 98, 100, 107, 124, 139, 148, 164, 176–177, 193n46, 195n73, 197n98, 198n111, 201nn131–132, 204n163, 205n172, 222n42, 231n116; and consecration meetings, 7, 54–55, 57, 64; and Consumptives’ Home, 53, 56–58, 60, 62–63, 193n46, 212n73; and deaconesses, 56–58, 106, 111, 177, 201nn136 and 138, 228n113; and faith healing, 54, 58, 60, 62–63, 107, 198n110, 202nn146 and 148, 207n22; and the Faith Training College, 55, 57–59, 106, 126, 202n143, 203n159, 228n113, 236n61; and foreign mission, 55, 60–61, 178; and labor movement, 57; and publishing, 58, 61, 104; relation to the Episcopal Church, 54–56, 64, 198nn113–114, 199n120, 200nn123–124 and 127, 201n138. See also Baptists, Congregationalists, healing, holiness movement, Methodism Cullis, Lucretia, 57, 59, 61, 63 Darby, John Nelson, 124, 201n132 Davis, W. F., 100 deaconesses, 108, 148, 152, 178, 201n1337, 228n121, 244n78; of Charles Cullis, 53, 55, 57– 59, 61, 106, 111–112, 148, 201n138, 228n113; of the Methodists, 57, 95, 98, 106, 111–116, 147–148, 150, 153, 157, 175–177, 201n138, 226n91, 228nn114 and 117, 229nn124–125 Democratic Party, 70–73, 76, 80, 84, 99, 140, 142, 144–146, 159, 207n20, 210n47 Denison House, 147, 149–150, 163, 246n107 Dorchester, Daniel, Jr., 87 Dorchester, Daniel, Sr., 66, 77, 80, 87, 205n2, 213n76, 216n116 Dorchester (neighborhood), 19, 21, 41, 61, 108, 169, 187n18, 204n163, 205n2, 243n64 Durao, Joseph F., 153, 159, 245n88, 246n98 Earle, A. B., 59 East Boston, 76–77, 108–110, 142, 144, 159, 168, 227nn104 and 106, 236n61, 251n17. See also East Boston Immigrant Home East Boston Immigrant Home, 95, 109, 110–112, 116, 148, 153, 175, 177. See also Clark, Amanda A. economic depression: of 1873, 22, 30, 50, 72, 94; of 1893, 64, 139–143 Eddy, Mary Baker, 63, 205n174. See also healing Eliot, Charles W., 77 Emerson, Charles Wesley, 59–60, 203n152, 203n154, 203n157 Emmanuel Episcopal Church, 54–55, 168, 198nn113–114, 200nn123–124, 200n128, 201n138 Emmanuel Gospel Center, 253n40

entire sanctification, 6, 9–11, 37, 43, 51, 54, 90, 103, 121–125, 131, 135, 166, 169, 174, 198n115, 200n127, 218n136, 231n12, Episcopalians, 4–6, 8–9, 17, 29, 33, 42, 44–45, 79, 85, 97, 107, 130, 140, 145, 162, 165, 168, 170, 172, 176, 239n14; and Charles Cullis, 54–56, 64, 198n113, 200nn124 and 127–128, 201n138, 212n73; and immigrants, 110–111, 138, 251n25; and the Salvation Army, 108, 225n80; and the Society of Christian Socialists, 87–89, 173, 214n89, 216n114, 118–119 and 125; and the split with the Reformed Episcopal Church, 56, 176, 199n118–120, statistics of, 67, 137–138, 185n8, 251n25. See also Bliss, William Dwight Porter; Brooks, Philllips; Reformed Episcopal Church; Trinity Episcopal Church Epworth League House. See University Settlement evangelicals: definition of, 1–3, 5–6; theological differences of, 7–8, 127–135, 201n132. See also anti-catholicism; Baptists; Congregationalists; Cullis, Charles; Episcopalians; healing, holiness movement; Methodism; Salvation Army Epworth League (Methodist Episcopal), 134, 148–149, 157–159, 242n52 Evangelical Alliance, 84–85, 129, 214n89, 235nn51–53 Evangelistic Association of New England (EANE), 28, 44, 126, 129–131, 171, 178, 231n16, 235n53 Faith healing. See healing Farmelant, Kristen P., 111, 246n101, 247n116 Farnsworth, Ezra, 18, 26, 50, 186n12, 213n86 Federal Council of Churches, 173 Flower, B. O., 143, 158, 240n31 Fulton, Justin, 79–81, 200n128, 211n60, 212nn72–73 fundamentalists, 3–4, 6–7, 23, 117, 1224, 135, 172, 174–175, 183, 185, 188 Garrison, William Lloyd, 37, 158 George, Henry, 89, 217n131, 222n40 Gladden, Washington, 119, 215n100, Gordon, A. J., 13, 23, 45, 58, 60, 62–63, 100, 116, 119, 124, 126, 128–131, 133–135, 152, 172, 175, 199n122, 201n132, 205n174, 222n43, 228n143, 230n143, 232n16, 234n46, 235n52. See also Clarendon Street Baptist Church, Boston Missionary Training School Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary, 178 Gordon, Maria Hale, 23, 75, 87 Gray, James M., 77–79, 123, 128, 130, 199n120, 199n122, 211n64, 234n47 Hale, Edward Everett: If Jesus Came to Boston, 107–108 Hamilton, J. W., 77, 126, 206n8

Harvard University, 4, 36, 42, 71, 77, 97, 121, 126, 132, 169, 191n14, 208n24, 240n34 Hattie B. Cooper Community Center, 178, 195n68 Haymarket tragedy, 65, 83–86, 90, 172, 214nn92–94, 215n100 Haynes, Emory J., 144, 212n72 healing, 53–54, 57–58, 60, 62, 63–64, 123, 198n110, 202n146, 203n148, 204n160, 207n22, 213n79 Hedstrom, O. G., 110 Helms, Edgar J.: background of, 131, 151–152, 177, 252n35; changes in theological perspective for, 128, 131–135, 162–163, 172–173, 237nn69–70, 237n81; Goodwill Industries and, 163, 165, North End work of, 133, 139, 147, 150–155, 157–158, 243n68; South End work of, 160–163, 237n77, 246n100, 250n148; Helms, Eugenia, 150, 151, 162 Henry, Carl F. H., 4 higher criticism, 117–121, 124–126, 134, 169, 174–175, 231n8, 234n35 holiness movement, 36, 43, 48, 52, 54–55, 57, 59–60, 64, 90–92, 97, 131, 140, 162–163, 166, 169, 172, 175, 179, 202n143, 205n176, 214n89, 218nn135–136, 232n16, 232n21; conflict in, 14, 85, 103, 121–127, 173–174, 201n132; origins and definition of, 6–12, 33; publications, 11–12, 43, 58, 122, 174, 197n198, . See also Cullis, Charles; entire sanctification; Methodism; Salvation Army Holy Trinity Church (Roman Catholic), 21 Home for Little Wanderers, 33, 43–46, 49, 64, 110, 139, 178, 194n60, 196n82, 204n163, 243n65 Hughes, Hugh Price, 104, 160, 224n67, 228n117 Huntington, Frederic Dan, 36, 40, 44, 54–56, 191n14, 198n114, 199n119, 200n128, 212n73, 214n89, 216n112. See also Episcopalians Immigration Restriction League, 159 immigrants, 1–3, 5, 97, 109–111, 138, 144, 149, 163, 165, 169–170, 175, 178–179, 206n9, 227n104, 239n14, 248n116; British-American, 75–76, 79, Canadian, 5, 68, 76–77, 79, 154, 212n68, 245n92, 251n25; Chinese, 227n103; Irish, 14, 21, 33, 37, 46, 66, 71, 83, 138–139, 144, 159, 165, 170, 197n90, 222n38, 243n66, 249n131; Italian, 150, 153, 156–158, Jewish, 14, 38, 73, 114, 132, 138–139, 147, 152–153, 155, 159, 171, 244nn81–82, 246n98; Portuguese, 50, 153, 155, 159, 244n81–82, 245n88; statistics, 5, 18–20, 68, 139, 181n6, 243n66; Swedish, 5, 109–111, 155, 226n94, 227nn 96 and 98. See also Association for the Protection of Italian Immigrants; Clark, Amanda A.; Conte, Clorinda; Conte, Gaetano; East Boston Immigrant Home; Immigration Restriction League; Irish in Boston politics; Italian Methodist Episcopal Church, Sorlin, Daniel Inskip, John, 55, 58, 62, 121, 231n13, 232n21 Irish in Boston politics, 2, 14, 37, 66, 68, 69, 71–73, 76, 83, 85, 92, 138–140, 142, 144–145,

159, 165, 197n90, 207n20, 209n32, 241n39, 249n131. See also immigrants, Irish Italian immigrants. See immigrants, Italian Italian Methodist Episcopal Church, 141, 157, 247n115 Jones, Jesse, 18, 26, 84, 186n13, 214n88. See also Christian Labor Union, labor movement Keswick holiness tradition, 123–124, 127, 233n26, 233n34, 237n71. See also holiness movement; Methodism; Moody, Dwight L. King, E. P., 161 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 4, 175 Kirk, Edward N., 36, 44, 176, 185n1, 191n12, 200n128 Knights of Labor, 83–84, 89, 90, 91, 218n142. See also Christian Labor Union; George, Henry; Jones, Jesse; labor movement; McNeill, George; Powderly, Terrence; Rogers, Edward labor movement, 1, 14, 18, 24–25, 31, 37–40, 49–50, 54, 56–57, 64–65, 69–70, 82–92, 134, 142, 146–147, 158, 161, 163, 172–173, 186n13, 188n40, 188n44, 209n40, 211n61, 213n85, 214nn88 and 93, 215n100, 218nn137 and 142, 222n40, 235n52 liberal Protestants, 3, 9, 23, 30, 62, 79, 89, 119, 127–128, 134–135, 163, 184n31, 185n42, 199n118, 235n53. See also Unitarians; Universalists Livermore, Mary, 24, 39, 89, 91, 93, 176, 217n128, 218n137 lodging houses, 1, 13, 74, 153–154, 209n40, 215n107, 245nn90, 92 and 94, Maguire, Patrick, 144–145, 241n39 Mallalieu, Willard, 82, 172, 214n82, 234n38, 235n52 map of Boston, 13; of the North End, 47, 141, 195n73; of the South End, 19, 245n94, 250n149 Matthews, Nathan, 80, 140–142, 208n24 McDonald, William, 11, 48, 50, 55, 58–60, 62, 103–104, 121, 224n62, 231n13, 232n21, 232n22 McKinley, William, 146, 158, 205n168, 242n44 McLeod, Hugh, 182n13, 182n16 McNeill, George, 83–85, 211n67, 215n98 Mead, Edwin D., 158–159, 248n120 Medical Mission (North End), 141, 152, 177, 244n80. See also Cooke, Harriet; North End; University Settlement Mendenhall, James W., 125, 128 Merrimac Rescue Mission, 149 Merritt, Timothy, 9–11, 174, 184n33, 184n35, 232n21 Messer, Glen Alton, 184nn33 and 37, 205n176, 238n8

Methodism, 33, 40, 51, 87, 99, 102, 139, 161, 183nn22 and 24, 212n72; African-Americans and, 10, 43, 67, 102, 206n8, 212n71, 213n84, 227n103; and Charles Cullis, 54–57, 59–60, 62–63, 112, 197n98; controversies and, 12, 35, 37, 62, 115, 117–125, 155, 175, 185n42, 223n53, 231nn12 and 14, 232nn21–22, 233nn35 and 38; distinctiveness of, 1–2, 6–9, 11, 30, 36, 42, 85–86, 117, 134–135, 140, 149, 165, 172–173; education in, 4, 26, 36, 41–43, 59, 97, 103, 106, 111–113; and the Evangelistic Association of New England, 130, 236n59, and foreign missions, 43, 106, 111–112, 116, 126, 131, 149–150, 157, 177, 204n166, 225n73; immigrants in, 106, 109–111, 155–160, 206n9, 247n113, 248n128–129; local churches of, 11, 46, 48–49, 52, 77, 82, 93, 97, 100, 106, 121, 126, 133, 139, 141, 143–145, 152–153, 157, 160, 162, 166, 187n27, 190n64, 195nn67 and 73, 196n87, 199n21, 211n61, 214n89, 220n25, 236n61; membership statistics of, 10, 17, 29, 46, 67, 124, 145, 185n8, 190nn62–63, 191nn18–19, 205n2, 206n6, 238n4; New England Annual Conference of, 40, 50, 72, 121–122, 184n33, 212n69, 216n116, 239n14; and politics, 39–40, 68–72, 79–85, 91–92, 142–143, 146, 204n168, 205n3, 208nn25 and 29, 242n44; and poverty, 25, 34, 36– 37, 44–45, 49–51, 85–86, 106, 116, 127, 148, 184n37, 252n28; publications of, 11, 26, 40– 41, 62, 72, 74, 85, 91, 125, 154; and revivalism, 8–10, 28–30, 34, 55, 166–172; rural migrants in, 11, 14, 61, 78, 154; Salvation Army relations with, 99–100, 102–107, 227n97; women in, 10, 23, 39, 43, 75, 90, 93, 107, 109–116, 148–153, 155–157, 177, 201n138, 203n153, 219nn9 and 10, 220n18, 226n91, 228n117. See also anti-catholicism; antiimperialism; Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society; Boston University; camp meetings; Conte, Clorinda; Conte, entire sanctification; Cullis, Charles, healing; Gaetano; Helms, Edgar; holiness movement; labor movement; Mitchell, Hinckley; North End Mission; settlement houses; Steele, Daniel; Tourjée, Eben; Wesleyans; Woman's Foreign Missionary Society; Woman's Home Missionary Society; Methodist alley (North End), 141 Methodist Social Creed, 173, 252n28 Mildmay Deaconess House, 152, 244n78. See also settlement houses Miner, Alonzo A., 77, 144, 211n60 missionaries (city), 25, 28, 43, 45, 48, 50, 59–60, 78, 105–106, 109–110, 139, 150, 153, 176, 177, 239nn14–15, 244n78. See also Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society; deaconesses; City Missionary Society (Congregationalist) missionaries (foreign), 12, 14, 52, 55, 58–59, 60–62, 64, 84, 88–89, 90, 93–95, 106, 110–112, 114, 116, 119, 122, 131, 133, 146, 149–150, 178, 201n137, 204n166, 221n28, 228n117, 230n143, 244n78. See also Methodism; Montgomery, Helen Barrett; Taylor, William; Woman's Foreign Missionary Society missions. See Cullis, Charles; missionaries (city); missionaries (foreign); Methodism; Woman's Foreign Missionary Society; women Mitchell, Hinckley, 105, 120, 125–126, 147, 158, 224n68, 231n8, 242n51 Montgomery, Helen Barrett, 93, 178, 253n39 Moody Bible Institute, 77, 128

Moody, Dwight L.: and the Boston 1877 revival, 8, 12–23, 27–31, 47, 51, 58, 81, 137, 171, 186n13; and the Boston 1891 and 1895 revivals, 87–88, 131, 236n67; comparisons to other revivalists in Boston, 165–169, 250n6; early years in Boston, 15, 36, 170; controversy with, 24, 26–27, 87, 89, 91, 119–120, 123, 124, 128–129, 134, 234n41; preaching style of, 16, 175; relationship to labor movement, 24–25, 69, 188n43 Morgan Chapel, 21, 40–41, 131, 133, 160–163, 249n141, 249n146. See also Helms, Edgar J. Morgan, Henry, 21, 25, 33–34, 39, 64, 72–73, 75, 82, 89, 92, 98, 147, 164; and the Boston Union Mission Society, 37–38; and the Methodist Episcopal Church, 34–36, 40; and Morgan Memorial Church (Methodist Episcopal), 40, 160, 163, 170–172, 177–178. 249nn137; and 146, 252n35 publications of, 30, 31, 38–40, 49, 72–74, 79 Morgan Memorial Church. See Morgan Chapel Moxom, Philip, 79, 87, 212n69, 216n119 Mugwumps, 71, 208n25 National Camp Meeting Association. See camp meetings Nationalist Clubs, 65, 86, 89, 91, 216n110 New England Annual Conference (Methodist Episcopal). See Methodism New England Conservatory of Music, 25, 47, 51–52, 64, 89, 113, 178, 198n113. See also Tourjée, Eben New England Deaconess Home and Training School, See deaconesses. newspaper boys, 37, 64, 170, 207n14 New York City, 10, 15, 21, 44, 48, 57, 60, 62, 137, 146, 157, 159, 162, 183n17, 188n30, 221n31, 222n40, 235n48 Niagara Bible Conference, 169, 175, 187n27, 251n20. See also fundamentalists Nicholson, William Rufus, 55–56, 199n122, 201n132. See also Cullis, Charles; Episcopalians North End, 19, 46, 48–50, 85, 147, 154, 159, 208n28; churches in the, 45–46, 100, 106, 108– 109, 148, 150–152, 155, 157, 177, 205n2, 247n111; immigration patterns, 14, 114, 138, 149, 152–153, 156, 159, 165, 197n90, 238n11; map of, 47, 141; pre–Civil War history of, 34, 45–46, 138–139; social reform methods in the, 14, 25, 51, 61, 100, 105, 114, 132–133, 139–140, 143, 150, 171, 173, 177; women in the, 94, 106, 115, 149, 210n48, 243n67, 244n81. See also Conte, Clorinda; Conte, Gaetano; Helms, Edgar J.; Medical Mission (North End); North End Mission; settlement houses; Taylor, Edward “Father”; University Settlement North End Mission: collaboration with Boston University students and other groups, 51, 61, 100, 105, 113, 130, 148, 171–172, 196nn82 and 84, 225n70, 236n61; methods of, 25–26; 48–50, 197n90, 199n20; origins of, 25, 46–47, 186n12, 196n77; in the years after Tourjée, 50–51, 139, 152, 245n84. See also Tourjée, Eben Northfield (Massachusetts), 23, 108, 152. See also Moody, Dwight L.

O'Brien, Hugh, 68, 71–73, 76, 80, 83–85, 165, 206n10, 208nn28–29, 241n39. See also Irish in Boston politics O'Connell, Daniel, 37, 69, 207n14 O'Connell, William Henry, 165 Old Orchard Beach, 55, 107, 169, O'Reilly, John Boyle, 74, 76, 100, 216n113. See also anti-catholicism Organ, Clara, 114, 150, 153 orphanages, 7, 33, 43, 45, 51, 56–57, 61, 63, 133, 134, 150–151, 170, 195n65, 196n88, 201nn131 and 135, 244n78, Oxnam, G. Bromley, 163 Paine, Robert Treat, 194n61 Palmer, Phoebe, 10, 48, 55, 90, 97, 184n35, 192n24, 199n119, 232n21, 237n113 Park Street Church, 7, 26, 50, 149, 196 Peabody, Francis Greenwood, 121, 132, 169, 176, 240n34 Peck, Jesse, 8 Pentecostalism, 2, 3, 6, 64, 174, 179, 203n154 People's Church, 106, 206n8, 224n67, 227n97; as an institutional church, 155, 160; involvement in anti-catholic campaigns, 77, 144–145, origins, 30, 89, 100, 190n64; participation in revivals, 121, 126, 166, 168; surrounding neighborhood of, 85, 154, 215nn106–107 People's Temple. See People's Church Personalism, 125, 175, 237n81 Phillips, Wendell, 37, 40, 69, 163 Plymouth Brethren, 116, 124, 201n132, 233n31 Portuguese immigrants. See immigrants, Portuguese poverty, 24, 33, 38, 46, 48, 64, 86, 114, 116, 126, 133, 142–144, 171, 206n9, 226n85, 251n26. See also North End; orphanages; Salvation Army; social gospel; tenements Powderly, Terrence, 83, 90–91, 218n139, 218n142 premillennialism, 130–131, 174, 183n26, 187n27, 199n122, 233n27, 235n48, 251n20; of A. J. Gordon and D. L. Moody, 23, 26, 128; in Bible training schools, 60, 124, 233n34; debate over, 124, 126–128, 134, 152, 184n28; definitions of, 7–8 Prohibition Party, 69, 76, 143 Prophetic Conference movement, 124, 233n31 Protestant Episcopal Church. See Episcopalians public school reform, 1, 65, 66, 72–73, 75–76, 78, 80, 87, 92, 95, 114, 146, 159, 164, 209n34, 212n68, 212n70, 213n76. See also women; anti-catholicism

Quincy, Josiah, 142, 144–145, 162, 164, 208n24 Rauschenbusch, Walter, 128 Reformed Episcopal Church, 21, 55–56, 77–79, 130, 199nn120 and 122 Republican Party, 39, 42, 69–72, 76, 80, 84, 99, 140, 142, 145–146, 207nn16 and 21, 208nn25 and 28, 211n63, 212nn67 and 70, 221n35, 229n125 revival. See camp meetings; Chapman, Wilbur; Moody, Dwight L.; Morgan, Henry; Smith, Gipsy; South End Rich, Isaac, 41, 44, 98, 112 Riis, Jacob, 142–143, 240n26 Rogers, Edward, 57, 82, 84–85, 87, 92, 146, 172, 211n61, 214nn87 and 89, 215nn98 and 103, 216n118, 235n52 Roman Catholics, 4, 20–21, 41, 62, 65–66, 73, 74, 144, 174, 227n104; Boston Archdiocese of, 20, 40, 74, 165–166, 172, 187, 211n62, 222n38; during Moody 1877 revival, 30–31, 66, 190n67; Irish, 5, 68, 71–72, 83, 139, 159, 209n32; Italian, 139, 155; political engagement of, 75–78, 80–81, 83, 159, 174, 210n48, 210n57; poverty alleviation efforts by, 41, 45, 100, 171, 252n27; statistical growth of, 5, 16, 18, 21, 66–67, 92, 137–138, 165–166. See also anti-catholicism; Cathedral of the Holy Cross; Holy Trinity Church; North End; O'Brien, Hugh; St. Francis de Sales Church Roxbury, 14, 19, 108, 114, 186n18, 195n68, 205n2, 243n64; churches in, 21, 30, 171, 187n22; elections in, 72, 76, 210n48; Grove Hall neighborhood of, 55–56, 205n172 sanctification. See entire sanctification Salvation Army, in context of evangelical movement, 1, 6–9, 107, 117, 148, 168, 172, 251n17; expansion of, 108, 163, 173, 221n29; gender in, 14, 93, 98, 102–103, 116, 177, 221n30; immigrants in, 76, 109, 226n94, 227n96–n97; legacy of, 178; methods of, 100–101, 105– 106, 118, 131, 143, 154, 166–168, 171, 175, 222n39–40; origins of, 98, 221n28; race in, 101–102; similarities to other movements, 25, 38, 105–106, 242n51, 242n57, 250n48; support and criticism of, 99, 101–104, 107–108, 120, 164, 170, 221n31, 222n43, 224n53, 224n69, 225n72, 225n80. See also Back Bay; Booth, Catherine; Booth, Maud; BoothTucker, Emma and Frederick; Booth, William; Boston University; Brengle, Samuel; Hale, Edward Everett; North End; South End Scott, B. B. 61, 177 secularization, 3, 8, 129, 132, 148, 151, 163, 174 settlement house, 7, 105, 108, 132, 147–148, 151, 226n91; of the Methodists (University Settlement), 114–115, 131, 139, 147–155, 177, 243n68, 244n82. See also Andover House; Denison House; University Settlement Shephard, Margaret, 76 Shirley, Annie, 98

Simpson, A. B., 60, 62, 107, 204 Sleeper, Jacob, 41, 44, 50, 56, 59, 112, 193n46 Smith, Gipsy, 14, 166–167, 250nn3 and 6 Smith, Timothy, 183n17, 192n24 social Christianity, 90, 235n51 social gospel, 91, 128–129, 135, 143–144, 164–165, 171, 173–174, 235n53; early Methodist response to the, 126, 132–135, 140, 173; foreign missions and, 177–178; Francis Greenwood Peabody's involvement in the, 121, 132; Josiah Strong as leader of the, 119, 121, 129, 132, 137; labor movement and, 173, 212n9, 215n100; origins of the term, 240n33, 252n29; women in, 174, 177, 253n39. See also liberal Protestants; Rauschenbush, Walter; Society of Christian Socialists Society of Christian Socialists, 65, 86–92, 163, 173, 214n89, 216nn112 and 114, 217nn125 and 128 Sorlin, Daniel S. 109–111, 177, 227n102. See also Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society; East Boston Immigrant Home South Boston, 77, 89, 130, 143, 186 South End (Boston), 14, 19, 21, 51, 149, 163, 172, 208n28, 209n40, 215n107, 243nn64 and 66, 245n94; churches in the, 11, 40, 72, 86, 93, 100, 108, 109, 133, 145, 160, 215n106, 219n1, 227n97; revival in, 18, 166, 168; social reform institutions in, 37, 40, 46, 139, 142, 147, 153, 162, 163, 229n125, 250n149. See also Berkeley Street Congregational Church; Cathedral of the Holy Cross; Clarendon Street Baptist; Holy Trinity Church (Roman Catholic); Moody, Dwight L.; Morgan Chapel; Morgan Memorial Church; People's Church; Trinity Church (Episcopal) Steele, Daniel, background of, 11–12, 220n25; and the Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society, 50; as Boston University professor, 63, 103, 120, 125; and the Cullis institutions, 55–60, 63, 106, 112, 201n132, 203n150, 231n16; and deaconess institutions, 59, 106, 112, 231n16; leadership of holiness movement, 43, 62, 97, 123, 125, 135, 174– 175, 231n16, 232nn16 and 21; and Morgan Memorial Church, 160–161; and the North End Mission, 52; and the Salvation Army, 99, 103, 106 112, 221n31, 225nn72–73, 231n16; and theological controversy, 119, 120–125, 129, 135, 175, 194n55, 233n31. See also holiness movement; Methodism Steele, Harriet Binney, 97 St. Francis de Sales Church (Roman Catholic), 30, 171 strikes, 24, 83–84, 90, 188n41, 222n40 Strong, Josiah, 65, 119, 121, 129, 137, 162, 235n52 students, 3, 90, 124, 132, 149, 242n60, 245n94; at Boston University, 42–43, 51–52, 59, 98, 102–106, 120, 147–149, 152, 154, 171, 224nn67–69, 225n70 and 72, 242n51; at the Faith Training College, 53; in high school, 77, 209n34; of Tourjée, 47; women, 90, 97, 113–115, 147–148, 176, 198n110.

suffrage, 75, 78, 89, 211n66, 217n128 Sunday School and Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. See Boston Missionary and Church Extension Society Swaffield, Walter J., 143 Swedish immigrants. See immigrants, Swedish Taylor, Edward “Father,” 34–35, 46, 98, 138–139, 225n73, 247n114 Taylor, J. Hudson, 61, 178 Taylor, William, 178, 204n166, 225n73 temperance, 1, 14, 17, 23, 39, 61, 75, 78, 89–91, 95–96, 111, 144, 161, 177, 190, 222n41, 223n53. See also Woman's Christian Temperance Union tenements, 2, 25, 46, 107–108, 138–139, 142–143, 144, 242n57 Thoburn, Isabella, 112–113, 228n117 Thoburn, James, 228n117 Tourjée, Eben, 13, 23, 25–27, 33, 46–54, 56, 61, 64, 89, 94, 113, 139, 161, 164, 171, 175, 188n45, 195n77, 196nn84 and 88, 197nn101 and 104, 231n16, 249n137. See also New England Conservatory; North End Mission Townsend, Luther T., 62–63, 70, 77, 79, 205n174, 207n22, 212n70 Transcendentalists, 9, 33, 138, Tremont Street Methodist Episcopal Church, 11, 48, 52, 93, 219n1, 220n25 Tremont Temple Baptist Church, 7, 85–86, 190n4, 196n87, 200n128; and anti-catholicism, 77– 79, 144, 212nn68 and 72; and revivals, 166–168; and the Salvation Army 76, 100, 103, 222n39, 251n19. See also Baptists; Fulton, Justin; Haynes, Emory Trinity Episcopal Church, 21–22, 89, 168, 187, 199n118. See also Brooks, Phillips; Episcopalians Unitarian Benevolent Fraternity of Churches, 40, 162, 249n141 Unitarians, 5, 9, 44, 67, 126, 159, 176, 214n89, 221n62, 239n14 Universalists, 24, 39, 77, 79, 86, 89, 176, 211nn60 and 62 University Settlement, 132–133, 141, 147, 149–155, 157–158, 161, 172, 175, 177, 242nn52– 53, 244nn81–82, 246n107. See also Andover House; Denison House; Helms, Edgar; Helms, Eugenia; settlement house Vision New England. See Evangelistic Association of New England Waldron, Daniel, 140, 239n15 Walker, R. H., 158, 246n98, Warner, Sam Bass, 4, 186n17

Warren, Harriet, 97, 114, 230n135 Warren, William Fairfield, 42, 52, 97, 114, 116 Wellesley College, 108, 147, 163 Wesleyan Home for Orphans and Destitute Children, 195n68 Wesleyans, 6, 41, 59–60, 63, 84, 98, 121, 123, 126–127, 131, 152, 176, 201n132, 202n143, 221n28, 233n26, 235n48, 237n71. See also Cullis, Charles; holiness movement; Methodists West End, 19, 46, 61, 100, 114, 143, 147, 149, 205n2, 208n28 West Roxbury, 49, 187 Wheelock, Lucy, 162, 249n143 Wichern, Johann, 133 Willard, Frances, 13, 23–24, 31, 39, 75, 89–93, 95, 97, 176, 188n37, 218nn135–136, 218n139, 218n143, 219nn11–12, 219n14 Willard Tract Repository, 54, 58 200n29. See also Cullis, Charles Williams, John, 165 Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), 23, 75, 90, 94–95, 219n11. See also temperance Woman's Educational Industrial Union (WEIU), 156, 246n107 Woman's Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS), 93–95, 97–98, 106, 111–112, 114, 116, 219nn1 and 9–10, 220n25 Woman's Home Missionary Society, 95, 97, 110, 153, 219n10, 220n24, 227n103, 244n80, Woman's Missionary Jubilee, 178 women, 3, 86,168–169; and education, 58–60, 97, 111–115, 220n19; and foreign mission, 14, 93–95, 150, 219nn1 and 7; as immigrants, 50, 97, 109–111, 159–160; as leaders, 14, 86, 89, 95, 97–98, 111, 148, 151, 163, 176–178, 195n67, 220n22; as preachers, 14, 23, 39, 96– 98, 107, 203n153, 220n21; and “separate spheres” theory, 96–97, 196n83, 220n18; and social welfare, 30, 38–39, 43–44, 49, 51, 91, 108, 112; and temperance, 14, 39, 95; as voters, 75–76, 78, 80, 95, 210nn46 and 48, 217n128. See also Boston School Committee; Salvation Army; Thoburn, Isabella; Union Woman's Home Missionary Society; Warren, Harriet; Willard, Frances; Woman's Christian Temperance Woman's Foreign Missionary Society Woods, Robert, 147–149, 151, 242n54, 243n66, 250n149 World Missionary Conference, 178 World's Parliament of Religions, 118–119 Yankee Democrats. See Brahmin Democrats Y.M.C.A. (Young Men's Christian Association), 17–18, 25, 50–51, 129–130, 161, 185n9 Y.W.C.A. (Young Women's Christian Association), 161