Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan (International Perspectives in Geography, 14) 9813369949, 9789813369948

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International Perspectives in Geography AJG Library 14

Yoshitaka Ishikawa   Editor

Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan

International Perspectives in Geography AJG Library Volume 14

Editor-in-Chief Yuji Murayama, The University of Tsukuba, Ibaraki, Japan Series Editors Yoshio Arai, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan Hitoshi Araki, Ritsumeikan University, Shiga, Japan Shigeko Haruyama, Mie University, Mie, Japan Yukio Himiyama, Hokkaido University of Education, Hokkaido, Japan Mizuki Kawabata, Keio University, Tokyo, Japan Taisaku Komeie, Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan Jun Matsumoto, Tokyo Metropolitan University, Tokyo, Japan Takashi Oguchi, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan Toshihiko Sugai, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan Atsushi Suzuki, Rissho University, Saitama, Japan Teiji Watanabe, Hokkaido University, Hokkaido, Japan Noritaka Yagasaki, Nihon University, Tokyo, Japan Satoshi Yokoyama, Nagoya University, Aichi, Japan

Aim and Scope The AJG Library is published by Springer under the auspices of the Association of Japanese Geographers. This is a scholarly series of international standing. Given the multidisciplinary nature of geography, the objective of the series is to provide an invaluable source of information not only for geographers, but also for students, researchers, teachers, administrators, and professionals outside the discipline. Strong emphasis is placed on the theoretical and empirical understanding of the changing relationships between nature and human activities. The overall aim of the series is to provide readers throughout the world with stimulating and up-to-date scientific outcomes mainly by Japanese and other Asian geographers. Thus, an “Asian” flavor different from the Western way of thinking may be reflected in this series. The AJG Library will be available both in print and online via SpringerLink. About the AJG The Association of Japanese Geographers (AJG), founded in 1925, is one of the largest and leading organizations on geographical research in Asia and the Pacific Rim today, with around 3000 members. AJG is devoted to promoting research on various aspects of human and physical geography and contributing to academic development through exchanges of information and knowledge with relevant internal and external academic communities. Members are tackling contemporary issues such as global warming, air/water pollution, natural disasters, rapid urbanization, irregular land-use changes, and regional disparities through comprehensive investigation into the earth and its people. In addition, to make the next generation aware of these academic achievements, the members are engaged in teaching and outreach activities of spreading geographical awareness. With the recent developments and much improved international linkages, AJG launches the publication of the AJG Library series in 2012.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/10223

Yoshitaka Ishikawa Editor

Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan

Editor Yoshitaka Ishikawa Faculty of Economics Teikyo University Hachioji, Tokyo, Japan

ISSN 2197-7798 ISSN 2197-7801 (electronic) International Perspectives in Geography ISBN 978-981-33-6994-8 ISBN 978-981-33-6995-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface

It was during the bubble economy of the late 1980s that new immigrants from various countries began to enter Japan, and the number of foreign nationals residing in the country rapidly surged. During this period, the economic boom led to a shortage in the labor force, and thus immigrants found work mainly in the 3Ds (demanding, dirty, and difficult) jobs, which Japanese nationals tended to shun. Since then, foreign residents showed constant increases in their numbers except in the period immediately after the global economic crisis of 2008. As of the beginning of 2019, the foreign population had reached 2.67 million, amounting to approximately 2% of the country’s total population. In parallel with this increase, the formation of ethnic enclaves by foreign residents has begun to appear. In response to such remarkable growth in numbers, there has been a proliferation of research on foreign residents in the social science disciplines such as geography, sociology, and economics. As far as geographical investigations are concerned, previous studies on foreign residents, including ethnic enclaves in Japan, started in the 1990s, and this topic has been popular over the past two decades. Within this trend, a certain body of literature on ethnic enclaves, which is one of the most important themes from a geographical perspective, has accumulated. Unfortunately, however, most of the previous studies have focused their attention on only a single enclave of one particular nationality. Considering such limitations of the previous research, I believed that a comprehensive investigation needed to be pursued in Japan. I was very happy that the proposal of my research project was accepted in 2017. Entitled “Geographical investigation of the enclaves of Japan’s foreign residents based on the explanatory frameworks of spatial assimilation and heterolocalism” (No. 17H02426), it was financially supported by a grant-in-aid from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) for four years from 2017, and I am the project’s head investigator. In the early stage of 2017–18, we focused on publishing a revised edition of the atlas of foreign residents (Mapping Foreign Residents in Japan). Its first edition published in March 2011 was made for staff members at national and local government offices in charge of foreign residents. That volume was quite timely because Japan reached the peak of its total population in 2008, thus making the intake of foreigners an unavoidable policy issue; however, even the most basic information, v

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Preface

such as where and how many foreign residents live in the country and their attributes, was not clearly known among the general public or even policymakers. The atlas was highly popular and came to be in great demand, so we updated the data and published a revised edition in January 2019. As discussed in this volume’s first chapter, these editions were very helpful in preparing an overview of the existing ethnic enclaves in Japan. This book is the main fruit of the research project on the ethnic enclaves of foreign residents in contemporary Japan. It is a joint work of the geographers (Yoshitaka Ishikawa, Kazumasa Hanaoka, Kiyomi Yamashita, Taku Fukumoto, and Hiromi Kataoka) and sociologists (Sachi Takahata and Shuko Takeshita) who are members of the research project. The two sociologists are now familiar with taking the geographic perspective through their contributions to a geographical book and the publication of joint studies with geographers. This book is a first attempt at comprehensively examining the ethnic enclaves of contemporary Japan. The publication of this book in English reflects the aspiration of all project members that Japanese achievements in this growing field be disseminated and given their proper place in the inventory of the world’s research. It is our earnest hope that it will be widely read by many researchers, graduate students, and policymakers worldwide. Finally, we’d like to express our heartfelt thanks to the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), which made the research leading to the publication of this book possible (No 17H02426), and to the Statistical Data Utilization Center (Statistics Bureau, Japan Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications) for giving us access to microdata of the 2015 Population Census. We also express our appreciation to Nakanishiya Shuppan for allowing us to reprint the maps originally included in Mapping Foreign Residents in Japan (revised edition), published in 2019. Finally, we are indebted to Ron Read of the Osaka Branch of Human Global Communications Co., Ltd., for carefully and kindly editing the earlier English manuscripts. Hachioji, Japan

Yoshitaka Ishikawa

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yoshitaka Ishikawa

1

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yoshitaka Ishikawa and Kazumasa Hanaoka

17

3 Chinese Enclaves: Formation of New Chinatowns by Chinese Newcomers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kiyomi Yamashita

45

4 The Contrasting Enclaves Between Korean Oldcomers and Newcomers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Taku Fukumoto

71

5 Filipino Enclaves as Products of Migration Industry: Cases in a Big City’s Downtown and a Port City’s Coastal Area . . . . . . . . . . Sachi Takahata

99

6 Brazilian Residents as Persistent Repeaters and Their Enclaves . . . . . 125 Hiromi Kataoka 7 Turkish Residents and Marital Assimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Shuko Takeshita 8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Yoshitaka Ishikawa

vii

Editor and Contributors

About the Editor Yoshitaka Ishikawa is a professor in the Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, and an emeritus professor of Kyoto University. He received his D.Litt. in geography from the Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University, in 1994. He is a leading Japanese population geographer who has contributed to international geography through publishing many books and papers on such research topics as internal/international migration and foreign residents as ethnic minorities. His activities have also extended to making public policy recommendations in recent years. He served as an editorial board member of the journal Population, Space and Place (formerly International Journal of Population Geography) for 20 years from 1995. He won the IGU (International Geographical Union) Lauréat d’honneur for the year 2020.

Contributors Taku Fukumoto Department of Japanese Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Nanzan University, Nagoya, Japan Kazumasa Hanaoka Department of Geography, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Japan Yoshitaka Ishikawa Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, Hachioji, Tokyo, Japan Hiromi Kataoka Faculty of Economic, Kindai University, Higashiosaka, Osaka, Japan Sachi Takahata Department of International Relations, School of International Relations, University of Shizuoka, Shizuoka, Japan

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Editor and Contributors

Shuko Takeshita Department of Japanese Cultural Studies, Aichi Gakuin University, Nisshin, Japan Kiyomi Yamashita Department of Geography, Faculty of Geo-Environment Science, Rissho University, Kumagaya, Saitama, Japan

List of Figures

Fig. 2.1

Fig. 2.2 Fig. 2.3 Fig. 2.4

Fig. 2.5 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5

Fig. 3.6

Fig. 3.7 Fig. 3.8

Comparison of foreigner population between the two types of statistics. Sources Population Census, Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Map of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of foreign residents in Japan by municipality. Source Ishikawa (2019a, p. 5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Top-30 nationalities with largest populations of foreign residents in Japan in December 2018. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Map showing the ethnic enclaves under study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in population of Chinese in Japan, 1984–2018. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Chinese residents in Japan, 2000. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 21) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Chinese residents in Japan, 2016. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 21) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Chinese residents by city and ward in Tokyo Metropolitan Area in 2015. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 20) . . . . . Ratio of Chinese population in Toshima Ward and Shinjuku Ward in Tokyo in 2015. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in population of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward and Kawaguchi City, 1979–2019. Source Population Statistics of Tokyo Metropolitan Government and Kawaguchi City Hall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese food supermarket Yang-guang-cheng in Ikebukuro Chinatown. Source Taken by the author in 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chinese restaurants run by Chinese newcomers in the alley of Ikebukuro Chinatown. Source Taken by the author in 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

19 21 23

25 27 48 52 53 54

56

58 59

60

xi

xii

Fig. 3.9

Fig. 3.10

Fig. 3.11

Fig. 3.12 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 4.6 Fig. 4.7 Fig. 4.8

Fig. 4.9

Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3

Fig. 5.4 Fig. 5.5 Fig. 5.6

List of Figures

Ratio of Chinese population in Kawaguchi City and Warabi City in Saitama Prefecture. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Multi-tenant building with three Chinese restaurants near Nishi-Kawaguchi Station in Kawaguchi City. Source Taken by the author in 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Multi-tenant building with Chinese restaurant and beauty salons for men run by Chinese newcomers near Nishi-Kawaguchi Station. Source Taken by the author in 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kawaguchi Shibazono Housing Complex near Warabi Station. Source Taken by the author in 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population of Koreans in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of oldcomers and newcomers by prefecture in 2014. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . Nationwide distribution of Koreans in Japan. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 13) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Koreans in and around Ikuno Ward, Osaka. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Koreans in and around Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . Ikuno Koreatown. Source Taken by the author in 2020 . . . . . . . . Koreatown in Okubo, Shinjuku. Source Taken by the author in 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Korean out-migration from Ikuno Ward from 2010 to 2015. Note Only municipalities with 5 persons or more. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Korean out-migration from Shinjuku Ward from 2010 to 2015. Note Only municipalities with 5 persons or more. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . Trend of Filipino population in Japan (1984–2018). Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population pyramid of Filipinos in Japan (as of December 2018). Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . Trends of marriage, divorce, and childbirth between Japanese and Filipinos (1994–2017). Source Vital Statistics of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Residential distribution of Filipinos in Japan (2018). Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . Filipino ratio to foreign population in each municipality. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 15) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Filipino ratio in Naka and surrounding Wards of Nagoya City. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . .

62

64

65 65 74 78 79 82 84 88 90

92

93 102 104

105 107 108 111

List of Figures

Fig. 5.7 Fig. 5.8 Fig. 5.9 Fig. 5.10 Fig. 5.11

Fig. 6.1 Fig. 6.2

Fig. 6.3 Fig. 6.4 Fig. 6.5

Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 6.8

Fig. 6.9

Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11

Fig. 6.12

Filipino ethnic food shop in Sakae-Higashi District. Source Taken by the author in June 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Poster of summer festival in Sakae-Higashi District. Source Taken by the author in July 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Filipino ratio in Yaizu City. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fish-processing factory in Yaizu City. Source Taken by the author in June 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Company A’s apartment building in Oigawa Area, Yaizu City. Source Taken by the author in January 2017. The sign in front says, “This area is under control of Company A and no trespassing or loitering on this property is allowed” . . Population of Brazilians in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population of Brazilians in Japan by gender and age as of the end of 2007 and 2018. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nationwide distribution of Brazilians in Japan. Source Ishikawa (2019a, p. 15) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in status of residence by prefecture, 2006–2017. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . Number of foreign residents by nationality in Hamamatsu City. Notes (1) Up to 2014, including North Korea. (2) Scale of “Total” shown on right axis and scale of Brazil through Vietnam on left axis. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ratio of Brazilian population in Hamamatsu City. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Types of housing used by Brazilians in Hamamatsu City. Source Hamamatsu City Government (1996, 2000, 2010) . . . . . . Public housing complex in the southeast part of Minami Ward and a signboard for parking in Portuguese. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Locations of residences and workplaces of Brazilian residents in Hamamatsu City by their length of stay. Source The author’s own survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Locations of residences and workplaces in terms of car ownership. Source The author’s own survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brazilian grocery store in the Naka Ward enclave and a Brazilian school outside the enclave. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cell phone dealer whose customer base is primarily Japanese near Brazilian enclaves. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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113 114 116 117

118 128

128 131 134

135 136 137

138

140 141

142

143

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Fig. 6.13 Fig. 6.14 Fig. 7.1

Fig. 7.2 Fig. 7.3 Fig. 7.4 Fig. 7.5 Fig. 7.6 Fig. 7.7 Fig. 7.8 Fig. 7.9 Fig. 7.10 Fig. 7.11

List of Figures

Brazilian food corner inside a supermarket for Japanese customers. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Area near the center of Hamamatsu’s largest enclave. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of Turkish visa holders with no restrictions on activities in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of Turkish nationals applying for refugee status. Source Immigration Bureau of Japan (2018a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Turkish residents in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Turkish population in Japan. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Turkish residents. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ordu Province. Source Taken by Leyla Sahin in 2020 . . . . . . . . . Fatihah Mosque. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . Annual Qur’an Recitation. Source Taken by the author in 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Turkish restaurant in Kitanagoya City. Source Taken by the author in 2019 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Turkish restaurant in Toyoyama Town. Source Taken by the author in 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

144 145

157 159 160 161 161 164 168 170 171 172 173

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 2.5 Table 2.6 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 6.1 Table 6.2 Table 7.1 Table 7.2

Population and employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Address five years ago . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Duration of residency at current domicile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Major occupation groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Commuting distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intermarriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Status of residence of Chinese in 2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Five prefectures with largest Chinese populations . . . . . . . . . . . . Statuses-of-residence of Koreans and all foreigners in 2018 . . . . Five prefectures with largest Korean populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . Statuses-of-residence of Koreans in Shinjuku Ward in 2010 . . . . Filipinos in Japan by status-of-residence (as of December 2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Five prefectures with largest Filipino populations . . . . . . . . . . . . Five prefectures with largest Brazilian populations . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in Brazilian population by prefecture, 2006–2017 . . . . Spousal age gaps of Turks in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Five prefectures with largest Turkish populations . . . . . . . . . . . .

28 30 32 35 37 39 50 51 75 77 85 105 109 132 133 158 162

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Chapter 1

Introduction Yoshitaka Ishikawa

Abstract This book presents a comprehensive study on the enclaves of foreign residents, as ethnic minorities, in contemporary Japan. After briefly describing the trends of immigration into Japan, we introduce the existing literature on Japan’s ethnic enclaves. Next, the major findings from this body of research are summarized. The most significant finding is that the main locations of these enclaves are inner cities, city centers/sub-centers, areas surrounding factories/universities, and public housing. Then, four key issues in the existing literature are addressed (i.e., weak interest in the spatial aspects of enclaves, insufficient attention given to the cross-nationality viewpoint, ad hoc explanations of spatial clustering and enclave formation just for particular nationalities, and few works applying existing explanatory frameworks), and our approaches to meeting those challenges are presented. The enclaves of the five nationalities under focus (China, Korea, the Philippines, Brazil and Turkey) are discussed in Chaps. 3–7 of this volume using the same data source and corresponding figures and tables to present fair comparisons. Finally, an outline of the five authors’ contributions is presented. Keywords Ethnic enclaves · Segregation · Foreign residents · Nationality

1.1 Introduction Residential differentiation implies “the tendency for people with distinctive characteristics and cultures to reside close to each other in cities, thereby forming distinctive neighborhoods” (Knox and Pinch 2010, p. 337), and it is an important research topic in geography. Among other phenomena, much attention has been given to the spatial segregation that reflects the tendency for minority groups to unevenly distribute themselves in their own ways (French 2010). This publication aims to comprehensively

Y. Ishikawa (B) Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, Hachioji, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_1

1

2

Y. Ishikawa

investigate the enclaves of Japan’s foreign residents as ethnic minorities in a comparative way and attempts to examine the findings obtained in Japan with reference to the conditions reported in the English-speaking countries. The history of massive immigration to Japan began in the first half of the twentieth century. Before 1945, many Koreans migrated to Japan from Korea under Japanese colonial rule, and the accelerated growth in their numbers during World War II was fueled by the labor-requisition policy of the Japanese Imperial Government (Fukumoto 2013). Just after World War II, Japan witnessed a rapid decrease in the number of Koreans owing to repatriation to their homeland. After 1952, when Koreans were deprived of their Japanese nationality, their population gradually grew until the 1980s. In terms of population by nationality, Koreans subsequently became the largest ethnic group in Japan before the Chinese surpassed them in number in 2007 (Fukumoto 2013). Foreign residents with such a background, particularly Koreans, are often called ‘oldcomers,’ and it is mainly these people who currently hold the status-of-residence termed tokubetsu eijusha (special permanent residents). This group numbers approximately 321,000 foreign nationals as of December 2018. It was during the bubble economy of the late 1980s that new immigrants from various countries, particularly China, the Philippines and Brazil, began to enter Japan, and the number of foreign nationals residing in the country rapidly surged. During this period, the economic boom led to a shortage in the labor force, and thus immigrants found work mainly in the 3D (demanding, dirty and difficult) jobs, which Japanese nationals tended to shun. Since then, foreign residents showed constant increases in numbers except in the period immediately after the global economic crisis of 2008. According to the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in June 2019, their number has reached 2.8 million. Foreign residents who have entered the country since the 1980s are often called ‘newcomers’ in the country. In recent years, the nationality composition of Japan’s foreign residents has remarkably diversified (Yamashita 2016; Fukumoto 2016). The populations of the top 30 nationalities in December 2018 are shown in Fig. 2.4 in Chapter 2. The nations of origin representing the five largest populations are China, South Korea, Vietnam, the Philippines and Brazil. The rest of this chapter is structured as follows. In Sect. 1.2, we refer to the progress made in previous studies of foreign residents and their enclaves. Then, the major previous investigations by nationality are introduced in Sect. 1.3. Next, four key issues in the existing literature are discussed in Sect. 1.4. Section 1.5 proposes this book’s approaches to overcoming those issues, and Sect. 1.6 gives an overview of the five authors’ contributions, which are presented from Chaps. 3–7.

1.2 Progress in Studies of the Enclaves of Foreign Residents In response to the increasing number of foreigners, research on foreign residents and their settlements/enclaves has progressed in several disciplines of social sciences, including geography, since the 1990s. The study of such issues in geography has remained a popular research area in the past two decades. The sub-field of geography

1 Introduction

3

that explores ethnic minorities has often been designated in Japan as ethnic geography (Oishi 2008; Sugiura 2011) or the geography of ethnicity (Abe 2011). This trend has included a wide range of topics associated with ethnicity (Chiba 2005; Oishi 2008; Sugiura 2011; Abe 2011). Here, we should mention two milestones that helped gain widespread recognition of the importance of ethnic geography in Japan. In 2000, the Study Group on Migration and Ethnicity was established within the Association of Japanese Geographers. This group has functioned as an important arena for ethnicity-related studies in Japanese geography. The second important milestone in the study of foreign residents and their enclaves was the 2013 special issue (Vol. 65, No. 6) of Jimbun Chiri (Japanese Journal of Human Geography) published by the Japanese Society of Human Geography, one of the country’s leading geographical societies. That issue included six contributions by Sugiura (2013), Fukumoto (2013), Kataoka (2013), Sawa (2013), Yamashita (2013), and Aramata (2013). All of these papers explored ethnic groups’ enclaves in cities in Japan and abroad; consequently, this body of work marked significant progress in the study of ethnic enclaves in Japan and widely publicized the importance of this topic. Reviews of the previous studies published in Japan include Chiba (2005), Oishi (2008), and Fukumoto (2018c). The results of research on segregation/enclaves in English-speaking countries have also been actively reported and reviewed (Yamashita 1984; Sugiura 2011; Abe 2011, pp. 57–64; Fukumoto 2018b). Previous examinations of the enclaves in Japanese cities have produced a certain number of books and papers as shown below. This book aims to pursue a comparative investigation of the enclaves of five nationalities (China, Korea, the Philippines, Brazil, and Turkey) in Japan and, moreover, to integrate the obtained results with those of similar research work in English-speaking countries. Next, we overview the major previous studies on ethnic enclaves by nationality. This is because the specific circumstances in relation to the formation of such enclaves vary greatly depending on nationality, and thus the previous studies have tended to focus on individual nationalities. What follows is an introduction to the existing literature on ethnic enclaves in Japan in descending order of population size by nationality (Fig. 2.4). To begin, we look at the previous research on the enclaves of Chinese residents, who currently form the largest population by nationality in the country. The locations of the Chinese enclaves are nearly identical to those of Japan’s Chinatowns. A series of studies by Yamashita is well known for its insights into the old Chinatowns of Yokohama, Kobe and Nagasaki as well as the new Chinatown in the Ikebukuro Ward of Tokyo, which has only recently formed (Yamashita 1979, 2003, 2010). There is also an interesting study on the changes in occupations and residential locations in the old Chinatown of Nagasaki City (Abe 1997). The studies of Chinatowns are mainly concerned with ethnic businesses, which are daytime activities, but the salient feature of such Chinatowns is the spatial proximity between the places of work and residence; therefore, investigations into Chinatowns can in a sense be regarded as those of enclaves. In addition, a report by Jiang and Yamashita (2005) described

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the suburban enclave of Chinese residents in the Tokyo metropolitan area, where a certain portion of them reside in a public housing complex in Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture. Next, we examine the existing research on the enclaves of Korean residents, who made up the largest ethnic population until 2006 but have remained the secondlargest population next to the Chinese. Avila-Tapies (1995) and Lee (2001) discussed the case of Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, which is well known as a traditional enclave of Korean oldcomers. A series of patient and intensive studies by Fukumoto are also noteworthy (Fukumoto 2002, 2004, 2010, 2013, 2018a). Other literature on the enclaves of Korean oldcomers devoted attention to Arakawa Ward in Tokyo (Narita 1995), Kawasaki City in Kanagawa Prefecture (Mikuni 1999) and Wakayama City (Shimazu 1998). Furthermore, Fukumoto (2010) and Kim (2016) explored the well-known enclave of Korean newcomers in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo. The Vietnamese, whose population is currently the third largest in Japan, form a new ethnic group that has rapidly increased since 2010, but there have been very few detailed reports on their enclaves. Meanwhile, Filipinos, who have increased since the 1990s and currently have the fourth largest population, are likely to live in a more dispersed manner than the foreign residents of other nationalities, and the spatial clustering of their settlements is generally less remarkable. However, there have certainly been a few fascinating studies on the Filipino enclaves in the central part of Nagoya City, where an enclave clearly reflecting the large concentration of so-called “Philippine pubs” has formed (Abe 2009, 2011; Takahata 2012, 2018), and in Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture (Takahata 2019). The country’s Brazilian population, which has rapidly increased in number since the 1990 amendment of the Immigration Act, has attracted the great attention of many researchers. Note that this amendment was made to compensate for the labor shortage during the economic boom period of the late 1980s. However, the population of this nationality has declined due to the 2008 global economic crisis, and it is now the fifth-largest population. As for Brazilian enclaves, Ota City and Oizumi Town in Gunma Prefecture (Chiba 2001; Sekido 2003; Kataoka 2013), Hamamatsu City in Shizuoka Prefecture (Kataoka 2004, 2005, 2013, 2015), and Yokkaichi City in Mie Prefecture (Fukumoto et al. 2015) have attracted attention in the existing literature. It is well known that many Brazilians are engaged in production-process jobs at factories in these municipalities considered manufacturing strongholds. Each of the top five nationalities has a population of well over 100,000 in Japan (Fig. 2.4), and the considerable number of previous studies reflects this presence. Meanwhile, there have been very few studies on the enclaves of other nationalities, except for papers on the Indian enclaves in Nishikasai in Edogawa Ward, Tokyo (Sawa and Minamino 2007; Sawa 2013) and Kobe City, Hyogo Prefecture (Sawa and Minamino 2005). The main sources of statistical data used in these previous studies on enclaves of foreign residents in Japan are the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan and the Population Census. For a detailed explanation of these corpora, see Sect. 2.2 in Chap. 2. In summary, the former source is especially useful due to its information on nationality and status of residence, but its spatial scales are limited to prefectures

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and municipalities, which is insufficient for enclave studies. On the other hand, the latter source has a wealth of information on the attributes of foreign residents and provides data at the more granular neighborhood level. This combination of sources is well suited to enclave investigations conducted for cities. In the existing literature mentioned above, methodologies have included mapping, fieldwork, participant observation, and interview surveys. These many studies described in this section involve the ethnic enclaves formed in Japan. While a small portion of them have given due attention to the spatial dimensions of enclave formation and their changes over time, most studies have mainly explored the activities of foreign residents observed in the enclaves, implying rather weak interest in the spatial aspects of the enclaves and related topics. In this sense, although there has been a large number of studies on the ethnic enclaves of Japan, this does not necessarily mean that the existing literature has shown significant progress. Here, the lagging development of spatial-oriented research is believed to arise from the following four factors. First, since the proportion of foreign residents in Japan’s total population is currently low, at less than 2% based on the census data, the spatial clustering of foreign residents is generally weak in comparison with that in countries of North America and Western Europe, and there have been relatively few cases of remarkable enclave formation. Second, data on foreign residents themselves in the governmental statistics have not been rich, even in the Population Census. The data on foreign nationals have tended to be published in more aggregated forms than their Japanese counterparts. Third, no data have been gathered based on small area units, which would allow us to conduct a detailed investigation of ethnic enclaves at a finer spatial scale. Only since the 1995 Population Census have data been available at the spatial scale of neighborhood, specifically a small area unit (cho-cho) in cities. Fourth, the conventional method of mapping ethnic minority residents in the discipline of geography has been thought to promote discrimination and prejudice of them, and this has made geographers reluctant to use such methods (Yamashita 2008, p. 250; Fukumoto 2018c). Interestingly, there are in-depth studies of Japanese enclaves formed abroad by Sugiura (2011, pp. 115–184; 2013, 2016) for Seattle, San Francisco, San Jose and Los Angeles in the United States and Zhou (2014) for Shanghai, China. However, since this book focuses on the enclaves of foreign residents observed in Japan, these overseas Japanese enclaves are not considered here.

1.3 Major Findings in the Existing Literature Next, we introduce the main findings obtained from prior research on the segregation/enclaves of foreign residents in Japan. To begin this overview, we refer to the two achievements of Korekawa (2009) and Ishikawa (2011a, 2019a) that provide useful frameworks for establishing the basic viewpoint of this volume.

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The paper by Korekawa (2009) examined the current situation of spatial segregation in municipalities with many foreign residents based on the dissimilarity index, a well-known indicator in this field. He calculated this index value by adopting the data of both Japanese and foreign residents at the level of small area unit (cho-cho) in 2000 and 2005. The dissimilarity index takes a value between 0 and 100, where a larger index value indicates more distinctive segregation. Many of the municipalities taken up in his paper show index values around 20. Korekawa stated that such a degree of segregation in Japan is much less typical than that reported in Western cities. To cite examples, the index is more than 60 at the census-tract level for African Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans in US cities, and it falls within the range of 40–70 at the enumeration district level for Afro-Caribbeans, Pakistanis, Indians, and Africans in UK cities (Knox and Pinch 2010, p. 167). Furthermore, the author also conducted multiple regression analysis using the index as a dependent variable. As a result, he obtained the finding that, unlike the cases in Western Europe and the United States, segregation in Japan is no longer found in the inner cities. Moreover, segregation is relatively salient for Brazilian residents but weak for Filipino residents. The significance of Korekawa’s paper lies in its elucidation, for the first time in Japan, of the specific degree of such segregation in a systematic way and its finding that segregation in the country’s cities is generally weak. The atlas of foreign residents (Ishikawa 2011a, 2019a) was the second important achievement. This was published on the assumptions that the intake of foreigners has become inevitable for Japan, in this era of declining population, and that such a publication would be helpful for government policymakers in charge of foreign residents at the national and local levels. The contents of the atlas are divided into six topics, one of which is “Enclaves/Migration.” This part presents a series of maps of ethnic enclaves on the level of small area unit in 16 cities: Sapporo, Sendai, Saitama, Tokyo, Kawasaki, Yokohama, Hamamatsu, Toyohashi, Toyota, Nagoya, Yokkaichi, Kyoto, Osaka, Kobe, Hiroshima and Fukuoka. From these maps, the following enclave locations are regarded as having a relatively high foreign population ratio: the inner city district of Osaka; city centers/subcenters in Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya and Kobe; areas including universities with many overseas students in Sapporo, Sendai, Saitama, Nagoya, Kyoto and Fukuoka; areas including factories in Hamamatsu, Toyohashi, Toyota and Yokkaichi; and areas including public housing in Yokohama, Hamamatsu and Hiroshima. This atlas has made a significant contribution to clarifying the overall picture of foreign resident enclaves in Japan’s major cities. Keeping in mind these two important studies (Korekawa 2009; Ishikawa 2011a, 2019a) and the existing literature introduced above, we adopt a framework based on the prevalence of the following three types of ethnic enclaves found in contemporary Japan. The first type of enclave location is the inner-city area of only a few cities. From a typically western perspective, it might seem natural to consider the metropolitan inner cities as the most likely sites of ethnic enclaves. However, unlike, for example, the situation in US/UK cities (Knox and Pinch 2010; French 2010), this is not the

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primary venue for Japan’s enclaves. On the other hand, this does not mean that innercity ethnic enclaves cannot be seen at all in Japan; such sites include the enclave for Korean oldcomers in Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, which is famous for being Japan’s largest enclave, and small but traditional enclaves for Korean oldcomers in Arakawa Ward, Tokyo, and Sakuramoto, Kawasaki City (Fukumoto 2004, 2013; Narita 1995; Mikuni 1999). In the 1980s, when Korean newcomers began to migrate into the Okubo area of Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo, which is now regarded as an obvious sub-center of Tokyo, this area had many typical features characterized by the term ‘inner city.’ The number of vacant houses had increased and the aging of houses had progressed, resulting in lower rents, and the old Japanese inhabitants had left this area. These were the main reasons for the influx of foreigners as new residents (Tajima 1998). Nevertheless, it should be noted that, aside from the above cases, there are very few other areas where enclaves of ethnic minority residents have formed in inner cities. As a second enclave type, some large cities, such as Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagoya, have neighborhoods with a high percentage of foreign residents in their distinct city centers. This is because the central wards such as Naka Ward (Yokohama City) and Chuo Ward (Kobe City) include well-known traditional Chinatowns (Yamashita 2003), while Naka Ward (Nagoya City) includes a concentrated area of entertainment establishments (the so-called “Philippine Pubs”) (Abe 2011; Takahata 2018). Good transportation access for attracting visitors was the basic factor in the formation of foreign residents’ enclaves in such city centers. Note that the residents of these enclaves show a clear tendency of spatial proximity between their places of residence and work—they live close to their job. Nonetheless, the cases of ethnic enclaves found in city centers are limited to these three cities. The third type of enclave is located outside of the inner cities and the city centers/sub-centers. In particular, these neighborhoods with a high percentage of foreign residents can be found in the areas near factories where many foreigners (particularly Brazilian residents) work, those near universities where overseas students reside, and those having public housing in which foreign residents tend to reside due to low rental costs. Spatially speaking, this third type of enclave is generally not so large, with most of them being quite small-sized. Accordingly, ethnic enclaves observed in contemporary Japan can be classified into the three types described above. However, the population ratio of foreign residents itself within the total population is not so high in the great majority of these neighborhoods, regardless of enclave type. This suggests that even foreign residents in the ethnic enclaves reside closely alongside Japanese residents, who form the country’s charter group.

1.4 Issues in the Existing Literature The previous section introduced the main findings obtained from the existing literature on ethnic enclaves in Japan. In this section, various issues in this existing literature are taken up as tasks to be tackled in this volume.

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First, clearly not enough attention has been given to the spatial aspects of enclaves in the previous studies. Most such research has focused on one of the many activities that foreign residents take up within the enclaves, and on the whole these studies show only weak interest in the spatial dimensions of enclaves, such as spatial extent and its changes over time. Many previous studies have not even clearly delineated the area of enclaves, though this is an important geographical concern. A notable exception in this context is the investigation of Fukumoto (2010). Based on a review of related spatial statistics, he used a combination of the general spatial segregation index, as a global indicator, and the local Moran statistics, as a local indicator, for delineating the extent of enclaves in Tokyo and Osaka. Using this approach, he convincingly elucidated the temporal changes in the enclaves of these metropolises. This was an excellent achievement in the field, and its methodology can be applied to other cases in the country’s cities. Unfortunately, however, his method has not yet been fully exploited by others. As a second issue, the cross-nationality viewpoint has not been adequately addressed. Most of the previous studies have dealt with enclaves of a particular nationality, and every author has understood that the situation surrounding the settlement and enclaves of foreign residents in Japan varies significantly by nationality. They are assumed to stay in Japan as the host country by using their diverse social networks based on the same nationality. With this in mind, it goes without saying that the importance of an analysis by nationality is obvious. For a comprehensive study to better understand the many ethnic enclaves observed in this country, however, we should not be satisfied with an examination peculiar to any given nationality but rather seek a more persuasive comparison across various nationalities. Third, most previous studies of enclaves in Japan provide specific explanations of why foreign residents of a particular nationality have formed enclaves there. However, these explanations in the existing literature, regarding the reasons for foreign residents’ spatial clustering and enclave formation, have been presented in an ad hoc manner for specific example cases, and thus there has been little effort to place the findings obtained from those cases into a broader context. However, it is encouraging that some previous reviews have attempted to explain why ethnic minorities have tended to show spatial clustering of their residential areas in host countries (Yamashita 1984; Knox and Pinch 2010, pp. 165–186; French 2010). From these efforts, two well-known reasons have been found: the external factor and the internal factor (or congregation). The former specifically includes discrimination and prejudice against ethnic minorities by the ethnic majority (or charter group) in the host country, difficulties in securing housing, and the relatively low socioeconomic status of ethnic groups. The latter relates to the ethnic minorities’ voluntary enclave formation due to the need for mutual assistance and the maintenance of their ethnic cultural traditions. This observation is based mainly on the results observed in the countries of North America and Western Europe, and it remains uncertain at this stage whether such a situation is also the case for Japan’s enclaves and whether there is a significant difference between Japan and those western countries. The existing literature in Japan has not yet adequately answered these questions.

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Finally, the fourth issue involves whether the findings in the existing literature on ethnic enclaves in Japan can be explained by the existing explanatory frameworks such as traditional spatial assimilation (Massey and Denton 1985), revised spatial assimilation (Wright et al. 2005), and heterolocalism (Zelinsky and Lee 1998). Spatial assimilation seems to be applicable to a few previous studies on Korean or Chinese residents, some of whom have left the traditional enclaves after improving their socioeconomic status (e.g., Avila-Tapies 1995; Abe 1997). Does dispersed settlement or the less remarkable enclaves observed in contemporary Japan reflect the situation assumed in heterolocalism? No definitive answer has arisen from careful consideration of such questions (Fukumoto 2018c; Ishikawa 2019b).

1.5 Approaches Taken in This Book The above four issues in the existing literature need to be resolved somehow. The aim of this book is to conduct a comprehensive study of ethnic enclaves in contemporary Japan by taking the following approaches in order to effectively resolve those issues. In response to the first issue of weak interest in the spatial aspects of enclaves, this book presents maps at the level of neighborhood or small area unit in cities. These maps are drawn using the same legend, enabling us to better present a comparison of enclaves. The source of this work is the corpus of microdata on foreign residents in the 2015 Population Census. The results are shown in the maps of Figs. 3.5 and 3.9 for Chinese, Figs. 4.4 and 4.5 for Koreans, Figs. 5.6 and 5.9 for Filipinos, Fig. 6.6 for Brazilians, and Fig. 7.6 for Turks. The foreign population ratio in these maps is divided into six classes: 1% or less, 1–3, 3–5, 5–10, 10–20, and 20% or more. These boundary values were set by recalling that, as of the 2015 census, the foreign population accounted for only 1.38% of Japan’s total population. Accordingly, it is reasonable to assume that the neighborhoods with a ratio of 5% or more constitute enclaves. In response to the second issue of the insufficient attention given to the crossnationality viewpoint in the existing literature, we use microdata of the 2015 Population Census as well as data available from seifu tokei no sogo madoguchi (Portal for Government Statistics), such as the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan and the Population Census Report. This book focuses on eight enclaves of five nationalities (China, Korea, the Philippines, Brazil, and Turkey) in Japan. These nationalities are taken up in this volume because each of them, save Turkey, has a large population exceeding 100,000 (Fig. 2.4), and thus an abundance of previous research can be referenced. On the other hand, Turkey has a small population in Japan of only about 5,200, but this country’s case was chosen as an example to better understand the current state of settlement/enclave formation by foreign residents belonging to a small population. In addition, in order to facilitate a cross-nationality comparison, the population trends by nationality are shown using the same manner of drawing

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figures (Figs. 3.1, 4.1, 5.1, 6.1, and 7.3) as well as the six tables showing key indicators associated with foreign residents, which are available from the microdata of the 2015 Population Census (Tables 2.1–2.6). Regarding the third issue mentioned in Sect. 1.4, we attempt to elucidate the details of the external and internal factors that have contributed to enclave formation. The results of this investigation are discussed in the five chapters from Chap. 3 and then summarized in Chap. 8. In relation to this, we need to mention the important difference of destination choice by new immigrants to Japan between the mutualassistance migration system and the market-mediated migration system (Kajita et al. 2005, p. 94). The former focuses on the network of family, relatives and friends, while the latter emphasizes the important role of the mediation organization as an actor in the immigration industry. Generally, when a market-mediated migration system is established, the residential place for new immigrants is determined by the mediator’s decision making. Therefore, in this situation it is somewhat difficult to directly discuss the reasons for enclave formation from the perspective of external or internal factors. However, even where the market-mediated migration system has operated, enclaves of Brazilian residents have formed, so the detailed mechanism of such formation should be explored. With respect to the fourth issue of few works applying the existing explanatory frameworks, we take the approach of investigating the empirical validity of such frameworks as traditional spatial assimilation (Massey and Denton 1985) and heterolocalism (Zelinsky and Lee 1998) in Chaps. 3–7 and the concluding chapter. An important point regarding the evaluation of spatial assimilation is whether outmigration from an enclave is due to the inhabitants experiencing a rise in their socioeconomic status. If this framework fails to explain the example cases in these chapters, we also need to give attention to the revised spatial assimilation approach advocated by Wright et al. (2005). Regarding heterolocalism, if spatially dispersed settlement of a particular nationality is observed, we have to confirm which kinds of social networks play an important role. This book takes the approaches described in this section in order to resolve the four issues of existing studies mentioned in Sect. 1.4. Simply speaking, we hope that, through comprehensive research on ethnic enclaves in contemporary Japan, the results obtained in Japan are compared with those obtained mainly in Englishspeaking countries and, moreover, that both streams of research become integrated. Such aims correspond to the wishes of Fukumoto (2018c), who has extensively reviewed the previous literature on ethnic enclaves in Japan in a detailed way.

1.6 Overview of the Five Contributions Next, we give an overview of the five contributions presented in Chaps. 3–7 of this book. This volume is a joint work of geographers and sociologists. While the editor Yoshitaka Ishikawa and the authors Kazumasa Hanaoka (Chap. 2), Kiyomi Yamashita (Chap. 3), Taku Fukumoto (Chap. 4), and Hiromi Kataoka (Chap. 6) are

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geographers, the authors Sachi Takahata (Chap. 5) and Shuko Takeshita (Chap. 7) are originally sociologists. These two sociologists, however, are now familiar with the geographical perspective through contributions to a geographical book (Takahata 2015) and the publication of joint studies with geographers (Hanaoka et al. 2017; Ishikawa et al. 2018). Yamashita’s paper in Chap. 3 deals with the enclaves of Chinese residents, currently the largest population by nationality in Japan. The author has shown great interest in Chinatowns for many years, not only in Japan but also overseas, and has produced outstanding investigative reports (Yamashita 2003, 2013, 2019). His previous studies have a reputation for attentive research based on in-depth fieldwork and interview surveys. Although a Chinatown itself can be regarded as a concentrated area of daytime employment centered on ethnic business, the persons employed there tend to reside within or near the Chinatown. In this sense, a commercial Chinatown is closely associated with a residential enclave. Although Yamashita has investigated the old Chinatowns and their affiliated traditional Chinese enclaves for a long time, in this volume he focuses on the two new Chinese enclaves located in the Ikebukuro district of Toshima Ward, Tokyo, and in Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture. Interestingly, the salient features of these two example cases are very different: The former is located in a city sub-center of Tokyo, while the latter can be regarded as a suburban enclave, which is rather unusual case in contemporary Japan. Furthermore, he refers to the destination choice of Chinese residents whose socioeconomic status has improved and who have an obvious tendency to consider a wider range of options in their destination choice. Fukumoto, the author of Chap. 4, has been a leading researcher of ethnic enclaves in Japan. He has investigated the well-known Korean enclave in Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, which has been the largest enclave for a long time. In this contribution, he takes up this traditional enclave as well as a new Korean enclave in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo, which has formed over the past three decades. Very recently, he discussed the role and tasks of multi-cultural coexistence facilities in concentrated areas of foreign residents (Fukumoto 2019). In his contribution, the two contrasting enclaves of Ikuno and Shinjuku are discussed through a comparison between Korean oldcomers and newcomers, respectively. He indicates that while the former enclave has much in common with the trends assumed by the spatial assimilation framework, the latter enclave can be regarded as a node of international/internal migration and a stepping-stone of upward social mobility for newcomers. This interesting feature of the latter enclave mainly arises from its location in a sub-center of Tokyo, the quintessential global city. Takahata, the author of Chap. 5, is a well-known researcher on Filipinos in Japan. Many Filipino women have married Japanese men, and their residences are scattered throughout Japan. Therefore, the enclave formation of Filipino residents has been somewhat weaker than that of other major nationalities like Chinese, Korean and Brazilian. However, their settlements certainly exist, although they are not so numerous. She has also shown a strong interest in Filipino enclaves and has conducted valuable research.

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She explores the Sakae-Higashi enclave of Nagoya City, which had nearly 100 Philippine pubs from the 1990s until 2005, fostering the emergence of self-help groups and an ethnic school. Furthermore, in Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, famous for its extensive fishing port, a manpower agency that has employed hundreds of Filipino Nikkeijin (Japanese descendants) since the 2000s has provided them with apartments as a way to achieve efficient labor management. The characteristics of both enclaves strongly reflect the key role played by the migration industry in guiding migrants to their first job bundled with their place of residence. Kataoka’s paper in Chap. 6 is an investigation of the Brazilian enclaves in Hamamatsu City. This city is renowned as an important manufacturing city located nearly halfway between Tokyo and Osaka, and the Brazilians there are mostly employed at the city’s many factories. Faced with a labor shortage during the bubble economy of the late 1980s, the Immigration Law was amended and, consequently, a large number of Japanese Brazilians came to Japan. They are also well known as the foreign workers most affected by the global economic crisis of 2008 (Ishikawa 2011b). In that sense, the Brazilian residents of Hamamatsu City have been viewed as a significant and symbolic subject in the existing literature. In this chapter, Kataoka stresses that Brazilians’ tendency to behave as “persistent repeaters,” even though they reside in Japan for long periods of time, causes them to continually hope to return to their home country, and thus they have difficulty forming a solid enclave. A very important point when discussing the empirical validity of spatial assimilation is the immigrants’ socioeconomic status as well as the discrimination they face. However, as this chapter clarifies, Brazilians in Japan reveal many characteristics stemming from their specific migration forms that are arranged by mediation organizations. Takeshita, the author of Chap. 7, has explored the situation of Turkish residents in Japan. Compared to the other nationalities covered in this book, this group has not yet formed any distinct enclave; consequently, it may be considered a mid-point case between a remarkable enclave and widely dispersed settlement. In this chapter, the author thus discusses the assimilation of this ethnic minority into the host country, focusing on their marital status. In relation to this, it should be noted that she is Japan’s leading researcher on intermarriage issues (Takeshita 2000, 2004, 2016). She reports that the sign of a Turkish enclave has only recently become apparent in the 2000s. So far, the socioeconomic status and home ownership of these residents have not shown much improvement. There have been a significant number of intermarriages between Turkish men and Japanese women; however, many of these intermarriages can be attributed to the current gender imbalance and the fact that some men have sought out Japanese brides as a strategy for legally remaining in Japan. Based on these empirical studies by the five authors in Chaps. 3–7, the editor gives the conclusion of this volume in Chap. 8. This book is the first attempt at comprehensively examining the ethnic enclaves of contemporary Japan. The publication of this book in English reflects the aspiration of the editor and contributors that Japanese achievements in this growing field be disseminated and given their proper place in the inventory of the world’s research.

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References Abe R (2009) Gendered labor migration from the Philippines to Japan: mapping “Philippine Pub Space” into the Japanese context. Geogr Rev Jpn Ser B 81(1):68–78. https://doi.org/10.4157/geo grevjapanb.81.68 Abe R (2011) Esunishitei no chirigaku: imin esunikku kukan wo tou (Geography of ethnicity: exploring ethnic space of immigrants). Kokon Shoin, Tokyo (in Japanese) Abe Y (1997) The changing occupation and residential mobility of Chinese in Nagasaki. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 49(4):395–411. http://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.49.395 (in Japanese) Aramata M (2013) The Muslim town in France: difficulties and possibilities. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):545–554. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_545 Avila-Tapies R (1995) Comparative analysis of migration patterns between the Koreans living in Japan and the Japanese: the case of Ikuno Ward in Osaka. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 47(2):174–188. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.47.174 (in Japanese) Chiba T (2001) From migrant town to “Brazil town”: transformation of Ota and Oizumi areas, Gunma Prefecture, where Nikkei works. In: Koganezawa T, Sasagawa K, Aono T, Wada A (eds) Chiiki kenkyu, chiiki gakushu no shiten (Viewpoints of regional studies and regional learning). Taimeido, Tokyo (in Japanese) Chiba T (2005) Ethnicity. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 57(3):325–331. https://doi.org/10.4200/ jjhg1948.57.274 (in Japanese) French K (2010) Ethnic segregation. In: Warf B (ed) Encyclopedia of geography. Sage, Thousand Oaks Fukumoto T (2002) Life space of “Newcomer” foreign residents in Osaka Prefecture. Chiri Kagaku (Geogr Sci) 57(4):255–276. https://doi.org/10.20630/chirikagaku.57.4_255 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2004) Changes in Korean population concentrations in Osaka City from the 1920s to the early 1950s. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 56(2):154–169. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjh g1948.56.154 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2010) Changes in spatial segregation of foreigners in Tokyo and Osaka: differences between “old timers” and “newcomers”. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 83(3):288–313. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.83.288 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2013) The persistence of the residential concentration of Koreans in Osaka from 1950 to 1980: its relation to land transfers and home-work relationships. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):475–493. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_475 Fukumoto T (2016) The changes in nationality and ethnicity in contemporary Japan. Chiri Kukan (Geogr Spaces) 9(3):267–283. https://doi.org/10.24586/jags.9.3_267 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2018a) The relationship between the spatial distribution of ethnic entrepreneurs and ethnic residential clusters: in case of Koreans in Osaka after the 1980s. Keizai Chirigaku Nenpo (Ann Assoc Econ Geogr) 64(3):194–216. https://doi.org/10.20592/jaeg.64.3_194 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2018b) A brief note on ethnic segregation studies: implications for empirical research on Japan. Kukan, Shakai, Chiri-shiso (Space, Soc Geogr Thought) 21: 15–27. https://doi.org/10. 24544/ocu.20180620-003 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2018c) Ethnic segregation studies in Japan: retrospect and prospect. Toshi Chirigaku (Urban Geogr) 13:77–91 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2019) The roles and the conditions of facilities for multicultural co-existence in areas densely populated by foreign residents in Japan: a retrospective essay facing the reformation of Immigration Control Act in 2018. Miyazaki Sangyo Keiei Daigaku Kenkyu Kiyo (Rev Miyazaki Rev Miyazaki Sangyo-Keiei University) 29(2):1–30 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T, Fujimoto M, Enari S, Nagao N (2015) An analysis of attitudes toward non-Japanese residents from the viewpoint of the transformation of collective consumption in an area densely populated by Brazilians in Yokkaichi, Mie Prefecture. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 88(4):341–362. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.88.341 (in Japanese)

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Hanaoka K, Ishikawa Y, Takeshita S (2017) Have destination choices of foreign residents contributed to reducing regional population disparity in Japan? analysis based on the 2010 population census microdata. Popul Space Place 23(1). https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.1975 Ishikawa Y (ed) (2011a) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin (Mapping foreign residents in Japan). Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2011b) Impact of the economic crisis on human mobility in Japan: a preliminary note. Belg J Geogr 2011(3&4):129–147. https://doi.org/10.4000/belgeo.6282 Ishikawa Y (ed) (2019a) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan: revised edition. Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2019b) Review of existing literature on ethnic enclaves: focusing on results obtained in the US. Ritsumeikan Chirigaku (J Ritsumeikan Geogr Soc) 31:1–12 (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y, Takeshita S, Liaw KL, Hanaoka K (2018) Strategic cross-border marriages: an investigation based on the spousal age gaps of foreign-born wives in the US. Kyoto Daigaku Bungakubu Kenkyu Kiyo (Mem Fac Lett Kyoto Univ) 57:135–154 (in Japanese) Jiang W, Yamashita K (2005) Residential concentration of Chinese newcomers in a public apartment complex in the suburbs of Tokyo: a case of Kawaguchi Shibazono danchi in Saitama. Tsukuba Daigaku Jimbun Chirigaku Kenkyu (Tsukuba Stud Hum Geogr) 29:33–58 (in Japanese) Kajita T, Tanno K, Higuchi N (2005) Kao no mienai teijuka: nikkei burajirujin to kokka, shijo, imin nettowaku (Invisible residents: Japanese Brazilians vis-à-vis the state, the market and the immigrant network). Nagoya University Press, Nagoya (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2004) The formation, development of ethnic business and local community in Hamamatsu. Keizai Chirigaku Nenpo (Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr) 50(1):1–25. https://doi.org/10. 20592/jaeg.50.1_1 (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2005) Development of ethnic solidarity based on ethnic businesses: the Brazilian community in Hamamatsu City, Japan. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 78(6):387–412. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.78.387 (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2013) “Concentrated ethnic towns” and “dispersed/assimilated ethnic towns”: regional disparities in the formation and development of ethnic towns—Case studies of Brazilian residents in Japan. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):494–507. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_494 Kataoka H (2015) Ethnic economy of Brazilian residents in Hamamatsu City. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Kim Y (2016) Functional transformation of Korean businesses in the Okubo District, Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo: from the viewpoint of business owners’ ethnic strategy. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 89(4):166–182. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.89.166 (in Japanese) Knox P, Pinch S (2010) Urban social geography: an introduction, 6th edn. Pearson Prentice Hall, New York Korekawa Y (2009) Current situation and causes of foreign residents’ ethnic residential segregation in Japan by dissimilarity index: an analysis from a small-areal data of Japanese census. Jinkogaku Kenkyu (J Popul Stud) 44:1–17. https://doi.org/10.24454/jps.44.0_1 (in Japanese) Lee LH (2001) Cultural performance, subjectivity and space: Osaka’s Korean festival. Geogr Rev Jpn Ser B 74(1):78–91. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj1984b.74.78 Massey D, Denton N (1985) Spatial assimilation as a socioeconomic outcome. Am Sociol Rev 50(2):94–106. https://doi.org/10.2307/2095343 Mikuni K (1999) Migration of Koreans in Japan: a study in Kawasaki-city. Jinkogaku Kenkyu (J Popul Stud) 25:70–73. https://doi.org/10.24454/jps.25.0_70 (in Japanese) Narita K (1995) A new viewpoint on the ethnic minorities in the world cities: an investigation of the “zainichi” in Tokyo and Osaka. Keizai Chirigaku Nenpo (Ann Assoc Econ Geogr) 41(4):308–329. https://doi.org/10.20592/jaeg.41.4_308 (in Japanese) Oishi T (2008) Recent trends in ethnic geography in Japan. Geogr Rev Jpn 81(5):303–310. https:// doi.org/10.4157/grj.81.303

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Sawa M (2013) Spatial reorganisation of the Indian community crossing border: a case study of the global city Tokyo. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):508–526. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg. 65.6_508 Sawa M, Minamino T (2005) History of Indian community in Kobe: its identities and network. Hyogo Chiri (Geogr Hyogo, Jpn) 50:4–15 (in Japanese) Sawa M, Minamino T (2007) Emerging of an Indian community in Tokyo: a case study of Nishikasai. Indian Geogr J 82(1):7–26 Sekido A (2003) Living circumstances of Brazilian residents in Ota City and Oizumi Town in Gunma Prefecture and its relationship with the region. Eria Gumma (Area Gumma) 9:15–38 (in Japanese) Shimazu T (1998) Spatial segregation and residential migration of Korean residents in Wakayama City: 1920-1995. Wakayama Chiri (Geogr Wakayama, Jpn) 18:1–20 (in Japanese) Sugiura T (2011) Esunikku chirigaku (Ethnic geography). Gakujutsu Shuppankai, Tokyo (in Japanese) Sugiura T (2013) Ethnic town as a place for reproducing ethnicity. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):464–474. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_464 (in Japanese) Sugiura T (2016) Historical development of San Jose’s Japantown: focusing on its changing spatial arrangements. Kikan Chirigaku (Q J Geogr) 68(2):115–130. https://doi.org/10.5190/tga.68.2_115 (in Japanese) Tajima J (1998) Sekai toshi Tokyo no ajiakei ijusha (Asian immigrants in global city Tokyo). Gakubunsha, Tokyo (in Japanese) Takahata S (2012) Migrant women in a big city entertainment area: changes brought about by Filipino women in the Sakae-higashi area of Nagoya City. Shakaigaku Hyoron (Jpn Sociol Rev) 62(4):504–520. https://doi.org/10.4057/jsr.62.504 (in Japanese) Takahata S (2015) From the Philippines to Japan: marriage migrants and the new Nikkei Filipinos. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Takahata S (2018) Migrant women in a big city entertainment area: what have Filipino women changed in Sakae-Higashi Area, Naka Ward, Nagoya City, 2002–2016? In: Zulueta JO (ed) Thinking beyond the state: migration, integration, citizenship in Japan and the Philippines. De La Salle University Press, Manila Takahata S (2019) Filipino Nikkei workers in the fish processing industry in Yaizu City, Shizuoka, Japan: focus on the process of migration and employment. Imin Seisaku Kenkyu (Migr Policy Rev) 11:47–59 (in Japanese) Takeshita S (2000) Kokusai kekkon no shakaigaku (Sociology of intermarriage). Gakubunsha, Tokyo (in Japanese) Takeshita S (2004) Kokusai kekkon no shoso (Various aspects of intermarriage). Gakubunsha, Tokyo (in Japanese) Takeshita S (2016) Intermarriage and Japanese identity. In: Healy E, Arunachalam D, Mizukami T (eds) Creating social cohesion in an interdependent world. Palgrave Macmillan, Hampshire Wright R, Ellis M, Parks V (2005) Replacing whiteness in spatial assimilation research. City & Community 4(2):111–135. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2005.00107.x Yamashita K (1979) A study of Chinese way of life in Yokohama’s Chinatown. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 31(4):321–348. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.31.321 (in Japanese) Yamashita K (1984) A review of urban social geographical research on segregation of ethnic groups. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 36(4):312–326. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.36.312 (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2003) Formation and development of Chinatown in Japan: Chinatowns as tourist spots in Yokohama, Kobe and Nagasaki. Geogr Rev Jpn 76(12):910–923. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj. 76.12_910 Yamashita K (2008) Esunikku warudo: sekai to nihon no esunikku shakai (Ethnic landscape: ethnic societies in contemporary world and Japan). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese)

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Yamashita K (2010) Ikebukuro chaina taun: tonai saidai no shin-kakyogai no jitsuzo ni semaru (Ikebukuro Chinatown: approaching the real image of the largest Xinhua town in Tokyo). Yosensha, Tokyo (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2013) A comparative study of Chinatowns around the world: focusing on the increase in new Chinese immigrants and formation of new Chinatowns. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):527–544. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_527 Yamashita K (2016) Increased and diversified foreign residents: focusing on changes in the new stage of “post-China”. Chiri Kukan (Geogr Spaces) 9(3):249–265. https://doi.org/10.24586/jags. 9.3_249 (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2019) Sekai no chaina taun no keisei to hen’yo: firudowaku kara kajin shakai wo tankyu suru (Formation and change of China town in the world: exploring Chinese society through fieldwork). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Zelinsky W, Lee BA (1998) Heterolocalism: an alternative model of the sociospatialbehavior of immigrant ethnic communities. Int J Popul Geogr 4(4):281–298. http://doi.org/10.1002/(SIC I)1099-1220(199812)4:43.0.CO;2-O Zhou W (2014) Formation and transformation processes of a Japanese enclave in Shanghai: case study of the Gubei Area. Chirigaku Hyron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 87(3):183–204. https://doi.org/10. 4157/grj.87.183 (in Japanese)

Yoshitaka Ishikawa is a professor in the Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, and an emeritus professor of Kyoto University. He received his D.Litt. in geography from the Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University, in 1994. He is a leading Japanese population geographer who has contributed to international geography through publishing many books and papers on such research topics as internal/international migration and foreign residents as ethnic minorities. His activities have also extended to making public policy recommendations in recent years. He served as an editorial board member of the journal Population, Space and Place (formerly International Journal of Population Geography) for 20 years from 1995. He won the IGU (International Geographical Union) Lauréat d’honneur for the year 2020.

Chapter 2

Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases Yoshitaka Ishikawa and Kazumasa Hanaoka

Abstract In this chapter, as an introduction to the detailed studies in Chaps. 3–7, we explain the four major types of government statistics on foreign residents in Japan and the spatial framework of the country. Then, the nationwide distribution of the foreign population is discussed, and the spatial concentration of this population in the regions encompassing the three major metropolitan areas is overviewed. Next, we describe the ethnic enclaves of the five nationalities (China, Korea, Philippines, Brazil and Turkey) that the five authors of the five chapters from Chap. 3 chose as examples. An important data source for exploring such enclaves in this volume is the microdata on foreign residents in the 2015 Population Census of Japan, and the data of the six significant indicators (population and employment, address five year ago, duration of residency at the current domicile, major occupation groups, commuting distance, and intermarriage) are discussed in Sect. 2.6. Based on these data, the salient features of the enclaves by nationality are briefly overviewed. Keywords Ethnic enclave · Foreign residents · Nationality · Government statistics

2.1 Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of foreign residents in contemporary Japan and to preview the detailed investigations into the enclaves of five nationalities that are given in Chaps. 3–7. These five chapters are basically organized using the similar section structure, and we think this approach will greatly help the reader to clearly understand the overall unity of the book’s contents. This chapter is organized as follows. First, Sect. 2.2 explains the sources that are available for obtaining statistical data on foreign residents in Japan. Next, in Y. Ishikawa (B) Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, Hachioji, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] K. Hanaoka Department of Geography, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Japan © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_2

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Sect. 2.3, we introduce the spatial framework of the country and the appropriate spatial scale for use in this volume. Section 2.4 outlines the nationwide distribution of foreign residents as a whole by using a map that distinguishes the case of each municipality. In Sect. 2.5, the ethnic enclaves of the five nationalities examined as examples (China, Korea, Philippines, Brazil and Turkey) are selected, and then, in Sect. 2.6, their characteristics are outlined using microdata on foreign residents from the 2015 Population Census. Section 2.7 concludes this chapter.

2.2 Data Sources This section gives an overview of the four kinds of national government statistics on foreign residents living in Japan. In Chaps. 3–7, the typical enclaves formed by the five nationalities are analyzed individually. As a start, we introduce the existing types of statistics on foreign residents while explaining their spatial scales, publication frequency, strengths/weaknesses, and examples from the previous literature. The first type of statistics is Zairyu Gaikokujin Tokei (Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan), published by the Immigration Bureau, Ministry of Justice. This was first published in 1959, then irregularly for several years, and eventually every year since the mid-1990s. It is an excellent data source on foreigners residing in Japan, with its data on the status of residence, in particular, invaluable. Each foreign resident in Japan at any given time has a single status of residence. Until 2011, the population by nationality, as of December, was published once a year, but since 2012, it has been published twice a year (June and December). The number of foreigners by nationality can be further broken down into gender, age group, and prefecture/municipality. The statuses of residence are divided into the two major divisions of ‘activities that can be performed in Japan’ and ‘qualification or status in Japan’; as of December 2018, the former has 30 statuses and the latter has 4 statuses. Furthermore, the population by nationality is tabulated for each status. The advantage of these statistics is that they are regularly published as comprehensive statistical data on foreign residents in Japan. Status of residence is very valuable information because it gives us a clear picture of the actual situation of those residents’ activities in the country. On the other hand, the disadvantage is that data on a spatial scale lower than municipality are unavailable, causing an obvious limitation on our ability to carefully elucidate ethnic enclaves within cities. Most of the existing literature on foreign residents in the country has used this source; examples of such literature include Takahata (2015) and Yamashita (2016). The second type of statistics is Kokusei Chosa (Population Census) published by the Statistics Bureau, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. The census has been conducted on the 1st of October approximately every five years since 1920, with the census in 2020 the latest one. These statistics include data covering various indicators of foreign residents such as gender, age, marital status, household type, duration of residence, industry, occupation, commuting, and migration. The population of residents by nationality can be obtained at prefectural and municipal

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100

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80

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Population

scales, and the total number of foreign residents as a whole is available even at the neighborhood scale. Examples from the previous literature using this source are Korekawa (2008), Fukumoto (2010) and Kataoka (2004). The great thing about this source is that, above all, it reveals various attributes of foreigners. However, according to the 2015 census data, the number of foreign nationals in Japan’s total population is as low as 1.38%, so the data associated with them in the census reports tend to be published in a more aggregated form than in the case of their Japanese counterparts. This is a major obstacle to conducting minute studies at more detailed spatial scales such as intra-municipality. Due to this limitation, research using census microdata has been increasing recently (Liaw and Ishikawa 2008; Ishikawa and Liaw 2009; Liaw et al. 2010; Korekawa 2013; Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015; Hanaoka et al. 2017). In addition, it must be noted that there is a considerable difference in the number of foreign residents between the Population Census and the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan (Fig. 2.1). Since data from both types of statistics for the same year can be obtained every 5 years, we can fairly compare the two numbers on foreigners. For example, taking 2015 as the latest year, the total numbers of foreign nationals from the Statistics on Foreigners Registered and the Population Census are 2,232,189 and 1,752,363, respectively, with the ratio of the latter divided by the former being 78.5%. The number of foreigners shown in the census has consistently been less than that in the statistics. Regarding the possible cause of this discrepancy, a non-cooperative attitude toward the census among a portion of the foreigners residing in Japan is presumed (Ishikawa 2005). The third type of statistics on foreign residents is Jumin-kihon-daicho ni motozuku jinko, jinko dotai oyobi setaisu chosa (Survey on Population, Population Dynamics, and Number of Households Based on Basic Resident Register), published by the Statistics Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. The survey itself has existed since 1968, but until 2012, only Japanese were targeted. From July 2012, foreign residents are also subject to the resident register, and the category “foreign residents” was added from the 2013 survey. Since then, the total of both Japanese and foreign residents has been listed. As a result, data on the population and number of

Ratio of A/B (%) 500,000

60

0

50 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015

Fig. 2.1 Comparison of foreigner population between the two types of statistics. Sources Population Census, Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

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households by age group in prefectures and municipalities and population dynamics (specifically, in-migration, birth, out-migration, death) can be obtained every year for foreigners. Previous studies using this source include Nakagawa et al. (2016), Shimizu (2017), and Fukumoto (2019). The fourth type of statistics is Jinko Dotai Tokei (Vital Statistics), published by the Statistics and Information Department, Minister’s Secretariat, Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare. Although these statistics themselves have been published since 1932, data on foreigners began to be published only in 1992. This is published every year, and it provides valuable data on birth, death, marriage and divorce for foreign residents. These data are available on the prefectural scale. Examples of previous studies using this source include Ishikawa (2010), Yamauchi (2015), and Takeshita (2016b). All four of these statistics sources are valuable and available free of charge from Seifu-tokei no Sogo Madoguchi (Portal for Government Statistics) or the e-Stat website (https://www.e-stat.go.jp/) in the form of a CSV or Excel file. However, for detailed exploration of ethnic enclaves within cities, it is essential to use data at the neighborhood scale, which have been very popular for use in investigating many intra-urban phenomena, including details of these enclaves. Although it is census data that should naturally satisfy this condition of small-scale locality, foreigner-related data available from census reports or e-Stat are listed at the municipality level or higher. Therefore, we should use microdata from the Population Census. The situation surrounding the study of ethnic enclaves is similar outside of Japan; a portion of the existing literature on this topic has certainly used census microdata or public-use microdata samples as a powerful resource (for example, Newbold and Spindler 2001; Wright et al. 2005; Ellis et al. 2006). However, these data must be obtained by applying to the Statistics Bureau, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, for approval. Fortunately, the microdata used in Chaps. 2–7 were released to us in July 2020 through this procedure. We are thankful to the bureau’s Statistical Data Utilization Center for understanding the significance of our research project, whose results are given in this volume, and for providing valuable microdata from the 2015 census. Note that, based on our agreement with the center, the cases whose number is less than five persons are not shown throughout this book from the viewpoint of privacy protection. Therefore, in this volume, the notation “No data” in the map legends for ethnic enclaves (Figs. 3.5, 3.9, 4.4, 4.5, 5.6, 5.9 and 6.6) is given in accordance with this agreement.

2.3 Spatial Framework This section describes the administrative geography used to collect and disseminate data on ethnic enclaves, including the numbers of zones at various levels of the spatial hierarchy. The six levels of geography are region (chiho), prefecture (to, do, fu, and ken), municipality (city (shi), ward (ku), town (machi) and village (mura)),

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census tract (kokusei-tokei-ku), neighborhood (cho-cho and aza) and basic unit area (kihon-tan’i-ku). There are several possible methods of dividing regions, but Fig. 2.2 is based on a typical regional division by displaying a map of Japan with the names of regions and prefectures. There are eight regions (Hokkaido, Tohoku, Kanto, Chubu, Kinki, Chugoku, Shikoku and Kyushu), each of which (except Hokkaido) consists of several prefectures, totaling 47 nationally. The number of prefectures has been stable over time. Each prefecture is divided into municipalities, whose total number of cities, towns and villages has declined nationally from 3235 in October 2000 to 1724 in October 2015 as a result of the large-scale mergers of municipalities. The total numbers of neighborhood and basic unit areas, as of the Population Census taken October 1, 2015, are 219,271 and 1,917,697, respectively. The three largest metropolitan areas consist of eleven prefectures: the Tokyo area (consisting of the four prefectures of Saitama, Chiba, Tokyo and Kanagawa) with 36.1 million inhabitants in the 2015 census, the Nagoya area (Gifu, Aichi and Mie) with 11.3 million inhabitants, and the Osaka Area (Kyoto, Osaka, Hyogo and Nara) with 18.3 million inhabitants. The binary division of Japan into these three metropolitan

0

Fig. 2.2 Map of Japan

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400

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Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

areas versus the rest of the country, which is often referred to as the core and periphery (Vining and Pallone 1982; Ishikawa 1999), is also useful. The periphery consists of 36 prefectures located in the regions of Hokkaido, Tohoku, Kanto (excluding the Tokyo area), Chubu (excluding the Nagoya area), Kinki (excluding the Osaka area), Chugoku, Shikoku and Kyushu. In terms of Japan’s urban system, four cities function as regional capitals, namely Sapporo in Hokkaido, Sendai in Tohoku, Hiroshima in Chugoku, and Fukuoka in Kyushu, and these are also important secondary cities. These cities are located in the prefectures of Hokkaido, Miyagi, Hiroshima and Fukuoka, respectively. The data on foreign residents at the neighborhood level are mainly used in the analyses of Chaps. 3–7. Primary data on key indicators of the enclaves for the 5 nationalities in the 12 municipalities are presented in Sect. 2.6 of this chapter for further study.

2.4 Nationwide Distribution of Foreign Residents in Japan Before the analyses of enclaves of the ethnic population by specific nationalities are presented from Chap. 3 onwards, this section gives an overview of their nationwide distribution. But first, we refer to the foreign residents’ atlas published by the first author of this chapter as its editor (Ishikawa 2011, 2019a). In the current context of Japan’s population decline, more and more attention has been devoted to the new immigration of foreigners and their settlement patterns in the country. With this in mind, the first edition of Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin (Mapping Foreign Residents in Japan) was published in 2011; thanks to its favorable reception, a revised edition was published in January 2019 (Ishikawa 2019a). Both editions were prepared especially for policy-makers of national and local government offices in charge of foreign residents. They include more than 100 maps. The book’s style of presentation aimed to introduce maps that visualize the status of foreign residents at the prefecture/municipality level. That work’s chief sources were national government statistics such as the Population Census (including microdata of foreign residents in the Population Census), the Statistics on Foreigners Registered, and the Vital Statistics. The maps were arranged into six topics (distribution/changes, gender/age/nationality, status-ofresidence, employment, life, and enclaves/migration), and each topic had several sub-topics. Maps of foreign residents in major cities were drawn on a municipality or neighborhood scale. Figure 2.3 shows one of the many maps included in that book (Ishikawa 2019a, p. 5). Using the microdata of the 2015 census, the ratio of foreign population by municipality at that time is shown in this map. The average foreign population ratio is 1.0%. In this map, the ratio was divided into 5 categories using the average and standard deviation (1.1%). There are many municipalities with a higher ratio of foreigners in the central part of the country, that is, the Kanto, Chubu, and Kinki regions, containing the

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

0.0 - 0.4%

(- x--0.5s)

0.5 - 1.5%

(x--0.5s - x-+0.5s)

1.6 - 2.7%

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3.9 - 15.8%

(x-+2.5s - )

-): 1.0% Avg(x

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SD(s): 1.1%

Fig. 2.3 Distribution of foreign residents in Japan by municipality. Source Ishikawa (2019a, p. 5)

three major metropolitan areas of Tokyo, Nagoya, and Osaka, respectively. All of the enclaves taken up as examples in this book are located in this range. In particular, municipalities exhibiting a relatively high ratio of 1.6% or more are continuously spreading from the western part of Shizuoka Prefecture to the northern part of Mie Prefecture. A certain number of the existing studies on foreigners residing in Japan have been conducted in this range. This area has many Japanese Brazilians, particularly factory workers, and has fostered an important research field (e g., Kataoka 2004; Kajita et al. 2005; Nishihara et al. 2012; Miyazawa and Moriguchi

24

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

2015). A part of the Tokyo Special Ward Area, Nagoya City, and Osaka City, which form the cores of the three major metropolitan areas, have 2.8% or more, but the ratio of foreign population itself does not seem so high due to each area’s enormous Japanese population. In contrast, the ratio of foreigners is generally low in peripheral regions such as Hokkaido, Tohoku, Chugoku, Shikoku, and Kyushu. A large number of the municipalities there have a ratio of 0.5–1.5%, and there are even many municipalities with a ratio of 0.4% or less, which is much lower than the national average. In these peripheral municipalities, population decline has generally been serious, and thus there is a growing interest in whether such decline can be compensated by an inflow of foreigners as replacement migration (Nakagawa et at. 2016; Shimizu 2017). It’s worth noting that a small number of peripheral municipalities reveal a somewhat high ratio of 1.6% or more due to the presence of universities welcoming overseas students (Ishikawa 2019a, pp. 54–61) as well as the dependence on foreign labor force in the agriculture and fishery industries (Korekawa 2019).

2.5 Choice of Ethnic Enclaves as Examples This section presents basic data, prepared from the microdata of the Population Census taken in 2015, of the eight ethnic enclaves of five nationalities (China, Korea, Philippines, Brazil and Turkey), and it gives an overview of these enclaves. According to the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan, which shows data as of December 2018, there are 196 different nationalities residing in Japan. From this source, the top-30 nationalities of the foreign population are shown (Fig. 2.4). The five nationalities that exceed 100,000 people are China (764,720 persons), South Korea (449,634), Vietnam (330,835), Philippines (271,289), and Brazil (201,865). Due to this biased concentration, previous research on foreign residents in Japan has tended to focus on these nationalities with large populations; examples of such literature are Yamashita (2013, 2019a) for China, Fukumoto (2010, 2013) for Korea, Yoshida (2011) for Vietnam, Kataoka (2004, 2013) for Brazil, Abe (2011) and Takahata (2012, 2015) for the Philippines. The nineteen nationalities with population between 10,000 and 100,000 are Nepal, Taiwan, the United States, Indonesia, Thailand, Peru, India, North Korea, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, United Kingdom, Pakistan, Bangladesh, France, Cambodia, Australia, Mongolia, Canada and Malaysia. The other nationalities with population less than 10,000 persons amount to 172, or 88% of all represented nationalities, indicating that a very large majority of the nationalities of foreign residents living in contemporary Japan contribute rather small populations. However, it is assumed that even those foreign residents with only a small co-ethnic population live their daily lives in Japan, as their host country, by forming certain social networks. Unfortunately, however, compared to previous studies on foreigners with nationalities belonging to the top-five countries in Fig. 2.4, there are certainly very few existing studies on foreign residents with small ethnic populations, and

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

25

Population China South Korea Vietnam Philippines Brazil Nepal Taiwan USA Indonesia Thailand Peru India North Korea Myanmar Sri Lanka UK Pakistan Bangladesh France Cambodia Australia Mongolia Canada Malaysia Russia Germany Bolivia Turkey Italy Iran -

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

900

(in thousands)

Fig. 2.4 Top-30 nationalities with largest populations of foreign residents in Japan in December 2018. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

26

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

thus little is known about the actual situation of their settlement in the host country. Therefore, taking up a particular nationality with a small population residing in Japan and pursuing a detailed exploration of their actual situation is an important research task, and such work would certainly contribute to filling the gaps in the existing literature. Accordingly, Chap. 7 takes up, as an example, the Turkish settlement inhabited by members of Japan’s 28th-ranked foreign population (Fig. 2.4). As a key feature, foreign nationals residing in Japan are more concentrated in the three major metropolitan areas (particularly the Tokyo metropolitan area) than are Japanese nationals (Ishikawa 2018, pp. 100–101). As introduced in the first chapter, a certain number of previous works dealing with ethnic enclaves in Japan have been published. Nonetheless, few studies have convincingly investigated the common, more fundamental factors that have formed the contemporary enclaves in Japan’s major cities. Therefore, we have been unable to answer which among the existing frameworks advocated mainly for North America and Europe (e.g., Fukumoto 2018; Ishikawa 2019b) most persuasively explain the cases found in Japan. The purpose of this book is to pursue this issue. In the following chapters, the five researchers involved in this research project analyze the actual situation in their example enclaves of particular nationalities. These enclaves and nationalities have been selected based on these authors’ research achievements so far. Specifically, Kiyomi Yamashita takes up Chinese enclaves in Toshima Ward (Tokyo) and Kawaguchi and Warabi Cities (Saitama Prefecture) in Chap. 3; Taku Fukumoto examines Korean enclaves in Ikuno Ward (Osaka City) and Shinjuku Ward (Tokyo) in Chap. 4; Sachi Takahata discusses Filipino enclaves in Naka Ward (Nagoya City) and Yaizu City (Shizuoka Prefecture) in Chap. 5; Hiromi Kataoka investigates Brazilian enclaves in the three Wards of Naka, Higashi and Minami (Hamamatsu City) in Chap. 6; and Shuko Takeshita takes up the Turkish settlement area, extending from Kitanagoya City to Toyoyama Town (Aichi Prefecture) in Chap. 7. Note that as far as the Turkish case is concerned, there is currently no obvious enclave, and so we hesitate to use the term “enclave” here; however, the current circumstances may be regarded as a nascent stage of enclave formation. These five authors have published excellent books/papers on the foreign residents of each nationality (e.g., Yamashita 2013, 2019a; Fukumoto 2002, 2013; Takahata 2012, 2015; Kataoka 2004, 2013; Takeshita 2016a; Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015). The locations of the above enclaves are shown in Fig. 2.5. Some of the municipalities with such enclaves are spatially continuous; if such continuous municipalities are counted as one, the overall number of enclaves is eight. Consequently, Chaps. 3–7 investigate eight enclaves for five nationalities in twelve municipalities.

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

27

Warabi City & Kawaguchi City Toshima Ward Shinjuku Ward Kitanagoya City & Toyoyama Town Naka Ward, Nagoya City

Yaizu City

Naka, Minami & Higashi Wards, Hamamatsu City

Ikuno Ward, Osaka City

0

50

100

km

Fig. 2.5 Map showing the ethnic enclaves under study

2.6 Characteristics of Enclaves Based on Microdata of 2015 Census As described in Sect. 2.2, microdata of a census provide the most suitable data source for minutely analyzing ethnic enclaves located in urban settings. Therefore, an application was submitted to the Statistics Bureau, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, and in July 2020 we obtained such valuable microdata of foreign residents. Important microdata for this research project are listed in Tables 2.1 through 2.6. Based on these tables, we make simple comparisons among the 5 nationalities, 8 enclaves and 12 municipalities. Some of these tables are also cited in Chaps. 3–7, which present more detailed analyses of enclaves by particular nationality. Before introducing the individual sets of data, we touch on the significantly increased proportion of “unknown” responses, which is a major issue related to the Population Census in recent years (Koike and Yamauchi 2014). The higher proportion of “unknown” responses in the 2015 census is particularly relevant to two census questions: a resident’s address five years ago and the duration of residency at the current domicile (Tables 2.2 and 2.3). These are important question items for the study of foreign residents in Japan. For that reason, the “unknown” ratios are listed in these two tables.

Nationality

China

China

China

Korea

Korea

Philippines

Philippines

Brazil

Brazil

Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Toshima Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture

Warabi City, Saitama Prefecture

Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, Osaka Prefecture

Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

Naka Ward, Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Naka Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Higashi Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Table 2.1 Population and employment

957

2432

1003

1093

8744

14252

2270

9840

11393

Both sexes

490

1284

381

211

4164

6468

1127

4516

5250

Male

467

1148

622

882

4580

7784

1143

5324

6143

Female

104.9

111.8

61.3

23.9

90.9

83.1

98.6

84.8

85.5

Sex ratio

32.6

33.9

33.6

32.8

35.8

52.4

29.4

31.2

29.9

Average age

507

1324

646

330

2467

7051

945

4579

2502

Number of employed persons

67.8

68.3

74.9

35.1

32.5

52.2

48.2

56.5

23.5

(continued)

Ratio of employed persons (%)

28 Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

Brazil

Turkey

Minami Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Kitanagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

113

1492

Both sexes

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture

Nationality

Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Table 2.1 (continued)

90

775

Male

23

717

Female

391.3

108.1

Sex ratio

27.0

32.9

Average age

46

789

Number of employed persons

48.9

66.4

Ratio of employed persons (%)

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases 29

30

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

Table 2.2 Address five years ago Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Nationality

Same as present or Another address within the same municipality

Another municipality within the same prefecture

Other prefecture

Outside Japan

Ratio of “unknown” (%)

Toshima Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

China

1475

34

213

977

76.3

Kawaguchi China City, Saitama Prefecture

4082

407

1568

1538

22.8

Warabi City, Saitama Prefecture

China

549

227

301

291

39.7

Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, Osaka Prefecture

Korea

13695

205

136

71

1.0

Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

Korea

1901

41

163

558

69.5

Naka Ward, Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Philippines

352

26

15

74

57.3

Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Philippines

559

35

32

276

10.1

Naka Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

1841

80

97

173

9.9

Higashi Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

726

25

23

40

14.9

(continued)

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

31

Table 2.2 (continued) Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Nationality

Minami Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

Kitanagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Turkey

Same as present or Another address within the same municipality

Another municipality within the same prefecture

Other prefecture

Outside Japan

Ratio of “unknown” (%)

1126

88

35

78

11.1

35

*

*

43

25.7

Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census Note The asterisk “*” in the table indicates a number of less than five persons

2.6.1 Population and Employment Table 2.1 displays data on population, sex ratio, average age, number of employed persons, and ratio of employed persons. Regarding sex ratio, while the nationalities of China, Korea, and Philippines are female-dominated, those of Brazil and Turkey are male-dominated. Looking at average ages, the figure of age 52.4 years reported for Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, is remarkably high because this is the largest enclave of Korean oldcomers in Japan. The ratio of employed persons is low in Toshima Ward and Shinjuku Ward in Tokyo and Naka Ward in Nagoya City. These wards extend over the sub-centers of Tokyo and the center of Nagoya. Due to these wards’ good traffic access, many Japanese language schools for young foreign students are located there, and thus they attract many overseas students who are not counted as employed persons.

2.6.2 Address Five Years Ago Table 2.2 shows the residents’ addresses five years ago in four categories: “Same as present” or “Another address in the same municipality,” “Another municipality within the same prefecture,” “Other prefecture,” and “Outside Japan.” Whereas the first three categories imply internal migration of foreign residents, the category

32

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

Table 2.3 Duration of residency at current domicile Municipality Nationality Since Less 1 to 5 to less 10 to More Ratio of of ethnic birth than less than less than than “unknown” enclaves 1 year than 10 years 20 years 20 years (%) 5 years Toshima China Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

65

814

1152

400

235

113

75.6

China

409

2142

3844

1284

613

231

13.4

Warabi City, China Saitama Prefecture

74

401

608

229

64

24

38.3

Ikuno Ward, Korea Osaka City, Osaka Prefecture

1328

598

2027

2008

2897

5174

1.5

Shinjuku Korea Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

89

529

1110

425

337

195

69.3

Naka Ward, Philippines Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

19

97

187

95

67

15

56.1

Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Philippines

33

198

438

163

65

16

9.0

Naka Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

134

339

819

525

320

74

9.1

Higashi Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

56

98

279

206

143

44

13.7

Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture

(continued)

“Outside Japan” implies international migration during the five years immediately before the census conducted on October 1, 2015. There is a conspicuous dominant tendency of the first category, implying no migration or short-distance migration. Exceptionally, the percentage of “Other prefecture” is large in Kawaguchi City and Warabi City for Chinese residents, suggesting the possibility of suburbanization from

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

33

Table 2.3 (continued) Municipality Nationality Since Less 1 to 5 to less 10 to More Ratio of of ethnic birth than less than less than than “unknown” enclaves 1 year than 10 years 20 years 20 years (%) 5 years Minami Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

85

210

506

316

175

43

10.5

Kitanagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Turkey

*

24

71

*

7

0

4.4

Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census Note The asterisk “*” in the table indicates a number of less than five persons

Tokyo (Yamashita 2019b). The ratio of “Outside Japan” seems high in Kitanagoyashi City and Toyoyama Town for Turkish residents, suggesting the importance of new immigration from Turkey in this enclave. As mentioned above, however, it has been pointed out that the percentage of “unknown” is on the whole high in the data associated with resident’s address five years ago in recent censuses. Note that this ratio was 6.5% in the 2010 census (Koike and Yamauchi 2014) and 8.8% in the 2015 census (Ishikawa2020). Therefore, the “unknown” ratios for the enclaves taken up in Chaps. 3–7 of this book are listed in the rightmost column of Table 2.2. This ratio was obtained by subtracting the total number of all four categories of Table 2.2 from the population shown in “both sexes” in Table 2.1 divided by the population of “both sexes.” This is particularly high for Chinese in Toshima Ward (76.3%), Koreans in Shinjuku Ward (69.5%), and Filipinos in Naka Ward (57.3%). Due to this issue, the data for these wards in this table must be interpreted with caution.

2.6.3 Duration of Residency at Current Domicile Table 2.3 shows the data on duration of residency at the current domicile in six categories: “since birth,” “less than 1 year,” “1 to less than 5 years,” “5 to less than 10 years,” “10 to less than 20 years,” and “more than 20 years.” Interestingly, the only municipality that records the highest number in the category “20 years or more” is Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, where the largest enclave of Korean oldcomers in Japan is located. In all other municipalities, the largest number of responses is for the category

34

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

“1 to less than 5 years.” It can be clearly seen that newcomers with a relatively short duration account for a major part of foreign residents. This finding may be related to the fact that foreign residents tend to have a higher migration rate than their Japanese counterparts (Ishikawa and Liaw 2009; Nakagawa et al. 2016). However, as mentioned above, we need to keep in mind that, among major question items in the Population Census, the ratio of “unknown” tends to be high for this item. Therefore, this ratio is indicated in the rightmost column of Table 2.3. This is obtained by subtracting the total number of all six categories of Table 2.3 from the population shown under “both sexes” in Table 2.1 divided by the population of “both sexes.” The rate is particularly high for Chinese in Toshima Ward (75.6%), Koreans in Shinjuku Ward (69.3%), and Filipinos in Naka Ward (56.1%), as confirmed for the item of address five years ago shown in Table 2.2. Due to this tendency, the findings involving these wards must be interpreted carefully.

2.6.4 Occupation Groups Table 2.4 shows the data of the three largest occupation groups for employed persons. Looking at the largest figures for each municipality, the following can be observed. First, “professional and engineering” is the top occupation category among Chinese in Kawaguchi City and Warabi City as well as Koreans in Shinjuku Ward. The prominence of this category can be regarded as a successful result of occupational achievement by foreign residents (Korekawa 2015). In addition, “manufacturing processes” is the largest category for Koreans in Ikuno Ward in Osaka City, for Filipinos in Yaizu City, for Brazilians in all three wards of Hamamatsu City, and for Turks in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town. Since employment of Brazilian residents in factories is widely remarked in the existing literature (e.g., Ishikawa 2015, pp. xx–xxi), this finding for Hamamatsu is not surprising. The occupation group “service” is the most important for Chinese in Toshima Ward and for Filipinos in Naka Ward, so this finding seems to arise from these wards being located in a city center or a sub-center of large cities.

2.6.5 Commuting Distance Table 2.5 shows the data for commuting by employed persons: average distance between place of residence and place of work, its standard deviation, the number of employed persons who work at their places of residence, and its ratio among all employed persons. Most of the existing literature on foreigners residing in Japan has dealt with actual circumstances either at their place of residence or place of work. Although foreign residents are regarded as forming a daily-life sphere centered on the two places of residence and work, previous research has been less interested in this topic, except for e.g., Fukumoto (2002, 2013) and Ishikawa (2019a, pp. 34–35).

Philippines

Philippines

Brazil

Naka Ward, Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Naka Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Manufacturing processes

Manufacturing processes

Service

Professional and engineering

Professional and engineering

Korea

China

Warabi City, Saitama Prefecture

Professional and engineering

Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

China

Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture

Service

Manufacturing processes

China

Toshima Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

First-ranked

Ikuno Ward, Korea Osaka City, Osaka Prefecture

Nationality

Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Table 2.4 Major occupation groups

817

482

106

307

1560

147

896

252

Number of employed persons

CCPR

CCPR

Manufacturing processes

Clerical

Service

Service

Service

Professional and engineering

Second-ranked

109

67

59

238

1132

136

658

244

Number of employed persons

Professional and engineering

Service

CCPR

Service

Clerical

Sales

Sales

Clerical

Third-ranked

81

27

41

215

948

98

536

226

(continued)

Number of employed persons

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases 35

Brazil

Brazil

Turkey

Higashi Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Minami Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Kitanagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Manufacturing processes

Manufacturing processes

Manufacturing processes

First-ranked

14

502

332

Number of employed persons

Construction and mining

Clerical

Sales

Second-ranked

10

36

24

Number of employed persons

Transportation and machine operation

Professional and engineering

Service

Professional and engineering

Third-ranked

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census Note “CCPR” is carrying, cleaning, packaging, and related. The asterisk “*” in the table indicates a number of less than five persons

Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture

Nationality

Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Table 2.4 (continued)

*

*

34

23

Number of employed persons

36 Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

37

Table 2.5 Commuting distance Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Nationality

Toshima Ward, China Tokyo Prefecture

Mean distance between residence and workplace for all employed persons (km)

Standard deviation of mean distance (km)

Employed persons who work at their residences

Ratio of employment at residence (%)

7.4

17.6

100

4.0

Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture

China

13.1

38.3

261

5.7

Warabi City, Saitama Prefecture

China

17.3

50.6

37

3.9

Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, Osaka Prefecture

Korea

6.7

29.2

994

14.1

Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

Korea

6.9

21.0

95

3.9

Naka Ward, Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Philippines

4.9

5.9

12

3.6

Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Philippines

4.1

4.8

15

2.3

Naka Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

5.5

17.4

58

4.4

Higashi Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

6.3

10.8

19

3.7

(continued)

Referring to the census microdata listed in Table 2.5, however, we can see that this previously neglected topic is indeed worthy of discussion. Looking at the average commuting distance, Chinese in Kawaguchi City and Warabi City show a distance longer than 10 km, and their large standard deviation (more than 38 km) suggests that their places of work are probably dispersed within the Tokyo area. The distance for other nationalities is not so long. The ratio of “employed persons who work at their residences,” which implies coincidence of

38

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

Table 2.5 (continued) Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Nationality

Mean distance between residence and workplace for all employed persons (km)

Standard deviation of mean distance (km)

Employed persons who work at their residences

Ratio of employment at residence (%)

Minami Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

6.9

9.0

26

3.3

Kitanagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Turkey

4.3

4.9

0

0.0

Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census Note Distances are measured based on locations of municipalities

places of residence and work, is overwhelmingly high for Korean in Ikuno Ward (14.1%), probably due to their high rate of self-employment. This ratio is generally low in other municipalities.

2.6.6 Intermarriage Table 2.6 shows the four kinds of data associated with intermarriage: the number of couples having the same foreign nationality, the number of intermarried couples of Japanese and foreign nationality, and the ratio of intermarriage among all married couples. In the third, fourth and fifth columns of the table, the term “indicated foreign nationality” means the nationality listed under the second column. For example, the figure of 1184 couples for Toshima Ward in the table specifically means the number of married couples of Chinese husband and Chinese wife. The development of intermarriage is considered a key indicator of an ethnic minority population’s assimilation into the host country (Gordon 1964; Peach 1997). However, little attention has been given to the role of intermarriage in the formation of ethnic enclaves in the existing literature on ethnic enclaves in Japan, largely due to the difficulty of collecting data on intermarriages. The use of census microdata, however, allows us to more successfully pursue this previously neglected trend. In a certain number of couples, both spouses have the same foreign nationality. Regarding the intermarried couples, those of Japanese husband and foreign wife are much more numerous than those of foreign husband and Japanese wife. This partially reflects the limited marriage opportunities for Japanese males in contemporary Japan

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

39

Table 2.6 Intermarriage Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Nationality

Number of married couples (both husband and wife are of the same indicated foreign nationality)

Number of intermarried couples (husband has indicated foreign nationality and wife is Japanese)

Number of intermarried couples (husband is Japanese and wife has the indicated foreign nationality)

Ratio of intermarried couples (with one spouse Japanese) among all couples (%)

Toshima Ward, China Tokyo Prefecture

1184

122

610

3.36

Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture

China

1972

205

1096

2.52

Warabi City, Saitama Prefecture

China

449

40

166

3.12

Ikuno Ward, Osaka City, Osaka Prefecture

Korea

2379

618

552

5.58

Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo Prefecture

Korea

1123

258

456

4.59

Naka Ward, Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Philippines

59

5

282

6.22

Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Philippines

160

*

139

0.99

Naka Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

445

35

68

1.80

Higashi Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

181

26

24

1.42

Minami Ward, Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture

Brazil

278

30

28

1.40

(continued)

40

Y. Ishikawa and K. Hanaoka

Table 2.6 (continued) Municipality of ethnic enclaves

Nationality

Kitanagoya City, Aichi Prefecture

Turkey

Number of married couples (both husband and wife are of the same indicated foreign nationality) 9

Number of intermarried couples (husband has indicated foreign nationality and wife is Japanese) 11

Number of intermarried couples (husband is Japanese and wife has the indicated foreign nationality) *

Ratio of intermarried couples (with one spouse Japanese) among all couples (%)

1.58

Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census Note Married couples were identified based on marital status and relationship to the head of household. The asterisk “*” in the table indicates a number of less than five couples

(Ishikawa 2010). However, for Koreans in Ikuno Ward and Turks in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town, the couples of Japanese wife and foreign husband are conspicuous. The ratios of intermarried couples, shown in the rightmost column of the table, are not especially high. Most municipalities show a ratio of less than 2.0%; the top two cases with a relatively high ratio are Naka Ward (6.22%) and Ikuno Ward (5.58%).

2.7 Conclusion This chapter provided an introduction to the deeper examinations presented in Chaps. 3–7, and it explained the four kinds of government statistics on foreign residents in Japan and the spatial framework of the country. Then, we discussed the nationwide distribution of the foreign population and pointed out the spatial concentration in the country’s central regions, including the three major metropolitan areas. Next, the ethnic enclaves of five nationalities (China, Korea, Philippines, Brazil and Turkey) were designated as the examples taken up in this volume. An important data source for exploring such enclaves is the microdata of foreign residents obtained in the 2015 Population Census of Japan, and the data of six significant indicators (population and employment, resident’s address five years ago, duration of residency at current domicile, major occupation groups, commuting distance, and intermarriage) were displayed in the chapter’s tables. The salient features of the enclaves by nationality can be summarized as follows.

2 Overview of Ethnic Enclaves as Example Cases

41

The three Chinese enclaves are newly formed and, due to their locations in the Tokyo metropolitan area, Chinese residents tend to have a longer commuting distance with their places of work more spatially dispersed than for other nationalities. The sex ratio in these enclaves indicates a female-dominated population. Another interesting feature is that many residents are working in professional and engineering jobs. Ikuno Ward in Osaka City is widely known as the largest enclave of Korean oldcomers. Many residents have a long duration (more than 20 years) of residency at their current domicile, and the ratio of intermarriage is relatively high among the enclaves examined in this volume. Meanwhile, Shinjuku Ward, the other Korean enclave, is a large enclave of newcomers, and its characteristics are similar to those of Toshima Ward’s Chinese enclave. An interesting feature of Naka Ward, as a Filipino enclave, is its very low sex ratio arising from the dominance of female employment in service occupations. Yaizu City in Shizuoka Prefecture is also a female-dominated enclave, but, unlike Naka Ward, the main occupational category is manufacturing processes, probably mostly in the fishery industry. Noteworthy of these Filipino enclaves is the extensive intermarriage of Japanese husbands and Filipino wives. With regard to the Brazilian enclaves in the three wards of Hamamatsu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, there are only small differences in the various indicators presented in the tables. Their common features include a male-dominated sex ratio, short commuting distance, clear job orientation toward manufacturing processes, and many married couples composed of a Brazilian husband and a Brazilian wife. Finally, the Turkish settlement of Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town is currently dispersed and has not yet become concentrated. The sex ratio in these two municipalities, with their male-dominated populations, is the overwhelmingly highest among the five nationalities. The high ratio of “outside Japan” for resident’s address five years ago and “1 to less than 5 years” for duration of residency at the current domicile suggest that most of the Turkish population began residing in Japan very recently. The basic characteristics of the ethnic enclaves by nationality were briefly summarized in this chapter. The five chapters from Chap. 3 will examine the formation and current circumstances of each enclave in more detail based on other methodologies, including participant observation and interviews as well as the findings presented in this chapter’s six tables.

References Abe R (2011) Esunishitei no chirigaku: imin esunikku kukan wo tou (Geography of ethnicity: exploring the ethnic space of immigrants). Kokon Shoin, Tokyo (in Japanese) Ellis M, Wright R, Parks V (2006) The immigrant household and spatial assimilation: partnership, nativity, and neighborhood location. Urban Geogr 27(1):1–19. https://doi.org/10.2747/02723638.27.1.1 Fukumoto T (2002) Life space of ‘newcomer’ foreign residents in Osaka Prefecture. Chiri Kagaku (Geogr Sci) 57(4):255–276. https://doi.org/10.20630/chirikagaku.57.4_255 (in Japanese)

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Fukumoto T (2010) Changes in spatial segregation of foreigners in Tokyo and Osaka: differences between “old timers” and “newcomers”. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 83(3):288–313. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.83.288 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2013) The persistence of the residential concentration of Koreans in Osaka from 1950 to 1980: its relation to land transfers and home-work relationships. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):475–493. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_475 Fukumoto T (2018) Ethnic segregation studies in Japan: retrospect and prospect. Toshi Chirigaku (Urban Geogr) 13:77–91 (in Japanese) Fukumoto T (2019) Migration (2): net-migration for municipalities in the three largest metropolitan areas. In: Ishikawa Y (ed), Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan: revised edition). Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Gordon MM (1964) Assimilation in American life: the role of race, religion, and national origins. Oxford University Press, New York Hanaoka K, Ishikawa Y, Takeshita S (2017) Have destination choices of foreign residents contributed to reducing regional population disparity in Japan? analysis based on the 2010 population census microdata. Popul, Space Place 23(1) https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.1975 Ishikawa Y (1999) Contribution of the demographic factor to the migration turnarounds in Japan, Sweden and Canada. Int J Popul Geogr 5(1):1–17. https://doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1220(199 901/02)5:1%3c1::aid-ijpg112%3e3.0.co;2-g Ishikawa Y (2005) Comparing the number of foreign residents between the two major population statistics in Japan. Jinkogaku Kenkyu (J Popul Stud) 37:83–94. https://doi.org/10.24454/jps.37. 0_83 (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2010) Role of matchmaking agencies for international marriage in contemporary Japan. Geogr Rev Jpn Ser B 83(1):1–14. https://doi.org/10.4157/geogrevjapanb.83.1 Ishikawa Y (ed) (2011) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin (Mapping foreign residents in Japan). Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2015) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Ishikawa Y (2018) Ryunyu gaikokujin to nihon: jinko gensho heno shohosen (New immigration and Japan: solution to population decline). Kaisei-sha, Otsu (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (ed) (2019a) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan: revised edition). Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2019b) Review of existing literature on ethnic enclaves: focusing on results obtained in the US. Ritsumeikan Chirigaku (J Ritsumeikan Geogr Soc) 31:1–12 (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2020) Internal migration in Japan. In: Bell M, Bernard A, Charles-Edwards E, Zhu Y (eds), Internal migration in the countries of Asia. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/ 978-3-030-44010-7_7 Ishikawa Y, Liaw KL (2009) The 1995–2000 inter-prefectural migration of foreign residents of Japan: salient features and multivariate explanation. Popul, Space Place 15(5):401–428. https:// doi.org/10.1002/psp.521 Kajita T, Tan’no K, Higuchi N (2005) Kao no mienai teijuka: nikkei burajiru-jin to kokka, shijo, imin nettowaku (Invisible residents: Japanese Brazilians vis-à-vis the state, the market and the immigrant network). Nagoya University Press, Nagoya (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2004) The formation, development of ethnic business and local community in Hamamatsu. Keizai Chirigaku Nenpo (Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr) 50(1):1–25. https://doi.org/10. 20592/jaeg.50.1_1 (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2013) “Concentrated ethnic towns” and “dispersed/assimilated ethnic towns”: regional disparities in the formation and development of ethnic towns—case studies of Brazilian residents in Japan. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):494–507. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_494 Koike S, Yamauchi M (2014) Unreported migration data in the 2010 Population Census of Japan. Jinko Mondai Kenkyu (J Popul Probl) 70(3):325–338 (in Japanese) Korekawa Y (2008) The role of an ethnic network in the selection of a residential area by foreigners living in Japan: an analysis based on the population migration theory using national census

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data. Shakaigaku Hyoron (Jpn Sociol Rev) 59(3):495–513. https://doi.org/10.4057/jsr.59.495 (in Japanese) Korekawa Y (2013) Foreign women’s fertility in Japan: an analysis by microdata of the Japanese population census. Jinko Mondai Kenkyu (J Popul Probl) 69(4):86–102 (in Japanese) Korekawa Y (2015) Immigrant occupational attainment. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Korekawa Y (2019) Occupation (2): agriculture and fishery workers. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: revised edition (Mapping foreign residents in Japan: revised edition. Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Liaw KL, Ishikawa Y (2008) Destination choice of the 1995–2000 immigrants to Japan: salient features and multivariate explanation. Environ Plan A 40(4):806–830. https://doi.org/10.1068/ a39187 Liaw KL, Ochiai E, Ishikawa Y (2010) Feminization of immigration in Japan: marital and job opportunities. In: Yang WS, Lu MCW (eds) Asian cross-border marriage migration: demographic patterns and social issues. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam Miyazawa H, Moriguchi F (2015) Education support for foreign children: citizen action groups in Hamamatsu City. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Nakagawa M, Koike S, Shimizu M (2016) Demographic analysis of inter-municipal migration of foreign residents in Japan. Chigaku Zasshi (J Geogr) 125(4):475–492. https://doi.org/10.5026/ jgeography.125.475 (in Japanese) Newbold KB, Spindler J (2001) Immigrant settlement patterns in metropolitan Chicago. Urban Stud 38(11):1903–1919. https://doi.org/10.1080/00420980120080844 Nishihara J, Ishikawa Y, Hiratsuka H, Kawasaki Y (2012) Current conditions and geographical background factors of international marriages: a case study of Japan’s Tokai Region. Geogr Rev Jpn 85(2):57–73. https://doi.org/10.4157/geogrevjapanb.85.74 Peach C (1997) Pluralist and assimilationist models of ethnic settlement in London 1991. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 88(2):120–134. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14679663.1997.tb01591.x Shimizu M (2017) Net in-migration of foreigners and net out-migration of Japanese at the municipal level. E-journal GEO 12(1):85–100. https://doi.org/10.4157/ejgeo.12.85 (in Japanese) Takahata S (2012) Migrant women in a big entertainment area: changes brought about by Filipino women in the Sakae-higashi area, Nagoya City. Shakaigaku Hyoron (Jpn Sociol Rev) 62(4):504– 520. https://doi.org/10.4057/jsr.62.504 (in Japanese) Takahata S (2015) From the Philippines to Japan: marriage migrants and the new nikkei Filipinos. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Takeshita S (2016a) Social and human capital among Japanese-Turkish families in Japan. Asian Ethn 17(3):456–466. https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2015.1062071 Takeshita S (2016b) Intermarriage and Japanese identity. In: Healy E, Arunachalam D, Mizukami T (eds) Creating social cohesion in an interdependent world: the experiences of Australia and Japan. Palgrave Macmillan, New York Takeshita S, Hanaoka K (2015) Turkish communities and Islamic education for children in Aichi prefecture. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Vining DA, Pallone R (1982) Migration between core and peripheral regions: a description and tentative explanation of the patterns in 22 countries. Geoforum 13(4):339–410. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/0016-7185(82)90031-8 Wright R, Ellis M, Parks V (2005) Re-placing whiteness in spatial assimilation research. City & Community 4(2):111–135. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2005.00107.x Yamashita K (2013) A comparative study of Chinatowns around the world: focusing on the increase in new Chinese immigrants and formation of new Chinatowns. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):527–544. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_527

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Yamashita K (2016) Increased and diversified foreign residents: focusing on changes in the new stage of “post-China”. Chiri Kukan (Geogr Space) 9(3):249–265. https://doi.org/10.24586/jags. 9.3_249 (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2019a) Sekai no chaina taun no keisei to hen’yo: firudowaku kara kajin shakai wo tankyu suru (Formation and change of the world’s Chinatowns: exploring Chinese society through fieldwork). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2019b) Chinese. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) Chizude miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan: revised edition). Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Yamauchi M (2015) The fertility contribution of foreign women to Japan. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Yoshida M (2011) Women, citizenship and migration: the resettlement of Vietnamese refugees in Australia and Japan. Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto

Yoshitaka Ishikawa is a professor in the Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, and an emeritus professor of Kyoto University. He received his D.Litt. in geography from the Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University, in 1994. He is a leading Japanese population geographer who has contributed to international geography through publishing many books and papers on such research topics as internal/international migration and foreign residents as ethnic minorities. His activities have also extended to making public policy recommendations in recent years. He served as an editorial board member of the journal Population, Space and Place (formerly International Journal of Population Geography) for 20 years from 1995. He won the IGU (International Geographical Union) Lauréat d’honneur for the year 2020. Kazumasa Hanaoka is an associate professor in the Department of Geography, Ritsumeikan University. He received his Ph.D. in geography from the Graduate School of Letters, Ritsumeikan University, in 2007. His main research areas are human geography and geographic information science, in particular spatial analysis using big data. His research activities cover a number of topics related to spatial microsimulation modeling, spatio-temporal analysis using mobile phone data, and census data analysis on the migration of foreign residents in Japan and Australia.

Chapter 3

Chinese Enclaves: Formation of New Chinatowns by Chinese Newcomers Kiyomi Yamashita

Abstract In this chapter, I examine changes in the situation of Japan’s Chinese residents, including the characteristics of their distribution and related background factors. In addition, I present a comparative analysis of two newly formed Chinese enclaves in Japan. An examination of the residential distribution of Chinese in Japan shows a tendency to concentrate in major cities, in particular the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, which includes the Tokyo Metropolis and the adjacent prefectures of Saitama and Kanagawa. There is a considerable difference between the Chinese who arrived in Japan from the mid-1980s through the 1990s, when China was relatively poor, and those who arrived after 2000, when China’s economic development began to steadily advance, in terms of the way each group has adapted to Japanese society. While concentrations of Chinese grew among the former group, for the Chinese residents whose socioeconomic status has improved, we can see a tendency toward a wider range of options in their choice of residential area. Keywords Chinese oldcomer · Chinese newcomer · New Chinatown · Ikebukuro Chinatown

3.1 Introduction Among foreign-national residents in Japan, Koreans continuously occupied the position of the largest foreign-national group, significantly larger than any other, after the end of World War II. For example, according to the Ministry of Justice’s Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan, there were 687,135 Korean nationals in Japan in 1984, in contrast to 67,895 of the second-largest group, Chinese residents. However, there was a rapid rise in “Chinese newcomers” to Japan from the mid-1980s, due to China’s policy of economic reform and the opening-up of the nation. By 2007, there were 606,889 Chinese residents in Japan, in contrast to 593,489 Korean nationals, K. Yamashita (B) Department of Geography, Faculty of Geo-Environment Science, Rissho University, Kumagaya, Saitama, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_3

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marking the first time in which Chinese residents had overtaken Koreans to become the largest group of foreign nationals in Japan. This gap in population numbers between the two groups has continued to widen in subsequent years. Studies on Chinese residents in Japan have so far largely focused on the Chinese communities in specific areas of Japan. In particular, historical studies conducted on the three major Chinatowns of Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki have formed the core of such research. In Japan, Chinatowns formed in the three port cities of Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki, where foreign settlements were created after Japan opened up its ports to foreign ships at the end of the Edo period. These three major Chinatowns of Japan— Yokohama Chinatown, Kobe Nankin-Machi, and Nagasaki Shinchi Chinatown— have become important tourist sites that attract large numbers of Japanese visitors (Yamashita 2003). All of these Chinatowns belong to the “Old Chinatown” type. The three major Chinatowns of Japan are examples of Chinatowns where touristification targeted chiefly at Japanese visitors has progressed. Ito (2018) based a study on historical materials related to Yokohama’s Chinese community and Yokohama Chinatown. On a nationwide scale, without focusing on any particular region of Japan, Zhong (2017) conducted research on Chinese residents in Japan from a sociological perspective, using interviews to analyze life histories. Furthermore, a study by Nagano (1994) focused on the issue of Chinese identity. From a human geography perspective, Yamashita (1979) discussed the characteristics and background of lifestyles in Japan’s largest Chinatown, Yokohama Chinatown, encompassing economic, societal, and cultural aspects. In addition, Yamashita (2003) also conducted a comparative study of the formation and development of Japan’s three major Chinatowns on the basis of fieldwork from a human geography perspective. Despite the fact that the Chinese population in Japan has notably increased in recent years, while the environment surrounding Chinese residents continues to change dramatically, very little research to date has focused on the current situation. Yamashita (2010, 2011, 2013a) focused on Ikebukuro Chinatown, which has newly been formed in Tokyo, as an example of a “New Chinatown” distinct from the traditional major Chinatowns of Japan, discussing the process of its formation, conflicts between Chinese and Japanese nationals, and other issues. Similarly, from a human geographical perspective, Zhang (2020) examined the motivation and preference patterns of Chinese white-collar residents living in the Tokyo metropolitan area to buy houses. As a result, it became clear that the areas where Chinese white-collar residents buy homes tend to be spatially diversified. Considering the body of previous studies described above, there seems to be a need to clarify the changes that have occurred in the situation of Japan’s Chinese residents in recent years, on both national and local scales. Accordingly, in this chapter, I examine how the population of Chinese residents in Japan has changed, the characteristics of the distribution of this population, and the relevant causal factors. I also include a discussion of the newly formed Chinese enclaves in Japan. Accordingly, this chapter begins with an examination of the changes in the population of Chinese residents in Japan, with a particular focus on the increase in “newcomers” in Sect. 3.2. This is followed by a consideration of the distribution of the

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foreign resident population on a national scale in Sect. 3.3. Next, Sect. 3.4 gives an overview of Chinese residents in the Tokyo metropolitan area. In Sect. 3.5, I next present two case studies of urban areas with large concentrations of Chinese residents: Toshima Ward in Tokyo and Kawaguchi City in Saitama Prefecture. Finally, Sect. 3.6 concludes this chapter.

3.2 Trends of Chinese Residents in Japan 3.2.1 Rapid Increase in Chinese Residents After the end of World War II, civil war broke out once more in China between the Kuomintang (KMT) forces and the Communist forces. The result was the victory of the Communist forces led by Mao Zedong, and in 1949 the People’s Republic of China was established. Meanwhile, the defeated KMT, led by Chiang Kai-shek, fled to Taiwan. At this time, any new influx of immigration from mainland China to Japan was suspended. From around the time of the 1972 normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China, there was a rapid increase in Chinese residents living in Japan who acquired Japanese citizenship, as well as those who relinquished Chinese citizenship in order to apply for Japanese naturalization, particularly among those who were born in Taiwan and did not support the Chinese Communist Party (CCP); consequently, the number of holders of Chinese nationality decreased temporarily (Yamashita 1979). In China, after the policy of economic reform and the opening of the nation was set at the end of 1978, there was an increase in the number of Chinese residents who left the country to earn money or study abroad in various countries worldwide. As described in the next section, such Chinese residents who departed for overseas nations following China’s reform and opening-up policy are known as “Chinese newcomers.” Conversely, Chinese residents who were already resident in foreign countries prior to this policy are known as “Chinese oldcomers.” According to data in the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan, there were 46,944 Chinese residents in Japan in 1974, which increased to 52,896 in 1980 and to 67,895 in 1984, due to the arrival of Chinese newcomers to Japan. During the 1980s, the Chinese government began to dispatch large numbers of exchange students to Japan, financed by state scholarships or using various forms of public funding. In 1984, the Chinese government issued interim regulations on selffunded exchange students, and restrictions on study abroad were almost completely rescinded. Meanwhile, in 1983 the Japanese government launched its plan to accept 100,000 foreign university students to the nation, and it also simplified the immigration procedures for foreign students at Japanese language schools and vocational schools. In addition, in 1986 the Chinese government enforced the Exit and Entry Administration Law, which permitted Chinese residents to leave the country for personal reasons. These developments became a turning point for many Chinese

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K. Yamashita

3,000

900 800

2,500

700 600

2,000

500

in thousands

in thousands

people, who had not had the opportunity to leave China until then, and large numbers of them acquired Pre-college Student visas to attend Japanese language schools and various other vocational schools, leading to a rapid rise in Chinese newcomers arriving in Japan between 1987 and 1988. There was a particularly rapid rise in Chinese-national students who acquired Precollege Student visas, a category of visa that supports students studying at Japanese language schools and vocational schools, and who arrived in Japan from the late 1980s. Figure 3.1 shows the changes in the number of foreign residents in Japan and the Chinese-national population between 1984 and 2018, based on the above official data on foreign residents in Japan. While there were 52,896 Chinese residents living in Japan in 1984, this increased to 84,397 in 1986, to 129,269 in 1988, 150,339 in 1990, 195,334 in 1992, and reached 218,585 in 1994. In other words, the Chinese residents in Japan dramatically increased by a factor of 4.1 during the ten years between 1984 and 1994. The Japanese economy continued to prosper, in the so-called “bubble boom,” until around 1991. As the cost of labor increased, the country faced a shortage of workers. There were plentiful working opportunities for the Chinese residents who came to Japan in this period. Wages in Japan were perceived as being extremely high in comparison to China, which was still in relative poverty at the time, leading to a boom in the number of Chinese residents attempting to live in Japan. While the Chinese population in Japan continued to rise even after the decline of the economic bubble, the slump triggered by the global financial crisis of 2008 caused these numbers to fall into decline after reaching a peak of 687,156 in 2010. In addition, there was a temporary spike in Chinese residents returning home after the Great East Japan Earthquake that occurred in March 2011. However, the population of Chinese residents in Japan then began to rise again, reaching 825,404 in 2018.

1,500

400 300

1,000

200

500

100 0

0 2018

2016

2014

2012

2010

2008

2006

2004

2002

2000

1998

1996

1994

1992

1990

1988

1986

1984

Chinese residents (left axis)

Foreign residents (right axis)

Fig. 3.1 Changes in population of Chinese in Japan, 1984–2018. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

3 Chinese Enclaves: Formation …

49

3.2.2 Chinese Oldcomers and Newcomers As mentioned above, Chinese residents who arrived in Japan after China’s implementation of its economic reform and opening-up policy are referred to as “Chinese newcomers,” while those who were already resident in Japan at that time are differentiated by the name “Chinese oldcomers.” An examination of the native regions of Chinese oldcomers reveals that the largest proportion were born in Taiwan, which had been under Japanese rule prior to the end of World War II, followed by those born in China’s southern coastal region, which includes Fujian, Guangdong, and Hainan Provinces. According to Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan, among the 48,003 Chinese residents in Japan in 1964, 49.3% were born in Taiwan. This proportion is followed by 12.4% born in Fujian Province, 11.0% in Guangdong Province, 9.8% in Jiangsu Province, 6.3% in Zhejiang Province, and 3.7% in Shandong Province. While the majority of the Chinese communities in cities with Chinatowns, such as Yokohama and Kobe, were native to Guangdong Province, Taiwanese-born Chinese constituted the largest group when looking at Japan as a whole. In contrast, Shanghai, Fujian, and the three northeastern provinces (Heilongjiang, Liaoning and Jilin Provinces) have become increasingly prevalent as the native regions of Chinese newcomers, and each year, the native regions of Chinese newcomers are becoming more decentralized across the whole of China. By 2008, the three northeastern provinces had risen to account for 34.9% of the birthplaces of all Chinese residents in Japan, with Liaoning Province at 16.2%, followed by Heilongjiang Province at 10.3% and Jilin Province at 8.4%. The three northeastern provinces were part of former Manchuria, which was under Japanese rule, and Japanese language education remains popular in the region in comparison to China as a whole. The area is also home to many ethnic Koreans, and since the grammars of the Japanese and Korean languages are similar, Japanese is relatively easy to learn for such communities. This is one reason for the high proportion of northeastern natives among Chinese residents living in Japan. In Japan, where the population of foreign residents is increasing, the Tokyo Metropolis (Tokyo-to) was the region with the largest number of foreign-national inhabitants, reaching 402,432 as of 2008 (accounting for 18.1% of foreign residents in the entire nation). Chinese residents were already the largest group among foreign residents in the Tokyo Metropolis (144,469), followed by South and North Koreans (114,961), with Philippine nationals in third place (31,687).

3.2.3 Residence Status of Chinese Residents A variety of different statuses-of-residence (zairyu shikaku) are held by Chinese residents living in Japan. Table 3.1 shows the residence statuses of Chinese residents in Japan in 2016. “Permanent Residents” were the largest group, accounting for

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Table 3.1 Status of residence of Chinese in 2016 Status

Population (persons) Percentage (%)

Permanent resident

238,438

Student

34.3

115,278

16.6

Technical intern training

80,857

11.6

Dependent

69,784

10.0

Engineer/specialist in humanities/international services

68,274

9.8

Spouse or child of Japanese national

32,479

4.7

Long-term resident

27,140

3.9

Skilled labor

15,606

2.2

Spouse or child of permanent resident

12,984

1.9

Others

34,682

5.0

695,522

100.0

Total Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

34.3% of the total. A permanent resident refers to a person who has been granted the right to live in Japan indefinitely by the Ministry of Justice. After becoming a permanent resident, the foreign national has no restrictions on work and no longer needs to renew his or her visa. The next largest group is “Student” at 16.6%, held by students studying at university, high school, or vocational school. Japanese language schools are included within the category of vocational schools. According to the results of the Annual Survey of International Students in Japan conducted by the Japan Student Services Organization (JASSO), Chinese residents are the largest regional group among international students with 124,474 students (114,950 from mainland China, 9,524 from Taiwan), accounting for 41.6% of the total number of international students, which was 298,980 (as of May 2017). In Japan, international students are, in principle, permitted to engage in part-time work up to 28 h per week, which has been extended to eight hours per day during long holiday periods such as summer vacation. The fact that international students are able to work part-time in Japan is a major benefit for international students who aspire to study in Japan. In the case of Chinese students, the wages and conditions of their part-time work are often comparatively high, as many Chinese students’ Japanese-language abilities are higher than those of other international students. The third most common residence status is “Technical Intern Training,” which is often used for unskilled work in sectors such as manufacturing and agriculture, and its conditions are relatively poor in terms of wages and working conditions. As a result, with the impact of rising wages within China due to economic development, the number of Technical Interns from China has stagnated in recent years, with a declining trend. A rising number of Technical Interns now come from such nations as Vietnam and the Philippines, with their numbers compensating for the decrease in Technical Interns from China.

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If we consider social status, many of the Chinese newcomers whose numbers increased rapidly from the late 1980s, aside from international students, were socalled “blue-collar” workers. However, from the 2000s, reflecting China’s economic development, there have been increasing cases among Chinese newcomers of highly educated “white-collar” workers with postgraduate degrees or similar qualifications who engage in work that requires specialist skills, such as those in IT-related fields.

3.3 Nationwide Distribution of Chinese Residents in Japan An examination of the distribution of Chinese residents in Japan reveals a trend toward concentrations of the Chinese-national population in major cities. Table 3.2 shows that 26.6% of all Chinese residents in Japan are concentrated in the Tokyo Metropolis. The next-highest concentration is in Kanagawa Prefecture (which includes Yokohama) at 9.1%, followed by Saitama Prefecture (which includes Kawaguchi) at 7.4%. These three prefectures with the highest number of Chinese residents are part of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, and combined they account for 43.1% of all Chinese residents in Japan. The fourth-placed prefecture is Aichi Prefecture (which includes Nagoya) at 7.1%, followed by Osaka Prefecture at 6.6%. Figures 3.2 and 3.3 show the distribution of Chinese residents in Japan by prefecture in 2000 and 2016, revealing the changes in this distribution. In the data for 2000, a concentration of Chinese residents is notable in Tokyo and its Metropolitan Area in the neighboring prefectures of Kanagawa, Saitama, and Chiba. Other than this region, we can see that there are large numbers of Chinese residents in Osaka Prefecture, Hyogo Prefecture, and Aichi Prefecture. The data for 2016 confirms that the number of Chinese-national residents is increasing across the whole of Japan. Furthermore, the trend toward concentration in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area is further progressing. In addition, there are increasing numbers of Chinese residents in Fukuoka Prefecture, Kyoto Prefecture, and Hiroshima Prefecture, which include many universities and Japanese language schools. Table 3.2 Five prefectures with largest Chinese populations

Prefecture

Population (persons)

Percentage (%)

First

Tokyo

136,182

26.6

Second

Kanagawa

46,294

9.1

Third

Saitama

37,822

7.4

Fourth

Aichi

36,525

7.1

Fifth

Osaka

33,862

6.6

Japan

511,118

100.0

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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K. Yamashita 䢳䢮䢲䢲䢲 䢳䢲䢮䢲䢲䢲 䢳䢲䢲䢮䢲䢲䢲

䣖䣱䣶䣣䣮凬䢵䢵䢷䢮䢷䢹䢷 䢪䣲䣧䣴䣵䣱䣰䣵䢫

Fig. 3.2 Distribution of Chinese residents in Japan, 2000. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 21)

3.4 Overview of the Chinese Residents in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area As described in the previous section, there is a noticeable trend for the population of Chinese residents in Japan to centralize in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. Accordingly, this section examines the situation of Chinese residents in this area (Tokyo, Kanagawa Prefecture, Saitama Prefecture, and Chiba Prefecture) in detail. Figure 3.4 shows the distribution of Chinese residents in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area by municipality, based on the national census of 2015. In the United States and Canada, new Chinatowns tend to form in the suburbs (Fong 1994; Yamashita 2013b). Similar trends are beginning to emerge in Japan. It is clear that there is a significant concentration of Chinese residents in the wards of Tokyo. If we look at this in further detail, we can detect distinct patterns in three areas: (1) from the northern part of Tokyo to the southern part of Saitama Prefecture, (2) from the eastern part of Tokyo to the western part of Chiba Prefecture, and (3) from the southern part of Tokyo to the eastern part of Kanagawa Prefecture.

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Fig. 3.3 Distribution of Chinese residents in Japan, 2016. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 21)

Patterns (1) and (2) can be viewed as the suburbanization of Chinese residents in central Tokyo. Pattern (1) indicates suburbanization from the center of Tokyo toward the north sector, while pattern (2) represents suburbanization from the center of Tokyo toward the east sector. Pattern (3) marks the suburbanization of Chinese residents of Naka Ward in Yokohama, which includes Yokohama Chinatown, toward the surrounding regions. In the following, I examine these three patterns of expansion of Chinese-national residential areas. According to the data on foreign residents in Statistics of Tokyo (as of January 2020), the wards with the highest Chinese populations (including Taiwanese) were, in decreasing order, Edogawa Ward with 17,321 residents, Shinjuku Ward with 17,071 residents, Itabashi Ward with 16,481 residents, Koto Ward with 16,405 residents, Adachi Ward with 16,029 residents, and Toshima Ward with 14,857 residents. While wards such as Shinjuku and Toshima, which form subcenters of Tokyo, were areas with high land prices overall, from the late 1980s Chinese newcomers, whose numbers had rapidly increased, often lived there in groups in cramped, aging apartments with cheap rent in order to reduce their living costs. These conditions primarily arose in the areas around JR Shin-Okubo Station in Shinjuku Ward and

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Kawaguchi City Kita Ward Adachi Ward Matsudo City Funabashi Arakawa City Ward Ichikawa City

Edogawa Ward Taito Ward Koto Ward Toshima Ward Shinjuku Ward

Naka Ward Yokohama City

0

25

50

km

Fig. 3.4 Distribution of Chinese residents by city and ward in Tokyo Metropolitan Area in 2015. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 20)

JR Ikebukuro Station in Toshima Ward, where there were many Japanese language schools and opportunities for part-time employment. As their stays in Japan became longer, many such Chinese residents got married or brought family members over from China. As a result, they came to need larger living spaces than apartments and started to relocate to suburban areas where rent was comparatively cheaper. This type of suburbanization progressed along specific rail routes. In the case of Chinese residents of Shinjuku Ward and Toshima Ward, suburbanization progressed from JR Ikebukuro Station toward Kita Ward and the adjacent city of Kawaguchi in Saitama Prefecture along the north-heading JR Saikyo Line, or from Ikebukuro Station toward Itabashi Ward along the northwest-heading Tobu Tojo Line, a private railway. I discuss the suburbanization of Chinese residents in these areas in detail in the following section. The next type of suburbanization of Chinese residents occurs from the eastern part of Tokyo to the western part of Chiba Prefecture. The eastern part of Tokyo, which contains an expanse of wetlands, was the part of the city known as shitamachi (lower town). The shitamachi area, which was at high risk of flood damage, had relatively cheaper rents in comparison to the yamanote (upper town) residential area of western Tokyo, and a tendency could be seen for many Chinese newcomers to select shitamachi as their area of residence. The Chinese-national population is also

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increasing in Arakawa and Adachi Wards, located to the north of Taito Ward, which includes Ueno and Asakusa. There has also been a notable increase in the Chinese-national population in Koto Ward and Edogawa Ward along the JR Sobu Main Line, which runs eastward from central Tokyo, and along the Tokyo Metro Tozai Line. Furthermore, an expansion of Chinese-national residential areas, or in other words suburbanization, can also be seen to the east toward the cities of Ichikawa, Funabashi, and Matsudo, all in Chiba Prefecture. On the other hand, a different pattern of suburbanization of the Chinese population from central Tokyo, as described above, can be seen in Yokohama. According to data collected by the municipality of Yokohama, there were 44,436 Chinese residents, including Taiwanese, in Yokohama as of June 2020. Among the city’s 18 wards, 23.2% (10,305 residents) of the total Chinese-national population were living in Naka Ward, where Yokohama’s Chinatown is located. The second-highest concentration of Chinese residents was in Minami Ward, with 13.5% (5,992 residents) of the total. Neighboring Naka Ward is the location of the Kanagawa Prefectural Office as well as Yokohama City Hall, and it is also an area conveniently situated for transport access, thus supporting high land prices. Accordingly, many families of Chinese newcomers who manage or work in Chinese restaurants in Yokohama Chinatown have come to reside in Minami Ward.

3.5 Description of the Chinese Enclaves 3.5.1 Concentration of Chinese Residents in Central Tokyo: Toshima Ward and Ikebukuro Chinatown From Fig. 3.5, we can see that the area around JR Shin-Okubo Station is one example of an area with a notable Chinese-national resident population. There are numerous Japanese language schools established in this area, which is reflected by the large numbers of Chinese residents in the surrounding international student dormitories of these language schools. Similarly, the Chinese enclave observed close to JR Iidabashi Station, on the eastern edge of the figure’s map, is due to the large international student dormitory built in that area. Ikebukuro Station is a Tokyo subcenter terminal that is connected to regional private railway lines and the Tokyo Metro as well as Japan Railways (JR). A Chinese enclave is expanding in the area around Ikebukuro Station. There is a concentration of commercial facilities that play important roles in the lifestyles of Chinese residents, such as Chinese restaurants and Chinese food supermarkets. In addition, there are many apartments and condominiums occupied by Chinese residents in the area, located a five- to ten-minute walk from Ikebukuro Station. This area is where Ikebukuro Chinatown has been formed.

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Itabashi Nerima Ward Ward

Kita Ward

Toshima Ward

Ikebukuro

Bunkyo Ward

Takadanobaba

Waseda

Nakano Ward

Shinokubo

Wakamatsukawada

Iidabashi

Shinjuku Ward Shinjuku

Chiyoda Ward

Shibuya Ward 0

0.5

1

Proportion Less than 1.0% 1.0 - 3.0% 3.0 - 5.0% 5.0 - 10.0% 10.0 - 20.0% Greater than 20.0% No data

2

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 3.5 Ratio of Chinese population in Toshima Ward and Shinjuku Ward in Tokyo in 2015. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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Ikebukuro is a busy commercial area that surrounds JR Ikebukuro Station in Tokyo’s Toshima Ward, and it is one of the major new downtown areas of Tokyo along with Shinjuku and Shibuya. Ikebukuro Station, which is used by the secondhighest number of passengers in Japan after Shinjuku Station, is an important terminal station in Tokyo, connecting to a total of eight lines, including private railway lines and the Tokyo Metro. The following three factors can be cited as the main reasons why Chinese newcomers have come to settle in the vicinity of Ikebukuro Station. First, there are numerous Japanese language schools in the area around Ikebukuro Station. In the late 1980s, many Japanese language schools centralized their operations in Tokyo, and the areas around Ikebukuro Station and Shin-Okubo Station were locations with particularly high numbers of Japanese language schools. The second reason is the large number of cheap, aging apartments available in the district around a five- to ten-minute walk from Ikebukuro Station. Chinese newcomers, at the time, commonly lived in groups of two to four people sharing one cramped room, of around eight to ten square meters, in order to reduce living costs. Third, for “Pre-college Students” (a previous residence status in Japan for foreign students in Japanese language schools and vocational schools) who had recently arrived in Japan and barely spoke any Japanese, Ikebukuro, one of Tokyo’s busiest downtown areas, was a place where it was easy to find part-time work washing dishes in restaurants and pubs, or cleaning office buildings. Among these Chinese newcomers who lived in such cheap, run-down apartments in Ikebukuro, there was a particular concentration of Chinese newcomers from Fujian Province (in particular, the Fuqing region of Fuzhou City). This district even came to be known as “the Fujian Village of Toshima Ward.” There were many Fuqing natives among the Chinese oldcomers in Japan, and Chinese oldcomers resident in Japan had, in many cases, donated large sums of money to the development of their hometown. Due to the fact that numerous Fuqing residents had family members or relatives who were living in Japan, a network formed between Fuqing and Japan, which may have given rise to the Fuqing-born Chinese newcomers. According to Fig. 3.6, based on the Tokyo Metropolis’ statistics on foreignnational registration, the number of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward, which had been 3,779 in 1987, increased by a factor of 2.5 in only two years to 5,394 in 1988 and then to 9,330 in 1989. During this period, among Chinese “Pre-college Students,” there were many who engaged in part-time work for longer periods than their legally permitted hours, or who registered at a Japanese language school but spent their entire time engaged in illegal employment. As a result, the Japanese Immigration Bureau enforced stricter rules on the issuance of visas, and the Chinese population of Toshima Ward decreased to 8,399 residents in 1990 and to 7,823 in 1991. Subsequently, until 2008, the number of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward fluctuated between seven and nine thousand people. It later rose again, reaching 14,857 as of January 2020. By the start of the 1990s, an increase in newcomers from the three northeastern provinces of Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang becomes notable. One factor behind the rise of newcomers born in the three northeastern provinces was the fact that

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25,000 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 0

Toshima Ward

Kawaguchi City

Fig. 3.6 Changes in population of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward and Kawaguchi City, 1979– 2019. Source Population Statistics of Tokyo Metropolitan Government and Kawaguchi City Hall

many ethnic Koreans from China started to come to Japan. China’s three northeastern provinces are concentrated areas of ethnic Koreans, and since the Korean and Japanese languages have many linguistic similarities, Japanese is a straightforward foreign language for ethnic Koreans to learn. In addition, the three northeastern provinces were part of “Manzhou Guo” (Manchuria), which was formerly under Japanese rule, and Japanese language education continues to thrive in the region in comparison to China as a whole, motivating many residents to come to Japan to study. However, despite this concentration of recent Chinese newcomers in the aging, low-rent apartments around Ikebukuro Station, a Chinatown would not have been formed without the accumulation of commercial and service functions operated by Chinese newcomers, such as restaurants and shops. In the case of Ikebukuro, the establishment of the Chinese foods supermarkets Zhi-yin and Yang-guang-cheng played a central role in the Chinatown’s formation. Zhi-yin opened a store near Ikebukuro Station’s North Exit in 1991. Zhi-yin’s business originally developed from a rental service offering Chinese-language recorded videos. Zhi-yin went on to establish the largest supermarket and Chinese bookshop in Ikebukuro Chinatown, and this expanded to become a comprehensive enterprise with travel companies, Chinese restaurants, and even publishers of free Chineselanguage newspapers. However, Zhi-yin went bankrupt in January 2010, and a different Chinese company now operates a similar business in the same spot. The establishment of Zhi-yin attracted Chinese newcomers not only from the Ikebukuro area but also those residents throughout the Tokyo Metropolis and in nearby prefectures such as Saitama and Chiba. As a result of the increase in such Chinese newcomer visitors, many shops and offices managed by Chinese newcomers were established in the area around Zhi-yin, including Chinese restaurants, computer and mobile phone shops, and internet cafés. In 2002, Yang-guang-cheng, which would later become Zhi-yin’s rival, opened in the immediate vicinity of Zhi-yin. Yang-guang-cheng’s colorful Chinese-style

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red and yellow shop exterior was a symbol of the increase in shops managed by Chinese newcomers around the North Exit of Ikebukuro Station. Yang-guang-cheng also operates Chinese restaurants and publishes free Chinese-language newspapers in addition to selling foodstuffs (Fig. 3.7). While the number of shops managed by Chinese newcomers near the North Exit of Ikebukuro Station began to increase in the 1990s, the emergence of Yang-guangcheng in 2002 was the genesis behind the formation of Ikebukuro Chinatown. I observed this process from its early stages and was the first to propose the appellation “Ikebukuro Chinatown” in August 2003 (Yamashita 2010, 2019, pp. 284–301). In my 2016 survey, the total number of stores or offices connected to Chinese residents in the vicinity of the North and West Exits of JR Ikebukuro Station was 194. A detailed breakdown of these facilities reveals that Chinese restaurants were the most common, with 63 establishments, accounting for a third of the total number (Fig. 3.8). Other facilities included 9 travel agencies, 31 beauty and esthetic salons, 8 real estate companies, and 7 computer and mobile phone sales and repair shops, including web-design services. In addition, there were 8 administrative scrivener and law offices, whose business names were those of Japanese people; all of these offices have assigned Chinese-national staff to deal with Chinese-language cases, who carry out procedures such as visa and naturalization applications on behalf of Chinese-national clients. Since it is difficult for Chinese newcomers to acquire the

Fig. 3.7 Chinese food supermarket Yang-guang-cheng in Ikebukuro Chinatown. Source Taken by the author in 2020

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Fig. 3.8 Chinese restaurants run by Chinese newcomers in the alley of Ikebukuro Chinatown. Source Taken by the author in 2020

qualifications necessary to become a lawyer or administrative scrivener in Japan, these administrative scrivener and law offices managed by Japanese nationals have emerged in Ikebukuro Chinatown in response to the increasing demand from Chinese newcomers. A distinctive feature of Chinese newcomer businesses is that almost all of them exclusively target fellow Chinese newcomers as customers. This stands in stark contrast to how the three major traditional Chinatowns of Japan have come to develop, that is, mainly aimed at Japanese tourists. The customers of Ikebukuro Chinatown’s shops are nearly entirely fellow Chinese newcomers. Throughout the formation process of Ikebukuro Chinatown, the interrelationship between Chinese newcomers and the local Japanese community has been extremely tenuous. Two organizations representing the local community are the neighborhood association and the store association. The neighborhood association is a voluntary group organized by residents of the area for the purpose of friendship and mutual benefit, and it carries out communication and coordination between residents, as well as environmental beautification, disaster prevention, and crime prevention activities. The store association, meanwhile, is a group organized by storekeepers of the shopping district and other particular areas. The store association hosts events and carries out crime prevention patrols and cleaning activities within the district. However, very few Chinese newcomers are members of these local organizations. Furthermore, in

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the current situation, virtually no mutual communication can be observed between the Chinese newcomers and the local Japanese residents. An incident occurred that vividly reflects this fraught situation. In January 2008, a group of around forty Chinese newcomer managers of Chinese restaurants, stores and offices in Ikebukuro Chinatown organized a “Tokyo Chinatown” preparatory committee and promoted the concept of a “Tokyo Chinatown” that would link the Chinese establishments located within a 500 m radius of Ikebukuro Station in a network. The local store association reacted with extreme displeasure to the idea that Chinese newcomers would consider creating a Chinatown in Ikebukuro without any consultation with the local residents. Since then, there has been no major improvement in communication between the local store association and the Chinese newcomer community, a situation that remains the same at present. Against this background, some political groups that carry out anti-Chinese actions have advanced the idea of a “Tokyo Chinatown” consisting of Chinese newcomers as a target for attack, and they have screamed hate speech such as “Kick the Chinese out of Ikebukuro!” and “Crush the Chinese plan for a Chinatown!”. However, such actions have not gained the sympathy of the majority of the general resident population, and they tend to occur as isolated street propaganda activities by nationalist groups.

3.5.2 Concentration of Chinese Residents in Suburban Tokyo: Kawaguchi and Nishi-Kawaguchi in Saitama Prefecture The area surrounding Ikebukuro Station, with its concentration of stores offering services needed for the lifestyles of Chinese residents, is a convenient place to live. However, the low-rent, run-down apartments in which impoverished Chinese newcomers lived as groups in the 1980s and 1990s have been gradually reduced in number. Chinese newcomers, meanwhile, have become affluent in step with the economic development of China. In particular, Chinese newcomers who have married and gained households have come to relocate to the suburbs in search of more spacious, comfortable housing. There has been a notable expansion of the Chinese newcomer residential zone from Ikebukuro toward Saitama Prefecture in the north along the JR Saikyo Line, as shown in Figs. 3.5 and 3.9. The cities of Kawaguchi and Warabi in Saitama Prefecture, which lie beyond Tokyo’s Kita Ward (adjacent to the north side of Toshima Ward, where Ikebukuro is located) and the Arakawa River, are areas where the population of Chinese residents is increasing. In particular, significant numbers of Chinese restaurants, food shops and other establishments managed by Chinese newcomers have opened in the area surrounding JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station. Next, I examine the background of this development. From the 1990s, there was a concentration of illegal brothels in the area surrounding JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station, exceeding 200 establishments at its peak.

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Kawaguchi City Warabi

Warabi City Nishikawaguchi

Toda City

Kawaguchi

Saitama Prefecture Ar

ak

Tokyo Prefecture

aw

a

Ri

ve

Itabashi Ward

0

0.5

1

Proportion Less than 1.0% 1.0 - 3.0% 3.0 - 5.0% 5.0 - 10.0% 10.0 - 20.0% Greater than 20.0% No data

r

Kita Ward

2

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 3.9 Ratio of Chinese population in Kawaguchi City and Warabi City in Saitama Prefecture. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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However, in 2004, the Saitama Prefectural Police designated the area as a priority district for cleanup of the sex industry, and the illegal brothels were thus exposed. By 2007, virtually all such illegal sex establishments had been closed down. Along with this development, the number of nearby eating and drinking establishments also decreased, and the area surrounding JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station went into decline, with many of its commercial buildings lacking tenants. JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station is convenient for access to central Tokyo, with journey times of roughly 23 min to JR Ueno Station and 24 min to JR Ikebukuro Station, including a transfer at JR Akabane Station. However, it was not easy to fill up the real estate vacancies due to the negative regional image of “Nishi-Kawaguchi” for the reasons described above. On the other hand, Chinese newcomers’ image of the Nishi-Kawaguchi district was not as negative as that of Japanese nationals. The area around the station contained many vacated commercial buildings, and condominium and apartment rents were quite reasonable considering the relatively good access to central Tokyo. For Chinese newcomers, who tend to have a strong entrepreneurial spirit, opening a Chinese restaurant in Nishi-Kawaguchi could be achieved with far less capital than would be needed in Tokyo. In my survey of March 2018, 34 establishments thought to be managed by Chinese newcomers (including 24 Chinese restaurants as well as karaoke clubs, internet cafés, food shops and greengrocers, and real estate companies) were confirmed within 400 m of Nishi-Kawaguchi Station (Figs. 3.10 and 3.11). A major feature of the Chinese newcomer enclave in Nishi-Kawaguchi is that there are many Chinese restaurants offering authentic Chinese cuisine that can rarely be experienced in other locations in Japan. The background factor behind this is the presence of large numbers of Chinese newcomers living in the surrounding area. The Kawaguchi Shibazono Housing Complex, managed by the semi-public Urban Renaissance (UR) Agency, is located about a six-minute walk from Warabi Station, the station next to Nishi-Kawaguchi Station (Fig. 3.12). Kawaguchi Shibazono is a large-scale housing complex, built in the 1970s. Although its nearest station is JR Warabi Station, the complex is located in Kawaguchi City for administrative purposes. The buildings of the complex have deteriorated, now at more than forty years since their construction, and as a result it has been difficult to find new Japanese tenants. The age of most of its Japanese residents is remarkably high. However, for Chinese residents, the complex is conveniently located for easy access to central Tokyo, and in spite of the somewhat aging condition of the buildings, an increasing number of Chinese residents have moved into the UR Kawaguchi Shibazono complex, due partly to the internet-based exchange of information among Chinese residents. UR rental accommodation does not require its new residents to have a guarantor or pay “key money,” commission fees or contract-renewal fees; moreover, there are no restrictions on nationality. As a result, around half of the approximately 5,000 residents of the complex are now Chinese residents, as of 2019.

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Fig. 3.10 Multi-tenant building with three Chinese restaurants near Nishi-Kawaguchi Station in Kawaguchi City. Source Taken by the author in 2018

3.5.3 Comparison of Ikebukuro and Kawaguchi Following my examination of the Chinese enclaves in Ikebukuro Chinatown and Nishi-Kawaguchi in the previous subsections, in this subsection I conduct a crosscomparison of case examples from both districts. Note that Warabi City is adjacent to Kawaguchi City, but the enclave in the former city is less notable than in the latter city, and thus the situation in Warabi is not further considered in this subsection. The comparison below between the two enclaves of Ikebukuro and Nishi-Kawaguchi is based on the six tables presented in the second chapter. Figure 3.6 shows the changes in the populations of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward and Kawaguchi City from the end of 1978, when the Chinese government set its policy of economic reform and opening up the country. In contrast to the rapid rise in Chinese residents from the late 1980s in Toshima Ward, where Ikebukuro is located, a gradual increase in Chinese residents can be seen in Kawaguchi City after 1989. With the impact of worsening Sino-Japanese relations and stricter issuing of visas by the Japanese Immigration Bureau on the numbers of Chinese-national students, the Chinese population of Toshima Ward showed repeated rises and declines until around 2008. In contrast, the number of Chinese residents of Kawaguchi City, which had increased due to the suburbanization of Chinese residents, followed a consistent

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Fig. 3.11 Multi-tenant building with Chinese restaurant and beauty salons for men run by Chinese newcomers near Nishi-Kawaguchi Station. Source Taken by the author in 2018

Fig. 3.12 Kawaguchi Shibazono Housing Complex near Warabi Station. Source Taken by the author in 2020

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rise, and it has since rapidly increased, surpassing the resident Chinese population of Toshima Ward from 2008. In the following, I compare the characteristics of the two Chinese enclaves on the basis of microdata of the 2015 Population Census. Table 2.1 in the second chapter reveals that females outnumber males in both Toshima Ward and Kawaguchi City, with little difference between the municipalities. The average age of Chinese residents is slightly higher in Kawaguchi City. Furthermore, the employment rate of Chinese residents aged 15 and older is just 23.5% in Toshima Ward against 56.6% in Kawaguchi City, revealing the advancing domiciliation of Chinese residents in Kawaguchi City. Next, a comparison of the residents’ addresses five years prior to the census time (Table 2.2) shows that in the case of the Chinese residents of Toshima Ward, there were 1,475 people who had been living at the same address or another address within Toshima Ward five years before, 213 who had been living in another prefecture in Japan, and 977 who had been living overseas. In contrast, in the case of the Chinese residents of Kawaguchi City, there were 4,082 people who had been living at the same address or another address within Kawaguchi City five years before, 1,568 who had been living in another prefecture in Japan, and 1,538 who had been living overseas. In other words, the proportion of respondents who lived abroad five years ago was 36.2% in Toshima Ward but only 20.3% in Kawaguchi City. We can thus assume that Toshima Ward is more important as an initial place of residence for newcomers from China. An examination of the residents’ length of stay in Japan (Table 2.3) shows that in the case of the Chinese residents of Toshima Ward, 65 people had continuously lived in the ward since birth, while in contrast, this figure in Kawaguchi City was 409 people. We can infer that many Chinese-national children were born in Kawaguchi City, and there are correspondingly many Chinese-national households with young married couples. In addition, it is clear that there are more long-term Chinese residents of Kawaguchi City than those who have continuously lived in Toshima Ward. This can be viewed as indicating a stronger tendency toward domiciliation in Kawaguchi City. Next, a comparison of the occupations of Chinese residents (Table 2.4) shows that, in decreasing order, the most common occupations among Chinese residents of Toshima Ward are (1) service work, (2) professional and engineering work, and (3) clerical work. This stands in contrast to the order among Chinese residents of Kawaguchi City, which is (1) professional and engineering work, (2) service work, and (3) sales work. From these data, we can assume that there are many Chinese residents engaged in specialist professions such as workers in the IT industry in Kawaguchi City, in contrast to the high proportion of workers engaged in the service industry in Toshima Ward. This suggests that the residents’ socioeconomic statuses in the former enclave are higher than those in the latter enclave. If we look at the distance between residence and workplace (Table 2.5), while there is an average commuting distance of 6.2 km for Chinese residents in Toshima Ward, the commuting distance for Chinese residents in Kawaguchi City is 11.7 km. There was little difference in the proportion of Chinese residents whose place of

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employment is also their residence, which was 4.0% in Toshima Ward against a slightly higher ratio of 5.7% in Kawaguchi City. These figures suggest that more residents in the Kawaguchi enclave have a longer commuting distance, probably due to workplaces in the Tokyo Metropolis. This provides further convincing evidence of the suburbanization of Chinese residents. Finally, a comparison of the proportion of intermarriage with Japanese nationals (Table 2.6) shows that while 1.42% of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward have a Japanese spouse, this figure is 0.95% in Kawaguchi City. The ratio of intermarriage with Japanese nationals is low in both districts, although slightly higher in Toshima Ward. As far as intermarriage of Chinese residents with Japanese nationals is concerned, the cases of Japanese husband and Chinese wife are much more than those of Chinese husband and Japanese wife. However, marriage between Chinese spouses is conspicuous in both Chinese enclaves. In this subsection I have presented a comparison of the Chinese residents in Toshima Ward and Kawaguchi City, based on the main indicators of the 2015 Population Census. The findings reveal that the domiciliation of Chinese residents in Kawaguchi City is relatively further advanced than that of Chinese residents in Toshima Ward.

3.6 Conclusion In this chapter, I have examined changes in the Chinese residents of Japan, the characteristics of their distribution, and the related background factors. In addition, I presented comparative examinations of the two newly formed Chinese enclaves in Japan, i.e., Ikebukuro and Kawaguchi. First, after investigating the changes in Chinese residents with a particular focus on the increase in “newcomers,” I examined the distribution of Chinese residents on a nationwide scale. I went on to present case studies of two enclaves in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area with high concentrations of Chinese residents: Toshima Ward in Tokyo, which includes Ikebukuro Chinatown, and Kawaguchi City in Saitama Prefecture, centered on the JR Nishi-Kawaguchi station, where there has been a rapid increase in the number of establishments run by Chinese newcomers in recent years. In this concluding section, I summarize the findings obtained from the examinations of this chapter. They can be expressed as follows. Due to China’s expansion of its economic reform and opening-up policy, the number of Chinese newcomers who came to Japan increased rapidly from the mid1980s. At that time, the Japanese economy was continuously buoyant during the so-called “bubble boom” until around 1991, leading to an increase in the cost of labor and a shortage of workers. For the Chinese residents who came to Japan in this period, employment opportunities were numerous, and in comparison to China, which was still in relative poverty at the time, wages in Japan were perceived to be

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extremely high. This led to a dramatic increase in the number of Chinese residents who attempted to live in Japan. Many of these Chinese newcomers to Japan were students who attended Japanese language schools or universities while working part-time. In addition, there were also many Technical Interns, who engaged in unskilled work in sectors such as manufacturing and agriculture. However, from the 2000s, reflecting China’s economic development, there have been increasing cases among Chinese newcomers of highly educated “white-collar” workers with postgraduate degrees or similar qualifications who found work that requires specialist skills, such as positions in IT-related fields. The spatial distribution of Chinese residents in Japan showed a tendency to concentrate in major cities. In particular, the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, which includes the Tokyo Metropolis and the adjacent suburban prefectures of Saitama (which includes Kawaguchi City) and Kanagawa (which includes Yokohama City), accounts for 43.1% of all Chinese residents in Japan as of the 2015 Population Census. A more detailed examination detected distinct patterns in three areas: (1) from the northern part of Tokyo to the southern part of Saitama Prefecture, (2) from the eastern part of Tokyo to the western part of Chiba Prefecture, and (3) from the southern part of Tokyo to the eastern part of Kanagawa Prefecture. I subsequently presented case studies of two enclaves in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area with high concentrations of Chinese residents: Toshima Ward in Tokyo, where Ikebukuro Chinatown has been formed, and Kawaguchi City in Saitama Prefecture, which includes the areas around JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station and Warabi Station. From the mid-1980s, a concentration of Chinese students emerged in Ikebukuro, a subcenter of Tokyo. These students were often enrolled in Japanese language schools and lived in relatively cheap, aging apartments in the vicinity of Ikebukuro Station. The numbers of Chinese food supermarkets, Chinese restaurants, internet cafés, and various other establishments offering services to Chinese residents increased, particularly in the area around the North Exit of Ikebukuro Station; in this way, Ikebukuro Chinatown came to be formed. Meanwhile, as the length of their stays in Japan became longer, many Chinese newcomers’ households expanded due to marriage and childbirth, resulting in a need for larger living spaces, which led to an increase in Chinese residents relocating from central Tokyo to suburban areas. I discussed the enclave surrounding JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station in Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture, as a case of Chinese suburbanization. Until around 2007, there was a concentration of illegal brothels in the area surrounding JR Nishi-Kawaguchi Station. Consequently, with such a lingering negative image of Nishi-Kawaguchi, the area around the station had many vacated commercial buildings, and condominium prices and apartment rents were very reasonable considering the relatively good access to central Tokyo. Chinese newcomers’ image of the Nishi-Kawaguchi area was not as negative as that of Japanese nationals, and thus many Chinese residents came to reside in this area. Furthermore, an increase in Chinese residents in the nearby UR Kawaguchi Shibazono Housing Complex led to a rise in Chinese-run shops and businesses in Nishi-Kawaguchi.

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Although I have summarized here the findings reported in this chapter, detailed statistical data for each enclave, such as that obtained in the US, is difficult to acquire in Japan. Moreover, there is a considerable difference between Chinese residents who arrived in Japan between the mid-1980s and 1990s, when China was relatively poor, and Chinese residents who arrived in Japan after 2000, when China’s economic development had steadily advanced, in terms of the way each group adapts to Japanese society. While concentrations of Chinese residents advanced among the former group, we can see a tendency of Chinese residents with improved socioeconomic status, among the latter group, to exercise a wider range of options in choosing residential areas. As a result, Chinese residents currently tend to be far more strongly oriented toward home ownership than Japanese nationals, and thus many prefer to buy condominiums rather than rent apartments for long-term residence. Based on interviews with numerous Chinese residents of Japan, I have reported that affluent Chinese residents purchase condominiums in Tokyo, and particularly economically successful individuals decide to live on the top floors of high-rise condominium buildings. Zhang (2020) made it clear that the areas where Chinese white-collar residents buy homes tend to be spatially dispersed. Although I have not yet been able to obtain empirical data that convincingly supports such statements, it seems clear that Chinese residents’ methods of adapting to Japanese society are gradually diversifying.

References Fong TP (1994) The first suburban Chinatown: the remaking of Monterey Park. Temple University Press, Philadelphia, CA Ishikawa Y (ed) (2019) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan: revised edition). Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ito I (2018) Yokohama kakyo shakai no keisei to hatten: bakumatsu kaiko ki kara kanto daishinsai hukkoki made (The formation and development of the overseas Chinese society in Yokohama: from the opening of the port at the end of the Tokugawa period to the recovery period from the Great Kanto Earthquake). Yamakawa Shuppansha, Tokyo (in Japanese) Nagano T (1994) Zainichi chugokujin: rekishi to aidenteitei (Chinese in Japan: history and identity). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Yamashita K (1979) Yokohama chukagai zairyu chugokujin no seikatsu yoshiki (A study on Chinese way of life in Yokohama’s Chinatown). Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 31(4):321–338. https:// doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.31.321 (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2003) Formation and development of Chinatown in Japan: Chinatowns as tourist spots in Yokohama, Kobe and Nagasaki. Geogr Rev Jpn 76(12):910–923. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj. 76.12_910 Yamashita K (2010) Ikebukuro chaina taun: tonai saidai no shinkakyo gai no jitsuzo ni semaru (Ikebukuro Chinatown: approaching the real image of the largest new Chinatown in Tokyo). Yosensha, Tokyo (in Japanese) Yamashita K (2011) Ikebukuro Chinatown in Tokyo: the first new Chinatown in Japan. J Chin Overseas 7(1):114–129. https://doi.org/10.1163/179325411X565425 Yamashita K (2013a) Ikebukuro Chinatown in Tokyo: the first “new Chinatown” in Japan. In: Wong BP, Tan CB (eds) Chinatowns around the world: gilded ghetto, ethnopolis, and cultural diaspora. Brill, Leiden

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Yamashita K (2013b) A comparative study of Chinatowns around the world: focusing on the increase in new Chinese immigrants and formation of new Chinatowns. Jimbun Chiri (Jpn J Hum Geogr) 65(6):527–544. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.65.6_527 Yamashita K (2019) Sekai no chaina taun no keisei to hen’yo: firudowaku kara kajin shakai wo tankyu suru (Formation and change of the world’s Chinatowns: exploring Chinese society through fieldwork). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Zhang Y (2020) The residence purchasing motives, preference and patterns of Chinese white collar residents in the Tokyo Metropolitan area: using an interview survey. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 93(1):1–16 (in Japanese) Zhong J (2017) Zainichi kakyo kajin no gendai shakaigaku: ekkyosha tachi no raihu hisutori (Contemporary sociology of overseas Chinese in Japan: life history of cross-border people). Yamakawa Shuppansha, Tokyo (in Japanese)

Kiyomi Yamashita is a professor in the Department of Geography, Faculty of Geo-Environment Science, Rissho University, and an emeritus professor of the University of Tsukuba. He received his D.Sc. from the University of Tsukuba in 1986. He has been studying ethnic towns and ethnic groups. In particular, he has written numerous papers and books on Chinatowns and Chinese communities around the world. In 2019, the results of his fieldwork in Chinatowns, such as those in San Francisco, New York, Paris, São Paulo, Kolkata, Mauritius, Kuala Lumpur, Vientiane, Incheon, and Tokyo, were published in a single volume titled Formation and change of the world’s Chinatowns: exploring Chinese community through fieldwork.

Chapter 4

The Contrasting Enclaves Between Korean Oldcomers and Newcomers Taku Fukumoto

Abstract Korean residents in Japan can be divided into two subgroups: oldcomers, originally immigrating under the Japanese colonial rule, and newcomers, arriving in an increasing wave from the 1990s. The main enclave of the former is Ikuno Ward, Osaka, which is characterized by low residential mobility and has recently experienced a decline in Korean population. Meanwhile, the second subgroup’s main enclave is in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo, where the residential mobility of Koreans is quite high and there is diversity in their statuses-of-residence. The differences between the two cases can be found in the formation of their Koreatowns and the background of their struggles for multicultural co-existence with local Japanese. While the former case has much in common with the trends assumed by spatial assimilation theory, the latter can be regarded as a node of international/internal migration and a steppingstone of upward social mobility for newcomers. Thus, a comparison of those enclaves can provide a better understanding of the spatial aspects of foreign residents in Japan from historical as well as contemporary perspectives. Keywords Residential mobility · Oldcomers and newcomers · Spatial assimilation · Immigrant gateway · Koreatown

4.1 Introduction Koreans in Japan had been the largest ethnic group for a long time. Even after the number of Chinese immigrants surpassed that of the Korean immigrant population in 2007, they have remained the second-largest group. Historically, the spatial proximity between Japan and the Korean peninsula has promoted the interaction of people between the two countries from ancient times. The volume of trade between the two is the third highest for Japan next to China and the US. In 2019, Korean tourists were the second-largest group among all foreign tourists visiting Japan, even though the T. Fukumoto (B) Department of Japanese Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Nanzan University, Nagoya, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_4

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political controversy over conflicting historical interpretations of Japan’s colonization of Korea has severely damaged the economic and cultural interaction between these countries. Korean residents in Japan are quite different from most groups of newly arrived foreigners because a significant number of them were immigrants under Japanese colonial rule. Within the current Japanese territory, the number of Korean immigrants reached 40,000 in 1920, 400,000 in 1930, and 1.2 million in 1940 (Tamura 1998). During the Asia-Pacific War, forced labor pushed their number to 2.4 million, almost the same size as the current population of all foreign residents combined. At that time, the Japanese population was just around 70 million, and thus the proportion of non-Japanese during the war was at its highest level throughout modern Japanese history. The end of WWII collapsed the migration system established through the previous expansion and antagonism among the modern empires, and relocations of immigrants occurred across the world (Araragi 2019). The Korean population decreased to 600,000 in the two years since the end of the war due to repatriation (Wagner 1951). Although most Koreans hoped to return to their homeland, a certain portion of them had few choices but to continue residing in Japan due to the economic and political turmoil on the Korean Peninsula. Moreover, Koreans in post-war Japan had faced severe social and economic tribulations. Because they were deprived of Japanese nationality, the Koreans were once regarded as colonial citizens from Korea, and the government justified its exclusion of them and other foreigners (not so numerous except for the Chinese who migrated from Taiwan) from public social insurance due to the lack of nationality. They also faced social discrimination that was even more severe than what they had experienced in pre-war Japan. In 1950, the proportion of Koreans was almost 90% of the foreign residents in Japan, so the administrative and social conditions surrounding “foreign residents” were nearly equivalent to those of “Koreans” in a historical sense. The Koreans had not experienced major changes in their population until the 1980s, following several political and economic changes such as the 1990 amendment of Japan’s Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act, the Republic of Korea’s liberalization of foreign travel from the country in 1989, overseas expansion of Korean companies promoted under globalization, and so on. The growing number of newly arrived Koreans (emigrated from the Republic of Korea, or South Korea) includes visitors to Japan for academic or business purposes. Meanwhile, the existing Korean population has gradually decreased for several reasons, which are discussed in the next section. Consequently, it is noteworthy that Korean nationals as foreign residents consist of two major subgroups of oldcomers (old-timers) and newcomers in present-day Japan: The former are immigrants who arrived before WWII and their descendants; the latter are those who moved to Japan from the late 1980s. This clear division of oldcomers and newcomers distinguishes the Koreans from other foreign residents in Japan (Fukumoto 2010). Existing studies have investigated Korean immigrants (from the Republic of Korea) across the world, and in particular their enclaves in North American countries, mainly the US. The Republic of Korea had experienced economic turbulence after

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WWII and the Korean War (1950–1953), and its government started to encourage the emigration of the labor force to obtain precious foreign currency. After the 1960s, propelled by the amendment of the Immigration Act, the US became the main destination of Korean immigrants. One of the most common characteristics of Koreans in those countries is the prominence of small-sized businesses in the service industry (i.e. laundry service, groceries) in metropolitan areas. Korean ethnic enclaves, formed by such businesses established through Korean ethnic networks, offered opportunities for upward social mobility (Noland 2003). As the economic growth of the Republic of Korea matched the standard of developed countries during the 1980s, Korean immigrants to North America and Australia were mainly highly educated people (Minami 1994; Min and Bozorgmehr 2000), and some new Korean enclaves that have features specific to ethnoburbs have emerged (Shin 2018). With respect to Japan, as discussed later, a certain proportion of Koreans in Japan have also engaged in businesses specific to them in a different manner. Among several Korean enclaves, there are well-known “Koreatowns” whose landscapes and cultural tastes have attracted many Japanese people. Although a few efforts have been made to clarify the features of such enclaves, the spatial aspects are usually overlooked in existing studies. Moreover, while several studies have analyzed the residential concentration of Koreans, they tend to treat oldcomers and newcomers separately, and only a few attempts have been made to compare the spatial aspects of the two groups (Fukumoto 2018a), which makes it one of the notable characteristics of Koreans among studies on immigrant residents in Japan. This chapter attempts to investigate the two types of Korean enclaves formed by oldcomers and newcomers, mainly based on microdata of the 2015 Population Census. The discussion below is organized as follows. First, Sect. 4.2 reports the historical trends of Korean residents in Japan with special attention to a comparison of the two subgroups. Next, Sect. 4.3 clarifies the spatial features of the distribution of the Korean population across Japan. After an explanation of the Korean enclave of each subgroup in Sect. 4.4 in terms of residence, employment, and household, Sect. 4.5 focuses on the remarkable differences between the two examples of Korean enclaves, i.e. Ikuno Ward, Osaka, and Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo. Finally, Sect. 4.6 presents concluding remarks based on the analyses of these two examples.

4.2 Trends of Korean Residents in Japan While the number of Koreans in Japan was close to 700,000 until the early 1990s, it has continually decreased after 1992 and eventually dropped below 500,000. As Fig. 4.1 illustrates, this change is opposite to the overall trend of foreign population in Japan, which has been steadily increasing from the 1990s. The changes in the population of the oldcomers account for a significant part of this decline. Here, we have to clarify how the category of “oldcomer” Koreans is defined. As already noted, Koreans in pre-war Japan were treated as colonial citizens; however, they lost Japanese nationality prior to the enforcement of the San Francisco

800

3,000

700

2,500

600 2,000

500 400

䠄in thousands䠅

T. Fukumoto 䠄in thousands䠅

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1,500

300

1,000

200 500

100 2018

2016

2014

2012

2010

2008

2006

2004

2002

Korean residents (left axis)

2000

1998

1996

1994

1992

1990

1988

1986

1984

0

0

Foreign residents (right axis)

Fig. 4.1 Population of Koreans in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

Peace Treaty in 1952. At that time, in the absence of diplomatic relations with either the Republic of Korea or the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea), the Japanese government had to decide the status-of-residence (zairyu shikaku) of Koreans who had few prospects to return to their homeland. Finally, the government created a status for former colonial nationals who continued to reside in Japan before the end of WWII and permitted their stay in Japan for the time being (Onuma 1993). Through several changes and subdivisions of the status-of-residence, this legal status was eventually classified as tokubetsu eijusha (Special Permanent Resident, SPR) to guarantee the former colonial citizens and their descendants the right to reside in Japan. With very few exceptions, this was nearly impossible for foreigners migrating to Japan after the war, and thus the “oldcomers” can be regarded as people who hold the status of SPR. The population of the Koreans had not experienced major changes from the 1950s to the 1970s, since immigration from the Korean Peninsula had almost ceased. As for the Republic of Korea, emigration to foreign countries was composed of labor force movements to West Germany, the Middle East countries, or the US (Ide 2012). However, several population movements occurred during this period. As the most influential factor, the natural increase of Koreans had contributed to the slight growth in their population. Moreover, while it has not been so significant, the estimated illegal immigration from the Republic of Korea could be counted above tens of thousands (Ko 1998). Immigration from Korea before WWII was partly driven by chain migration, and this continued even after the war, with some people entering Japan without any residential permission and by depending on their relatives. More interestingly, in the early 1970s, the Japanese government planned to accept foreign workers from the Republic of Korea as technical interns to supplement the labor shortage appearing during the period of high economic growth (Tonomura 2013; Yamaguchi 2016). The actual number of these interns was very small; however, this was an early attempt, as a pioneering project, to import foreign workers, a practice

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that would be formalized on a large scale from the 1990s. In addition, from 1958 through the 1960s, the movement of repatriation to the DPRK had been promoted due to the severe living conditions of Koreans in postwar Japan, and eventually around 90,000 people repatriated to North Korea (Morris-Suzuki 2007). However, this exodus did not change the general trend of the Korean population at that time. Since the late 1980s, newcomers had begun to increase among Koreans due to the Republic of Korea’s liberalization of overseas travel from the country and the amendment of acts relating to immigration controls in Japan, as mentioned in the previous section. At present, in terms of status-of-residence, SPR holders are nearly equivalent to the population of oldcomers, which is 66.3% of Korean residents in Japan, while the rest of the Korean residents, consisting of newcomers, hold a diversity of legal immigration statuses (Table 4.1). Table 4.1 Statuses-of-residence of Koreans and all foreigners in 2018 Koreans (persons)

Koreans (%)

All foreigners (persons)

All foreigners (%)

Professional and technical occupation Highly skilled professionals

442

0.1

11,061

0.4

Skilled labora

838

0.2

39,915

1.5

Business manager

3,104

0.6

25,670

0.9

24,602

5.1

225,724

8.3

Intra-company transferee

1,557

0.3

17,328

0.6

Others

2,253

0.5

28,408

1.0

1

0.0

328,360

12.0

17,056

3.6

337,000

12.3 0.5

Engineer/specialist in humanities/international services

Technical intern training Student Working holiday

4,390

0.9

14,451

12,061

2.5

182,452

6.7

Long-term resident

7,397

1.5

192,014

7.0

Permanent resident

71,533

14.9

771,568

28.3

Spouse or child of Japanese national

13,096

2.7

142,381

5.2

2,199

0.5

37,998

1.4

317,698

66.3

321,416

11.8

966

0.2

55,347

2.0

479,193

100.0

2,731,093

100.0

Dependent

Spouse or child of permanent resident Special permanent resident (SPR) Others Total

a Specifically, chef of foreign cuisine, sports instructor, aircraft pilot, or craftsman of precious metals

Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

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Here, before explaining the increase in newcomers, we need to focus on the factors behind the decline of oldcomers, not only their relative percentage among Koreans but also their loss in absolute population. In 1992, the share of SPR was 585,170 persons, 85.4% of the total Korean population. This gradual decline seems to be due to the following three reasons. First, the increase in the naturalization of Koreans has made the population of oldcomers shrink. According to Asakawa (2003) and Lee (2016), the number of naturalized Koreans was approximately 160,000 through the 1990s and 2000s. Although this number includes a few naturalized newcomers in recent years, it has certainly been a contributing factor to the decrease in the number of SPR holders. As a second reason for this decline, intermarriage between Koreans and Japanese has grown steadily, with Sasaki (2006) noting that more than three-quarters of the Korean population found Japanese spouses in 1998. Before the amendment of the Nationality Law in 1985, children born from such intermarriage took the nationality held by their father, but since the amendment these children have held dual nationality and are obliged, at adulthood, to select between Japanese or Korean nationality. So far, more than 90% of such children have selected Japanese nationality, and this trend has resulted in the decline of the nominal Korean immigrant population. As a result, Japan has experienced a growth in the population of “Korean Japanese” without Korean nationality (Du 2015). The third reason for the decline in SPR is the decreasing birthrate of oldcomers, which seems to closely parallel that of Japanese citizens overall. Oldcomer Koreans find themselves needing to confront the problems related to an aging population, just as members of the general Japanese population do. Meanwhile, there are several differences between the Korean newcomers and oldcomers. In the initial phase of the increase in the former, students studying at universities or Japanese language schools formed one of the major subgroups. For example, the enclave in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo, as discussed later, had experienced a rapid increase in the number of Korean students. While residents who are qualified students form 10.6% of the Korean population, without counting holders of SPR (Table 4.1), the number was as high as 19.9% in 1992. At the same time, professionals or managers as a skilled labor force have also increased due to the globalization of Korean enterprises. Recently, skilled workers have played an important role in the information and technology sectors (Matsushita 2015). Moreover, Koreans who hold the status of working holiday should not be overlooked. While oldcomers had faced discrimination and exclusion and had been confined to the lower socioeconomic positions in postwar Japan, the reasons for the newcomers’ move to Japan are diverse, and this group includes highly skilled people. However, with regard to the statuses-of-residence, we should give attention to the growth of people holding permanent residence (Table 4.1); the proportion of these Koreans has increased nearly eightfold compared to 1.9% in 1992. These changes indicate that there are several means newcomers use to establish a stable and long-term life in Japan.

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4.3 Nationwide Distribution of Korean Residents in Japan By region, the Korean population is concentrated in the three largest metropolitan areas of Japan. The Osaka metropolitan area (including Osaka and its adjacent prefectures of Kyoto, Hyogo and Nara), located in the west-central part of Honshu island, has the largest Korean population, at 135,771 persons, which forms 36.0% of the total Korean population. The Tokyo metropolitan area (Tokyo, Kanagawa, Saitama and Chiba) has the second-largest number, 121,956 persons, 32.4%, followed by the Nagoya metropolitan area (located between Tokyo and Osaka, consisting of Aichi, Mie and Gifu) with 36,981 persons, 9.8%. By prefecture, the numbers of Koreans in Tokyo and in Osaka are about the same, with these two prefectures accounting for approximately 40% of the Korean population (Table 4.2). In addition to Osaka, two prefectures in the Kinki region, Hyogo and Kyoto, are included in the top-five prefectures; not surprisingly, the degree of concentration of Koreans in the Kinki region (the grouping of prefectures in the west-central part of Honshu, including the Osaka metropolitan area; see Fig. 2.2 in Chapter 2 for the names and locations of the regions) is relatively higher than the figure for the other foreign populations discussed in this volume. However, the decline in the share of the Kinki region in the last few decades motivates us to investigate the differential trends of spatial distribution between the oldcomers and newcomers. Figure 4.2 shows the uneven distribution of oldcomers compared to newcomers. Among the prefectures with a larger Korean population, it is easy to find a clear division in immigrant type between Osaka (and its adjacent prefectures) and Tokyo: The proportion of oldcomers is higher in Osaka than in Tokyo. As for the other prefectures outside of the three metropolitan areas, oldcomers have significant shares and numbers in Hiroshima, Fukuoka, Okayama, and Yamaguchi Prefectures, all of which are located in western Japan. Immigrants from Korea under Japanese colonial rule mainly included unskilled labor, and they entered not only large industrialized cities but also construction sites and mines in relatively unpopulated areas. Among the large cities, the Osaka metropolitan area was the most influential in terms of industrial production in prewar Japan and had attracted a huge labor force. After the war, the Korean population Table 4.2 Five prefectures with largest Korean populations

Prefecture

Population (persons)

Percentage (%)

First

Tokyo

73,489

19.5

Second

Osaka

73,353

19.5

Third

Hyogo

35,990

9.5

Fourth

Aichi

29,266

7.8

Fifth

Kyoto

23,318

6.2

Japan

376,954

100.0

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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50,000 Oldcomer Newcomer Total population: 500,451

Kyoto

Saitama

Okayama

Chiba

Hyogo Yamaguchi Fukuoka

Hiroshima

Aichi Osaka

Kanagawa

Tokyo

Fig. 4.2 Proportion of oldcomers and newcomers by prefecture in 2014. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

had increased in the three metropolitan areas, especially in the Osaka metropolitan area, while in the remaining prefectures, except for Hokkaido, it had considerably decreased. According to the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan, from 1955 to 1965, Osaka gained about 41,000 Koreans, followed by 15,000 in Tokyo and 7,000 each in Hyogo and Aichi (Morita 1996). In short, the Korean population had become unevenly distributed among the prefectures. Even in 1990, at the time of the amendment of the Immigration Control act, Osaka Prefecture still had 27.5% of the total Korean population, overwhelming the 12.3% share in Tokyo. However, Osaka Prefecture and the Osaka metropolitan area began to clearly lose its Korean population from the 1990s in parallel with the above-mentioned trends of oldcomers, while the number has steadily increased in Tokyo, which has attracted various foreign nationals. These features found among the prefectures are partly reflected in the distribution among municipalities (Fig. 4.3). As for the residence of oldcomers, first, the municipalities have a high proportion of Koreans aggregated within the Kinki region. In several municipalities of the Osaka metropolitan area, a portion of the Korean

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--0.5s) (- x

0.00 - 9.39% 9.40 - 25.32%

(x--0.5s - x-+0.5s)

25.33 - 41.26%

(x-+0.5s - x-+1.5s)

41.27 - 56.40%

(x-+1.5s - x-+2.5s)

56.41 - 100.00% (x-+2.5s - ) Under 10 people -): 17.36% Avg(x

SD(s): 15.93%

Fig. 4.3 Nationwide distribution of Koreans in Japan. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 13)

enclaves that originated due to immigration in the pre-war period have continued to survive until now. Second, although the number of Koreans there is not as large as in the three metropolitan areas, it is also clear that among the municipalities, a high proportion of Koreans are located in the area straddling the Kanmon Strait between Fukuoka and Yamaguchi Prefectures. For example, Shimonoseki City in Yamaguchi Prefecture was once known as a kind of gateway of Korean immigrants to Japan

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because there was a regular sea route connecting the city to Busan, which is still in operation. After WWII, Koreans who hoped to return to their homeland rushed to Shimonoseki and Hakata seaports and formed enclaves within these areas, which have also survived due to the abandonment of repatriation hopes. On the other hand, around the Kanto region (including the Tokyo metropolitan area), especially in Tokyo, the uneven distribution of the Korean population makes it difficult to clearly identify significant concentrations of Koreans. Although the Tokyo metropolitan area has some enclaves, which originated from the times of the oldcomers and has attracted a larger population of newcomers than other areas, the proportion of Koreans is relatively moderate compared to the municipalities noted above. The massive number of the foreign population in the Tokyo metropolitan area is assumed to make any concentration of Koreans ambiguous. However, we could find several distinct enclaves in Tokyo if the map were drawn on a finer scale, as discussed in the next section. Aside from the above cases, Koreans seem to concentrate in the rural areas in the southern Tohoku region (adjacent to the northern districts of the Kanto region). Ochiai et al. (2007) have already indicated that the increase in Koreans in these areas can be better explained by the intermarriage between Korean women and Japanese men; certain local governments encouraged the pairing of single middle-aged men to foreign brides as a means of resolving declining births resulting from the shortage of young Japanese women. To summarize, it is confirmed that the present distribution of the Korean population was formed due to the different trends arising between the oldcomers and newcomers as well as the domestic migration that occurred after WWII.

4.4 Overview of the Korean Enclaves This section focuses on the two examples of Korean enclaves, those in Ikuno Ward, Osaka, and in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo. In addition to their size and degree of concentration, these cases are considered typical enclaves of the two major sub-groups of Koreans, oldcomers and newcomers, respectively. Moreover, both enclaves have recently become well known as “Koreatowns” that attract a sizable number of Japanese who are eager to enjoy Korean culture, food, cosmetics, and so on.

4.4.1 The Case of Ikuno Ward, Osaka: An Enclave of Oldcomers Ikuno Ward is located in the eastern part of Osaka city and is approximately four km away from the city center. Once the largest of the foreign populations in Japan by municipality, it has now fallen to 7th place. However, as of 2019, it still has the

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largest Korean population, but it is the second highest in terms of the proportion of foreigners in total population (21.7%), next to Shimukappu Village in Hokkaido (26.1%). Historically, before the early twentieth century, Ikuno Ward and the areas east of the ward were mostly rice fields, and it had experienced rapid urbanization after the 1920s, which is consistent with the industrialization that occurred in Osaka City. This economic growth had attracted low-skilled migrants from undercapitalized areas not only from the rural part of Japan but also from the colonized regions, especially Korea. While Korean residential concentrations were found extensively across the inner-city areas of Osaka, most of them had disappeared soon after WWII due to repatriation, except for the eastern part of the city, Ikuno Ward and its adjacent areas, and the southeastern area (Fukumoto 2004). The map in Fig. 4.4 reveals the proportion of Korean residents by neighborhood (small area unit, called cho-cho in Japanese). Interestingly, it shows the neighborhoods with greater than 20% in the central part of Ikuno Ward, where “Ikuno Koreatown” is located, and in the western part of Higashi-Osaka city. It is noteworthy that the proportion of a few neighborhoods in Ikuno Ward exceeds 50%, an unusually high figure among Japan’s ethnic enclaves. The continuous units with high proportions of Koreans in the ward were once called Ikaino, acknowledged as shorthand for Korean enclaves. The large Korean population makes it possible to establish various ethnic institutions and facilities (quasi-national organizations, banks, schools, and so on) that counter discrimination, although the unity of Korean residents as a whole followed the division of the two governments on the Korean Peninsula. Here, let’s turn to the actual characteristics of this enclave based on the microdata of the 2015 Population Census (see Chapter 2 for detailed numbers). Koreans in Ikuno Ward can be characterized by their highest average age, 52.4, compared to around 30 in the other enclaves. This fact reflects the features of the ‘old’ enclave, where immigrants have longer stays than in other areas. In terms of residence and employment, we can observe the following outstanding differences between Koreans in Ikuno Ward and those in other enclaves. First, regarding the addresses of the Koreans in Ikuno Ward from five years ago, the category “Same as present & another address within the same municipality” numbers as high as 13,695 persons, which is 97.1%, except for “ratio of unknown”. This rate overwhelms those of other enclaves discussed in this volume as well as Shinjuku Ward. At the same time, 67% of Koreans have continuously resided in the ward for over 10 years or since birth. This proportion is at most 30% in the other enclaves. Most importantly, the above results indicate a considerably low residential mobility of Koreans in this enclave. As a second major difference, regarding employment, the three largest occupations of the Koreans of Ikuno Ward include manufacturing processes, service, and clerical jobs. Although their enclave is similar to those of the Filipinos and Brazilians discussed in Chapters 5 and 6, they are quite distinct from those nationals in terms of the number and proportion of employed people who work at their residence (i.e., 994, 14.1%), far more than in any of the other enclaves. This difference can be explained by the heavy concentration of Koreans who earn their living as self-employed workers.

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Chuo Ward Higashinari Ward Tsuruhashi

Tennoji Ward Higashiosaka City

Tennoji JRnagase

Ikuno Ward

Higashisumiyoshi Ward

Abeno Ward

0

0.5

1

Proportion Less than 1.0% 1.0 - 3.0% 3.0 - 5.0% 5.0 - 10.0% 10.0 - 20.0% Greater than 20.0% No data

2

Hirano Ward

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 4.4 Proportion of Koreans in and around Ikuno Ward, Osaka. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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In addition to residence and employment, it is also noteworthy that the ratio of intermarried couples in the enclave is highest among the enclaves discussed in this volume. Fukumoto (2016) emphasized that the proportion of mixed marriage households in Ikuno Ward was the highest among all municipalities in 2016 based on the statistics of basic resident registration. Earlier, the first and second generations of oldcomers hoped to marry their Korean counterparts or had few choices to find Japanese spouses due to discrimination. While this situation had resulted in the maintenance of the Korean ethnicity, their generation had become acculturated to Japan and lived a life very similar to that of Japanese residents. Accordingly, Koreans are now more likely to find Japanese spouses compared to the era of their parents and grandparents, as already noted.

4.4.2 The Case of Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo: Enclaves of Newcomers Figure 4.5 depicts the Korean enclave in Shinjuku Ward and its surroundings. Shinjuku Ward is located in the northwestern part of the 23 special Wards of Tokyo, and it is about six km away from Tokyo Station. The ward is well known not only for its commercial districts like Kabukicho, one of the largest downtowns in Japan, but also for its function as a sub-center of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The number of foreigners is 36,000, which is the largest among all of the municipalities in Japan. Similarly, Koreans in the ward number more than 7,000, which is the second-largest local immigrant population next to the Chinese. Of course, there are also several enclaves formed by oldcomers in Tokyo. However, while those have continuously existed in the Wards of Arakawa, Adachi and Koto, no prominent concentration of oldcomers had formed in Shinjuku Ward before 1980 (Fukumoto 2010). Actually, there were some minor districts with decrepit housing occupied illegally by oldcomers, but those buildings were removed through slum clearance efforts (Motooka 2019). Therefore, the present enclave in Shinjuku Ward can be regarded as one mainly formed by newcomers. As depicted in Fig. 4.5, the unit with the highest Korean population is in KawadaCho, located in the southern part of the area surrounding Wakamatsu-Kawada station, and it is the only unit with a proportion of Korean residents exceeding 20%. In this unit, Koreans are assumed to be concentrated in huge rental apartments built by the Urban Renaissance Agency (currently owned by a private developer). This location is very convenient for the commute to the Tokyo Korean School in the next district, which is attended mainly by the children of newcomers. The school was founded for the children of oldcomers in 1954 with the support of an ethnic institution affiliated with the Republic of Korea; however, the SPR status-of-residence is held by only about 10% of the students (Tokyo Korean School 2019). In a sense, the history and characteristics of the enclave are epitomized by this change.

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Itabashi Nerima Ward Ward

Kita Ward

Toshima Ward

Ikebukuro

Bunkyo Ward

Takadanobaba

Waseda

Nakano Ward

Shinokubo

Wakamatsukawada

Iidabashi

Shinjuku Ward Shinjuku

Chiyoda Ward

Shibuya Ward 0

0.5

1

Proportion Less than 1.0% 1.0 - 3.0% 3.0 - 5.0% 5.0 - 10.0% 10.0 - 20.0% Greater than 20.0% No data

2

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 4.5 Proportion of Koreans in and around Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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Table 4.3 Statuses-of-residence of Koreans in Shinjuku Ward in 2010 Status-of-residence

Persons

%

Professional and technical occupation Skilled labor Business manager Engineer/specialist in humanities/international services Intra-company transferee Others

203 430 1,125 337 159

1.4 3.0 7.8 2.4 1.1

Student Dependent Permanent resident Special permanent resident (SPR)

3,929 2,335 1,559 1,474

27.4 16.3 10.9 16.8

Others

2,404

16.8

Total

14,332

100.0

Source Kim (2016)

Figure 4.5 also clarifies the continuous distribution of units with 10% or more Koreans around Shin-Okubo station; the units comprise the Okubo area of the eastern side of the station and the Hyakunincho area of the western side. The former area is famous even among Japanese for having a Koreatown. The microdata of the 2015 Population Census indicates the following three features specific to Koreans in the Shinjuku Ward. First and most interesting, they are similar to the Chinese in the enclave of Toshima Ward: While the average age of Koreans is relatively young at 35.8, the ratio of those employed among the Koreans older than 15 years old is just 32.5%, lower than that in Ikuno Ward (Table 2.1). Regarding this characteristic, Kim (2016) introduced valuable data on the statusesof-residence of Koreans in Shinjuku Ward, despite being somewhat outdated information. Table 4.3 calls our attention to the share of students or dependents (family members dependent on people having several statuses) as well as the small number of SPR holders. As the table indicates, the enclave includes a considerable number of short-term residents. As a second feature of Shinjuku’s Koreans, with respect to residential mobility, the category “Same as present or another address within the same municipality” for Koreans’ addresses from five years ago numbered 1,901 persons, or 71.4% of the respondents who answered correctly (Table 2.2); meanwhile, for residency at current domicile, “less than 5 years length of stay” accounted for 1,639 persons, or 61.0% of respondents who answered correctly (Table 2.3). Obviously, we must consider the huge ratios of those designated “unknown” in these tables to account for apparent discrepancies. This issue probably arises from the respondents’ unfamiliarity with such questions and their short stay in Japan, or from the limited ability of Japanese investigators to properly convey the questions to the interviewed foreigners. In other words, it is possible that the large number of “unknown” respondents was significantly influenced by newly arrived foreigners. If so, the results would actually indicate a significant presence of relatively short-term residents.

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As the third characteristic, the major occupations, in descending order, were professional and engineering, clerical, and service (Table 2.4), and the number of employed people who work at home is small (Table 2.5). Therefore, the whitecollar jobs in the enclaves of Shinjuku Ward are popular among Koreans, and this aspect is quite different from the situation in the enclaves of Ikuno Ward. In fact, we can say Table 4.3 gives valuable information when considering the occupations of newcomers; here, the proportion of “Professional and technical occupation” reaches above 15%. In addition, the number of Korean-related businesses in and around the Okubo area has grown from 50 in 1996 to 628 in 2013 (Kim 2016), and they seem to offer employment opportunities mainly in the service sectors.

4.5 Description of the Korean Enclaves As discussed in the previous section, the enclaves in Ikuno Ward and Shinjuku Ward are contrastive in terms of residential mobility and types of employment, reflecting the features related to oldcomers and newcomers. Here, the factors that caused these differences are investigated in detail, with special attention given to the historical and current situations of the enclaves.

4.5.1 Ikuno Ward, Osaka To summarize, the enclave in Ikuno Ward is characterized by low residential mobility and a concentration of manufacturing sectors. With regard to the former, it is noteworthy that nearly 70% of Koreans are owner-occupiers and reside in detached houses. Fukumoto (2013) noted that, by 1985, the proportion of owner-occupiers of foreigners in Osaka prefecture exceeded 60% and was even higher than the overall Japanese rate. This specific feature of Koreans is partly due to previous discrimination in the housing market; not only was it difficult for them to find private rental housing, but they were also excluded from the public housing sector because they lacked Japanese nationality (Tanaka 1995). Moreover, a fortiori, some Japanese landlords in the enclave disposed of their lands due to inheritance or moving out (Nishimura 2002; Fukumoto 2013). Consequently, the residential mobility of Koreans became lower through the post-war period. At the same time, the characteristics of their employment had also contributed to their low mobility in the following manner. While Korean entrepreneurs had emerged in the rubber industry (Sugihara 1998), under the circumstances of severe discrimination in employment after WWII, it had been one of the limited options for Koreans to become self-employed in a small-sized factory to accomplish a relatively stable life. Ethnic networks also played a key role in searching for jobs within the Korean community and offered a (generally inexpensive) labor force to the entrepreneurs (Lee 2002; Fukumoto 2018b). While these features have much in common with

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the ethnic economies discussed mainly in the US cases (Kaplan 1998; Light and Gold 2000; Kaplan and Li 2006), it should be noted that a considerable number of entrepreneurs ran their business at their residence (Han 2010). Therefore, spatial overlapping of work and the residence of Koreans contributed to the high rate or residents remaining in the enclave. Moreover, the employment opportunities generated by such entrepreneurs supposedly promoted in-migration to Ikuno Ward and the surrounding areas, and, as a result, the degree of segregation of the Korean population became stronger from the 1950s to the 1970s (Fukumoto 2013). The enclaves with these characteristics formed self-help groups for oldcomers who live without decent public assistance. However, the Korean population in Ikuno Ward began to decrease after the 1980s, and this base has gradually lost its original strength. At least two factors were assumed to cause this change other than the increase in naturalization (Fukumoto 2018b). First, the gap between occupations and human capital has shrunk, especially for the third generation of oldcomers and their descendants. Although previously Koreans, in the second generation, had few options but to enter small-sized businesses regardless of their educational achievements, the severity of conditions related to discrimination has partially softened. Actually, the degree of concentration in Korean-specific occupations had dropped from 1980 to 2010 (Takaya et al. 2015). Second, the relocation of labor-intensive manufacturing processes overseas has inevitably damaged the existing Korean entrepreneurs. This deterioration of the traditional basis for living can be regarded as one of the factors that pushed out migrants from the enclave. These changing situations, meanwhile, brought another opportunity to improve the enclave. For example, some Korean merchants attempted to rebuild Koreatown to revitalize the local shopping streets within the enclave due to the decline of existing customers. In fact, there was no such place as a Koreatown here because it was difficult for them to project Korean cultural elements to the forefront in the past; after WWII, a considerable portion of Koreans have been forced to use Japanesestyle surnames to avoid discrimination. Therefore, it is emblematic of this background that the original plan in 1984 was opposed by several local Japanese residents and thus not realized (Ko 2011). However, the Seoul Olympic Games in 1988 fostered a friendly atmosphere between Japan and Korea, and Ikuno Koreatown was eventually established in 1995 (Fig. 4.6). Komai (2006) noted that there is no exclusive ethnic district in the Western sense, and ordinary Koreans and Japanese have mingled in a narrow area. At present, the enclave functions as a touchstone and is considered a desirable model for a co-existential future. Of course, this distinctly ethnic town might be expected to not only attract many visitors but also rekindle sensitive feelings about the enclave’s history. As an example, the increase in the aging population of Koreans as well as Japanese promotes such a co-existential practice. The high average age of Koreans (Table 2.1) partly reflects this trend. Nikaido (2007) noted that this problem has induced various stakeholders to gather and develop the networking of actors and institutions regardless of their nationality. Even ethnic organizations, which once had competed to get supporters based on allegiance to one of the two rival governments on the Korean Peninsula and had a significant influence on the social life of Korean residents, faced

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Fig. 4.6 Ikuno Koreatown. Source Taken by the author in 2020

a shortage of numbers due to out-migration and the weakening trends in Korean ethnicity. Moreover, with greater awareness of Koreans’ contributions to the community’s daily life, some of the ward authorities and residents’ associations, which had been run mainly by Japanese for a long time, also came to recognize the importance of Korean participation. Here, problems related to local welfare is a foothold to connect Koreans and Japanese in the enclave, and this case can be considered one type of tabunka kyosei (multicultural co-existence) in Japan that originated from the characteristics of an ethnic enclave.

4.5.2 Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo Okuda and his colleagues perceived the growing number of foreigners in Shinjuku, including Koreans, as early as the early 1990s and reported that more than half of the interviewees they contacted were students in Japanese language schools, technical schools and universities (Okuda and Tajima 1993). The areas around Shin-Okubo station could accommodate such foreigners because of the availability of old apartments built just after WWII with relatively low rents. It was difficult to fill these vacancies by anyone other than foreigners, who were likely to encounter discrimination in the housing market (Inaba 2008). Moreover, the demand for low-skilled

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labor in the service sector downtown offered employment opportunities for the newly arrived foreigners. Consequently, the foreign students in Shinjuku Ward could easily access both school and workplace, where they held a part-time job, and even their residence in the same general area (Shimizu 1997). After nearly 30 years, the Korean enclave in Shinjuku Ward has grown steadily and has become increasingly diversified. At present, those housing units are disappearing due to urban renewal; however, the characteristic of high residential mobility in the enclave has not changed so much. Based on the microdata of the 2015 Population Census, the proportion of residents in private rental housing is 57.6% and that in public housing is 12.4%; the owner-occupier share is just 23.5%, far lesser than that of Koreans in Ikuno Ward. This is due to the position of Shinjuku Ward within the urban spatial structure, which historically has functioned as the initial destination of domestic migrants from metropolitan areas. As the Korean population increased, businesses run by them began to increase as previously mentioned in Sect. 4.4.2. This change is notable because they were welcomed by building owners around downtown, since they had suffered due to the vacant houses caused by the collapse of the booming economy in the late 1980s, the so-called the bubble economy. Consequently, in terms of residences and businesses, foreigners, including Koreans, were gradually regarded as essential customers within the real estate market of the enclave. This atmosphere is one of the significant factors that promoted the further influx of foreigners, especially newly arrived ones, to Shinjuku Ward. Moreover, while those businesses offered services specific to Koreans in the initial days of the enclave here, they have increasingly targeted the Japanese as well. Both the 2002 FIFA World Cup held jointly in Korea and Japan and the boom of Korean TV dramas like “Sonata in Winter” had a gigantic impact on this trend in the early 2000s. The growing number of shops selling goods related to Korean culture attracted many Japanese people, and the districts where such shops concentrated in the Okubo area were called “Koreatowns.” Contrary to the Koreatown of the oldcomers in Ikuno Ward, these districts were spontaneously called this, and these businesses have become important for the creation of employment opportunities in the enclave (Fig. 4.7). Through the rise and fall of this boom, Koreatown has recently experienced the third wave of such a boom in Korean culture, particularly with Korean pop music becoming quite popular among Japanese youth. As noted in Sect. 4.1, among Korean newcomers, the proportion of people with the status-of-residence called “permanent residency” has dramatically increased in Japan, especially in the Tokyo Megalopolis (Tokyo-to), rising from 3.6% in 1992 to 20.9% in 2018. Accordingly, there seems to be better chances for the short-stayer to attain upward social mobility and longer residence in Japan. However, the residential mobility is still very high according to the microdata of the 2015 census in the Korean enclave of Shinjuku Ward. Kawamura (2015) pointed out that this feature in mobility has the strength to build global networks with the influx of foreign nationals. The local government has regarded the existence of foreigners from various countries as an important source of vitality for Shinjuku Ward and has promoted the participation

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Fig. 4.7 Koreatown in Okubo, Shinjuku. Source Taken by the author in 2020

of foreigners in local activities. For example, it opened the Plaza for Multicultural Coexistence in 2005 and established the Multicultural City Development Conference in 2012, which consisted of members representing foreigners as well as Japanese shareholders (Yoshida 2019). As the second-largest group of foreigners residing there, Koreans play a key role in the local activities of Shinjuku Ward.

4.5.3 Different Trends in the Enclaves of Oldcomers and Newcomers Here, the differences between the above two enclaves are investigated with reference to the socio-spatial models taken from examples in Western countries. With respect to the enclave formed mainly by oldcomers in Ikuno Ward, their situation coincides with the spatial assimilation model proposed by Massey and Denton (1985) to a considerable degree. Based on this model, spatial assimilation, or the weakening trends of segregation, follows the structural assimilation and cultural assimilation. Generally, a foreign migrant population tends to concentrate in innercity neighborhoods. Immigrants tend to lack the cultural and language skills of the host country, and they have to be content with low incomes. However, as some of them gradually acquire those skills and become acculturated into the host country, they

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obtain opportunities for upward social mobility. As a result, they can choose better residential locations within urban areas. In short, the notion of spatial assimilation assumes that cultural assimilation followed by upward social mobility (structural assimilation) contributes to the dispersal of an immigrant population. The features of the enclave confirmed in subsection 4.4.1 can be regarded as the consequence of severe discrimination. It was difficult to accomplish upward social mobility in the same manner as the Japanese residents, partly because Korean residents were concentrated mainly in the manufacturing sector through ethnic networks. However, as generations have passed by, the gap between educational attainment and socioeconomic status has shrunk, and the dependence on formal or informal traditional networks has weakened (Lee 2002). It is significant that these trends have probably appeared in accordance with the out-migration from the enclave. For example, through a comparison of Koreans inside and outside enclaves in Osaka, Narita (2005) found statistically significant differences in age, employment, income, ethnic identity, Korean language proficiency, and so on. His findings obtained from a questionnaire survey clarified that Korean residents in enclaves tend to be older, to have less income, and to work, at a higher proportion, in blue-collar jobs. If naturalization and intermarriage are regarded as cultural assimilation, the out-migration from the enclave in Ikuno Ward has evolved in parallel with structural and cultural assimilation, as explained by the model. According to the statistics of the basic resident registers, the out-migration of foreign population from Ikuno Ward has continued to exceed the in-migration in recent years. Furthermore, the census data (Fig. 4.8) also indicate the spatial dispersal of Koreans from the ward to its adjacent municipalities. It is noted, however, that the weakening trends in out-migration of Koreans have not necessarily resulted from improvement in socioeconomic status or acculturation, which is assumed in existing literature related to traditional spatial assimilation (Massey and Denton 1985). We should also pay attention to the characteristics specific to Koreans in Ikuno Ward, such as the large proportion of owner-occupiers, the entrepreneurs working in their residence, and the employment that once had contributed to the grounding of the Koreans’ enclave in the ward for so long. Meanwhile, the trends in the enclave in Shinjuku Ward are difficult to explain in terms of the spatial assimilation model. This enclave does not exclusively consist of Koreans with a lower socioeconomic status but includes people with diverse statusof-residence and employment, including professionals. Here, it should be noted that high residential mobility among Koreans is also related to international and internal migration. On the one hand, based on the data of the basic resident registers, the immigration of foreigners directly from abroad accounted for approximately 9,000 persons, and the out-migration to foreign countries reached nearly 6,000 persons (Shimizu 2017). On the other hand, in comparison to the total number of foreign residents in Shinjuku Ward (36,000 persons in 2018), the size of internal migration is also large; in-migration is about 6,000 and out-migration is above 8,000. These figures supposedly reflect Koreans in the ward, consisting of nearly a quarter of the total foreign population. At the same time, some Koreans have experienced

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± Kobe City

Osaka City

Sakai City Ikuno Ward (persons)

100 25 0

5

10 km

Fig. 4.8 Korean out-migration from Ikuno Ward from 2010 to 2015. Note Only municipalities with 5 persons or more. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

prolonged residence and have obtained permanent residency, as already noted. By considering all of the features found in Korean newcomers in the ward, the relationship between their movement and the role of the enclave can be summarized as follows. First, the characteristics of residence and employment in the enclave make it easy for newly arrived Koreans, unfamiliar with the environment in Japan, to begin their stay. Second, a portion of the Koreans gradually builds a more stable base for living in the course of their prolonged stay in Japan, while others returned to their homeland or made repeated visits to Japan. After a period of time, they become familiar with the environment outside the enclave and may not need to depend on the functions played by the enclave. If this assumption is valid, the enclave formed by newcomers can be considered a node of not only international but also internal migration, and there seem to be routes to accomplish upward social mobility for them alongside the migration flows closely associated with the enclave. The pattern

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of Korean out-migration from Shinjuku Ward based on the census data (Fig. 4.9) can be interpreted as significant within such migration flows. These trends hardly satisfy the premise of the traditional framework of spatial assimilation. Rather, it is more appropriate to discuss them in terms of the complexity of contemporary transnational migration. For example, contrary to the classical enclaves located in inner cities, Price et al. (2005) found residential concentrations of newly arrived immigrants in the suburban areas of Washington, DC, one of the immigrant gateway cities in the US. They also placed emphasis on the ethnic diversity of these concentrations. Moreover, Li (2009) focused on the nodes and localities of transnational migration within urban areas in her discussion of ethnoburbs. In these senses, the case of Shinjuku Ward is important not only as a site of transnationalism in the contemporary world but also as a stepping-stone or a gateway for newcomers to enter Japanese society.

Fig. 4.9 Korean out-migration from Shinjuku Ward from 2010 to 2015. Note Only municipalities with 5 persons or more. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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While the enclaves are commonly involved in the recent attempts to improve multicultural co-existence, there are differences between the two enclaves, as discussed in this chapter, in terms of the composition of the participants. As for Ikuno Ward, the actors concerned with such attempts have been focused on the relationship between the Koreans and Japanese. This reflects the history of Koreans in Japan, who have formed a relatively isolated community due to both the discrimination they encountered and the self-help functions they found in the ethnic community. On the other hand, the participants acting for multicultural co-existence in Shinjuku Ward are composed of foreigners from various countries, with the principle of aiming toward such an ideal situation not limited to Koreans (Yoshida 2019). Here, we should not judge which path is optimal, but it is noteworthy that different types of co-existence possibly reflect the history and function of ethnic enclaves specific to oldcomers and newcomers.

4.6 Conclusion This chapter attempted to clarify the characteristics of Korean ethnic enclaves with special attention to the difference between oldcomers and newcomers. The presented discussions are summarized as follows. Koreans have several features rather unlike the rest of the foreign population in Japan, especially those related to historical aspects. In short, their existence cannot be separated from immigration flows under the Japanese colonial rule; their number reached 2.4 million, almost the same as that of the entire body of foreign nationals in present-day Japan. While the number of Koreans drastically dropped just after WWII due to repatriation, Japan had not experienced immigration from the Republic of Korea as had the US during the post-war period. It was only after the 1980s that Koreans coming to Japan began to increase, and, consequently, this ethnic group has come to consist of two separate subgroups, oldcomers and newcomers. However, the total number of residents counted as Koreans has been slightly decreasing due to naturalization, intermarriage, and death. The two enclaves in Ikuno Ward, Osaka, and Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo, typify the features of the two subgroups. The former enclave of oldcomers is characterized by the low residential mobility that formed through Koreans’ lives in the post-war period. While they faced severe discrimination in residence and employment, the large Korean population in Ikuno Ward’s enclave promoted various ethnic institutions and small-sized businesses, mainly in manufacturing and related sectors. Additionally, the land transfers from Japanese to Koreans in the enclave enabled them to become owner-occupiers. However, in accordance with the trends in oldcomers as noted above, the enclave came to face a decrease and aging of the Korean population after the 1980s. In these circumstances, some efforts, including the construction and publicity of the Ikuno Koreatown, have been made to revitalize the area and promote co-existence between Korean and Japanese residents.

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Meanwhile, the enclave in Shinjuku Ward exhibits the highest residential mobility among Koreans. In the initial formation of the enclave, the following reasons promoted the in-migration of newly arrived Koreans: The overstock of apartments with low rents, the employment opportunities in the downtown area, and the concentration of Japanese language schools. While Koreans in the ward have become diversified in status-of-residence, their residential mobility remains at a high level; the replacement of the foreign population is apparent in terms of international migrants as well as internal ones. It is also notable that, as the Korean businesses have grown and come to target Japanese customers as well as Koreans, a Koreatown gradually appeared in the enclave. At the same time, in contrast to the situation in Ikuno Ward, efforts toward multicultural co-existence have been made by foreigners from various countries, including Korea, against the background of the high residential mobility of the ward as a whole. The findings obtained from analyses of the two enclaves are useful to identify the spatial aspects of foreigners in Japan in the broader context of the historical and contemporary trends in international migration. On the one hand, generally speaking, the experience of oldcomers can be understood from the perspective of spatial assimilation theory. In this sense, there have been typical and traditional ethnic enclaves even in Japan, despite being underrepresented in existing studies conducted in Western countries. On the other hand, the enclave of newcomers has emerged in the context of transnationalism, or complex flows of international migration. Therefore, within Korean enclaves, we can find not only conditions specific to Japan’s migration history but also common ground between Japan and the rest of the world. However, it is uncertain how these enclaves will transform themselves in the future. Will the weakening trend of segregation in the enclaves of oldcomers continue? Will the enclave in Shinjuku Ward maintain its role as a stepping-stone for newly arrived Koreans? Moreover, we do not have enough information on the relationship between the social relations or ethnic identity of Koreans (especially newly arrived ones) and the existence of enclaves. Can Koreans sustain their ethnic networks or identity without spatial propinquity, as Zelinsky and Lee (1998) suggested? We need further research and should not overlook the historical aspects as well as the recent changes in Japan’s foreigners.

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Light I, Gold SJ (2000) Ethnic economies. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, Bingley Massey D, Denton N (1985) Spatial assimilation as a socioeconomic outcome. Am Sociol Rev 50(2):94–106. https://doi.org/10.2307/2095343 Matsushita N (2015) The contemporary situation and policies of the acceptance of global human resources. In: Komai H, Igarashi Y (eds) “Gurobaru jinzai” wo meguru seisaku to genjitsu (The policies and realities of “global human resources”). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Min PG, Bozorgmehr M (2000) Immigrant entrepreneurship and business patterns: a comparison of Koreans and Iranians in Los Angeles. Int Migr Rev 34(3):707–738. https://doi.org/10.2307/ 2675942 Minami A (1994) On emigration from the Republic of Korea. Keizai Ronso (Econ Rev, Kyoto Univ) 154(5):43–65. https://doi.org/10.14989/44957 (in Japanese) Morita Y (1996) Suji ga kataru zainichi kankoku chosenjin no rekishi (The numbers tell the history of Korean residents in Japan). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Morris-Suzuki T (2007) Exodus to North Korea: shadows from Japan’s Cold War. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Boulder Motooka T (2019) “Fuho” naru kukan ni ikiru: senkyo to tachinoki wo meguru sengo toshishi (Living in “illegal” space: an urban history of occupation and eviction). Otsuki Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Narita K (2005) Seijuku toshi no kasseika: sekai toshi kara chikyu toshi he (Vitalization of mature city: from world city to global city). Minerva Shobo, Kyoto (in Japanese) Nikaido Y (2007) Minzoku kankei to chiiki fukushi no toshi shakaigaku (Urban sociology of ethnic relations and local welfare). Sekai Shisosha, Kyoto (in Japanese) Nishimura T (2002) Formation of ethnic concentration: within and around Momodani district, Ikuno Ward, Osaka City. In: Tani T (ed) Minzoku kankei ni okeru ketsugo to bunri: shakaiteki mekanizumu wo kaimei suru (Cohesion and separation in ethnic relations: unraveling the social mechanism). Minerva Shobo, Kyoto (in Japanese) Noland M (2003) The impact of Korean immigration on the US economy. In: Bergsten CF, Choi I (eds) The Korean diaspora in the world economy. Institute for International Economics, Washington, DC Ochiai E, Liaw KL, Ishikawa Y (2007) The feminization of international migrants analyzed by in-migration of foreign population in Japan: a focus on intermarriages. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) Jinko gensho to chiiki: chirigakuteki apurochi (Population decline and regional imbalance: geographical perspectives). Kyoto University Press, Kyoto (in Japanese) Okuda M, Tajima J (1993) Shinjuku no ajiakei gaikokujin (Foreigners from Asian countries in Shinjuku). Mekon, Tokyo (in Japanese) Onuma Y (1993) Tan’itsu minzoku shakai no shinwa wo koete: zainichi kankoku chosenjin shutsunyukoku kanri taisei, shinpan (Beyond the myth of monoethnic society: Korean residents in Japan and immigration control system, new edition). Toshindo, Tokyo (in Japanese) Price M, Cheung I, Friedman S, Singer A (2005) The world settles in: Washington, DC, as an immigrant gateway. Urban Geogr 26(1):61–83. https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.26.1.61 Sasaki T (2006) Nihon no kokuseki seido to koria kei nihonjin (The nationality system in Japan and Korean Japanese). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Shimizu M (1997) Daily spatial activities of foreign pre-college students: a case study in the Tokyo metropolitan area. Keizai Chirigaku Nenpo (Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr) 43(1):59–71. https:// doi.org/10.20592/jaeg.43.1_59 (in Japanese) Shimizu M (2017) Net in-migration of foreigners and net out-migration of Japanese at the municipal level. E-J GEO 12(1):85–100. https://doi.org/10.4157/ejgeo.12.85 (in Japanese) Shin J (2018) Transnational migration of Korean to the New York Metropolitan area: perspectives on residential location and relationship with Koreatowns. Chirigaku Hyoron (Jpn Rev Jpn) 91(1):1– 23. https://doi.org/10.4157/geogrevjapanb.92.33 (in Japanese) Sugihara T (1998) Ekkyo suru tami: kindai Osaka no chosenjinshi kenkyu (Migrants crossing borders: a historical study of Koreans in Osaka during the modern era). Shinkansha, Tokyo (in Japanese)

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Takaya S, Omagari, Y, Higuchi N, Kaji I, Inaba N (2015) Jobs held by Japan’s foreign residents: views from the 2010 census data. Okayama Daigaku Daigakuin Shakai Bunka Kagaku Kenkyuka Kiyo (J Humanit Soc Sci, Okayama Univ) 39:17–36. https://doi.org/10.18926/53308 (in Japanese) Tamura N (1998) Re-estimation of Korean population in Japan during the colonial-period in Korea. Keizai to Keizaigaku (Econ Econ, Tokyo Metropolitan Univ) 88:1–45 (in Japanese) Tanaka H (1995) Zainichi gaikokujin: ho no kabe, kokoro no kabe, shimpan (Foreign residents in Japan: legal and emotional walls, new edition). Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Tokyo Korean School (2019) Gakko genkyo (The current situation of the school and students). http:// jp.tokos.ed.jp/icons/app/cms/?html=/home/int1_4.html&shell=/index.shell:54 Accessed Aug 26, 2020 (in Japanese) Tonomura M (2013) Foreign worker problems in the latter half of the period of high economic growth in Japan. In: Araragi S (ed) Teikoku iko no hito no ido: posuto koroniarizumu to gurobarizumu no kosakuten (Migration after the era of modern empires: the crossing point of post-colonialism and globalism). Bensei Shuppan, Tokyo (in Japanese) Wagner E (1951) The Korean minority in Japan, 1904–1950. International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, New York Yamaguchi S (2016) “Shudan shusyoku” to ha nan de attanoka?: kin no tamago no jikukan (What was the “mass employment movement”: the time-space of the “golden eggs”). Minerva Shobo, Kyoto (in Japanese) Yoshida W (2019) Multicultural city development by participation of foreign residents: through the multicultural symbiosis policy of Shinjuku City and the Shinjuku City Multicultural City Development Conference. Shagakuken Ronshu (The Waseda J Soc Sci) 34:48–62 (in Japanese) Zelinsky W, Lee BA (1998) Heterolocalism: an alternative model of the sociospatial behavior of immigrant ethnic communities. Int J Popul Geogr 4(4):281–298. https://doi.org/10.1002/(sic i)1099-1220(199812)4:4%3c281::aid-ijpg108%3e3.0.co;2-o

Taku Fukumoto is an associate professor in the Department of Japanese Studies, Nanzan University. He received his Ph.D. in geography from the Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University, in 2018. His expertise is in urban social geography, in particular ethnic segregation. His research mainly covers the historical dynamics of Korean population concentration in Japan from the early 20th century to the present. His research interests extend to such topics as the organization of sustainable communities, during Japan’s recent era of depopulation, from the perspective of multicultural co-existence.

Chapter 5

Filipino Enclaves as Products of Migration Industry: Cases in a Big City’s Downtown and a Port City’s Coastal Area Sachi Takahata Abstract The increase in Filipino residents in Japan stems from the influx of female entertainers facilitated by the migration industry since the late 1980s. They later settled as marriage migrants while joining their Japanese husbands’ households scattered throughout Japan, making it difficult for them to form ethnic enclaves. However, there are some small-scale enclaves in the gateway cities for Filipinos. First, we can consider the Sakae-Higashi District of Naka Ward, Nagoya City, which had nearly 100 so-called Philippine pubs between the 1990s and 2005; in this area, self-help groups and an ethnic school emerged. Another type of recent Filipino enclave is typified by Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, which is famous for its major fishing port; here, a manpower agency has employed hundreds of Filipino Nikkeijin, or Japanese descendants, since the 2000s and, moreover, has provided them with apartments as a means of efficient labor management. Both of these enclaves highlight the role of the migration industry, which guides migrants to their first job as well as to their place of residence. Keywords Filipino/Filipina · Migration industry · Entertainer · Nikkeijin · Marriage migrants

5.1 Introduction This chapter examines the Filipino ethnic enclaves in Japan. They were pioneers as foreign contract workers, representing the largest group among Southeast Asian migrants until 2017. Although Vietnamese migrants took this top position in 2018 due to the rapid increase in technical interns, Filipinos have continued to increase their numbers nationwide, and they are still the fourth-largest ethnic population in Japan as of 2019. Two waves have shaped the increase in the Filipino population of Japan: female entertainers from the 1980s and Nikkeijin (Japanese descendants) from the S. Takahata (B) Department of International Relations, School of International Relations, University of Shizuoka, Shizuoka, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_5

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2000s. The characteristics of the Filipino population in Japan are the remarkably large number of women as well as the long-term and permanent residence statuses they obtained through personal relationships with Japanese nationals, such as marriage and kinship. The existence of Nikkeijin in the Philippines is a consequence of Japanese labor migration to the Philippines in the early twentieth century. The Philippines, under the U.S. colonial administration, hired male Japanese civil engineers and construction workers, who later married local Filipino women and settled in the islands as farmers of Manila hemp. However, with the outbreak of WWII, they were compelled to join the army and then deported back to Japan at the end of the war. In this manner, the war-displaced Japanese-Filipino offspring and their mothers had to live in hardship, bearing the severe anti-Japanese sentiment from the end of the war up to the 1980s. From the 1980s to 2005, Japan witnessed a massive arrival of Filipina entertainers who worked on half-year contracts at red-light entertainment districts throughout the country, and there was a great deal of intermarriage between them and their Japanese customers. This is the classic case in Japan of the “feminization of migration” (de Haas et al. 2019). Furthermore, the number of Filipino Nikkei (both male and female) has increased since the 2000s, which is consistent with the historical/institutional approach to international migration theory (de Haas et al. 2019). The Filipino Nikkei closely resemble the Brazilian Nikkei in terms of their postcolonial movement based on kinship with Japanese nationals (Sharpe 2014). Both entertainers and Nikkei workers arrived in Japan through market-mediated migration processes using the migration industry (Gammeltoft-Hansen and Sorensen 2013); however, their living and working locations are quite different. The former have worked in downtown entertainment areas all over the country, while the latter have worked in manufacturing and fishing port cities. The Philippines is Asia’s largest source country of overseas workers and immigrants, and thus there has been a great variety of studies on the migration of Filipinos. For example, the United States, a former colonizer of the Philippines, has the largest Filipino diaspora of more than two million, and studies on them include Posadas (1999) and Espiritu (2003). Since the 1950s, Filipino healthcare workers, such as doctors and nurses, have looked for greener pastures, which generated chain migration of their family members and relatives. In contrast, as discussed later, the number of Filipino professionals is quite limited in Japan. Yu-Jose (2002) have studied the history of Filipino migrants in Japan. Before WWII, Filipino professional performers and athletes, such as musicians and boxers, were among the few Filipino settlers in Japan. In the post-war period, the two countries resumed diplomatic relations in 1956, but before the 1980s there were few Filipino residents, namely, musicians, priests and nuns, scholars, and marriage immigrants. The entire Filipino population in Japan expanded in the 1980s with the boom in female entertainers as mentioned above. Multifold critical studies have been conducted on Filipina entertainers due to their high-risk conditions as migrant workers, sometimes bordering on human trafficking (Ballescas 1992; Parreñas 2010). In many cases, female entertainers became marriage migrants by accepting the courtship overtures of their customers. The issue of power

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relations at home was raised because they had to maintain a marital relationship for the sake of their long-term residential status (Suzuki 2017; Faier 2009). When they have settled in Japanese communities, however, they have contributed much to local society: some women have played key roles in international exchange programs in rural areas (Yamanaka and Akiba 2014), while others have become leaders of foreign care workers (Takahata 2015). Moreover, studies have been conducted on child migrants, such as those by Takahata and Hara (2015) and Celero (2016). Migration of children occurs when marriage migrants try to bring to Japan their children by ex-husbands for family reunification. Studies have shown that conflicts between Japanese stepfathers and child migrants are likely to occur. In addition, children in such conditions tend to experience identity crisis. Studies on Filipino Nikkei include those by Ohno (2015) and Vilog (2014). Due to Japan’s defeat in WWII, Nikkei people experienced severe anti-Japanese sentiments from Filipinos, which caused the Nikkei community in the Philippines to suddenly disperse. However, the “Nikkei” identity revived with the job opportunities legislated by Japan’s amended Immigration Control Act in 1990, when third-generation Japanese descendants were given priority in applying for long-term visas to work in Japan. As an instrumental use of ethnicity, these job opportunities have transformed their identity. Studies on Filipino communities in Japan include those of Mateo (1996) for the 1990s and Takahata (2018a) for the 2000s and beyond. The former described regular Filipino church goers in Tokyo as building a temporary “community.” The latter showed that Filipinos working and living in downtown Nagoya have been a part of the local community by organizing themselves for self-help and coordinating with Japanese residents’ organizations. In order to understand the integration of Filipinos in Japan, the theory of segmented assimilation can be applied with some modifications. The theory presents four factors affecting the assimilation process of each migrant group: (1) the history of the first immigrant generation; (2) the pace of acculturation among parents and children and its bearing on normative integration; (3) the barriers, cultural and economic, confronted by second-generation youths in their quest for successful adaptations; and (4) the family and community resources for confronting these barriers (Portes and Rumbaut 2001). In this sense, the existence of residential concentration, as well as the immigrant community, positively affects the inter-generational socioeconomic mobility of the migrant group. As Higuchi (2017) pointed out, modification is needed because the place of residence and socioeconomic status of marriage migrants is linked to those of Japanese husbands. Based on the census data of the socioeconomic status of foreigners per nationality, Higuchi (2017) found that Filipinos and Thais are unique for having majorities being female marriage migrants and in relatively underprivileged socioeconomic status compared to other nationals. This would partly be a consequence of the situation of their husbands, who are usually blue-collar workers, as well as their high divorce rate. Furthermore, their vulnerability can be partly attributed to the absence of ethnic enclaves that might offer them some protection. Previous studies on Filipino enclaves, especially those on Nagoya, include Abe

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300

3,000

250

2,500

200

2,000

150

1,500

100

1,000

50

500 2018

2016

2014

2012

2010

2008

2006

2004

2002

Filipino residents (left axis)

2000

1998

1996

1994

1992

1990

1988

1986

1984

0

in thousands

in thousands

(2011) and Takahata (2018a), as well as reportage by Nakashima (2017). However, there is still little historical research, visualization, or detailed description of the Filipino ethnic enclaves in Japan. Accordingly, the aim of this study is to clarify the effects of the migration path on the formation of ethnic enclaves in the case of Filipinos in Japan. Specifically, a comparison is made of two groups living in two case sites—entertainers who became marriage migrants and Nikkeijin, or Japanese descendants, engaged in manual labor. One case of the first type is the Sakae-Higashi District of Naka Ward, Nagoya City, a big city’s downtown area. A case of the second type is the Oigawa area of Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, where many Filipino Nikkeijin work in the fish-processing industry. They have different backgrounds but shared experiences: a market-mediated migration process using the migration industry and their initial settlement place in Japan turning out to be their long-term “hive.” In the following sections, the trends of Filipino migration to Japan and the nationwide distribution of the Filipino population are explored in Sects. 5.2 and 5.3. Following an overview of the two cities as example cases in Sects. 5.4 and 5.5 gives details on the socioeconomic background of the relevant areas, how Filipinos were led and concentrated there, their employment and residential ownership, ethnic institutions and their functions, and interactions with local people. Section 5.6 concludes this chapter, and based on the above, implications for spatial assimilation theory are presented.

0

Foreign residents (right axis)

Fig. 5.1 Trend of Filipino population in Japan (1984–2018). Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

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5.2 Trends of Filipino Residents in Japan The Filipino community is steadily growing in Japan. Figure 5.1 shows the changes in the Filipino population in Japan from 1984 to 2018. As the graph shows, the small community of only 9,618 people in 1984 continued to expand and eventually reached 271,289 in 2018. The migration of Filipinos to Japan reflects the sociopolitical climate of both countries. Since the late 1970s, the Philippine economy has been stagnant following the dictatorship of the Marcos regime. In 1982, the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) was established under the Ministry of Labor and Employment to find a realistic solution to domestic unemployment and the need to earn foreign currency. In 1986, after the People Power Revolution, citizens became more eager to attempt out-migration, and even young women opted to work as entertainers in Japan. Meanwhile, in Japan, men favored so-called Philippine pubs during the bubble economy in the late 1980s. Japanese policy at that time was to not employ any unskilled migrant workers, but Filipina entertainers were considered “skilled” and thus employed as an exception without any limit imposed on their number. They formed the first wave of Filipinos in Japan, being born around 1970 and now the majority age bracket on the population pyramid of Filipinos (Fig. 5.2). The increases and decreases in the number of Japanese-Filipino marriages reflect those of Filipino entertainers. In 2005, the Japanese government tightened the criteria for entertainer visa applicants from the Philippines in response to a U.S. government report, which criticized this visa category as a vehicle for human trafficking. In the following year, hopeful couples of entertainers and their Japanese customers decided to get married, for fear that the women would not be able to work as entertainers again, and thus the number of Japanese-Filipino marriages hit a record high of more than 12,000. It continued to decrease due to the fewer chances of entry to Japan and thus fewer encounters with Japanese men. By the best estimates from the vital statistics, there were more than 150,000 Japanese-Filipino marriages and 100,000 childbirths between 1994 and 2017 (Fig. 5.3). Some women continued to work at night in downtown areas after marriage to earn money for remittance to family back home, while others left the industry and became full-time housewives. The arrival of day-time foreign laborers started after the Immigration Law was amended in 1990, when the visa category “long-term resident” became available to third-generation Nikkei people, making it easier for Japanese descendants to stay in Japan with much freedom in the selection of work and place of residence. Those from South America became the first comers of this kind, who were able to maintain their status in the authorized Japanese diaspora, Japanese culture, and Nikkei identity. However, the situation was totally different for those from the Philippines. Filipino Nikkei found it difficult to officially prove their being Japanese descendants in the 1990s because they had changed their names and burned their family register papers during the time of post-war anti-Japanese sentiment. By the late1990s, a group of Japanese lawyers and non-profit organizations assisted them to search for their family

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register. It was in the 2000s that more Nikkeijin’s were able to locate their official documents and started return migration to their ancestors’ land. Due to long-time discrimination, unemployment and poverty, they were unable to provide their own travel expenses, and thus Japanese manpower agencies, as a migration industry, offered them loans. The Oigawa area in Yaizu City, which is one of the case study sites of this chapter, is located near a pelagic fishing port and has many fish-processing factories. Workers live in private apartments provided by the manpower agencies. For around three years after their arrival, they are expected to live in the designated apartment and repay their travel expenses, which are deducted from their monthly salary. After that, they often leave the apartment and move to public housing in the same city. Table 5.1 shows the number of Filipino residents by zairyu shikaku (status of residence) as of the end of 2018, according to Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan. Out of a total of 271,289 Filipinos, by residence status, the majority were permanent residents (129,707 persons), then long-term residents (52,008), technical interns (30,321), and spouses and children of Japanese nationals (26,332). Approximately 80% of Filipinos obtained their residential status based on their kinship or marriage with Japanese, just as did the former entertainers who became marriage migrants and Nikkei people. They were given priority to enter and settle in Japan regardless of their educational background or technical skills. 80∼

61

75∼79

94

70∼74

329

65∼69

1190

60∼64

4120

55∼59

12136

50∼54

27001

45∼49

31575

40∼44

25516

female

35∼39

25584

male

30∼34

18568

25∼29

17972

20∼24

10143

15∼19

4928

10∼14

4471

5∼9

4077

0∼4

3861

20,000

10,000

0

10,000

20,000

30,000

40,000

Fig. 5.2 Population pyramid of Filipinos in Japan (as of December 2018). Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

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14000

12000

10000

marriage 8000

divorce childbirth

6000

4000

2000

0 1994

1996

1998

2000

2002

2004

2006

2008

2010

2012

2014

2016

Fig. 5.3 Trends of marriage, divorce, and childbirth between Japanese and Filipinos (1994–2017). Source Vital Statistics of Japan Table 5.1 Filipinos in Japan by status-of-residence (as of December 2018) Status of Residence Status based on personal relationship to Japan

Persons Permanent Resident

129,707

47.8

Long-term Resident

52,008

19.2

Spouse or Child of Japanese National

26,322

9.7

6,155

2.3

48

0.0

30,321

11.2

Designated Activities

8,574

3.2

Engineer/Specialist in Humanities/International Services

7,083

2.6

Dependent

3,386

1.2

Student

3,010

1.1

Intra-company Transferee

1,634

0.6

Spouse or Child of Permanent Resident Special Permanent Resident Status based on authorized activities

%

Technical Intern Training

Instructor

980

0.4

Skilled Labor

661

0.2

Entertainer

650

0.2

Others Total Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

750

0.3

271,289

100.0

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Of the remaining 20%, a limited number of them are white-collar workers: 7,083 have the residential status of “engineer, specialist in humanities and international services,” which is for university graduates and above, and 980 have that of “instructors.” Filipinos have fewer numbers of students, at 3,010, compared to other Asian nationals such as, for instance, the 81,094 Vietnamese students as of 2018. Educated in the English-Filipino bilingual society, Filipino youths in general are more motivated to continue their higher education in English-speaking developed countries such as the U.S., U.K, Canada, and Australia, where their abilities can be adequately evaluated and they can advance professionally. Due to the above cultural factors, the smaller number of Filipinos coming to Japan as students will result in a smaller number of university graduates who become future professionals or entrepreneurs and remain in the country. This also reflects the socioeconomic status of the entire Filipino population in Japan as pointed out by Higuchi (2017).

5.3 Nationwide Distribution of Filipino Residents in Japan Figure 5.4 shows the number of Filipino residents in each municipality in Japan. Regarding the names and locations of regions and prefectures, see Fig. 2.2 in the second chapter. According to Fig. 5.4, although the Filipino population is relatively large in the metropolitan areas of Tokyo and Nagoya, they are generally dispersed throughout the country, including in peripheral and depopulated areas. Figure 5.5 shows the ratio of Filipinos to total foreign residents in each municipality. Comparing Figs. 5.4 and 5.5, they are relatively concentrated in the three major metropolitan areas of Tokyo, Nagoya, and Osaka; however, the municipalities where the ratio is rather high are in the peripheral areas and remote islands (e.g. the northern part of the Tohoku region and the southern part of the Kyushu region). This pattern is unique to marriage migrants, who come to join their husbands’ households wherever they may be. In 1996, Filipino journalist Ibarra Mateo referred to his countrymen in Tokyo as a “collapsible community” in his master’s thesis submitted to Sophia University, Japan (Ibarra 1996). They usually live dispersed but gather every Sunday for Mass at the local Catholic Church to form a temporary “concentration.” However, this is always “collapsible,” like folding chairs for temporary use. After the mass, they chat over light snacks, make friends, exchange information about work and life, and help each other if they are in need. When that’s done, they fold the chairs and go home. Such a temporary gathering provides their “community.” The factor that determines whether an ethnic group can live concentrated or dispersed is whether they have a status of residence that allows them to select their place of residence. Not many Filipinos had such freedom to choose where they could go. Filipinos who arrived in Japan as entertainers worked in downtown red-light entertainment districts throughout the country. Workers came to Japan via the migration industry, so a Filipina was compelled to follow the guidance of promoters and work at the pub whose owner “selected” her at the audition. In addition, the work

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Fig. 5.4 Residential distribution of Filipinos in Japan (2018). Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

location often became the place of residence for later marriage migrants. At that time, marriage with Japanese men was the only way for six-month contract workers to gain long-term settlement status. In most cases, they lived in their husbands’ homes, resulting in almost no residential concentration of Filipinos themselves. The fact that Filipinos are also in depopulated areas indicates that there were so-called Philippine pubs in that location. In addition, there were some marriage migrants who arrived in Japan through a marriage broker or by referral from earlier marriage migrants (oftentimes their sisters or aunts). The nature of being marriage migrants limits the chance of forming enclaves, and thus there is still no “Philippine Town” or government-licensed ethnic schools.

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(- -x-0.5s)

0.00 - 8.02% 8.03 - 21.36%

(x--0.5s - x-+0.5s)

21.37 - 34.71%

(x-+0.5s - x-+1.5s)

34.72 - 48.05%

(x-+1.5s - x-+2.5s)

48.06 - 100.00% (x-+2.5s - ) Under 10 people -): 14.69% Avg(x

SD(s): 11.47%

Fig. 5.5 Filipino ratio to foreign population in each municipality. Source Ishikawa (2019, p. 15)

On the other hand, Nikkeijin, or Japanese descendants, started their return migration from the 2000s, living in small enclaves created by the manpower agencies from the beginning of their arrival in Japan. In manufacturing cities in the Chubu Region, Nikkeijin from South America and the Philippines often work at the same factory (Takahata 2018b). Such workers can quite effortlessly find a job when they register with a manpower agency. Agencies offer jobs to them even if they do not speak much

5 Filipino Enclaves as Products of Migration … Table 5.2 Five prefectures with largest Filipino populations

Prefecture

109 Population

Percentage

First

Aichi

24,429

14.2

Second

Tokyo

21,632

12.5

Third

Kanagawa

13,860

8.0

Fourth

Saitama

12,575

7.3

Fifth

Chiba

11,921

6.9

Japan

172,457

100.0

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

Japanese. They can also choose better agencies through referrals by their kinsmen. As soon as they find a safe and trustworthy agency, as well as a good school for their children nearby, they will stay in a place and tell other kinsmen to come join them. Table 5.2 shows the top five prefectures with the highest numbers of Filipinos. The first place is Aichi Prefecture in the Nagoya metropolitan area, and the second to fifth places are all in the Tokyo metropolitan area (Tokyo, Kanagawa, Saitama, Chiba). Nagoya City, which includes the enclave described in detail later, is the prefectural capital of Aichi Prefecture. This prefecture is a large-scale industrial area where the automotive giant Toyota is headquartered, while downtown Nagoya attracts visitors from within and around the prefecture, both white-collar businessmen and blue-collar workers. Thus Aichi Prefecture can accommodate both migrant entertainers and factory workers: While entertainers work in the downtown red-light districts, Nikkei Filipinos work in automobile-related factories in the suburban manufacturing cities. Aichi is also the top prefecture in terms of Brazilian population, which shows a higher degree of concentration in the prefectures of the Chubu region (Shizuoka, Gifu, Mie) and the Kanto region (Gunma). In the case of Filipinos, Aichi Prefecture’s Filipino population is outstanding, but the second and lower places in the table are all in the Tokyo metropolitan area. This is probably because the metropolis can accommodate migrants of a wider variety of backgrounds, such as students, marriage migrants, and white-collar workers.

5.4 Overview of the Filipino Enclaves The cases of Nagoya City’s Naka Ward and Shizuoka Prefecture’s Yaizu City are presented below to show the contrast between two representative patterns of Filipino migration. There is no significant difference between their population sizes (Table 2.1 in the second chapter), but clear differences can be observed in the sex ratio, the ratio of employed persons among all residents at least 15 years old, and the industrial sectors they work in. Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture, is the center of the Nagoya metropolitan area and hosts the offices of Toyota Motor Corporation. It has a total population of 2,327,557

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(Nagoya City Government, as of October 2019). In Naka Ward, one can find Nagoya Castle, government offices, and the downtown areas that make up the center of Nagoya City. The Sakae-Higashi District is one of these downtown areas, and it is unique for its ethnic diversity, with a nearly 30-year settlement of Filipino women. As shown in Table 5.2, Aichi Prefecture has the highest Filipino population by prefecture. According to the Statistics of Foreigners Registered in Japan (December 2018), Nagoya City, with 16 Wards in total, accommodates 9,365 Filipinos, accounting for 11.1% of the total number of foreigners in the city. Of them, an outstanding number of 1,932, or 20.6%, reside in Naka Ward. The sex ratio is 1:4, and thus the proportion of women is quite high. The ratio of employed persons aged 15 and over is 35.1% (Table 2.1), indicating that there are Filipinos in the Ward who are in various working situations. As will be described later, foreign women there often engage in the service industry. Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, is a provincial city with a total population of 139,876 (Yaizu City Government, as of the end of 2018). The city’s fishing port is number 2 in terms of landing volume of frozen tuna and bonito, and the city has accommodated Brazilian workers at fish-processing factories since the early 1990s. The Filipino concentration in the Oigawa area in the southern part of the city was created by a manpower agency in the 2000s for the convenience of their labor management. Shizuoka has the sixth-largest Filipino population nationwide by prefecture, and Yaizu City is unique in that Filipinos outnumbered Brazilians in 2012. In 2018, out of a total of 4,179 foreigners living in the city, 1,707 (40.8%) were Filipinos. They are the largest group of foreigners in the city, and the sex ratio is 1:2, having a smaller imbalance between men and women than in Naka Ward, Nagoya. Furthermore, 74.9% of those aged 15 or older are employed (Table 2.1), and a large number of Filipinos work in factories such as food processing and electronic component manufacturing. The following sections give detailed descriptions of the above enclaves.

5.5 Description of the Filipino Enclaves 5.5.1 Sakae-Higashi District, Naka Ward, Nagoya City: Downtown Entertainment Quarter The “Sakae-Higashi District” in Naka Ward, Nagoya City, is a popular name for the 4th and 5th blocks of the Sakae area of Naka Ward (Fig. 5.6). This area and ShinSakae, on the east side of the road across Sakae-Higashi, have particularly large populations of Filipinos. The Naka Ward covers an area of 326.4 square kilometers, and the Sakae-Higashi District, located to the southeast of Sakae intersection, is 500 meters east-west and 900 meters north-south. The north half is the 4th block and the south half is the 5th block. On the 4th block there are local government offices, such as Naka Ward office, and Nagoya branch offices of nationally renowned

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Kita Ward

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2

Shinsakae

Chikusa Ward

Showa Ward

Mizuho Ward

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 5.6 Filipino ratio in Naka and surrounding Wards of Nagoya City. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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companies, which face the main street. Directly behind these facilities is a night-time entertainment area where a huge number of foreigners work and live. Among the downtown areas in Nagoya, old and lower-cost leasehold properties are specifically available in the Sakae-Higashi district. For example, the 3rd block of the Nishiki area, which is said to be a “high-level” entertainment area, has a bar rental of approx. USD 60 per square meter per month, whereas in the 4th block of the Sakae area, it costs as low as USD 26 per month (as of January 2020). Due to the lower rent and operational costs in the Sakae-Higashi area, it became a red-light district for modest-income men. Since the late 1980s, many Philippine pubs opened in the 4th block of the Sakae area as a place where blue-collar workers could drink with young hostesses cheaply (e.g. USD 20 to 30 per hour); by the early 2000s there were 80 to 100 Philippine pubs in the area (Abe 2011). When the author interviewed Philippine pub owners in 2000, they shared some thoughts on the concentration of Philippine pubs in the area as follows. In post-war Japan, one aspect of the corporate culture was to continue day-time business talk during the night in a more relaxed atmosphere, such as drinking on a velvet sofa in a luxury club with attractive hostesses. High-level managers and white-collar workers often went to such clubs, while blue-collar workers usually drank at cheap taverns. When the “bubble economy” from the late 1980s raised the income of blue-collar workers (e.g. construction and civil engineering workers), they wanted to drink with hostesses just as white-collar workers do. As a result, a labor shortage of night-time female workers emerged, and this launched the massive employment of young and cheerful Filipino migrant entertainers at the so-called Philippine pubs. The deployment of female workers entering Japan on a semi-annual entertainer visa was market-mediated. After training in dance and singing in their country of origin, these workers joined auditions, were “selected” by Japanese pub owners, and signed an employment contract. Upon arriving at an airport in Japan, they headed for the entertainment establishment in a broker’s vehicle. Their place of employment was determined by the employer, and it was natural that the Filipino population would increase along with the number of Philippine pubs. In the mid-2000s, however, things changed. The Ministry of Justice ordinance was amended to raise the requirements for an entertainer visa in 2005, and the entry of Filipino entertainers dropped the subsequent year. Philippine pub operators were in a panic. Due to the labor shortage in the pubs again, brokers sought other “holes” in the laws and facilitated Filipino women in coming to Nagoya through fake marriages (Nakashima 2017). Other new types of night-time young workers included marriage migrants’ children by Filipino ex-husbands as well as Japan-born children. After 2005, large-scale Philippine pubs employing 20 to 30 hostesses closed down, but small-scale pubs and snacks that stay open after midnight are still operating. Philippine pubs are concentrated in the 4th block of Sakae, and entertainers’ residences can be found in the 5th block of Sakae as well as the Shin-Sakae district. Particularly in Shin-Sakae, there are many apartments that are old and lower-rent (e.g. monthly rent of USD 500 for a 2DK apartment (two rooms and dinning/kitchen) in a 40-year-old building), and many owners welcome foreign tenants. In fact, the downtown area accommodates foreigners in economically and legally vulnerable

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situations. As shown in Fig. 5.3, in 2017 alone, 3,845 Filipinos married Japanese and 2,834 Filipinos divorced Japanese. Being a marriage migrant does not automatically guarantee long-term economic stability. Japanese laws allow divorce by mutual consent, and some women return to the downtown area after divorce. In other words, the nature of their job was also a source of women-specific problems (e.g. unwanted pregnancy, birth of extramarital child, domestic violence from Japanese husbands). In addition, there were Filipino men who came as tourists and then overstayed their visas after having common-law Filipino wives and children. Aside from ethnic business establishments such as groceries and restaurants (Fig. 5.7), Filipinos started various self-help activities in the downtown area in cooperation with churches, Japanese women’s groups, and lawyers. For example, in the 1990s, migrant children of overstaying couples did not have valid residential status and were not able to attend public elementary schools. A Christian missionary discovered this and opened the Ecumenical Learning Center for Children (ELCC) in Aichi Prefecture in 1998, in cooperation with the Filipino community, to accommodate even those children who have no identification documents. It is not accredited by either national government as an educational institution but, in practice, it is the only Filipino school in Japan. Furthermore, in 2000, several Filipino groups merged and opened the Filipino Migrants Center (FMC) in an old building in the Sakae-Higashi area. This was used as a consultation desk for Filipinos, and when necessary, they

Fig. 5.7 Filipino ethnic food shop in Sakae-Higashi District. Source Taken by the author in June 2019

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refer Filipino clients to the welfare and legal counsel of the ward office. Later it grew into a hub of various stakeholders in the district.

Fig. 5.8 Poster of summer festival in Sakae-Higashi District. Source Taken by the author in July 2019

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Ikeda Park, located at the heart of the Sakae-Higashi district, is an essential site for both foreign and Japanese residents. It is an oasis in the red-light district. Using the park, local Japanese neighborhood and business associations organize seasonal attractions such as summer festivals, winter-time illumination events, and disaster drills. Figure 5.8 shows a poster for the Ikeda Park Summer Festival 2019 displayed on the outer wall of a nearby building. Foreigners use the park as a place to let children play, take a walk, or meet with their customers. Since 2003, leaders of the area’s neighborhood associations and other concerned commercial associations have organized, in cooperation with the Naka Ward Office, a new group called the “Sakae-Higashi Committee for Community Development (SHCCD)” with the aim of revitalizing the downtown area for harmoniously coexisting with foreigners (Takahata 2018a). The Filipino Migrants Center started to collaborate with this committee upon its foundation, and thus Filipinos become the first migrant community to have face-to-face communication with local Japanese neighborhood leaders. Filipinos have participated in local public events such as summer festivals, disaster drills, and crime prevention and beautification activities in Ikeda Park. In recognition of its activities, the Filipino Migrants Center and the Sakae-Higashi Committee for Community Development were given awards by the Governor of Aichi Prefecture in 2013 and 2015, respectively. The Sakae-Higashi Committee for Community Development continues to promote the uniqueness of the district as a “place to respect and enjoy multiculturalness.” In the 2010s, the ethnic diversity of the district further widened with the increase in other nationals such as Chinese, Brazilian, and Middle Eastern people. Among them, a Chinese group uses Ikeda Park to hold a monthly food stall event called “China Morning Market.” Moreover, in August 2019, the Japanese building owner’s association started a sightseeing tour called the “Omotenashi Pack” for a small group of foreign tourists (Chunichi Shimbun Newspaper, August 7, 2019). This is a walking tour for sightseeing visitors to show the historical places and offer chances for cultural experiences in Sakae-Higashi, such as Japanese traditional archery. The Filipino Migrants Center is also cooperating in its publicity and sometimes taking care of guests. The ethnic enclave is changing the identity of the district, from low-rent downtown to a unique multicultural town, and now even a tourist destination.

5.5.2 Oigawa Area, Yaizu City, Shizuoka: Enclave for the Convenience of Manpower Agencies Yaizu City of Shizuoka Prefecture, with the nation’s No. 2 unloading quantity of frozen tuna and bonito from the pelagic fishery, is home to many fish-processing factories. In 2009, the former Yaizu City and the former Oigawa Town merged to become the current Yaizu City, which covers an area of 70.3 square kilometers. A

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Filipino enclave can be found in the former Oigawa Town in the southern part of the city (Fig. 5.9).

Yaizu

Fujieda City

Fujieda

Yaizu City

e JR lin

Shimada City

en

ns

a nk

i

Sh

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4

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 5.9 Filipino ratio in Yaizu City. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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Fig. 5.10 Fish-processing factory in Yaizu City. Source Taken by the author in June 2018

Company A has “created” a Filipino enclave in the Oigawa area. They have employed Nikkeijin workers since the 1990s, from South America in the beginning and then the Philippines later. Company A rents five buildings of private apartments in “B” district and lends the rooms to the workers that the company dispatches to various fish-processing factories around Oigawa (Fig. 5.10). There are several manpower agencies in the city, but Company A, whose president makes a monthly visit to the Philippines to recruit Nikkeijin, has the largest number of Filipino workers among them. Company A employs about 500 foreigners, of whom about 400 are Filipinos and others are Latinos and Japanese. Upon their arrival, the workers live in the apartments prepared by Company A for about three years, being driven by the company’s vehicles and working in fish-processing factories for an hourly rate of about USD 10. They pay back travel expenses through deductions from their monthly salary. Company A provides apartments to workers for two purposes: (1) convenience for their shuttlebus service to the workplace and (2) protection of workers from recruiters of other manpower companies. Figure 5.11 shows how Company A protects their workers, with the sign in front of the apartment building saying, “No trespassing or loitering by unauthorized persons is allowed.” The enclave is for the convenience of workers as well: Nikkei workers feel at ease coming with family and relatives, since living in the same apartment building allows their children to play after school among themselves while waiting for their parents to come home from work.

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Fig. 5.11 Company A’s apartment building in Oigawa Area, Yaizu City. Source Taken by the author in January 2017. The sign in front says, “This area is under control of Company A and no trespassing or loitering on this property is allowed”

The enclave is situated in an inconvenient location. The B district is downstream of the Oigawa River, very close to Oigawa Port, and about 4 meters above sea level. It is a 120-minute walk or a 20-minute drive from the nearest JR Fujieda Station, and public bus service is only available once every one or two hours. There is also the risk of natural disasters like flood and tsunami. According to the city’s hazard map, the area will be flooded 1-2 meters in the event of Oi River’s flooding. In fact, an evacuation advisory was issued in October 2019 when a strong typhoon landed and residents, including Filipinos, had to evacuate to elementary school gyms. There are separate Brazilian and Filipino residential concentrations in Yaizu City. Brazilian Nikkei, as first-comer foreigners to the fish-processing industry since the 1990s, have resided in public housing in the city’s central east side. However, in the 2010s, the number of Filipinos suddenly increased in Company A’s apartments in B district, as did the number of migrant children at local elementary schools. Since they speak native Tagalog or Visayan language at home and thus need extracurricular Japanese language training to catch up with their school lessons, a group of Yaizu citizens have conducted learning-support activities every Saturday at a community hall in the B district (Takahata 2018b, 2019). Also, to improve their access to grocery items, a small Filipino food store has opened around a 3-minute walk from their apartments and right in front of the community hall.

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Filipino Nikkei are members of both kinship groups and corporate societies. You must be a member of a Nikkei kinship group in order to obtain a status of residence as a Nikkei, as does your kin in using chain migration to get to Japan. Filipino Nikkei people maintain large families indeed. As the migrants within working age (20– 60s as of 2019), third- and fourth-generation Filipinos often have 3–5 working-age siblings. Therefore, if we consider all those in the third to fifth generations, along with their spouses, a kin group can total 60 to 70 or more people, where typically half of them have come to Japan. Multiple families from the same kin group often work for the same agency. Therefore, Nikkei individuals live well protected by two “shells”: kinship group and manpower agency (Takahata 2018b). Home ownership by Nikkei people in Yaizu is a recent phenomenon. In the late 2010s, more Filipino Nikkei purchased their own homes due to the availability of affordable houses sold by a migrant-friendly real estate company. In Yaizu City, land prices are low in the disaster-prone coastal areas, including the B district. For example, the land price of one B district property was USD 200 per square meter as of the end of 2019. After the Great East Japan Earthquake of 2011, many Japanese people moved from coastal to inland areas for fear of tsunami, and land prices in the Oigawa area fell. In addition, a real estate company in Shizuoka Prefecture employs Filipino salespersons. These real estate employees encourage permanent visa holders to build new single-family houses because they can easily apply for a bank loan. In provincial cities, Japanese people are aging and reluctant to buy new houses. On the contrary, young migrant families are good customers for housing owners. As an example, a 4LDK house costs around USD 150,000, and monthly loan payments start at around USD 500. If you buy a single-family house and live with 10 relatives, you can reduce the housing cost compared to renting 2 units of apartments with a monthly rent of USD 500. In addition, a new homeowner will spread pictures of a stylish house through Facebook and invite a priest to conduct a house-blessing ceremony, and thus his/her relatives and friends are greatly attracted to do the same. By the time he/she obtains permanent residence, usually 5 years after arrival, and considers buying a house, the customer family has established a living base in Yaizu; adults are accustomed to work, and children are often used to attending school. Consequently, they prefer to buy a house and continue living in the same Oigawa area. Volunteer groups of Filipinos have emerged in Yaizu. Some people drive themselves to attend a Roman Catholic church in the city center. Also, a group of protestant Christians have rented an old house in Oigawa for their weekly gatherings. Another kind of self-help group is a labor union. Working at a fish-processing factory requires heavy labor, such as cutting frozen fish with an electric saw, and thus labor accidents are likely to occur. A Filipino labor union was organized in 2016 with the support of the local Japanese trade union, which grew into a group of 50 members as of 2019. However, they are vulnerable in terms of gathering correct information. The majority of Filipino workers cannot read and write Japanese characters, so they are at risk of being cheated by manpower agencies, such as not getting information on the availability of paid holidays. The labor union informs the Filipinos of workers’ rights under Japanese law, gives consultations to union members, and, if necessary,

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assists members in appealing to the Labor Standards Inspection Office. In addition, in 2017, the Yaizu Filipino Community (YFC) was organized for friendship and mutual help, with members holding annual events such as Independence Day celebrations and Christmas parties. Both male and female members enjoy playing basketball at municipal gymnasiums for recreation. It is essential for Nikkei people to choose a reliable agency as the lender of their travel expenses in crossing the national border. In many other ways, their lives in Japan are dependent on the services of the migration industry. Upon their arrival, especially in places with poor public transportation such as the B district, using Company A’s pick-up and drop-off service is the only way of commuting. Company A’s Japanese staff members will call a Filipino child’s school teacher if the child is sick and needs to be absent from school. Furthermore, manpower agencies use the closeness of Nikkei kinship. Kin groups are absolutely the social units providing aid before and after a migrant comes to Japan. Manpower agencies take in Filipino labor and offer employment opportunities, which generate economic benefits for the agency as well. In order to prevent workers from “escaping” into the hands of other companies, an agency often offers advance payment of salaries upon the request of workers, as well as other recreational services such as barbecue parties with entertainment by popular Filipino singers. Will they “assimilate” in Japan in the future? Generally, home ownership is a key indicator of assimilation into a host society. However, in a disaster-prone area with falling land prices, as in this case, it is easier for Nikkei permanent residents to secure a mortgage loan to build a house. In other words, their home ownership is not the product of their uplifted socioeconomic status through “assimilation” but rather their cost-conscious lifestyle. Their cultural assimilation has advanced very gradually. Personal contact with local Japanese people has been limited to such individuals as manpower agency employees, colleagues at their workplace, and teachers at their child’s school. In 1990, entertainers quickly gained Japanese-speaking competence because their job involved personal conversations with Japanese customers, but in the case of Nikkeijin since the 2000s, the situation has been much different. They do not have to be fluent in the native language of their ancestors. In their workplaces they are only expected to “listen to the explanations by Filipino interpreters” and “understand what to do in the factory.” They are often required to stay quiet during working hours. They do speak their own languages (e.g. Tagalog, Visayan) at home with family members, and there is no cultural “contact and conflict” at home, unlike marriage migrants. As an organization, the Yaizu Filipino Community participates in the city’s international exchange events, but they have little contact with local neighborhood associations. Therefore, the progress made in cultural assimilation by Nikkei people has been slower than that of the earlier entertainers and marriage migrants.

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5.6 Conclusion To summarize the findings from the above two example sites, there are specific factors for the emergence of ethnic enclaves. One is the labor shortage in a local industry. The Sakae-Higashi District in Naka Ward, Nagoya, is the downtown area where young female night-time workers, even without providing a resume, are always in demand. A second factor is the availability of cheap accommodations. In Sakae-Higashi, old and dilapidated apartment buildings offer migrant workers low-cost apartments. For a woman who had started her career in Japan as an entertainer, Sakae-Higashi is a “place to return to anytime.” Marriage with a Japanese man is a means of obtaining resident status, but it does not guarantee a long-time stable life. Some married women still work there to earn supplementary income for remittance to their family in the Philippines. Later, as soon as a Filipino woman divorces her Japanese husband and thus needs to be an independent earner, often as a single mother, she would return to Sakae-Higashi, find an apartment without key money, get a Filipino babysitter, call up old customers, and start working at a pub. She will be paid higher at a pub (e.g. USD 15 to 20 per hour) than in a day-time job (USD 10). This is how SakaeHigashi continues to be the “hive” of Filipinos, even after the massive employment of entertainers ended in 2005. The Oigawa area of Yaizu City is an enclave created by manpower agencies for their effective management of foreign workers. For the first few years after their arrival in Japan, these migrants live in apartments prepared by the agency that facilitated their migration. Gradually, children go to local elementary schools to make friends, and adults became accustomed to the workplace. There are some families in Oigawa who own single-family houses and settle in the same area because of the low land prices. One can continue to work as long as he/she stays in Oigawa, since the demand for food is stable and less affected by the economic climate. On the other hand, their hourly wage will not significantly change: working overtime is the only realistic solution to gaining additional income. This study has two implications for existing studies and theories. The first is the applicability of spatial assimilation theory. In this theory, migrants’ home ownership in a suburb is an indicator of assimilation. This is relevant in a situation where the economy keeps growing and house prices are rising, but this is not necessarily the case when real estate prices are slowly falling, as in Japan today. The second implication is the emergence of enclaves in non-urban locations as an unexpected product of the migration industry. Some nations have adopted policies of guiding migrants to depopulated areas within the territory. For example, Canada’s Provincial Nomination System provides a special visa category to those who wish to immigrate to depopulated states. In the case of Yaizu City in this study, the market-mediated migration and employment process has led to an increase in foreign residents and even real estate ownership in the relevant areas. Tasks for future study include investigation into economic fluctuations and migrants’ settlements in Japan. The author has conducted studies on Filipinos living in Japan since the early 1990s, but at that time it was beyond one’s imagination that

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Filipinos would buy, on their own, single-family houses with a mortgage loan. So much of their livelihood’s foundation was vulnerable at that time, and, conversely, Japan was still in good economic shape. In the 2020s, Japan’s population is quickly declining, with its economic growth slowing down. Migrants who are young, enthusiastic, and willing to have families and children are prospective customers for all industries, especially automobile and real estate businesses. Another task for future study is looking into the history of Sakae-Higashi as a multiethnic town, while also looking into the life of aging Filipino women. Some of them still work as entertainers, and others have become domestic helpers and/or babysitters in Filipino households. Another issue is how the downtown Filipino dwellers have become active members of the community, contributing to the local downtown culture. An ethnic enclave will initially be established for meeting the migrant group’s own practical needs, but in the case of Sakae-Higashi, enclave members engage with the local people and other migrant communities to have a positive influence on the entire local society. Finally, our mission is to establish a theory of residential distribution and formation of enclaves in Japan, while analyzing the medium- to long-term changes in the migrant community in addition to the host country’s laws and labor policies. Since the arrival of first-wave Filipino women in the late 1980s, Filipino settlers have had difficulty forming enclaves due to the large number of migrants married to Japanese nationals. As a result, there has been little research on residential concentration and enclaves compared to research on the Filipinos’ social networks. Accordingly, this study can be considered an exploratory one in this field.

References Abe R (2011) Esunishitei no chirigaku: imin esunikku kukan wo tou (Geography of ethnicity: exploring the ethnic space of immigrants). Kokon Shoin, Tokyo (in Japanese) Ballescas MRP (1992) Filipino entertainers in Japan: an introduction. Foundation for Nationalist Studies, Manila Celero JO (2016) Japanese-Filipinos’ transnational pathways to social mobility: education, occupation and life aspirations. Ph.D. Dissertation submitted to Waseda University, Japan Espiritu YL (2003) Home bound: Filipino American lives across cultures, communities and countries. University of California Press, Berkeley Faier L (2009) Intimate encounters: Filipina migrants remake rural Japan. University of California Press, Berkeley Gammeltoft-Hansen T, Sorensen NN (eds) (2013) The migration industry and the commercialization of international migration. Routledge, London. http://doi.org/10.4324/9780203082737 de Haas H, Castles S, Miller MJ (2019) The age of migration, sixth edition: international population movements in the modern world. Guilford Press, London Higuchi N (2017) Gendered modes of incorporation: analyzing bifurcation of migrants in Japan. Ajia Taiheiyo Rebyu (Asia Pac Rev) 14:2–18. https://repo.lib.tokushima-u.ac.jp/ja/113261. Accessed 26 August 2020 (in Japanese) Ibarra M (1996) Collapsible community: a Catholic church and its multiple roles in the lives of ethnic Filipino Catholic migrants in central Tokyo. M.A. Thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Comparative Culture, Sophia University, Japan

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Ishikawa Y (ed) (2019) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan, revised edn. Nakanishiya Shuppanm, Kyoto (in Japanese) Nakashima K (2017) Filipin-pabu Jo no Shakaigaku (Sociology of Philippine pub workers). Shinchosha Publishing Co., Tokyo (in Japanese) Ohno S (2015) Transforming Nikkeijin identity and citizenship: untold life histories of Japanese migrants and their descendants in the Philippines, 1903-2013. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City Parreñas RS (2010) Illicit flirtations: labor, migration, and sex trafficking in Tokyo. Stanford University Press, Stanford Portes A, Rumbaut RG (2001) Legacies: the story of the immigrant second generation. University of California Press, Oakland Posadas BM (1999) The Filipino Americans. Greenwood Press, London Sharpe MO (2014) Postcolonial citizens and ethnic migration: the Netherlands and Japan in the age of globalization. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke Suzuki N (2017) Postcolonial desires, partial citizenship, and transnational ‘un-mothers’: contexts and lives of Filipina marriage migrants in Japan. In: Fresnoza-Flot A, Ricordeau G (eds) International marriages and marital citizenship: Southeast Asian Women on the move. Routledge, London Takahata S (2015) From the Philippines to Japan: marriage migrants and the new Nikkei Filipinos. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Takahata S (2018a) Migrant women in a big city entertainment area: what have Filipino women changed in Sakae-Higashi area, Naka Ward, Nagoya City, 2002–2016? In: Zulueta JO (ed) Thinking beyond the state: migration, integration, citizenship in Japan and the Philippines. De La Salle University Press, Manila Takahata S (2018b) The replacement phenomenon of the ethnic composition of migrant workers in the Tokai Region, Japan: a case study of fish processing workers in Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. Nihon Toshi Shakaigaku Nenpo (Ann Jpn Assoc Urban Sociol) 36:147–163. https:// doi.org/10.5637/jpasurban.2018.147 (in Japanese) Takahata S (2019) Filipino Nikkei workers in the fish processing industry in Yaizu City, Shizuoka, Japan: focus on the process of migration and employment. Imin Seisaku Kenkyu (Migr Policy Rev) 11:47–59 (in Japanese) Takahata S, Hara M (2015) Japan as a land of settlement or a stepping stone for 1.5-generation Filipinos. In: Nagasaka I, Fresnoza-Flot A (eds), Mobile childhoods in Filipino transnational families. Palgrave, London Vilog RB (2014) Remembering the great ancestors: images of Japanese emigrants from the perspective of third- and fourth-generation Philippine Nikkeijin. Asian Stud 50(2):39–73 Yamanaka K, Akiba T (2014) Achieving local citizenship in Japan: Filipina wives in organised activism. In: Chan YW, Haines D, Lee J (eds) The age of Asian migration: continuity, diversity, and susceptibility. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Cambridge Yu-Jose L (2002) Filipinos in Japan and Okinawa, 1880s–1972. Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo

Sachi Takahata is a professor in the School of International Relations, University of Shizuoka. She completed her Ph.D. in sociology at Osaka City University in 2006. Fluent in both English and Tagalog, she has conducted fieldwork on Filipino migrants in Japan since the 1990s. She has also investigated immigration and settlement of other communities, including ethnic Koreans and Nikkei Brazilians, using qualitative analysis. Her recent work has focused on Filipino care workers, the ageing of Filipino marriage migrants, and chain migration of Nikkei Filipino clans in Japan. In 2011, she won the “Society and Research Award” from the Japanese Association for Social Research for her paper titled “Survey on Filipino Caregivers in Japan” (JASR Journal, 2010, No. 4, pp. 26-33).

Chapter 6

Brazilian Residents as Persistent Repeaters and Their Enclaves Hiromi Kataoka

Abstract In this chapter, we analyze the forms of Brazilians’ ethnic enclaves and the changes that have occurred there. The nationwide distribution of Brazilians in Japan, whose numbers increased after the 1990 amendment of the Immigration Control Law, can be explained with the two keywords “industrial city” and “high mobility.” Furthermore, due to their tendency to behave as “persistent repeaters,” even though they reside in Japan for long periods of time, they continually hope to return home and thus have difficulty forming a settled identity. Naturally, the most important elements when discussing spatial assimilation theory are the immigrants’ socioeconomic status as well as the discrimination they face. However, as this chapter clarifies, Brazilians in Japan possess many characteristics stemming from their specific migration forms. Keywords Brazilian residents · ‘Nikkei-jin’ · Persistent repeaters · Migration system arranged by brokers · Ethnic enclave

6.1 Introduction As of the end of 2018, 201,865 Brazilians resided in Japan, accounting for 7.4% of all foreign residents. However, it must be noted that most of these Brazilian residents are of Japanese descent (nikkei-jin). Consequently, migration to Japan from Brazil is a type of return migration arising from the historical context described below. Since 1895, when the Japan-Brazil Friendship, Commerce and Navigation Treaty was concluded, to the present day, there have been numerous ongoing links between Brazil and Japan, mediated by human migration. From 1908, when the immigrant ship Kasato Maru sailed from Japan carrying Japanese agricultural labor immigrants, to 1979, approximately 250,000 Japanese immigrated to Brazil. Many of these immigrants arrived as contract agricultural laborers (colono), and in Brazil they worked primarily on coffee plantations (Namura 2013). During this period, immigration from Japan to Brazil was determined by many historical events, including World War II and H. Kataoka (B) Faculty of Economic, Kindai University, Higashiosaka, Osaka, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_6

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the “Two percent limit clause” (immigration limits in Brazil). In 1990, Japan’s Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act (hereafter, the Immigration Control Act) was amended. After this legislative change, Brazilian descendants of Japanese immigrants and their families began coming to Japan as dekassegui, which is a Portuguese word for people of Brazilian ancestry working in Japan, borrowed from the Japanese word dekasegi (migrant laborer). In Japan, the amendment of the Immigrant Control Act in 1990 upheld and expanded residence status. Second-generation and even third-generation Japanese descendants from overseas (and their families) were granted the status of residence teiju-sha (long-term resident) or nihon-jin no haigusha tou (spouse or child of Japanese national), under which they were able to live in Japan with no restrictions on their activities. In Japan, foreign nationals are prohibited from engaging in manual labor, but having the status of residence of a long-term resident or a spouse or child of a Japanese national enables its holder to live as Japanese do, working in an unrestricted range of industries and occupations (including manual labor) and attending school. Consequently, after the 1990 amendment to the Immigration Control Act, the number of migrants of Japanese descent (up to the third generation) and their family members grew rapidly. According to a study by Nakamura et al. (2009), which used data from the Population Census, the labor participation rate for Brazilians aged 18 to 60 years in Japan was 92.3% in 1995 and 86.3% in 2000. These numbers stand in stark contrast to those of other ethnic groups in Japan and underscore the fact that Brazilians’ primary purpose for coming to Japan is work. In addition to the legal amendments of 1990, another contributor to the increase in the number of Brazilians in Japan was the shortage in the labor market for occupations and industries considered “Three Ds” (demanding, dirty and dangerous). At the same time, there were major push factors in Brazil. During the first stage of economic development in the 1960s until the beginning of the 1970s, Japanese corporations expanded to Brazil. This expansion forged close economic and cultural ties between Brazil and Japan, which was a significant factor in expediting international labor migration between the two countries. Later, Brazil’s economy suffered due to the oil crisis, and the country experienced record inflation. This situation continued to decline as the economic recession worsened due to various policy failures, and the number of Brazilians migrating to work abroad increased. This socioeconomic situation was an important factor in the increased number of Brazilians coming to Japan after 1990. Despite the fact that many Brazilians living in Japan had the status of residence of a long-term resident or a spouse or child of a Japanese national, and thus were able to live and work in the same ways as native Japanese, their work and lifestyles were not particularly stable. Most were employed as production line workers in manufacturing industries, hired for the unstable working conditions of indirect labor. The migration system arranged by brokers who brought migrants from Brazil to Japan (nurturing the development of an “immigration industry”) was also a factor. Moreover, these migration characteristics greatly influenced the enclaves of Brazilians within Japan.

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This chapter sheds light on the characteristics of Brazilian enclaves in Japan and the issues these communities face, as well as the various environmental circumstances surrounding these enclaves. The population under study here consists of the Brazilians who rapidly increased in number in Japan after 1990 (many of whom are of Japanese descent), as well as their families. Four keywords (industrial cities, high mobility, invisible residents, persistent repeaters) are extensively employed in this chapter to describe these characteristics. In Sect. 6.2, Trends of Brazilian Residents in Japan are summarized, and in Sect. 6.3, Nationwide Distribution of Brazilian Residents in Japan is investigated. These issues are explained using “industrial cities” and “high mobility,” which are among the four keywords showing the characteristics of Brazilians’ residence in Japan. Section 6.4, Overview of the Brazilian Enclaves, takes up the case of Hamamatsu City in Shizuoka Prefecture, which has the largest population of Brazilians at the municipality level, and analyzes the current state of Brazilian residence and how it has changed. Following this, in Sect. 6.5 Description of Brazilian Enclaves, the keywords “invisible residents” and “persistent repeaters” are employed to examine the spatial form, development, and social environments of Brazilian enclaves in Hamamatsu City. Finally, in Sect. 6.6, Conclusion, the frameworks and rationale of various existing studies on explanatory approaches, including heterolocalism, are applied to Brazilians in Japan and tested, and issues for future study are considered.

6.2 Trends of Brazilian Residents in Japan Japanese and persons of Japanese descent from South America, including Brazil, began working in Japan around the time of construction for the Tokyo Olympics in 1964. Later, starting in the late 1980s, the number of persons of Japanese descent from South America working in Japan increased, but at that time foreign nationals, including persons of Japanese descent, were prohibited from engaging in manual labor, so they primarily worked under the status of residence called shinzoku homon (visiting relatives). However, they were few in number and did not attract attention as “foreign laborers.” The Immigration Control Act was amended in 1990, and the number of Brazilians, specifically, migrants of Japanese descent of second and third generations and their families, grew rapidly. As can be seen from the changes in the Brazilian population in Japan (Fig. 6.1), their population increased continuously from 1990 to 2007 in response to the previous years of global financial crisis. Concerning Brazilians’ forms of stay in Japan, in the early days after the amendment of the Immigration Control Act, most immigrants were single male migrant workers. However, their incomes decreased in tandem with the worsening Japanese economic situation of the 1990s, and they extended their stays, apparently because they could not save as much money as they had expected. As their stays lengthened, more of them sent for their families in Brazil, and family stays began to increase. Furthermore, there was a significant

350

3,000

300

2,500

250

2,000

200

in thousands

H. Kataoka in thousands

128

1,500 150 1,000

100

500

50

0

0 2018

2016

2014

2012

2010

2008

2006

2004

2002

2000

1998

1996

1994

1992

1990

1988

1986

1984

Brazilian residents (left axis)

Foreign residents (right axis)

Fig. 6.1 Population of Brazilians in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

Fig. 6.2 Population of Brazilians in Japan by gender and age as of the end of 2007 and 2018. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

increase in the number of second-generation immigrants who were born in Japan (see also Table 2.3 in Chapter 2). Figure 6.2 shows the population of Brazilians living in Japan by gender and age as of the end of 2007. Large numbers of both males and females were aged between 20 and 50 years, reflecting the fact that they came to Japan to work. Furthermore, 21.5% were aged between 0 and 19 years, reflecting the large number of residents who were family members. As the number of migrant workers bound for Japan increased, in Brazil itself there was an increasing hollowing-out of Japan-related companies, as evidenced by staff shortages at Japanese schools and banks. Kajita et al. (2005) categorized Brazilians’ migration process into Periods 1 through 6, with the principal indicators being population and its rate of increase, the export of Brazilians’ labor capabilities and the attitudes with which they were accepted, Japan’s economic situation, and government and municipal policies.

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According to their study, Period 1 (1980–1984) consisted mainly of first-generation Japanese immigrants to Brazil, the so-called “hidden returnees.” Period 2 (1985– 1988) signaled the advance of a migrant labor brokerage system, and during Period 3 (1989–1992) there was an increase in population due to the 1990 amendment of the Immigration Control Act. Later, during Period 4 (1993–1996), Brazilians’ labor capability penetrated Japan, and a geographic expansion of the labor market became apparent. The subsequent Period 5 (1997–1999) saw an increase in the number of third-generation Brazilians of Japanese descent and their children. During Period 6 (2000–2005), in municipalities where concentrations of Brazilians were living, there was rapid politicization addressing issues related to foreigners. In contrast to the above developments, the financial crisis triggered by the 2008 failure of Lehman Brothers was followed by significant changes in the circumstances of Brazilians living in Japan. Along with the drastic decline in employment opportunities, the number of unemployed Brazilians increased, as did the number who returned home. According to a Shizuoka Prefecture survey, the unemployment rate for Brazilians living there was 4.3% in 2007 but rapidly increased to 26.5% by August 2009. From April 2009 until March 2010, Japan implemented a “Repatriation Assistance Program” that paid the travel expenses of unemployed South Americans to return to their home countries. The core demographic of the 20,053 people who took advantage of this program were those with poor Japanese-language ability. Furthermore, various assistance programs were implemented to support Brazilians living in Japan, e.g., job-readiness training for persons of Japanese descent and emergency employment measures. Descriptions of several of these programs can be seen in Takenoshita (2012). Meanwhile, the number of Brazilians living in Japan, which had exceeded 300,000 in 2006, fell to 175,410 by the end of 2014. The characteristics of international migration forms of Brazilians in Japan had a significant impact on this situation. Migration of Brazilians to Japan after the amendment of the Immigration Control Act was characterized by a large number of people migrating within a migration system arranged by brokers, which involved an immigration industry consisting of labor procurement brokers, travel agencies, service contractors, and temporarily staffed businesses. This procurement system not only acts to bring together Brazilians who wish to work in Japan with Japanese employers but also provides advances on Brazilians’ travel expenses, arranges for airline tickets, and even obtains visas for workers. Up to the mid-1990s, many Japanese corporations hired Brazilians directly. However, as the economy entered a recession in the second half of the 1990s, the labor market for Brazilians gradually shifted to a “flexible” and “adjustable” labor force, hired indirectly. At present, the majority of Brazilians work as indirect labor. Almost 30 years have passed since the amendment of the Immigration Control Act. However, even though their “Long-term Resident” or “Spouse or Child of Japanese National” status enables them to freely engage in all occupations, most Brazilians residing in Japan are in a demographic group trapped at the bottom of the labor market. Starting in 2008, as the economic situation in Japan worsened, the indirect labor sector, which had become the “production-adjustment valve” of the manufacturing industry, shrank significantly, and the number of unemployed Brazilians residing in

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Japan increased. An increase in the number of returnees after 2008 reflects Brazilians’ unstable work status, even though they were at the top in terms of labor participation. Many were production line workers in manufacturing industries, working as indirect labor, and were positioned at the lowest class of the economic and social ladder; accordingly, they were directly affected by the economic downturn. Furthermore, many workers had come to Japan through the services of brokers and labor procurers. In many cases, work and housing were provided as a package, so as soon as they lost their jobs, they also lost their homes. However, Fig. 6.2, depicting the changes in the number and ages of registered Brazilians from 2007 to 2018, clearly indicates significant decreases in the number of younger people between the ages of 20 and 44 and children between 0 and 9, as well as, we can presume, their families. Meanwhile, the rate of decrease was lower for the 45 and older age group. Conversely, there was an increase in the 55 and older age group, and even though the scale of this population is small, it indicates the progressive aging of Brazilians in Japan.

6.3 Nationwide Distribution of Brazilian Residents in Japan Figure 6.3 shows the nationwide distribution of Brazilians in Japan. Concentrations in the Tokai region, northern Kanto, and Shimane Prefecture are pronounced. As Table 6.1 shows, four of the top five prefectures where Brazilians reside are in the Tokai region. Even among these, an obviously uneven distribution exists among the regions where Brazilians reside. According to the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan of December 2018, Aichi Prefecture had the most Brazilians, many of whom resided in Toyohashi City (8,199 persons), Toyoda City (6,764), and Nagoya City (4,624). In Shizuoka Prefecture, with the second-largest number of Brazilians, the greatest populations were in Hamamatsu City (9,890), Iwata City (4,740), and Fukuroi City (2,545). In thirdranked Gunma Prefecture, the largest populations were in Oizumi Town (4,543), Isezaki City (3,536), and Ota City (3,179). In fourth-ranked Gifu Prefecture, the largest populations were in Kani City (3,022), Ogaki City (2,413), and Minokamo City (2,287). In fifth-ranked Mie Prefecture, the largest populations were in Suzuka City (3,184), Iga City (2,455), and Yokkaichi City (2,375). Almost all municipalities with many Brazilians were industrial cities with several manufacturing facilities, including industries related to transportation equipment. Even though there had been an overall increase in Brazilian residents, it was limited to cities where manufacturing flourished. Therefore, “industrial city” is an important keyword describing the characteristics of Brazilian residence. The population bias of the Brazilian population in Japan, represented by the keyword “industrial city,” reflects their purpose for coming to Japan after the amendment of the Immigration Control Act (namely, for employment opportunities), as well as their status of migration. Nakamura et al. (2009) found that over 80% of Brazilians working in Japan work in manufacturing industries, and of that, over 90%

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(- x-+0.5s)

0.00 - 9.95% 9.96 - 19.97%

(x-+0.5s - x-+1.5s)

19.98 - 30.00%

(x-+1.5s - x-+2.5s)

30.01 - 100.00% (x-+2.5s -) Under 10 people -): 4.93% Avg(x

SD(s): 10.02%

Fig. 6.3 Nationwide distribution of Brazilians in Japan. Source Ishikawa (2019a, p. 15)

work on assembly lines. Moreover, they are heavily concentrated in the manufacturing of transportation devices and food processing. This can be seen in the high labor participation rate of Brazilians in Hamamatsu City (Table 2.1) and the high labor participation rate in manufacturing industries (Table 2.4). However, another key phrase that describes Brazilians’ residence in Japan is “high mobility.” According to Nakamura et al. (2009), which employed data from the Population Census, the residential retention rate for Brazilians in Japan is low compared

132 Table 6.1 Five prefectures with largest Brazilian populations

H. Kataoka Prefecture

Population (persons)

Percentage (%)

First

Aichi

35,333

28.0

Second

Shizuoka

18,725

14.9

Third

Gunma

9,172

7.3

Fourth

Gifu

7,527

6.0

Fifth

Mie

7,350

5.8

126,091

100.0

Japan

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

to that for the other ethnic groups of Korean, Chinese, Philippine, and Thai residents. The figures for Hamamatsu City (Table 2.2) bear this out. The high mobility of Brazilian migration within Japan can also be seen in the surveys conducted by Asakawa (2007) in Ota City, Gunma Prefecture, and by Nagamitsu (2007) in Nagahama City, Shiga Prefecture. This rate is affected by frequent job changes as Brazilians search for better employment opportunities and conditions, since such a large number of workers were hired indirectly. Next, regarding Brazilians’ changes of residence on a national level, in the early days after the amendment of the Immigration Control Act in 1990, there were many employment opportunities in manufacturing industries, including transportation machinery, so places of residence were concentrated in the northern Kanto region and the Tokai region, including the Nagoya metropolitan area. Later, the number of available occupations increased beyond transportation machinery to include food processing, and residences were scattered to the Hokuriku and Tohoku regions and elsewhere. Ito and Takahata (2008) identified 2002 as a watershed year for the beginning of regional disparity, where the numbers of Brazilians grew in some regions but remained stagnant or declined in others. Many younger people lived in the regions showing an increase. Second-generation Brazilians, with longer residence in Japan, remained in the stagnant and declining regions. Table 6.2 shows the changes in the number of Brazilians by prefecture between December 2006 and December 2017, derived from the Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan. It shows that only four prefectures (Shimane, Fukui, Okinawa, and Nagasaki) experienced increases in their Brazilian populations after the economic downturn sparked by the global financial crisis. Figure 6.3 shows the importance of the Brazilian population in Shimane Prefecture. This increase was achieved because companies in Izumo City, Shimane Prefecture, rapidly increased their hiring of Brazilians to meet the demand for cell phone parts. At the same time, temporary employment businesses in Aichi Prefecture persuaded many unemployed Brazilian workers to relocate there from the Tokai region after the worldwide economic downturn. Consequently, the migration system arranged by brokers, which characterizes Brazilians coming to Japan, appeared in later in-country migrations as well. However, a big change can be observed in Brazilians’ Japanese residence status between the population growth period before the global economic downturn and

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Table 6.2 Changes in Brazilian population by prefecture, 2006–2017 Prefecture Hokkaido

Population in Increase Rate Prefecture 2017 (persons) 2006–2017 (%)

Population in Increase Rate 2017 (persons) 2006–2017 (%)

153

73.6

Shiga

8,436

60.4

Aomori

23

56.1

Kyoto

374

62.5

Iwate

34

5.9

Osaka

2,531

54.2

251

46.0

Hyogo

2,483

68.7

4

18.2

Nara

359

41.6

72

21.8

Wakayama

107

81.7

Miyagi Akita Yamagata Fukushima

224

37.5

Tottori

Ibaragi

5,859

53.6

Shimane

25

52.1

3,145

290.9

Tochigi

4,324

51.3

Okayama

920

43.7

Gunma

12,458

72.8

Saitama

7,300

53.2

Hiroshima

2,281

49.2

Yamaguchi

119

Chiba

3,494

53.7

41.2

Tokushima

36

50.7

Tokyo

3,454

75.0

Kagawa

187

51.7

Kanagawa

8,724

62.6

Ehime

211

89.0

Niigata

311

25.9

Kochi

19

86.4

Toyama

2,582

55.4

Fukuoka

298

90.6

Ishikawa

1,249

73.6

Saga

23

100.0

Fukui

3,546

115.5

Nagasaki

48

126.3

Yamanashi

2,711

51.2

Kumamoto

55

84.6

Nagano

5,208

31.2

Oita

47

47.5

Gifu

10,703

52.3

Miyazaki

30

81.1

Shizuoka

27,993

54.6

Kagoshima

71

97.3

Aichi

54,566

71.5

Okinawa

333

146.7

Mie

13,887

65.5

Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

the population decline afterwards. Figure 6.4 shows the changes in the statuses of residence from 2006 to 2017 by prefecture from a survey of foreign nationals living in Japan. In 2006, in almost all regions (except Kyushu, Tohoku, and Hokkaido, for which there are little data), 50% to just under 60% were “long-term residents,” but by 2017 in almost all prefectures 50% to 60% were “permanent residents.” However, in many cases, the reason for the increase in “permanent residents” was because obtaining a permanent resident visa avoided the cumbersome procedures involved in renewing a long-term resident visa, or gave better access to credit when purchasing housing or other major items. Therefore, it cannot be assumed that seeking a permanent resident visa necessarily implies a desire to reside in Japan permanently. Higuchi (2010) reported that between the end of 2007 and November 2009 the number of Brazilian permanent residents dropped by as much as 20%; although they were

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Fig. 6.4 Changes in status of residence by prefecture, 2006–2017. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

called permanent residents, they had not truly established a life in Japan. He attributed this to an unstable living infrastructure, even for those who had lived in Japan long enough to obtain permanent resident status.

6.4 Overview of the Brazilian Enclaves As shown above, Hamamatsu City has the largest Brazilian population among all municipalities in Japan. Hamamatsu and the surrounding municipalities are home to many major transport equipment manufacturers and their subcontractors. This has led to an abundance of manufacturing-related employment opportunities, a major factor in the increase of foreign workers. As Fig. 6.5 shows, the number of Brazilians in the city increased after the amendment of the Immigration Control Law in 1990, and by the end of March 2007, it had risen to 19,267, which was 2.3% of the total population. Despite an increasing trend in the number of other nationals such as those from the Philippines, Hamamatsu is known specifically as a home for Brazilians.

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Fig. 6.5 Number of foreign residents by nationality in Hamamatsu City. Notes (1) Up to 2014, including North Korea. (2) Scale of “Total” shown on right axis and scale of Brazil through Vietnam on left axis. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

Along with the many employment opportunities (illustrated in Tables 2.1 and 2.4 in the second chapter), other factors influenced the influx of Brazilians into Hamamatsu, such as its mild climate and the available educational and governmental services. Additional factors include ethnic businesses in an established ethnic enclave, an environment where it is easy to live, and the availability of extensive information for daily life (Kataoka 2004). Along with Hamamatsu City, Oizumi Town, Gunma Prefecture, is another representative Brazilian enclave in Japan. Oizumi Town has less than half the number of Brazilians (at 4,324) as Hamamatsu, but their ratio of the town’s total population reached 10.3%, the highest ratio among all municipalities in Japan as of December 2018. According to Fig. 6.6, Brazilian residents are concentrated from the northwest part of Naka Ward to the southwest part, the southeast part of Nishi Ward, the central part of Higashi Ward, and the central part of Minami Ward toward the east and the adjacent Iwata City on the other side of the Tenryu River. These areas overlap with manufacturing districts, and, moreover, there are many public housing facilities within the whole area of Fig. 6.6. However, as Table 2.5 shows, compared to other ethnic groups, the homes and workplaces of Brazilian residents are dispersed farther apart. This is because a certain number of foreign employed persons in Hamamatsu commute to workplaces located in Kosai and Iwata in Shizuoka Prefecture as well as Toyohashi in Aichi Prefecture. Korekawa (2009), who used data by neighborhood (cho-cho), which is the smallest unit area in a city, investigated foreign nationals’ residential segregation in the 94 cities with the highest ratio of foreign population. Consequently, he reported that

H. Kataoka

Higashi Ward

Tenr yu R iver

136

Nishi Ward Naka Ward

Hamamatsu

Iwata City

Minami Ward

0

1

2

Proportion Less than 1.0% 1.0 - 3.0% 3.0 - 5.0% 5.0 - 10.0% 10.0 - 20.0% Greater than 20.0% No data

4

km Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 6.6 Ratio of Brazilian population in Hamamatsu City. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

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increases in the numbers of Brazilians had a positive effect on strengthened segregation. However, as Fig. 6.6 shows, compared to other ethnic groups such as Koreans and Chinese, remarkable Brazilian enclaves have not been confirmed. Why not? Since the residential distribution of Brazilians in Japan is closely related to changes in their residential places as well as type of employment, this situation can be better understood by referring to a periodic report by the Hamamatsu City Government (1992, 1996, 2000, and 2010). The methodology employed in these surveys is somewhat different each year, but general trends can be captured. As mentioned above, many Brazilians in Japan participated in a global migration pattern involving mediation by the immigration industry. Therefore, in the 1992 survey, approximately 90% were found to have lived in a “company-owned house, company-rented house” and in the 1996 survey, 80% were found to have resided in these types of housing. These housing forms subsequently declined, and residence in private apartments with one’s own leasing contract, particularly in public housing, increased (Fig. 6.7). Two major factors account for this. First, the change in family structure: From the results of the Hamamatsu City surveys, in 1996 “single” people made up 22.5% of residents, but by 2000 this had dramatically decreased to 5.3%. Regarding household type, while in 1996 “husband and wife only” made up 21.5%, by 2000 it had fallen to 9.4%. Meanwhile, “married couple with children” rose rapidly, from 18.1% in 1996 to 66.3% in 2000. Therefore, the common rental worker dormitories were not large enough for families, and use of alternate rental housing increased. Second, along with household size, many people began to look for their own rental housing and their own leases, as opposed to using dormitories set up by temporary employment agencies, an arrangement in which work and housing were essentially provided as a package. In the older arrangement, these immigrants thus knew if employment was lost, housing would be lost as well. Therefore, if they lived in rental housing they found on their own, rather than an apartment set up by a contractor, it would be easier to transfer to a workplace with better conditions. Finding one’s own housing meant securing a living infrastructure that did not depend on an employer, and thus the number of residents who took this option increased. However, there were

Fig. 6.7 Types of housing used by Brazilians in Hamamatsu City. Source Hamamatsu City Government (1996, 2000, 2010)

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many cases where landlords refused to show or lease apartments because they were foreigners. Moreover, in some cases they were not able to find guarantors. Therefore, the number of residents in public housing, including housing run by the city or by the prefecture, increased. The context behind this situation was the announcement issued by the Ministry of Construction in 1992 making it a rule that nationality and length of residence not be factors for entry to public housing, and requiring that conditions for guarantors become relatively less stringent. According to Ikegami (2001, 2002), the Hamamatsu City surveys indicated that initially the rental process involved stipulating the work contractor as guarantor, but later a foreigner with the same nationality (or more specifically, a friend) could be the guarantor in most cases. Additionally, starting in 1995, residence in prefectural and city housing grew rapidly, and in 2000, of the 5,443 Brazilian households in the city, 243 households lived in prefectural housing and 184 households lived in city housing, for a total of 427 households (7.8%). Furthermore, when choosing public housing, consideration was given to the ease of commute for family members, the work commute system set up by their affiliated work contractor, apartment layout and rent, and the presence of friends, family, or acquaintances in the same building or nearby. Figure 6.6 shows that in the area of concentrated Brazilian population, there were a total number of 100 homes in the northwest part of Naka Ward, 560 homes in the central part of Higashi Ward, 600 homes in the southeast part of Minami Ward, and a huge public housing complex in the southern part of Minami Ward (with 900 apartments) (see Fig. 6.8).

Fig. 6.8 Public housing complex in the southeast part of Minami Ward and a signboard for parking in Portuguese. Source Taken by the author in 2019

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Entry of foreign nationals into these public housing complexes or equivalent housing apartments (Urban Renaissance, UR hereafter) is a phenomenon found throughout Japan, not just in Hamamatsu. Inaba et al. (2008) commented that of the approximately 2.19 million public housing units in Japan, 40,085 units are leased to foreigners. This number has increased 5.1 times since 1995. In addition, since the beginning of the 2000s, information about public housing and UR rental housing has spread rapidly among foreigners. Once a foreigner moves in, the news is spread by word of mouth to compatriots, and the number of applicants suddenly increases. Meanwhile, Japanese have begun to avoid these places, so there is a tendency for compatriots to concentrate in specific complexes. A comfortable environment develops where one can speak one’s own native language, and population concentration accelerates even faster. Moreover, in January 2009, with the “Measures for Support of Foreign Long-term Residents,” the government began to provide educational, employment, housing, information, and repatriation assistance. As part of this assistance, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport accepted foreigners into public housing, including public subsidized housing, which worked to increase their concentration in public housing even further. Many of the large-scale housing complexes where Brazilians reside are in the suburbs. Venkatesh (2000) commented that migration to the suburbs by African Americans and Hispanics in the United States is not to the suburbs where the affluent majority in the host society live but to the first suburbs that were developed, which had become run down as they aged. Similarly, it must be considered that for the Brazilians residing in Japan as well, the increase in their numbers in suburban-type housing does not necessarily mean a rise in socioeconomic status, and that this is not spatial assimilation. The general pattern for migrant labor shows a large pay gap from native citizens at the time of immigration, but as the residence period grows longer, this gap shrinks (Chiswick 1978). As mentioned above, most Brazilian workers in Japan are indirect hires. Even when hired directly, they tend to have unstable employment forms, such as temporary or part-time work. They change jobs often, and their length of time at each job is short. Inaba and Higuchi (2013) stated that South American temporary workers have been unable to accumulate social relationship capital in the host society over the past 20 years. Social relationship capital is indispensable for accessing “good jobs.” This has led to the ossification of unstable temporary labor, and virtually no upward mobility in the labor market.

140

H. Kataoka

6.5 Description of the Brazilian Enclaves 6.5.1 Suburban Houses Are One of the Goals of Assimilation? Figure 6.6 shows Brazilian enclaves in Hamamatsu City, most of which are located in the city’s suburbs. In general, living in suburban houses is considered a destination target of “spatial assimilation.” In Table 2.5, we can see the commuting distance of Brazilian residents. Furthermore, Fig. 6.9 shows the locations of the residences and the workplaces of Brazilian residents in Hamamatsu City by their length of stay. Kataoka (2014) analyzed the daily activity data of 84 Brazilians in Hamamatsu. We use these data on their commuting patterns for this study. All Brazilian respondents who have lived in Hamamatsu for less than one year commute from suburb to suburb. Conversely, commuting from the suburbs to the city area has been increasing over the years. In the past three years or more, the varieties of commuting patterns have been increasing; moreover, residents living in the city area are also increasing. Typically, living in suburban houses becomes more common as stays grow longer, due

Fig. 6.9 Locations of residences and workplaces of Brazilian residents in Hamamatsu City by their length of stay. Source The author’s own survey

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to the immigrants’ improved socioeconomic status. However, these data show that, regarding Brazilians in Hamamatsu City, life in suburban housing is not viewed as a destination target of spatial assimilation. Furthermore, Fig. 6.10 shows the location of residences and workplaces based on the absence or presence of cars. This survey showed that respondents without cars tend to commute from suburb to suburb, and many do not travel to the city area on weekdays. The following is an overview of the area of the Brazilian enclave and its surroundings. For migrants to live out their lives in a host country, various social services and ethnic solidarity are essential. Along with the social positioning of an ethnic group within the host country, the group’s migration pathway has a large impact on ethnic community formation in a host country. Martin (1996) pointed out that under the migration system arranged by brokers, labor procurers have played roles beyond handling visa applications, arranging employment, and obtaining airline tickets. In the example of Brazilians in this chapter, in the early days after the amendment of the Immigration Control Act, brokers provided not only housing and transportation

Fig. 6.10 Locations of residences and workplaces in terms of car ownership. Source The author’s own survey

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Fig. 6.11 Brazilian grocery store in the Naka Ward enclave and a Brazilian school outside the enclave. Source Taken by the author in 2019

to and from the work site but also services such as renting household furnishings, creating various types of documentation, and furnishing interpreters for hospital visits by family members. However, during the 1990s, as the effects of the recession grew more pronounced, brokers’ services gradually decreased. During this time, there was an expansion of various government and public services in Hamamatsu. Meanwhile, various ethnic businesses were established by Brazilians. The change in form of residence from single male migrant workers to families, and extended periods of residence, created a demand for Brazil-related goods and services. Along with extended periods of residence, the expansion of the Brazilian market, both spatially and in scale, created an opportunity for Brazilians to advance into selfemployment. In areas where many Brazilians lived, one began to see entrepreneurs who used savings earned from factory labor to open Brazilian restaurants and stores selling groceries and various personal items. Following this trend, many types of businesses opened, such as schools, banks, beauty salons, CD and video rental shops, and boutiques (Kataoka 2004, 2012). Looking at the locations of Brazilian ethnic businesses in Hamamatsu, these businesses have been established in the heart of areas of concentrated Brazilian population. Figure 6.11 (left) shows a Brazilian store in the Brazilian enclave of Naka Ward. However, in Hamamatsu City, many Brazilians have their own cars, and thus they do a variety of daily activities throughout the city. Consequently, some ethnic businesses and facilities are located outside the enclave (Fig. 6.11, right). With the increase in Brazilian residents, various types of ethnic media have also been established and developed, such as Portuguese-language newspapers, television, and radio stations (Ishi 2012). Use of the internet to obtain lifestyle information has increased in recent years. According to the 2006 Hamamatsu City survey, only 7.6% of Brazilians used the internet, but by 2010 internet use had reached 70.3%. Recently, through informationgathering and communication using the internet and social media, as Zelinsky and Lee (1998) revealed in “Heterolocalism,” virtual communities that are not rooted in physical proximity are showing signs of success. The factors behind this development include the increasing number of computer stores and computer schools operated by

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Fig. 6.12 Cell phone dealer whose customer base is primarily Japanese near Brazilian enclaves. Source Taken by the author in 2019

Brazilians, the abundance of information in their native language, and governmentsponsored websites providing lifestyle information in Portuguese. Moreover, in recent years many cell phone dealers—whose customer base is primarily Japanese living near Brazilian enclaves—have hired Brazilian staff (Fig. 6.12, with the Brazilian national flag displayed). This development of an ethnic infrastructure, including ethnic businesses, has led many Brazilians to feel a renewed sense of closeness to Hamamatsu. The downside is that the established ethnic infrastructure makes it possible to speak only Portuguese while living in Japan, thus reducing the need to interact with the host society. Such trends are particularly apparent in the enclaves.

6.5.2 “Invisible” Settlers and Enclaves? Contact Points with the Host Society As mentioned above, many Brazilians work in Japan as indirect labor, such as operators on production lines in manufacturing-related industries. Tanno (2007) described Brazilian labor in Japan in detail. The most common use of Brazilian labor is to adjust to peaks in production and to fill overtime and night shifts at sites where Japanese

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indirect labor is unavailable. Brazilians work many long hours and at night, so they are rarely encountered by residents of the host society during the daytime. Kajita et al. (2005) called the current state of Brazilians in Japan, who are not acknowledged by the local community, “invisible residents.” Furthermore, based on a survey of quality-of-life activities, Kataoka (2013) shed light on the fact that the lives of Brazilians in Japan had become a “community opened only to compatriots.” The increase in Brazilian residents had a large impact on the host society in the city of Hamamatsu, especially near the ethnic enclave. Figure 6.13 shows a Brazilian food corner inside a supermarket for Japanese customers near the Brazilian enclave in Nishi Ward. This provides visible evidence that a concentrated Brazilian population is present. On the other hand, there are no areas of concentrated Brazilian businesses that are equivalent to Japan’s Korea Towns or Chinatowns within the Brazilian enclaves. Figure 6.14 shows a street near the center of the biggest enclave in Hamamatsu, but to all appearances it is a typical scene in a Japanese town. In that sense, the public square of a Brazilian enclave in Hamamatsu is also “invisible.” Despite their established residence, Brazilians have weak connections to nearby host residents. They continue to move into private rentals or public housing, but according to the Hamamatsu City Government (2000), only 27.8% had joined the local neighborhood association, and in 2010 the number was still low, at 36.1%. Higuchi (2002) pointed out that the participation rate in neighborhood associations,

Fig. 6.13 Brazilian food corner inside a supermarket for Japanese customers. Source Taken by the author in 2019

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Fig. 6.14 Area near the center of Hamamatsu’s largest enclave. Source Taken by the author in 2019

at 19.8% for Brazilians compared to 45.7% for Koreans, is lower than other groups. It is difficult for Brazilians in Japan to blend into their local communities due to the language barrier and the limited time available for social interaction given their work-centered lifestyle. In the Hamamatsu City survey, the most frequent response to the question about their relations with their Japanese next-door neighbors was “casual greetings only,” and as much as 10% of the respondents answered “almost none” or “absolutely none.” As residence in private apartments and public housing increases, some Brazilians have participated in events organized by local residents, such as cleanup of local roads and parks or neighborhood festivals, but there are also those who remain isolated, unable to build ties in their daily lives. The Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) in Japanese primary school near the Brazilian enclave promotes some events for Brazilian residents and the host community, but these efforts are not so common. Gordon (1964) and Peach (1997) pointed to ”intermarriage” as an important indicator of assimilation. As seen in Table 2.6, the level of marital assimilation is low compared to other ethnic groups. This could be a sign of the weakness of connections with the host society. However, as mentioned above, most Brazilians in Japan are of Japanese descent. In the 1992 Hamamatsu City survey, 70% responded, “I see myself as a Japanese,” but that percentage dropped in 2000, with nearly 50% responding “I don’t feel Japanese.” Along with becoming more aware of the linguistic and cultural

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differences and different daily customs, generational changes arising in the second, third and fourth generations of Japanese descent also become apparent.

6.5.3 “Persistent Repeaters”: Permanent Residence Among Brazilians in Japan, there are many “repeater-type” migrants who frequently travel back and forth between Japan and Brazil, sometimes due to the restrictions imposed by their status of residence in Japan. “Repeater-type” migration is an important keyword largely associated with Brazilians’ residence and enclaves. Yamaguchi (2010), who classified family migration forms of Brazilians in Japan, noted that while some migrants were operating on a schedule, the largest number had come to Japan to obtain business capital; after returning to Brazil their businesses failed, so they came back to Japan to work. These were “repeaters due to external factors.” Also, Yamaguchi identified a diversity of resident populations, such as “repeaters who are maladapted to the societies of both countries,” who try to maintain their self-esteem by having “temporary residence” in both countries, and those who are “neither settled nor returning to their home country,” who continue to have a strong desire to return home even though they are long-term or permanent residents in the host country. This uncertain permanent residence was revealed by the Hamamatsu City Government’s survey (2010), in which 38.7% responded, “I want to stay as long as possible in Japan, but I plan to return to my home country someday,” 15.5% responded “I will return home within three years,” and 5.0% responded “I will return home within 10 years,” which together accounts for nearly 60% of respondents hoping to return home. These trends are also seen in the enclaves. Similarly, Onai (2009) conducted surveys in public housing complexes in Toyohashi, Aichi Prefecture, in which 62.9% of respondents said they wanted to return home (even in housing complexes with a large number of long-term residents), terming them “transnational settlers” who view permanent residence in a negative light. As Bonacich (1973) stated, immigrants holding a temporary-residence type of status do not want to have permanent ties to the local community in the host country. Therefore, they try to maintain extensive ties within their own ethnic group. Moreover, Vianna (1998) called this status “provisory-permanent.” Subjectively, they continue to embrace a desire to return to their home country, and even though objectively they maintain long-term residence in order to live in the host country, it is difficult for them to form a settled identity while they continue to think about returning home. Thus, Brazilians’ residence in Japan is not a one-directional flow from “arrival in Japan to concentration to spatial assimilation.” It must be considered an unconventional type of repeating “segregation loop.” However, as seen in Fig. 6.6, there are Brazilians who have purchased their own houses in recent years. Many of their houses are in and around the Brazilian enclaves of Minami Ward and Naka Ward. Onai (2009) revealed the existence of a demographic of 130 homeowners from a survey of Oizumi Town and Ota City. Tsuzuki and Onai (2009) conducted a survey in Toyohashi City showing that the number of

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Brazilians who purchased houses increased in the period from roughly 2000 to 2007. Many within the home-purchasing demographic were “long-term residents” of over 15 years. Most of them sent their resident children to Japanese schools. The purchase prices of these houses were within the market range of 20 to 25 million yen. Prices were nearly the same in Hamamatsu, other parts of Shizuoka Prefecture, and Gunma Prefecture. Matsumiya and Yamamoto (2017) carried out an interview survey of the Brazilian residents who owned single-family homes. Their results indicate that children were a major factor in the decision to purchase a home. Furthermore, children played a central role in the location of the houses they purchased. However, as for why they purchased a house, responses included “it costs the same as rent,” “we don’t have savings or steady work so at least we will have a house as an asset,” and “it will improve our credit when we take out a loan or purchase a vehicle.” Here, it must be recalled, as explained in the previous section, that having a permanent resident visa does not necessarily lead to permanent residence. Therefore, the homeowner demographic does not necessarily transition directly to the permanent resident demographic. However, as described above, the majority of Brazilians in Japan have unstable, irregular employment and low incomes. From 2008 onward, there was an increase in people falling behind on loan payments and having to give up their homes due to a decline in income, along with the economic recession and overly optimistic life planning. A similar tendency can be seen in the Brazilian enclaves of Hamamatsu City.

6.6 Conclusion We have analyzed the forms of Brazilians’ ethnic enclaves and the changes seen in these communities. This section summarizes the findings from this study. The national distribution of Brazilians in Japan, whose numbers increased after the 1990 amendment of the Immigration Control Law, can be explained using the two keywords “industrial city” and “high mobility.” Brazilians in Japan have the highest labor participation rate of all ethnic groups in Japan. They came to Japan to work as operators on production lines in manufacturing-related industries, so their population distribution is concentrated in the industrial cities of the Tokai and northern Kanto regions. Furthermore, “high mobility” also characterizes their residency, since they move frequently in search of more or better employment opportunities. Even though the type of segregation seen in Japan’s Chinatowns or Korea Towns is not found in Hamamatsu City, the residences of Japanese immigrants are concentrated in public housing complexes or in the industrial districts of such areas as Naka Ward and Minami Ward. Ethnic infrastructures, including ethnic businesses, have been established and developed, and recently virtual communities that make use of the internet and social media are showing signs of success, transcending the traditional need for close proximity. However, due to their lifestyles focused on

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work and high residential mobility, Brazilians’ contacts with the host society are temporally and spatially limited, making them “invisible residents.” In addition, this chapter pointed out that their enclaves are also “invisible” in Hamamatsu City. Many live in communities “open only to compatriots.” Also, because of their tendency to act as “persistent repeaters,” even though they reside in Japan for long periods of time, they continue to hope to return home and thus have difficulty forming a settled identity. Therefore, Brazilians’ residence in Japan is not a conventional onedirectional flow from “arrival in Japan to concentration to spatial assimilation.” It needs to be considered a repeating “segregation loop” from population concentration, to home country, and back to population concentration. Even though the demographic of homeowners has increased since 2000, the homeowner demographic does not inherently predict a transition directly to the permanent resident demographic. Ishikawa (2019b) reviewed research on “spatial assimilation” and “heterolocalism” in the United States. As indicated by Massey and Denton (1985), Farrell (2016), South et al. (2005), and others, the process of spatial assimilation is different for each ethnic group. Socioeconomic status, extent of social mobility achievement, and discrimination can be given as factors in the formation of these discrepancies. Furthermore, Kimber (2010) suggested that spatial assimilation theory applies to unskilled immigrants, while heterolocalism applies to immigrants who succeed in high socioeconomic areas. But this chapter shows that suburban houses are not goals of spatial assimilation in the case of Hamamatsu City. Naturally, the most important elements when discussing spatial assimilation theory are the immigrants’ socioeconomic status and the discrimination that surrounds them. However, as seen in this chapter, Brazilians in Japan possess many characteristics stemming from their specific migration forms. These are strongly associated with their patterns of residence and enclave formation. Consequently, discussions on spatial assimilation theory must touch on the “residential form” and “migration form” of ethnic enclaves. However, Massey and Denton (1985) asserted that rather than focusing on ethnic groups, it is necessary to study human capital at the individual level. Even though many Brazilians in Japan are “provisory-permanent,” as Yamaguchi (2010) pointed out, they can be divided into populations with many types of intentionality. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze the spatial assimilation of residential areas while also considering whether “they want to go home” or “they want to establish permanency of residence in the host society” as variables related to human capital. Factors such as rent, convenience to transportation and realtors, and the presence of prejudice and discrimination take priority when deciding on keeping a non-permanent residence, and it can be assumed that intentional spatial assimilation is far down on this list. However, “provisory-permanent” Brazilians have difficulty forming a settled identity, and thus they tend to try to maintain extensive ties with their own ethnic group. In that sense, there is a great need for “ethnic communities” and “ethnic enclaves” in the host society. Therefore, Brazilian enclaves perform stable functions not only in Hamamatsu City. However, Brazilian immigrants have little time to interact with the host community because their life centers around work, as well as having limited time to participate in networks with people from their own country. Meanwhile, as Zelinsky and Lee (1998) presented in “Heterolocalism,” virtual communities are

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continuously forming, making use of the internet and social media (but not being rooted in physical proximity) in and around the enclaves in Hamamatsu. In the future it would be worthwhile to elucidate how such communities develop and change. Finally, there is one further issue in immigration research that must be considered, which is the difference in the consciousness of each migrant regarding “a place to live.” Namely, is it appropriate to talk about “residence (place)” for transnational migrants, particularly Brazilians, many of whom are “provisory-permanent,” in the same context as intentional immigrants? We should probably heed the following observation by Morris (1988). He pointed out Deleuze’s nomadic metaphor of the “motel”: A motel, by definition, can never be a true place. (Morris 1988: 5) It is neither the car nor highway nor the house nor the voyage nor the home, but a space of movements between all of them. It punctuates travelling with resting and being there with action. It represents neither ‘arrival’ nor ‘departure’ but operates passages from one to the other in the metaphorai of the pause. (Morris 1988: 41)

Without discussing residential spatial assimilation, it is difficult to shed light on ethnicity in host societies. However, when studying spatial assimilation, it is necessary to take heed of the characteristics of each ethnic group, particularly those involving “permanency of residence” and “migration forms.”

References Asakawa K (2007) Labor and life of Brazilian workers in Japan: a case study of temporary staffing company A. In Nikkei burajirujin no rodo: seikatsusekai to chiikijumin (Labor of Brazilians in Japan: life world and local residents). Department of Education and Sociology, Graduate School of Education, Hokkaido University, Sapporo (in Japanese) Bonacich E (1973) A theory of middleman minorities. Am Sociol Rev 38(5):583–594. https://doi. org/10.2307/2094409 Chiswick B (1978) The effect of Americanization on the earnings of foreign-born men. J Polit Econ 86(5):897–921 Farrell CR (2016) Immigrant suburbanisation and the shifting geographic structure of metropolitan segregation in the United States. Urban Stud 53(1):1–20. https://doi.org/10.1177/004209801455 8537 Gordon MM (1964) Assimilation in American life: the role of race, religion, and national origins. Oxford University Press, New York Hamamatsu City Government (1992, 1996, 2000, 2010) Hamamatsu-shi ni okeru nanbeikei gaikokujin oyobi nihonjin no jittai chosa kekka (Survey results of actual situation of South American foreigners and Japanese nationals in Hamamatsu City). International Affairs Division, Hamamatsu City Government, Hamamatsu (in Japanese) Higuchi N (2002) Political participation by foreigners: action strategies for voting rights for foreign residents, meetings for foreign residents and social movements. In: Kajita T, Miyajima T (eds), Kokusai shakai 1: kokusaika suru nihon shakai (International society 1: internationalizing society of Japan). Tokyo University Press, Tokyo (in Japanese) Higuchi N (2010) The mass employment of Brazilians in Japan under the economic crisis. Ohara Shakai Mondai Kenkyujo Zassi (J Ohara Inst Soc Res) 622:50–60 (in Japanese)

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Ikegami S (2001) Burajiru-jin to kokusaika suru chiiki shakai: kyoju, kyoiku, iryo (Brazilians and internationalized communities: housing, education and medical care). Akashi Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Ikegami S (2002) Transformation of local communities and ethnicity: Hamamatsu as an example of a city with a concentration of foreign residents. In: Kajita T, Miyajima T (eds), Kokusai shakai 1: kokusaika suru nihon shakai (Inter Society 1: internationalizing society of Japan). Tokyo University Press, Tokyo (in Japanese) Inaba N, Higuchi N (2013) Lost 20 years for Latino-American migrants in Japan. Ibaraki Daigaku Jinbun Gakubu Kiyo Jimbun Komyunikeshon Gakka Ronshu (Stud Humanit Commun Bull Coll Humanit Ibaraki Univ) 14:1–11 (in Japanese) Inaba Y, Ishi Y, Igarashi A, Kasahara H, Kubota A, Fukumoto K, Watado I (2008) A study on the residence of foreigners in public housing: focusing on the reactions and efforts of the host society receiving foreigners. Jutaku Sogokenkyu Zaidan Kenkyu Ronbunshu (J Hous Res Found 35: 275–286. https://doi.org/10.20803/jusokenold.35.0_275 (in Japanese) Ishi A (2012) Actors of the ethnic media: rise and fall of the Brazilian media business in Japan. In:Higuchi N (ed), Nihon no esunikku bijinesu (Ethnic Business in Japan). Sekai Shisosha, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (ed) (2019a) Chizu de miru nihon no gaikokujin: kaitei-han (Mapping foreign residents in Japan, revised edn. Nakanishiya Shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (2019b) Review of existing literature on ethnic enclaves: focusing on results obtained in the US. Ritsumeikan Chirigaku (J Ritsumeikan Geogr Soc) 31:1–12 (in Japanese) Ito T, Takahata S (2008) The residential trend of the Nikkei foreigners and the emergence of industrial trainees in Hiroshima Prefecture, Japan. Gendai Shakaigaku (Contemp Sociol) 9:155–170 (in Japanese) Kajita T, Tanno K, Higuchi N (2005) Kao no mienai teijuka: nikkei burajirujin to kokka, shijo, imin nettowaku (Invisible residents: Japanese Brazilians vis-à-vis the state, the market and the immigrant network). Nagoya University Press, Nagoya (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2004) The formation, development of ethnic business and local community in Hamamatsu. Keizai Chirigaku Nenpo (Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr) 50(1):1–25. https://doi.org/10. 20592/jaeg.50.1_1 (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2012) Brazilians: changing ethnic business. In: Higuchi N (ed) Nihon no esunikku bijinesu (Ethnic Business in Japan). Sekai Shisosya, Kyoto (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2013) Brazilian enclaves in Japan. In: Maruyama H (ed), Sekai chishi sirizu 6: burajiru (Series of world geography: 6 Brazil). Asakura Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Kataoka H (2014) Do Brazilians exist as “invisible residents”? analysis of daily activities of Brazilians in Japan since 2000. Chirigaku Hyoron (Geogr Rev Jpn) 87(5):367–385. https://doi.org/10. 4157/grj.87.367 (in Japanese) Kimber L (2010) New immigrant settlement patterns in Syracuse, NY: an assessment of the model of heterolocalism. Upstate Institute Student Research No. 7. http://commons.colgate.edu/upstate_s tudent/7. Accessed 26 August 2020 Korekawa Y (2009) Current situation and causes of foreign residents’ ethnic residential segregation in Japan by dissimilarity index: an analysis from a small-areal data of Japanese census. Jinkogaku Kenkyu (J Popul Stud) 44:1–17. https://doi.org/10.24454/jps.44.0_1 (in Japanese) Martin P (1996) Labor contractors: a conceptual overview. Asian Pac Migr J 5(2–3):201–218. https://doi.org/10.1177/011719689600500203 Massey D, Denton N (1985) Spatial assimilation as a socioeconomic outcome. Am Sociol Rev 50(1):94–106. https://doi.org/10.2307/2095343 Matsumiya A, Yamamoto K (2017) Problems about housing acquisition by foreign residents. Ningen Hattatsu-gaku kenkyu (Bull Graduate Sch Hum Dev Aichi Prefectural Univ) 8:51–69. https://doi. org/10.15088/00003061 (in Japanese) Morris M (1988) At Henry Parkes Motel. Cult Stud 2(1):1–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/095023888 00490011

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Nagamitsu T (2007) Working pathways and lifestyles of Japanese Brazilian workers (2): report on the Japanese Brazilian Questionnaire Survey. Rodo Shakaigaku Kenkyu (J Labor Sociol) 8:69–74 (in Japanese) Nakamura J, Naito H, Kanbayashi R, Kawaguchi D, Machikita T (2009) Nihon no gaikokujin rodoryoku: keizaigaku karano kensho (Foreign labor in Japan: investigation from an economic perspective). Nikkei Publishing Inc, Tokyo (in Japanese) Namura Y (2013) Emigration from Japan to Brazil. In:Maruyama H (ed) Sekai chishi sirizu: 6 burajiru (Series of world geography: 6 Brazil). Asakura Shoten, Tokyo (in Japanese) Onai T (2009) The transnational living world and local society of Brazilians. In: Onai T (ed) Brajiru-jin no toransu nashonaru na ido to teiju: chosa to shakai riron (Transnational migration and settlement of Japanese Brazilians: surveys and social theory) 28. Department of Education and Sociology, Graduate School of Education, Hokkaido University, Sapporo (in Japanese) Peach C (1997) Pluralist and assimilationist models of ethnic settlement in London 1991. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 88(2):120–134. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14679663.1997.tb01591.x South SJ, Crowder K, Chavez E (2005) Geographic mobility and spatial assimilation among U.S. Latino immigrants. Inter Migr Rev 39(3):577–607. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2005.tb0 0281.x Takenoshita H (2012) Institutional arrangements of social stratification and immigrant workers. Mita shakaigaku (Mita J Sociol) 17:79–95 (in Japanese) Tanno K (2007) Ekkyo suru koyo shisutemu to gaikokujin rodosha (Transnational employment systems and migrant workers in Japan). University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo (in Japanese) Tsuzuki K, Onai J (2009) Foreigners in public housing and single-family homes: Brazilians and host residents in community life (2). In: Onai T (ed) Burajiru-jin no toransu nashonaru na ido to teiju: chosa to shaka riron (Transnational migration and settlement of Japanese Brazilians: surveys and social theory) 28. Department of Education and Sociology, Graduate School of Education, Hokkaido University, Sapporo (in Japanese) Venkatesh SA (2000) American project: the rise and fall of a modern ghetto. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Vianna EC (1998) A migração em um novo contexto sociocultural: o provisório-permanente. Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública. Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. https://www.arca.fiocruz. br/handle/icict/5212 Accessed 26 December 2019 Yamaguchi AE (2010) Considerações sobre a classificação da migração de retorno:estudo comparativo de regiões de alta e baixa concentraçáo de brasileiros no Japão. Jochi Daigaku Ibero-amerika Kenkyusho (Encontros Lusófonos) 12:37–60 (in Japanese) Zelinsky W, Lee BA (1998) Heterolocalism: an alternative model of the sociospatial behaviour of immigrant ethnic communities. Inter J Popul Geogr 4(4):281–298. https://doi.org/10.1002/(SIC I)1099-1220(199812)4:4%3c281:AID-IJPG108%3e3.0.CO;2-O

Hiromi Kataoka is a professor in the Faculty of Economics, Kindai University. She received her Ph.D. in geography from the Graduate School of Environmental Studies, Nagoya University, in 2006. The background of her studies is in human geography. Her research interests include ethnic businesses in host societies and spatio-temporal investigation of activities by foreign workers, especially Brazilians and Nikkei Brazilians in Japan. Her recent work has focused on disasterprevention consciousness among foreign residents and disaster-prevention information systems for foreign residents.

Chapter 7

Turkish Residents and Marital Assimilation Shuko Takeshita

Abstract The purpose of this study is to clarify the lives of Turkish residents in their enclave and examine to what extent, within the enclave, they manifest spatial assimilation theory. Three major findings were drawn from this research. First, the enclave has a high degree of homogeneity. The residents emigrated from the same province in Turkey, they share the same religion, and many of them engage in demolition work. These immigrants maintain the same mutual aid arrangements in the enclave as they practiced in Ordu Province, and the earlier arrivers have assisted the later arrivers through chain migration. The second finding is that the Turkish enclave only recently came into existence in the 2000s. It is the first place young immigrant Turks settle when they arrive in Japan, and so far the socioeconomic status and home ownership of the residents has not shown much improvement. Third, there have been a significant number of intermarriages between Turkish men and Japanese women. However, this cannot be taken as evidence of marital assimilation in which residents start to move beyond the borders of their enclave. Rather, many of the intermarriages can be attributed to the gender imbalance and the fact that some men sought out Japanese brides as a strategy for legally remaining in Japan. None of these intermarriages occurred as a result of a Turkish man moving out of the enclave in a process of spatial assimilation. Keywords Turkish residents · Marital assimilation · Intermarriage · Marital behavior · Ethnic enclave

7.1 Introduction Turkish nationals or Turkic peoples arrived in Japan in two waves. The first wave of Turkic peoples consisted of Tatars who immigrated from Russia via Manchuria to Japan in the 1920s and 1930s. The Tatars are one of several Turkic-speaking peoples in Central Asia and the Caucasus that continue to live as a minority in the Russian S. Takeshita (B) Department of Japanese Cultural Studies, Aichi Gakuin University, Nisshin, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_7

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Federation (Matsunaga 2009). In Japan, they settled in enclaves in Tokyo (Kamzowa 1982, 1983), Nagoya (Yoshida 2013a, b, 2014), and Kobe (Fukuda 2010, 2012), and peddled primarily textiles. Most of these people had become stateless, but were granted citizenship by Turkey at the end of World War II and allowed to move to Turkey if they so desired.1 A few of these early Tatar immigrants remained in Japan having succeeded in business or intermarrying with Japanese, but most of the Tatars emigrated to Turkey, the U.S., or Australia after World War II, and the early Tatar enclaves had all but disappeared by the 1960s (Matsunaga 2009). The second wave of Turkish nationals consisted of Turks from Ordu Province who settled in Aichi Prefecture and Kurds with Turkish citizenship who settled in Saitama Prefecture in the 1990s. This chapter focuses on Turkish immigrants arriving as part of the second wave who took up residence in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town, Aichi Prefecture (Fig. 2.5). Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town are adjacent municipalities located west and east, respectively, of National Route 41. Since the two municipalities have much in common as Turkish enclaves, here they will be treated as the same enclave. Previous studies of immigrants in Japan have largely focused on groups that are much larger in population and established themselves in Japan far longer than the Turkish immigrants. Indeed, the Turks are relative newcomers to Japan, they are small in number, and have been largely overlooked (Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015; Takeshita 2016). However, people residing in Japan come from as many as 200 different countries, and some of them live in small ethnic enclaves. This being the case, it is meaningful to reveal how these small-scale ethnic enclaves take shape and how the residents live in these enclaves. In this chapter, spatial assimilation will be examined as manifested by marital assimilation. Extending Gordon’s (1964) assimilation model, Peach (1997) stated that structural and marital assimilations fall under spatial assimilation. Spatial assimilation is a phase of structural assimilation, where a spatial perspective is added when immigrants choose a place to live (Ishikawa 2019). Ellis et al. (2006) examined the relevance of spatial assimilation theory to marital assimilation based on empirical data. Their investigation of the neighborhood patterns of same- and mixed-nativity partnerships in Los Angeles shows that immigrants whose partner outside their nativity group have a much lower probability of residence in an own-group residential enclave. In other words, their findings suggest that intermarriage will tend to increase as immigrants move from intercity enclaves inhabited by compatriots from the same home country to suburbs resided in by local people. Numerous scholars in European countries have indicated that the occurrence of intermarriage between immigrants and natives can be regarded as a crucial indicator of assimilation (Kane and Stephen 1988; Coleman 1994; Lievens 1998; Klein 2001; Nauck 2007). Yet, none of these studies factored in the variable of geographic movement of migrants. Investigating intermarriages between Turkish men and German women in Germany, Kane and Stephen (1988) noticed a U-shaped pattern using data from 1960 1 There

have been previous cases of individual Turks being granted citizenship (Kamzowa 1983).

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to 1985. This same U-shaped pattern was observed by Klein (2001) using data from 1959 to 2000, and by Nauck (2007) based on data from 1961 to 2004. U-shaped curve can be noticed for the development of the intermarriage rates of many nationalities of labor migrants in Germany. U-shaped pattern of intermarriage occurs during the various phases of a migration process. In the pioneer-migration-situations, the size of the foreign groups is small, and there is a considerable imbalance in the genderratio. The opportunities to find a partner of the same ethnicity are therefore strongly restricted. This results in many male migrants getting married into the local population. Then, because of chain migration and the arrival of immigrant women, the sex ratio generally becomes more balanced over time, leading to increasing opportunities to marry within the own ethnic community, and intermarriages decrease. Later, as migration slows down and as child immigrants and second generation of migrants reach the marriageable age, intermarriage to the native population again increases2 (Kane and Stephen 1988; Klein 2001; Nauck 2007; Kalmijn and Van Tubergen 2007). Kalter and Schroedter (2010) tried to derive degree of segregation as a factor explaining the increase in intermarriages at the third phase of the Ushaped curve. These authors did not restrict segregation to place of residence, but rather defined a spatial perspective: The opportunities for contact are provided by the spatial context. As a result, the lower the ethnic segregation, the higher is the probability of intermarriage. Hence, for the purposes of this chapter, intermarriage will be used as an indicator of spatial assimilation. This chapter comprises the following sections. After exploring marriage behavior and application for refugee status of Turkish residents as strategies for securing residency in Japan, the distribution of Turkish residents throughout Japan is overviewed. The subsequent sections discuss the characteristics of the Turkish enclave in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town in Aichi Prefecture, and describe the lives and social networks of the Turkish residents living there. This is followed by a discussion section which explores to what extent the enclave residents accord with spatial assimilation theory, and particularly spatial assimilation from the standpoint of marital assimilation.

2 In

this phase, the following should be noted: Nationality and ethnic origin often do not match in the immigration situation. Increasing naturalizations of foreigners in Germany will frequently result in a falling apart of national and ethnic affiliation (Kane and Stephen 1988; Klein 2001). The more integrated foreigners will disappear from statistical view with the acquisition of nationality, nationals that foreigners marry may be persons of their own origin who have already acquired the nationality of the host country (Coleman 1994: 125). Moreover, marrying a partner residing in the country of origins is most common among Turks (Kalter and Schroedter 2010).

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7.2 Trend of Turkish Residents in Japan 7.2.1 Intermarriage According to the microdata of the 2015 Population Census of Japan, the rate of Turkish men with Japanese wives among the married Turkish men is 62.8%. On the other hand, the rate of Turkish women with Japanese husbands among the married Turkish women is 17.8%. Thus, there is a sharp contrast by gender for Turkish residents who have Japanese spouses. What are the social factors behind many Turkish male residents marring Japanese? I will examine the two factors most characteristic of marriage between Turkish men and Japanese women: “the gender imbalance of Turkish population in Japan” and “acquisition of residence visas.” First, the gender imbalance and small size of the Turkish population in Japan should be pointed out. The population of Turkish adults over 15 years old in Japan is 2,301, including 425 women (18.5%) and 1,876 men (81.5%). The emergence of the tendency for Turkish male residents to look for Japanese spouses could be attributed to the impossibility of inviting Turkish spouses from home if engaged in illegal labor, as well as to the gender imbalance of the Turkish population in Japan. The increase in number of Turkish men seeking Japanese women as spouses has come about in part as a result of an increase in opportunities for these men to come in contact with Japanese women while living alone in Japan. Secondly, acquisition of residence visas could be another factor. Illegal laborers are deported when caught by the Immigration Services Agency (the former Immigration Bureau), but the way for them to obtain a residential status is to marry Japanese, permanent residents, or long-term residents. There have been cases of undocumented Turks marrying Japanese citizens to obtain “spouse or child of Japanese” visas, but since the 2000s there has been an increase in Turks marrying permanent residents to obtain “spouse or child of permanent resident” visas or marrying long-term residents to obtain “long-term resident” visas. Permanent residents, often Filipinas, have obtained their status by marrying then divorcing a Japanese citizen, while long-term residents include third-generation Japanese descendants such as Japanese-Brazilians and Japanese-Peruvians. As Fig. 7.1 shows, the number of Turkish visa holders with no restrictions on activities in Japan has continued to increase over the years, and for the first time exceeded 2,000 residents in 2018. The number of “spouses or children of Japanese” increased to 500 in 2007, and after leveling off for some years began trending upward again after 2016. The number of “long-term residents” was 20 in 2002, but since then has grown very rapidly to reach 223 residents in 2018. The number of “spouses or children of permanent residents” was less than 10 through 2001, but this category has also mushroomed to 186 residents in 2018. The number of Turkish residents with “permanent resident status” has also increased to exceed 1,000 for the first time in 2018. Since these residency categories—“spouses or children of Japanese,” “longterm residents,” and “spouses or children of permanent residents”—cover people who tend to change their status to “permanent residency” after a few years, we can

7 Turkish Residents and Marital Assimilation

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2500

special permanent residence visa visa for spouse or child of permanent resident 2000

long-term residence visa permanent residence visa

1500

visa for spouse or child of Japanese

1000

500

0 1992 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Fig. 7.1 Number of Turkish visa holders with no restrictions on activities in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

anticipate that the number of Turkish permanent residents in Japan will continue to increase. In Germany, the Netherlands, and other EU countries, there is a certain number of intermarriages to obtain residential status in EU countries. Marrying a resident of EU countries has been virtually the only way to enter the country and settle there legally. In case of marriage to an EU citizen or to an immigrant possessing a full employment permit, the partner from abroad also obtains temporary residence and an employment permit (Timmerman 2006; Kalter and Schroedter 2010).

7.2.2 Spousal Age Gaps Between Japanese and Turks This chapter defines marriages between couples who differ in age by ten or more years as “spousal age-gap marriages.” The reason is previous research has shown that the mean difference in age between couples when the husband comes from a relatively prosperous country and the wife comes from a low income country is about ten years (Kojima 2009; Tosakul 2010; Kim 2010; Liaw et al. 2011; Liaw and Huang 2012; Ishikawa et al. 2018). Table 7.1 reveals that the couples in which the wife is older than her husband by ten or more years represent over 10% of cases in two situations: when a Turkish man marries a Japanese woman and when a Turkish man marries a woman of some other nationality (i.e., neither Turkish nor Japanese). In cases of Japanese men marrying Turkish women, in 31.9% of cases the husband is older than his wife by ten or more years. Some of these younger wives may have entered into strategic marriages

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Table 7.1 Spousal age gaps of Turks in Japan Total

Wife is older than husband by ten or more years

Husband is older than wife by ten or more years

Frequency

%

Frequency

736

101

13.7

23

3.1

Husbands

Wives

Turks

Japanese

%

Japanese

Turks

47

0

0.0

15

31.9

Turks

Turks

188

*

*

18

*

Turks

Others

112

15

13.4

7

6.3

Others

Turks

14

*

*

*

*

Note The asterisk “*” in the table indicates a number of less than five persons, and thus the percentages cannot be shown Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

exchanging their relative youth for a secure resident status that does not restrict activities in Japan. Previous studies have commented on this strategy of intermarriage between women from low income countries and men from more affluent countries (Kojima 2009; Tosakul 2010; Kim 2010; Liaw et al. 2011; Liaw and Huang 2012; Ishikawa et al. 2018); however, since the Turkish population in Japan overwhelmingly consists of single men, it is just as likely that many men have entered into strategic marriages.

7.2.3 Application for Refugee Status When an undocumented alien is identified and found to be working illegally in Japan, there are three situations in which the individual would not be immediately repatriated. First, there are cases in which the foreign deportee’s embassy in Japan refuses to issue a passport that would enable the individual to return home. This has happened with migrants from Turkey and Iran. Second, there are cases where deportation is suspended while the deportee’s application for recognition of refugee status plays out, and the individual is essentially abusing the refugee recognition system. Finally, the third situation preventing repatriation are cases in which a lawsuit is filed by the deportee to delay or nullify the deportation order until the conclusion of their trial (Immigration Bureau of Japan 2017). The Immigration Services Agency may “provisionally release” refugee status seekers from detention. The refugee status application system permits applicants to resume work six months after they submit their applications, but most of them begin working illegally very soon after they file their applications. Even if their applications for refugee status are initially rejected, a growing number of illegal migrants are seeking to extend their stay in Japan by repeatedly submitting applications for refugee status. Approximately 30% of these claimants resubmit their applications

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1,400 1,200 1,000 800 600 400 200 0 2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

Fig. 7.2 Number of Turkish nationals applying for refugee status. Source Immigration Bureau of Japan (2018a)

with objections that are not covered by the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees including debt problems, hardships if they return to their home country, problems with the local community back home, and other personal problems (Immigration Bureau of Japan 2015: 3). Provisional release of aliens under a deportation order is tantamount to “a second residence status” (Sankei Newspaper, July 13, 2017). In 2017 the number of foreign nationals applying for refugee status in Japan reached an all-time high of 19,629. The number of Turkish nationals applying for refugee status in Japan also reached a record high of 1,195 in 2017, as Fig. 7.2 shows. There were 2,796 foreign nationals free on “provisional release” in Japan, including 358 (12.8%) Turkish nationals and 409 (14.6%) Filipino nationals in 2018 (Immigration Bureau of Japan 2018b). Considering that there are far fewer Turks in Japan than Filipinos (Fig. 2.4), the ratio of Turks free on “provisional release” (6.64%) far exceeds that of the Filipinos (0.15%). More recently, the Ministry of Justice has clamped down on scofflaws by publishing “Revisions for Operation of the Refugee Recognitions System” in 2015 followed by “Further Revisions for Operation of the Refugee Recognitions System” on January 15, 2018. These new rules provide stricter enforcement by denying residency to those who would abuse and misuse the refugee recognition system in order to work in Japan. Enforcement of these new rules resulted in a sharp 47% drop in the number of foreign nationals applying for refugee status, falling from 19,629 applicants in 2017 to 10,493 in 2018. The number of Turkish refugee status seekers fell by 53% from 1,195 in 2017 to 563 in 2018. In addition, the number of applicants who have retracted or withdrawn their applications for refugee status has sharply increased from 1,612 in 2017 to 2,923 in 2018. Among them, 150 were Turkish. The total number of applicants recognized as “genuine refugees” by Japan in 2018 was 42, none of whom were from Turkey (Immigration Bureau of Japan 2019).

60

3,000

50

2,500

40

2,000

30

1,500

20

1,000

10

500

0

in thousands

S. Takeshita

in hundreds

160

0 2018

2016

2014

2012

2010

2008

2006

2004

2002

2000

1998

1996

1994

1992

1990

1988

1986

1984

Turkish residents (left axis)

Foreign residents (right axis)

Fig. 7.3 Turkish residents in Japan. Source Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan

7.3 Nationwide Distribution of Turkish Residents in Japan According to “Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan,” Turkish population in Japan has increased 29.5 times from 178 in 1984 to 5,244 in 2018 (Fig. 7.3). One can see in the figure that the Turkish population declined in 2018, which is attributed to the stricter “Further Revisions for Operation of the Refugee Recognition System” that went into effect on January 15, 2018, as described in the previous section. The “Statistics on Foreigners Registered in Japan” provides an accurate overview of the number of foreigners in Japan as a whole, but does not give a detailed breakdown of smaller foreign populations such as Turkish immigrants on a prefectural basis. One must look to microdata of the Population Census to get the number of the Turkish population in each prefecture. According to “the Population Census,” Turkish population in Japan was 205 in 1990 and 2,615 in 2015, an increase of 12.8 times over 25 years3 (Fig. 7.4). Broken down by prefecture, the largest Turkish population is in Aichi Prefecture, followed by Saitama Prefecture, Tokyo, Kanagawa Prefecture, and Gunma Prefecture (Fig. 7.5 and Table 7.2). Roughly a third of Japan’s Turkish residents live in Aichi Prefecture. Many Turks from Ordu Province in Turkey live in Aichi Prefecture, and many Kurds with Turkish nationality from Gaziantep Province live in Saitama Prefecture. Concentrations of Turks can also be found in Tokyo where there are many employment opportunities and schools, in Kanagawa Prefecture, a bedroom community southwest of Tokyo, and in Gunma Prefecture where the Northern Kanto industrial zone is located. Since Sects. 7.4 and 7.5 will give a detailed discussion of the

3 Reasons

for the disparities in number of foreigners in Japan as calculated by the “Statistics on the Foreigners Registered in Japan” and the “Population Census” are discussed in some detail in Ishikawa (2005).

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3000 Aichi Saitama 2500

Tokyo Others

2000

1500

1000

500

0

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

Fig. 7.4 Turkish population in Japan. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

500 100 50 (Person)

0

400km

Fig. 7.5 Distribution of Turkish residents. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

162 Table 7.2 Five prefectures with largest Turkish populations

S. Takeshita Prefecture

Population

Percentage

First

Aichi

813

31.1

Second

Saitama

526

20.1

Third

Tokyo

452

17.3

Fourth

Kanagawa

142

5.4

Fifth

Gunma

135

5.2

2,615

100.0

Japan

Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

Turkish enclave in Aichi Prefecture, this section will overview Turkish enclaves in Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture and in Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture.

7.3.1 Kawaguchi City, Saitama Prefecture The large concentration of Kurds from Gaziantep Province that has settled in Kawaguchi City can be attributed to chain migration. Kurds began applying for refugee status in Japan in significant numbers around 1996. Most of these people entered the country earlier, and have already sought to obtain residency status as refugees in Japan (Obata 1998). Since then, there has been a steady stream of applicants seeking refugee status, but very few have been accepted. Some of them have sought to open a path to settlement in Japan through intermarriage with a Japanese woman or with a foreign woman here as a permanent resident or a long-term resident. The first Kurds to arrive in Japan in the 1990s settled in Warabi City—subsequently dubbed Warabistan— in Saitama Prefecture (Obata 1998), then gradually more and more Kurds began to live in Kawaguchi City, which is adjacent to Warabi City. The Japan Kurdish Cultural Association was established in Kawaguchi City in 2013 as a civic association supporting community cleanup activities, Kurdish cooking classes tailored for Japanese, and other cultural exchanges with the local community. In March, Kurds, mainly from the Kanto region, gather in the Warabi City Park (Akigase Park, Saitama City in 2018) for Newroz, the most important festival on the Kurdish calendar. Hundreds of Kurds turn out to celebrate the new year, the women wearing colored dresses and spangled head scarves and young men waving flags as they dance.

7.3.2 Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture The Turkish enclave in Yokohama is rather different from others in Japan. It is a small enclave situated in the border area between Tsurumi Ward and Kanagawa Ward

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in Yokohama City, and here they have established a Turkish International School. When children reach school age, families move to this district from other areas. Or when the Turkish family relocates to Kanagawa Prefecture for the father’s job, the parents search for their children’s school first, and then, they search for housing near the school.4 Turkish families who have the advantage of human capital do not need to choose concentrated settlement to obtain social capital. However, when their children reach school age, they try to resettle near the school, and consequently a Turkish enclave has gradually grown up around the school. The Turkish International School was established in 2006, and classes are taught in English. Despite the Turkish affiliation, no classes are offered in the Turkish language and the school is purely secular. There is however a kind of unstated affiliation with Islam among the people associated with the school, which has made it popular with other non-Turkish Muslim families. The Turkish International School has 230 students in kindergarten through high school representing over 30 nationalities (The International School Times 2016). When the most recent Census was conducted in 2015, the Turkish International School was split into two campuses in southern Tsurumi Ward in Yokohama (close to the border with Kanagawa Ward), the main campus for elementary, middle school, and high school age students, and a separate campus for kindergarteners. In April 2019, the two campuses were merged and relocated to southeast Kanagawa Ward (adjacent to Nishi Ward). Some Turkish families have already moved closer to the new school site, and we can assume that a Turkish enclave will soon evolve in southeast Kanagawa Ward.

7.4 Overview of the Turkish Enclaves 7.4.1 Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town in Aichi Prefecture There is a small enclave consisting of 113 individuals that has evolved in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town in Aichi Prefecture (Fig. 7.6). Compared with other ethnic enclaves in this book, it is difficult to say that Turkish settlement of this area is concentrated. It might be regarded as a nascent stage of enclave formation rather than a fully developed enclave. However, there are people residing in Japan from as many as 200 different countries, and some of them live in such small “enclaves.” Therefore, in this chapter, this area is considered one type of a variety of ethnic “enclaves” in Japan. It is well known that Turks in Aichi Prefecture are from Ordu Province on the Black Sea coast and that many of them are engaged in demolition work (Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015; Takeshita 2016), yet few studies have really 4 Based

on an interview survey conducted with the former director of the Turkish International School on July 5, 2019.

164

S. Takeshita

Kon K on nan n Konan y City

Oguchi Town

Inuyama City

National route 41

Ichinomiya City

Iwakura City

Nishi Ward

Kiyos Ki yo os Kiyosu ty y City

0

1

2

4

Kita Ward

km

Size No population

Kasugai City

Toyo yoy yo y oyama oy a Toyoyama Tow Town

Kita-nagoya K a nago goy oy ya a City City y

I a w Inazawa City City

Komaki City

30 10 (Person)

Railway station Railway Major road Municipality boundary Water body

Fig. 7.6 Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town. Source Microdata of the 2015 Population Census

examined this enclave in detail. This section will remedy this omission with a closer look at this Turkish enclave and the lives of its residents in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town. Kitanagoya is a city located in the northwest region of Aichi Prefecture with a population of 84,133 (2015), and developed agricultural economy. Toyoyama is a town with a population of 15,177 (2015) located just east of Kitanagoya on the other side of National Route 41. A third of the town is occupied by Aichi Prefectural Nagoya

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Airport. The Kitanagoya City International Association offers Japanese language classes to foreigners living in the area. Turkish residents have attended the Japanese class for adults in the past, but as of August 2019 only two children were signed up for the Japanese class for children. The Kitanagoya City International Association has also organized a Consultation Service where foreign residents can go for assistance or advice. One of the counselors said that none of the Turks have ever taken advantage of the service. Instead, they have a network of their own and try to resolve any difficulties that arise within the network. Toyoyama Town has published a brochure that introduce all the public facilities in the area and explain how to do things like sort and put out garbage in multiple languages including English, Chinese, Korean, Portuguese, Tagalog, and Turkish. According to a spokesperson from Toyoyama Town Hall, the Turkish version was added because of complaints from neighbors that the Turkish families did not know how to separate their garbage for recycling purposes. A Turkish version of the Toyoyama Town Home Page (community website) is also available for local Turkish residents.

7.4.2 Residents of the Enclave The total population of the Turkish enclave in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town is 113, including 90 men and 23 women (Table 2.1). There is thus a serious gender imbalance with 3.91 men for every woman in the community. The average age of residents is 27.0, which makes it a younger ethnic enclave than others in this table. The number of employed residents is 46, for an employment rate of 48.9% among all residents aged 15 and older. Broken out by gender, 50.6% of the men are employed versus on 15.6% of the women, which reflects the agrarian nature of rural Turkey where women had few opportunities to work except for unskilled farm labor (Hoshiyama 2003: 97). When asked the residents where they resided five years earlier (Table 2.2), the most common response given by 43 residents (38.1%) of the enclave was that they lived “outside of Japan,” followed by 35 residents (31.0%) who stated that they lived at “the same address as present or at another address within the same municipality,” and 29 residents (25.7%) were “unknown.” When asked how long they had lived in the present address (Table 2.3), 71 residents (62.8%) indicated “1 to less than 5 years,” followed by 24 residents (21.2%) who stated they had lived in the enclave “less than 1 year.” This means that a total of 95 residents (84.1%) resided at their current address for “less than 5 years.” Two findings can be drawn from these tables: First, the enclave is the first place young immigrant Turks settle when they arrive in Japan. And second, while mobility is high among Turkish residents, many of them move within the same municipality. Now turning to major occupations (Table 2.4), 14 out of 46 employed residents were engaged in “manufacturing processes,” and 10 were employed in “construction and mining.” The fact that many residents are employed in “manufacturing

166

S. Takeshita

processes” is not surprising considering the many factories located in Kitanagoya and in the nearby city of Komaki. Nor is “construction and mining” surprising given that Turkish residents in the enclave found a niche for themselves in demolition work (Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015; Takeshita 2016). Even recently arrived Turks who do not speak a word of Japanese or have a valid work visa are able to find work for a demolition company through the network of people from Ordu. Since undocumented workers tend to avoid the Census taker (Ishikawa 2005), there are probably some demolition workers who were missed and not counted in the Census. Mean distance between residence and workplace for all employed residents is 2.9 km, and the standard deviation of the mean distance is 6.0 km (Table 2.5). This suggests that Turkish residents in the enclave live close to their workplace, compared with residents of other ethnic enclaves in this table. Moreover, Microdata of the 2015 Population Census indicates that the great majority of married residents, some 82.6%, live in apartments, while 17.4% own their own detached houses.

7.4.3 Intermarriage Among Turks in the Enclave Table 2.6 shows that 11 couples in the enclave are intermarriages between Japanese wives and Turkish husbands. According to Microdata of the 2015 Population Census, the wives of Turkish men in the enclave are 47.8% Japanese and 39.1% Turkish. On the other hand, intermarriage between Japanese husbands and Turkish wives in the enclave cannot be shown because the number is less than five persons. Intermarriage between Turkish men and Japanese women is quite high, while intermarriage between Turkish women and Japanese men is relatively low in this enclave. This is similar to the nationwide tendency mentioned in Sect. 7.2. According to Peach’s work using the London 1991 census data, in addition to residential dispersal, 20% of Caribbean couple households in London had a mixed black and white couple. He argued this number is unambiguous evidence of structural assimilation, or spatial assimilation (Peach 1997). Turkish migrants are the largest immigrant population in Germany, and the rates of intermarriage between Turkish migrants and Germans is revealing. The intermarriage rate for first generation Turkish men is 12.8%, and the rate for second generation is 10.5%. In the case of Turkish women, the intermarriage rate for first generation is 12.7%, and the rate for second generation is 5.7%. Intermarriage rates for both Turkish men and women with Germans are the lowest of all immigrant populations that have settled in Germany (Kalter and Schroedter 2010). The same pattern is observed in the Netherlands where intermarriage rates between Turks and Dutch citizens are the lowest of all immigrant groups in the country (12.5%), and it is said that religious boundaries are stronger than racial boundaries (Kalmijn and Van Tubergen 2007). Religion plays an important role in ethnic endogamy both on the individual and contextual level (Van Tubergen and Maas 2007). These research findings from Germany and the Netherlands corroborate Peach’s hypothesis that spatial assimilation is achieved when intermarriage rates exceed 20%.

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As observed earlier for the enclave in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town, even allowing for the sizable gender imbalance during the early phase of migration, the rate of intermarriage between Turkish men and Japanese women is extraordinarily high. But it may be premature to suggest that this is a clear case of marital assimilation. This group of Japanese women who married Turkish men not only converted to Islam but also began wearing a head scarf. These changes—conversion and scarf-wearing—were made in deference to the husband’s wishes. Because of Turkey’s secular orientation, head scarves in public were forbidden years ago, but more recently the prohibition has been relaxed somewhat. In Istanbul and the larger cities women rarely wear a headscarf, however, in rural areas such as Ordu Province, people tend to be more conservative and women commonly wear a scarf when they go out in public.

7.5 Description of the Turkish Enclave 7.5.1 Background and Formation of the Turkish Enclave Turkish immigrants settled in an enclave in northern Aichi Prefecture bisected by National Route 41: Kitanagoya City is on the west side of the route, and Toyoyama Town is on the east side of the route. Virtually most of the residents emigrated from Ordu Province (Fig. 7.7). Ordu Province is located in the northeast region of Turkey. It faces the Black Sea in the north, and is bordered in the south by a mountain range. Villages are interspersed along the mountainsides where hazelnuts are cultivated. In Ordu Province, relatives live near to one another, offering mutual assistance by sharing farming implements, labor, and cash among an intimate network of relatives and neighbors. The first Turks to discover the labor market in Aichi Prefecture were three men from Fatsa district, Ordu Province who had come to Aichi Prefecture in 1990 to find work.5 Turks were allowed to enter Japan for up to three months without a visa if they were here for sightseeing purposes due to a visa waver agreement. Because of this agreement, many Turkish men came to Japan under the pretext of sightseeing and became illegal laborers (Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015). With the help and encouragement of these three pioneer immigrants from Ordu Province, a succession of friends and relatives followed to establish the ethnic enclave in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town. Many were lured to Japan after hearing about high wages and after watching returnees build up-scale new homes. Those who came to Japan in the early stages, and particularly those who acquired resident visas by marrying Japanese, started up personal side businesses as brokers. The fathers and brothers who remain in Ordu Province act as the contact points for migration 5 Based

on an interview survey conducted with Turkish migrants from Ordu Province in December 2009. A supporting newspaper article was published in the Milliyet newspaper in Turkey on December 19, 2003.

168

S. Takeshita

Fig. 7.7 Ordu Province. Source Taken by Leyla Sahin in 2020

brokerage in Turkey. In some cases, these brokers only offer assistance in gaining entry to Japan, while in other cases the assistance includes introductions to places of residence and employment after entering the county. These new arrivals now provide assistance to others. Chain migration is more likely for people from agricultural regions than for people from urban areas (Wilpert 1992). Previous migrants are expected to act as bridgeheads for kinsmen or fellow villagers wishing to migrate as well (Böcker 1994: 96). Among the people of Ordu Province, where relatives live close together and there is an intimate network of relatives and neighbors, the environment facilitates the formation of a migration systems in which early arrivers help late arrivers. Turks from Ordu and other parts of Turkey have also emigrated in significant numbers to Germany and other EU countries. But since the mid-1990s the number of Turks relocating to Aichi Prefecture from Ordu Province has increased rapidly, in part as a result of government policies in European countries that place restrictions on foreign workers (Immigration Bureau of Japan 1996). The increase in Turks relocating to Germany began in the 1960s, but as a result of the recession following the 1973 oil shock, in that year Germany cancelled the bilateral labor agreement that it had signed with Turkey, and terminated all new hiring of Turkish laborers. Even after that, however, the number of Turks entering Germany increased, because Turkish laborers in Germany were calling family members to join them. In 1981, Germany implemented one measure after another to encourage Turks

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169

to return to their home country, but these measures were not as effective as anticipated (Naito and Social Geography Seminar of Hitotsubashi University 1991; Miyajima 1992). The German government amended the Foreigner’s Act in 1990 to further strengthen controls on foreigners entering the country and promote the integration of immigrant workers and their families into German society. The Schengen Agreement, enacted in 1995, did away with all inspections at national borders within the region— that is, between Germany, France, Belgium, Luxemburg, the Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain—and at the same time placed strict restrictions on the influx of foreign workers from other regions. Even after the Schengen Agreement was put into effect, work permits were issued for close to 7000 Turkish laborers per year for entry into the construction sector (Naito 1996: 10). On the other hand, Turks are allowed to enter Japan for sightseeing purposes for up to 90 days without a visa due to a visa waver agreement concluded between Japan and Turkey in 1957. Because of this agreement, Japan, Aichi Prefecture in particular, gained attention among the people of Ordu Province as a new work destination (Takeshita and Hanaoka 2015).

7.5.2 Life in the Enclave Turks living in this enclave formed families, and in the 2000s they began to form their own communities. In keeping with the transition of their life cycles, the issues that they faced shifted from being migrant laborers to being foreign residents; for example, they faced the problem of Islamic education for their children. In terms of child-rearing and education, this was a period characterized by an increasing need for a community that could meet different demands from the host society. Since most of the immigrants from Ordu Province come to Japan through personal connections, they maintain social networks in Japan similar to those in Ordu Province, based on ties with relatives and neighbors. The core of their community is Fatihah Mosque6 (Fig. 7.8), which opened in Kakamigahara City, Gifu Prefecture in 2004. It opened to meet a growing need for the community’s own mosque that could function as a venue for mutual assistance, exchanges of information, work introductions, counseling in personal problems, Islamic education, and so forth. Turkish residents from Ordu revamped a karaoke establishment and opened their own mosque where sermons can be delivered in Turkish. Since many of them work at construction sites, the renovation was done entirely by members of the enclave. Mosques in Japan are not necessarily located in enclaves where many Muslims live (Okai 2009: 25). In the case of the Fatihah Mosque, it was possible to locate it in Kakamigahara City, Gifu Prefecture, where real estate prices are relatively low. Kakamigahara is in Gifu Prefecture just north of Aichi Prefecture, and only about 40 min’ drive north from the enclave. 6 Before

they built the Fatihah Mosque, one room of an apartment in Gifu Prefecture was rented as a mosque in 1998.

170

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Fig. 7.8 Fatihah Mosque. Source Taken by the author in 2019

The children learn the Qur’an at the Mosque and through camp-style study sessions on weekends at a house rented in Nagoya (Takeshita 2016). For the time being, these study sessions have been suspended because the instructor—a Turkish Ph.D. candidate—had to go back to Turkey, but while the program was active, the students demonstrated their progress at the Annual Qur’an Recitation held at the Kitanagoya community center (Fig. 7.9). The fathers received a secular education in Turkey and are thus unable to recite the Qur’an, but when they have children of their own, this reignites religious sentiment and the fathers tend to become more pious. Since the ability to recite the Qur’an is revered in Muslim society, the fathers hope their children will learn to recite verses from the Qur’an. In Kitanagoya City, there is a restaurant run by an Ordu immigrant that is thronged with Turkish customers every day (Fig. 7.10). Especially at lunch time, Ordu demolition laborers pour into the restaurant in their work clothes. The restaurant was started by an Ordu native who was married to a Japanese woman (later divorced), and opened originally as a bar that was only open in the evenings. Later the owner has changed to another Ordu native, and they started opening at lunch time too. In Toyoyama Town, there is a restaurant named after the mountain in Ordu (Fig. 7.11). Several tables are set up for Okey,7 and Ordu men come around on 7 A traditional tile-based game popular in Turkey that features 106 numbered tiles. Ideally, the game

involves four players, but it can be played with two or three players as well. In Turkey, they play

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Fig. 7.9 Annual Qur’an Recitation. Source Taken by the author in 2016

their days off to play Okey over a cup of chai or a meal. Essentially, it fulfilled the role of a Turkish kahvehane (coffeehouse).

7.5.3 Transnational Networks Turkish immigrants in the enclave recreated the same kind of network they had in Ordu, but they also set up a transnational network to maintain close ties with relatives back in Turkey. In the case where a Turkish resident in the enclave build an apartment for rent in Ordu, he turns to his brother or father still living in Ordu to supervise the tenants and collect the rent. Managing an apartment in Ordu from overseas is a form of investment in one’s home country, and this too establishes a link between the enclave and the Turkish homeland. The immigration brokerage business described earlier is also built on transnational networking. Widespread availability of the Internet has made it very easy to set up and maintain transnational networks. The Internet became commonplace in Japan in the latter half of the 1990s, about the same time Turkish workers began coming to Japan in large numbers. As the Internet penetrated Japan in the 2000s, relatives back in Ordu Province often had to visit a local Internet café when they wanted to use the Internet.

Okey at home, in kahvehane (coffeehouses), and elsewhere, but usually only men play Okey at kahvehane.

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Fig. 7.10 Turkish restaurant in Kitanagoya City. Source Taken by the author in 2019

Immigrants today generally maintain networks with relatives back home even as they establish new lives and survive economically in a new land, moving spatially to live their lives while building cross-border social relationships. Transnational migration has been propelled by advancements in communication technologies and transportation, and the lives and livelihoods of migrants has been greatly enhanced by technological innovations (Ishikawa 2012: 25). Globalization implies a stretching of social, political and economic activities across frontiers such that events, decisions, and activities in one region of the world can come to have significance for individuals and communities in distant regions of the globe. In this sense, it embodies transregional interconnectedness, the widening reach of networks of social activity and power, and the possibility of action at a distance (Held et al. 1999: 15). Many studies of Turkish immigrants in Germany have explored the implications of transnationalism theory (Aksoy and Robins 2000;

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Fig. 7.11 Turkish restaurant in Toyoyama Town. Source Taken by the author in 2020

Ça˘glar 2001; Argun 2003; Østergaard-Nielsen 2003; Ehrkamp 2005; Ishikawa 2012). According to Ehrkamp, Turkish immigrants in German cities maintain close ties with their home country, and/or the place where they used to live, leading to the renationalization of spaces. Turkish mass media are widely available, and most Turkish residents maintain familial ties to Turkey. Turkish communities reflect transnational practices as well as local attachments through immigrants’ investments in the local neighborhood (Ehrkamp 2005). Social processes and relations do not only create a place in a material sense, but they also produce meaning that people attach to places, evoking a sense of place (Massey 1994). Place provides the tools for considering the multiple scales that impinge on immigrants’ lives, while simultaneously enabling us to consider the ways in which immigrants use such ties in order to create places for themselves (Ehrkamp 2005: 349).

7.6 Conclusion This chapter has examined to what extent residents of a Turkish enclave in Aichi Prefecture manifest spatial assimilation theory as measured by marital assimilation.

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Section 7.1 provided a historical overview of the Turkish people and Turkish immigration, then reviewed previous research on spatial assimilation and related U-shaped pattern of intermarriage. Section 7.2 describes two ways in which Turkish immigrants might obtain permission to reside in Japan: either by marrying a Japanese citizen or by applying for refugee status. The findings are that intermarriages between Turkish men and Japanese women are exceedingly common, and that there are many intermarriages where the wife is older than her husband by ten or more years in two particular situations: when a Turkish man marries a Japanese woman, and when a Turkish man marries a woman of some other nationality with a “long-term resident” visa or a “permanent resident” visa. In the past, many Turks applied for refugee status with the aim of extending their stay and continuing to work in Japan, but the recent enactment of stricter rules in the “Further Revisions for Operation of the Refugee Recognition System” in 2018 has sharply reduced the number of Turkish nationals applying for refugee status. Section 7.3 covers the distribution of Turkish residents in Japan. Approximately a third of Japan’s Turkish residents live in Aichi Prefecture followed by Saitama Prefecture. Concentrations of Turks can also be found in Tokyo where there are many employment opportunities and schools, in Kanagawa Prefecture, a bedroom community to the southwest of Tokyo, and in Gunma Prefecture where the Northern Kanto industrial zone is located. Section 7.4 described the Turkish enclave in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town in Aichi Prefecture, and offered some details about the people who live in this enclave. Examining the marriage behavior of the enclave residents, it was revealed that like Japan as a whole, intermarriage between Turkish men and Japanese women was quite common. Section 7.5 considered the background factors leading to the formation of the enclave, examined the lives of the Turkish residents, and described the transnational network that links the migrants with family back in Ordu Province. Based on the above analysis, three broad observations about the Turkish enclave can be made. The first is the enclave’s high degree of homogeneity. Residents of the enclave are held together by a combination of shared networks: they all emigrated from the same province in Turkey, they share the same religion, and many of them engage in demolition work. The immigrants maintain the same mutual aid arrangements in the enclave as they observed in Ordu Province, and the early arrivers assist the late arrivers through chain migration. The second observation is that the Turkish enclave only recently came into existence in the 2000s. It is the first place young immigrant Turks settle when they arrive in Japan, and so far the socioeconomic status and home ownership of the residents has not shown much improvement. And the third is that there have been a significant number of intermarriages between Turkish men and Japanese women. However, this cannot be taken as evidence of marital assimilation where residents have starting moving beyond the borders of the enclave. Rather, many of the intermarriages can be attributed to the gender imbalance among the early arrivals from Turkey—i.e., most of the pioneer immigrants were men—and the fact that some men sought out Japanese brides as a strategy for enabling them to stay in Japan. None of these intermarriages occurred as a result of a Turkish man moving out of the enclave in a process of spatial assimilation.

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Most Japanese women married to Turkish men have converted to Islam and are raising their children as Muslims. Turkey is secular as a matter of national policy, but many Japanese wives of Ordu husbands observe the customary practice of Ordu women and wear a scarf, thus exhibiting a unique religious and cultural identify. I hope to build on this research by continuing to collect data and conduct interview surveys over a longer timeframe to determine whether Turkish residents are eventually assimilated spatially into Japanese society as a result of marital assimilation.

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Nauck B (2007) Immigrant families in Germany: family change between situational adaptation, acculturation, segregation and remigration. Zeitschrift für Familienforschung 19(1):34–54 Obata S (1998) Turkish laborers in Japan. Graduation Thesis, Turkish Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (in Japanese) Okai H (2009) Establishment of religious institutions by Muslim immigrants in Japan. Ningen Kagaku Kenkyu (Waseda J Hum Sci) 22:15–29 (in Japanese) Østergaard-Nielsen EK (2003) Transnational politics: the case of Turks and Kurds in Germany. Routledge, London Peach C (1997) Pluralist and assimilationist models of ethnic settlement in London 1991. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 88(2):120–134. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14679663.1997.tb01591.x Takeshita S (2016) Social and human capital among Japanese-Turkish families in Japan. Asian Ethn 17(3):456–466. https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2015.1062071 Takeshita S, Hanaoka K (2015) Turkish families and Islamic education for children in Aichi prefecture. In: Ishikawa Y (ed) International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population declin. Trans Pacific Press, Melbourne The International School Times (2016) Observation: Horizon Japan International School. https:// istimes.net/articles/846. Accessed 2 April 2019 (in Japanese) Timmerman C (2006) Gender dynamics in the context of Turkish marriage migration: the case of Belgium. Turkish Stud 7(1):125–143. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683840500520642 Tosakul R (2010) Cross-border marriages: experiences of village women from northeastern Thailand with Western men. In: Yang WS, Lu MC (eds) Asian cross-border marriage migration: demographic patterns and social issues. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam Van Tubergen F, Maas I (2007) Ethnic intermarriage among immigrants in the Netherlands: an analysis of population data. Soc Sci Res 36:1065–1086. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2006. 09.003 Wilpert C (1992) The use of social networks in Turkish migration to Germany. In: Kritz MM, Lim LL, Zlotnik H (eds) International migration systems: a global approach. Clarendon Press, Oxford Yoshida T (2013a) Some dimensions of Tartar before World War II in Nagoya. Nagoya Gakuin Daigaku Ronshu: Gengo Bunka Hen (J Nagoya Gakuin Univ Lang Cult) 24(2):281–291 (in Japanese) Yoshida T (2013b) Some dimensions of Tartar before World War II in Nagoya 2. Nagoya Gakuin Daigaku Ronshu: Jinbun Shizenkagaku Hen (J Nagoya Gakuin Univ Humanit Nat Sci) 50(1):15– 34 (in Japanese) Yoshida T (2014) The relationship of Tartar in Nagoya before World War II. Ajiabunka Kenkyujo Kenkyu Nenpo (Annu J Asian Cult Res Inst) 48:247–258

Shuko Takeshita is a professor in the Department of Japanese Cultural Studies, Aichi Gakuin University. She received her Ph.D. in sociology from Kinjo Gakuin University in 2000. Her expertise is in family sociology. Her research interests are mixed families and their children from the perspectives of multicultural issues, social discrimination, and cultural inheritance passed on to mixed children. She has conducted field research on mixed families, including Turkish-Japanese families, for more than two decades. Her current work focuses on religious socialization among second-generation Muslims born to Turkish-Japanese families in Japan.

Chapter 8

Conclusion Yoshitaka Ishikawa

Abstract This book comprehensively investigates the enclaves of Japan’s foreign residents as ethnic minorities in a comparative way and attempts to examine the findings obtained in Japan with reference to those in overseas countries. This book’s major results, in terms of spatial dimensions of enclaves and their differences by nationality, are presented in Sect. 8.2. Although the specific situation of each enclave varies by nationality, the ethnic enclaves observed in contemporary Japan are generally small in area, and the ratios of foreign population to the total population on the neighborhood scale are low. Then, the major reasons for the formation of ethnic enclaves, considering both external and internal factors, are examined in Sect. 8.3. Next, we investigate the applicability of the existing explanatory framework used for ethnic segregation and enclaves to Japanese immigrant communities in Sect. 8.4. Consequently, the traditional spatial assimilation theory is found to be applicable to only the enclave of Korean oldcomers, while the heterolocalism framework seems to be the predominant explanation for almost all of the dispersed settlements or less remarkable enclaves in Japan. Finally, future challenges in clarifying Japan’s ethnic enclaves are discussed in Sect. 8.5. Keywords Ethnic enclaves · Segregation · Foreign residents · Spatial assimilation · Heterolocalism

8.1 Introduction This publication aims to comprehensively investigate the enclaves of Japan’s foreign residents as ethnic minorities in a comparative way and attempts to examine the findings obtained in Japan with reference to those in English-speaking countries such as US/UK. In the first chapter, we presented the four key issues in the existing literature on ethnic enclaves in Japan: (1) weak interest in the spatial aspects of enclaves, (2) insufficient attention given to the cross-nationality viewpoint, (3) ad Y. Ishikawa (B) Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, Hachioji, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 Y. Ishikawa (ed.), Ethnic Enclaves in Contemporary Japan, International Perspectives in Geography 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6995-5_8

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hoc explanations of spatial clustering and enclave formation given only for particular nationalities, and (4) the lack of works that have evaluated the empirical validity of the existing explanatory frameworks. In this book, we present our approaches to meeting those challenges. The examples of ethnic enclaves taken up here include Chinese enclaves in Toshima Ward (Tokyo) and Kawaguchi and Warabi Cities (Saitama Prefecture), Korean enclaves in Ikuno Ward (Osaka City) and Shinjuku Ward (Tokyo), Filipino enclaves in Naka Ward (Nagoya City) and Yaizu City (Shizuoka Prefecture), Brazilian enclaves in the Wards of Naka, Higashi and Minami in Hamamatsu City (Shizuoka Prefecture), and a Turkish enclave in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town (Aichi Prefecture). The locations of these enclaves are shown in Fig. 2.5, and their salient features are described in a detailed manner in the second chapter. The structure of this concluding chapter is as follows. First, the major findings obtained in this work related to the first and second challenges are presented in Sect. 8.2. Then, in relation to the third challenge, based on the findings in the five chapters from Chap. 3, the major reasons why foreign residents have formed their ethnic enclaves are summarized in Sect. 8.3, with consideration to both external and internal factors. Next, in Sect. 8.4, regarding the fourth challenge, the applicability or empirical validity of the existing frameworks, such as spatial assimilation and heterolocalism, is examined for the Japanese experience. Finally, future challenges are discussed in Sect. 8.5.

8.2 Spatial Dimensions of Ethnic Enclaves and Their Differences by Nationality The enclaves of the five nationalities under focus (China, Korea, the Philippines, Brazil and Turkey) are investigated in Chaps. 3–7 of this volume using the same data source (microdata of the 2015 Population Census) and corresponding figures and tables to present fair comparisons. For our research purposes, the maps (Figs. 3.5, 3.9, 4.4, 4.5, 5.6, 5.9, 6.6 and 7.6) and tables (Tables 2.1 through 2.6) are particularly important. In terms of foreign population (Table 2.1), the Korean oldcomers’ Ikuno enclave (14,252 persons) is the largest among the enclaves examined in this book, with the next largest being Chinese in Ikebukuro (11,393), Chinese in Kawaguchi (9,840), and Koreans in Shinjuku (8,744), where all of these latter enclaves were formed by newcomers. According to the above maps, the enclave with the largest area is the Ikuno neighborhood showing a 5% or greater ratio of Korean residents, and interestingly it has several neighborhoods with 20% or more, demonstrating a very unusual situation among the enclaves in Japan. Considering these features, it’s easy to understand why this enclave has previously attracted great attention in such disciplines as geography, history, and sociology, as discussed in this book’s fourth chapter.

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Compared with this Ikuno case, the enclaves of Korean and Chinese newcomers such as Shinjuku, Ikebukuro, and Kawaguchi are somewhat smaller in area. Those of Filipino, Brazilian and Turkish residents are much smaller in area, and these residents’ ratio in total neighborhood population is much lower. These findings suggest that the ethnic enclaves observed in contemporary Japan are not so remarkable. This corresponds to the findings obtained from the application of the dissimilarity index (Korekawa 2009). Furthermore, we reconfirmed in this publication that the major locations of ethnic enclaves in Japan are not inner cities, where most of the enclaves in US/UK cities are found. Significantly, some of the ethnic enclaves (namely, Ikebukuro, Shinjuku and Nagoya) are located in the city center or sub-center districts. Therefore, this fact seems rather curious. While the first two of these three cases are also places of ethnic businesses for Chinese and Korean newcomers, respectively, the third case involves a concentrated area for so-called “Philippine pubs.” A key factor behind these three enclaves’ locations is the good transportation access they provide for gathering visitors.

8.3 Reasons for Enclave Formation Why do foreigners, as members of ethnic minorities, tend to show spatial clustering of their residential places in certain areas of the city? In this regard, there has been a great deal of previous work in geography. For comparison, we refer here to a wellknown and highly evaluated textbook on urban social geography, chiefly based on the experiences of the UK and US (Knox and Pinch 2010, pp. 165–186). We summarize the examples of Japanese enclaves investigated in this book by considering them in light of the well-regarded findings of that textbook. According to its authors, the specific reasons for enclave formation can be grouped into two factors: the external factors arising from the discrimination and associated structural effects instigated by the ethnic majority (or charter group) in a host country and the internal factors of each community that promote voluntary clustering of ethnic minority populations.

8.3.1 External Factors A typical external factor is discrimination in the housing market. Fukumoto, the author of Chap. 4, indicates that this is obviously applicable to the enclave of Korean oldcomers in Ikuno Ward. In Japan, real estate agents and landlords usually dislike renting private housing to foreign residents, insisting they set up a guarantor, even though it is difficult for ethnic minorities to find Japanese guarantors. As a result, many Koreans in the Ikuno enclave have been forced to purchase housing. As mentioned in Chaps. 3, 5, and 6, an increasing number of Chinese, Filipino, and Brazilian residents have also come to own their homes.

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In relation to this, it should be noted that foreign residents have recently increased their use of public housing in Japan, and many ethnic enclaves have formed in neighborhoods that include public housing. Public housing here refers to housing managed by municipalities such as prefectures and cities as well as housing complexes managed by the semi-public Urban Renaissance (UR) Agency. Among the enclaves mentioned in this book, Yamashita’s contribution in Chap. 3 and his earlier coauthored paper (Jiang and Yamashita 2005) discussed the ease of entering a public housing complex in the Kawaguchi enclave and the enrichment of the area’s public facilities. Furthermore, Kataoka, the author of Chap. 6, reported that, in a Brazilian enclave in Hamamatsu, Brazilian residents were initially living in housing provided by brokers, but since around 2000, the number of these residents in public housing has rapidly increased, and she gives a detailed explanation of this development. The chief reasons why foreign residents have increasing settled in public housing can be stated as follows. Generally, when a foreigner rents private housing in Japan, a guarantor must be found, and many landlords are reluctant to have foreigners move in. Under such circumstances, the popularity of public housing among foreign residents has increased because no guarantor is required, no “key money” or other fee needs to be paid, there is no nationality requirement, and it is possible to move in by simply meeting certain income standards. While the formation of ethnic enclaves in public housing areas in Japan is the result of discrimination against foreign residents in the housing market, the above benefits of such housing must also be acknowledged. In addition, the socioeconomic status of foreign residents related to employment in the labor market can also be considered one of the external factors (Knox and Pinch 2010, p. 170; French 2010, pp. 1022–1023). Specific indicators of socioeconomic status are educational attainment, occupation, and income. Table 2.4 provides helpful information on these by revealing the top three occupations of the foreign residents in each enclave, based on the microdata of the 2015 Population Census. This table shows that the first-ranked occupation varies among these populations: “professional and engineering” as white-collar jobs for Chinese residents in Kawaguchi and Warabi Cities and Korean residents in Shinjuku Ward, “service” as gray-collar jobs for Chinese residents in Toshima Ward and for Filipino residents in Naka Ward, and “manufacturing processes” as blue-collar jobs for Korean, Filipino, Brazilian and Turkish residents in the other enclaves. According to an investigation on the occupations of foreigners residing in Japan (Korekawa 2015), only the two upper categories of white-collar occupations (“administrative and managerial” and “professional and engineering”) are regarded as purposeful occupational attainment. In this sense, most foreign residents taken up in this volume have not reached a high socioeconomic status; accordingly, this may be a reason for the particular spatial clustering of their residential areas. Furthermore, keeping in mind that the concentration of service jobs is generally found in city center/sub-center areas, we can easily understand why Chinese and Filipino enclaves are observed in Toshima Ward of Tokyo and Naka Ward of Nagoya.

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8.3.2 Internal Factors Internal factors include four specific types: defense, mutual support, cultural preservation, and spaces for “attack” (Knox and Pinch 2010, pp. 172–174). Of these, the first and fourth types seem to be less applicable to the Japanese enclaves. The empirical studies in Chap. 3 through Chap. 7 contain rich examples of mutual support and cultural preservation. In addition, many of the photographs in these chapters vividly show specific forms of internal factors at work. There are many examples of mutual support. Chapter 3 describes an actual instance of it among members of co-ethnic residents in the Chinese enclaves in Ikebukuro and Kawaguchi (see also Jiang and Yamashita 2005). In this interesting episode, local Chinese leaders proposed in January 2008 the idea of establishing a preparation committee for a “Tokyo Chinatown” in Ikebukuro; however, this plan was not carried out in the end because stiff opposition was raised by local Japanese shopkeepers. Chapter 6, dealing with the Hamamatsu enclaves, describes that restaurants, daily necessities shops, schools, banks, and beauty salons managed by Brazilian residents have provided mutual support among Brazilian residents. Regardless of the nationalities covered in this book, it can be demonstrated that ethnic business establishments in and near the enclaves are powerful sites for facilitating communication among foreign nationals. In addition, Chap. 5 reports on the unique summer festival held in the Filipino enclave of Nagoya. With regard to cultural preservation, the role of schools is significant. For example, there are Korean schools in Ikuno and Shinjuku. Nagoya has the only school for Filipino children, and the elementary school in Yaizu offers opportunities to learn Tagalog. Furthermore, inhabitants of the Turkish settlement in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town in Aichi Prefecture are Muslim; a mosque is located in Kakamigahara City, Gifu Prefecture, and although it is 40 min north by car, it has served as an important base to strengthen the Turkish enclave’s religious unity.

8.3.3 Market-Based Migration System As explained in Chap. 1, the initial place of residence for foreigners entering Japan was not necessarily chosen by the foreigners themselves but often by the intermediary organizations that arrange their employment in Japan. Usually, new foreigners immigrating to Japan select their residence themselves with the help of their families, relatives, and friends. On the other hand, a different type of residential choice is made by intermediary organizations belonging to the migration industry. Such a migration system is called the market-based migration system, and it is particularly applicable to the case of Brazilian nationals (Kajita et al. 2005). This system is discussed by Kataoka in Chap. 6 for Brazilian enclaves and by Takahata in Chap. 5 for Filipino enclaves. The question asked here is why, despite the foreigners not making housing decisions themselves, did the housing facilities provided by intermediary

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organizations show high spatial proximity to each other, resulting in the formation of enclaves. Takahata pointed out that, in the Filipino enclaves of Naka Ward and Yaizu City, the manpower companies provided Filipinos newly entering Japan with places of residence near their workplaces. Thus, enclaves were formed near neighborhoods where employment opportunities for them were concentrated. Kataoka also noted that the Brazilian labor brokerage companies initially provided housing units near the factories that were these immigrants’ main workplaces. Judging from the examples in these two chapters, the Filipino and Brazilian residents have been susceptible to a sort of structural effect influenced by these intermediary companies, which is beyond the residents’ voluntary choice of residence. Hence, it is reasonable to conclude that the spatial concentration of employment opportunities for foreign workers has determined the spatial clustering of their residential places. In other words, enclaves based on the market-based migration system can also be evaluated as being formed by an external factor.

8.4 Applicability of Existing Frameworks Associated with Ethnic Enclaves Ethnic enclaves, or the spatial clustering of members of ethnic minority groups in cities, can be observed everywhere in the contemporary world. Japan is no exception, as explained in this book. The specific reasons for such clustering in the country’s context are discussed in the above Sect. 8.3, mainly focused on external and internal factors in relation to residential choice by foreign residents. Next, we devote attention to the enclaves as a whole and their temporal changes while discussing the applicability and empirical validity of existing explanatory frameworks associated with segregation and enclaves, specifically, spatial accumulation and heterolocalism. Zelinsky and Lee (1998) also referred to the pluralist framework, but due to its vague spatial implications (Ishikawa 2019), this framework is not discussed in this book.

8.4.1 Traditional Spatial Assimilation The framework of traditional spatial assimilation (Massey and Denton 1985) argued that an important outcome of socioeconomic advancement for minorities is residential integration within mainstream society. A host of variables important to people’s social and economic well-being are determined by residential location. As social status rises, therefore, minorities attempt to convert their socioeconomic achievements into an improved spatial position, which usually implies assimilation with members of the majority group.

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Fukumoto’s paper in Chap. 4 demonstrates that the traditional spatial assimilation theory, advocated by Massey and Denton (1985), clearly applies to the Ikuno enclave of Korean oldcomers. In this enclave, progress in structural assimilation, as well as intermarriage and naturalization, has been increasing, and in parallel with these movements, out-migration from the enclave has been observed. As a result, the degree of spatial clustering has been weakening. The rise in the socioeconomic status of the inhabitants was achieved not only during the lifetime of the first generation but also across generations. It is also noteworthy that the residents in this enclave have a high rate of home ownership, and a certain portion of workers are self-employed, helping to mitigate the decline of the enclave. The framework of traditional spatial assimilation is based on the premise that a clear settlement of ethnic minority groups has been formed. In general, such formation is assumed to require a long time, so it is likely to be applicable to the ethnic enclaves of foreign residents who have a long history of living in Japan, mainly in the case of oldcomers. Aside from the Ikuno enclave, all of the examples discussed in this book are enclaves formed by newcomers. Consequently, it seems that none of these enclaves show the validity of traditional spatial assimilation. According to the explanatory framework of traditional spatial assimilation, the rising socioeconomic status of residents in the enclaves enables them to migrate to the suburbs and acquire their own homes there, leading to a weakening or shrinking of existing enclaves. This type of development is complemented by the occupational composition of the enclaves’ residents. As mentioned above and shown in Table 2.4 in the second chapter, the first occupational group for the residents of the Filipino, Brazilian, and Turkish enclaves is “manufacturing processes,” implying that generally their socioeconomic status is not high. However, some of them are motivated to acquire homes, and in fact, some residents have purchased their own homes, though these are not necessarily optimal in terms of location and housing quality. This trend provides an encouraging sign of socioeconomic improvement by the foreign residents.

8.4.2 Modified Spatial Assimilation After critically examining traditional spatial assimilation, Wright et al. (2005) presented a modified framework of spatial assimilation. They developed some new theoretical entry points into the process of spatial assimilation in which metropolitan areas as constellations of neighborhoods, rather than a central citysuburban doughnut pattern, are considered. We cite two cases that can be explained more convincingly by this modified framework. The first case is the Kawaguchi enclave. Of the two Chinese enclaves discussed in the third chapter, Yamashita mentions that residents in Kawaguchi have a higher socioeconomic status than those in Ikebukuro. While the residents of the former enclave are characterized by rental housing in large public housing complexes, they are more motivated to buy a home (especially a condominium) rather than to live in

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public rental housing. The traditional spatial assimilation theory argues that ethnic minority populations, with a rise in their socioeconomic status, show dispersal in their residential places from the inner city to the suburbs (Massey and Denton 1985). However, the case of Kawaguchi’s enclave differs from the supposition of the traditional framework in that Chinese residents’ settlements are concentrated in suburban areas. This finding seems to be better explained by the modified framework of spatial assimilation. The second case involves the enclaves of Ikebukuro and Shinjuku, which are two lively downtown areas of Tokyo’s metropolitan sub-centers. Due to the convenience of good transportation access, ethnic businesses are very popular in these enclaves. It is assumed that some managers succeed in such businesses and achieve a higher socioeconomic status. This situation suggests that successful foreign managers could afford to move to the suburbs. However, considering the convenience of business management, they may prefer to remain inside the enclaves. Nevertheless, no specific evidence supporting this expectation is given in Chaps. 3 and 4, and thus it remains only a conjecture.

8.4.3 Heterolocalism Zelinsky and Lee (1998) critically evaluated the applicability of the traditional spatial assimilation and pluralist frameworks to the contemporary ethnic landscape of the US. The term “heterolocalism” refers to recent populations of shared ethnic identity that enter an area from distant origins and then quickly adopt a dispersed pattern of residential locations. This framework has additional salient features such as spatial separation between residence and workplace, ethnic ties through telecommunications and visits, socioeconomic and technological conditions peculiar to the end of the twentieth century, and participation in transnational networks. The authors were primarily concerned with new immigrants who have high socioeconomic status at the time of entry and who have increased in numbers since the 1965 amendment of the Immigration Act in the US. However, they claimed that this framework is also valid for ethnic groups with low socioeconomic status. Of the five nationalities described in this book, the settlements of Turkish residents in Kitanagoya City and Toyoyama Town in Aichi Prefecture, which were taken up by Takeshita in Chap. 7, have not formed a clear enclave (Fig. 7.6). Therefore, this seems to be the only case that can be examined for the validity of the heterolocalism framework. The Turkish residents in this area have had only a short length of stay after initially entering Japan (Tables 2.2 and 2.3), and the main reason for their decentralized settlement seems to arise from the very small co-ethnic population at this stage. Their current socioeconomic status is not so high, but their strong ethnic identity and bonds are maintained via the internet and frequent visits. The internet has enabled them to form a transnational network between this area of Japan and Turkey’s Ordu Province as their origin. Generally speaking, the Turkish protoenclave closely conforms to the situation assumed by the framework demonstrated

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in the work of Zelinsky and Lee (1998). Furthermore, Takeshita et al. (2021) have closely investigated the situation of Turkish residents in Aichi Prefecture, and this work has strongly supported the empirical validity of the heterolocal framework. Heterolocalism argues that, despite the absence of spatial propinquity, strong ethnic community ties are maintained via telecommunications. Regarding the case of the Hamamatsu enclave, where the degree of spatial clustering of Brazilian residents is less remarkable, Kataoka, the author of Chap. 6, said that 70% of them used the internet for obtaining and communicating life-related information among themselves, even as early as 2010. The use of the internet is not limited to residents of Hamamatsu’s Brazilian enclaves but is rather likely to be common among all foreign residents in contemporary Japan, regardless of socioeconomic status. Therefore, it is presumed that this condition has made it much easier for them to choose areas to live, leading to the diversification of their places of residence. This trend closely corresponds to the implications of a heterolocal perspective. Accordingly, the heterolocalism framework seems to apply to almost all of the dispersed settlements or less remarkable enclaves in contemporary Japan.

8.5 Future Challenges This book addressed the four key issues identified through a review of existing literature on ethnic enclaves in the first chapter, and it presented an overview of the enclaves examined in the second chapter. Then, in-depth empirical research on the ethnic enclaves of the five nationalities in contemporary Japan was conducted in the third through the seventh chapter. The major findings obtained from these five chapters are summarized in this chapter. Accordingly, the original aim of this publication has been achieved. Finally, we mention three further challenges requiring future work. First, the specific situation of foreign residents belonging to small-sized populations (for instance, those with less than 10,000 persons as shown in Fig. 2.4 in the second chapter) should also be clarified. Such residents have not been taken up in this publication, except for the Turkish population in the seventh chapter of this volume. Nevertheless, we believe that the methodology focused on mapping at the neighborhood scale in municipalities (including cities), as used in this book, is extremely useful. Second, the results obtained from this book need to be carefully compared with those obtained outside Japan (e.g., Li 2006; Seol and Skrentny 2009; Teixeira et al. 2012; Alba and Foner 2015; Hanlon and Vicino 2019). In this book we largely limited our attention to previous literature associated with ethnic enclaves formed in Japan. However, in the first, second and eighth chapters we made rough comparisons of enclaves between Japan and the U.S./U.K. in terms of enclave locations, external/internal factors, and explanatory frameworks. However, since ethnic

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enclaves have many other aspects, comprehensive and systematic comparative studies should be pursued. Third, it is necessary to investigate widely and carefully how the ethnic enclaves of foreign residents will contribute to the development of Japan as a country with a declining population. Keeping in mind that the annual increase in the country’s foreign population has been about 75,000 persons since 2010, it is likely that ethnic enclaves will increase and expand in the near future. We hope that the results obtained in this volume will be positively used in this context.

References Alba R, Foner N (2015) Strangers no more: immigration and the challenges of integration in North America and Western Europe. Princeton University Press, Princeton French K (2010) Ethnic segregation. In: Warf B (ed), Encyclopedia of geography. Sage, Thousand Oaks Hanlon B, Vicino TJ (eds) (2019) The Routledge companion to the suburbs. Routledge, New York Ishikawa Y (2019) Review of existing literature on ethnic enclaves: focusing on results obtained in the US. Ritsumeikan Chirigaku (J Ritsumeikan Geogr Soc) 31:1–12 (in Japanese) Jiang W, Yamashita K (2005) Residential concentration of Chinese newcomers in a public apartment complex in the suburbs of Tokyo: a case of Kawaguchi Shibazono danchi in Saitama. Tsukuba Daigaku Jimbun Chirigaku Kenkyu (Tsukuba Studies Hum Geogr) 29:33–58 (in Japanese) Kajita T, Tanno K, Higuchi N (2005) Kao no mienai teijuka: nikkei burajirujin to kokka, shijo, imin nettowaku (Invisible residents: Japanese Brazilians vis-à-vis the state, the market and the immigrant network). Nagoya University Press, Nagoya (in Japanese) Knox P, Pinch S (2010) Urban social geography: an introduction, 6th edn. Pearson Prentice Hall, New York Korekawa Y (2009) Current situation and causes of foreign residents’ ethnic residential segregation in Japan by dissimilarity index: an analysis from a small-areal data of Japanese census. Jinkogaku Kenkyu (J Popul Stud) 44:1–17. https://doi.org/10.24454/jps.44.0_1 (in Japanese) Korekawa Y (2015) Immigrant occupational attainment. In: Ishikawa Y (ed), International migrants in Japan: contributions in an era of population decline. Kyoto University Press, Kyoto Li W (ed) (2006) From urban enclave to ethnic suburb: new Asian communities in Pacific Rim countries. University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu Massey D, Denton N (1985) Spatial assimilation as a socioeconomic outcome. Am Sociol Rev 50(2):94–106. https://doi.org/10.2307/2095343 Seol DH, Skrentny JD (2009) Why is there so little migrant settlement in East Asia? Inter Migr Rev 43(3):578–620. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2009.00778.x Takeshita S, Hanaoka K, Ishikawa Y (2021) Investigating empirical validity of heterolocalism: focusing on Turkish residential patterns in Aichi Prefecture. Aichi Gakuin Daigaku Bungakubu Kiyo (Bull Fac Lett Aichi Gakuin Univ) 50:65–74 (in Japanese) Teixeira C, Li W, Kobayashi A (eds) (2012) Immigrant geographies of North American cities. Oxford University Press, Don Mills Wright R, Ellis M, Parks V (2005) Replacing whiteness in spatial assimilation research. City & Community 4(2):111–135 Zelinsky W, Lee BA (1998) Heterolocalism: an alternative model of the sociospatial behavior of immigrant ethnic communities. Inter J Popul Geogr 4(4):281–298. https://doi.org/10.1002/(SIC I)1099-1220(199812)4:4%3c281::AID-IJPG108%3e3.0.CO;2-O

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Yoshitaka Ishikawa is a professor in the Faculty of Economics, Teikyo University, and an emeritus professor of Kyoto University. He received his D.Litt. in geography from the Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University, in 1994. He is a leading Japanese population geographer who has contributed to international geography through publishing many books and papers on such research topics as internal/international migration and foreign residents as ethnic minorities. His activities have also extended to making public policy recommendations in recent years. He served as an editorial board member of the journal Population, Space and Place (formerly International Journal of Population Geography) for 20 years from 1995. He won the IGU (International Geographical Union) Lauréat d’honneur for the year 2020.