Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book 9789004441163, 9004441166

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Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book

Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies Founding Editor David S. Katz (Tel-Aviv University) Series Editor Joshua Holo (Hebrew Union College – Jewish Institute of Religion)

volume 68

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bsjs

Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book By

Marvin J. Heller

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover image: 1722, tractate Sukkah, Offenbach. Courtesy of Shaul Heller. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Heller, Marvin J., author. Title: Essays on the making of the early Hebrew book / Marvin Heller. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2021] | Series: Brill’s series in  Jewish studies, 0926–2261 ; volume 68 | Includes bibliographical  references. Identifiers: LCCN 2020053981 (print) | LCCN 2020053982 (ebook) | ISBN  9789004441156 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004441163 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Printing, Hebrew—History. | Hebrew imprints—History. Classification: LCC Z228.H4 H438 2021 (print) | LCC Z228.H4 (ebook) | DDC  686.2/1924—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020053981 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020053982

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0926-2261 ISBN 978-90-04-44115-6 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-44116-3 (e-book) Copyright 2021 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau Verlag and V&R Unipress. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Preface ix

part 1 Hebrew Book Arts 1

The Eagle Motif in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Hebrew Books 5

2

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks 30

3

The Fish Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and as Pressmarks 62

4

Keter Shem Tov: A Study in the Entitling of Books, Here Limited to One Title Only 85

5

Entitling Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs) 112

part 2 Makers and Places of Hebrew Books 6

Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme: Sephardic Printing in Late-SixteenthCentury Constantinople 157

7

Kesef Nivhar, Kesef Mezukkak, Kesef Zaruf, and Other Works: The Career and Books of Rabbi Josiah ben Joseph Pinto 174

8

The Laniados: A Sixteenth–Seventeenth Century Family of Sages in Aram Zova (Aleppo, Haleb) and the Books that They Wrote 190

9

Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia: A Study in Contrasts 208

10

Sur me-Ra Leon (Judah Aryeh) Modena’s Popular and Much Reprinted Treatise against Gambling 225

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11

R. Nathan Nata ben Moses Hannover: The Life and Works of an Illustrious and Tragic Figure 256

12

Offenbach Revisited: An Enigma Reexamined 273

13

An Early-Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Press in Chieri: A Passing Phenomenon, a Brief Mirage 293

14

Hamburg: A Varied Early Hebrew Press 312

15

Hebrew Printing in Verona Resumed, but Briefly 338

16

On the Identity of the First Printers in Slavuta 360

Part 3 Christian-Hebraism 17

Hebrew Printing in Altdorf: A Brief Christian-Hebraist Phenomenon 387

18

Christian-Hebraism in England: William Wotton and the First Translation of the Mishnah into English 424

Part 4 Book Varia 19

Concise and Succinct: Sixteenth-Century Editions of Medieval Halakhic Compendiums 449

20 Unicums, Fragments, and Other Hebrew Book Rarities 482 21

Who Can Discern His Errors? Misdates, Errors, Deceptions, and Other Variations in and about Hebrew Books, Intentional and Otherwise: Revisited 507

22

Approbations and Restrictions: Printing the Talmud in Eighteenth-Century Amsterdam and Two Frankfurts 537

Contents

23

vii

Adversity and Authorship: As Revealed in the Introductions of Early Hebrew Books 558

24 Seventeenth-Century Potpourri on Megillat Esther 577 25 Yitzi’at Mitzra’im (The Exodus) in Print: The First Editions of the Printed Haggadah 592 Bibliography 639 Index 652

Preface Printing history is a rich albeit arcane subject. This is true in general and particularly so for Hebrew printing. Nevertheless, the allure of this obscure subject for many is that it is a microcosm of Jewish history and culture, reflecting the varied conditions and events of Jewish life, although from a somewhat narrow perspective. Hebrew presses, located in both the centers and peripheries of Jewish communities, published books that met the spiritual and intellectual needs of various and varied Jewish societies. They served both local Jewish communities and, through marketing, those further afield, with other groups, such as Christian-Hebraists, also benefiting from their output. At one point in time, interest in Hebrew printing was more often than not primarily restricted to bibliophiles and antiquarians. This was the case until relatively recently, when professional scholars started investigating the genesis of the Hebrew book and the nature of its production. However, not a few modern scholarly studies have managed to miss a few important details. For example, as noted in an article on the Benveniste pressmark, there is a detailed scholarly work on the van Sichem woodcut artists—one of whom designed the widely used Benveniste book frame—that omits any discussion of this Hebrew book frame.1 This lacuna is not a singular occurrence, for, as L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld note, “it is a remarkable and regrettable fact that most of the historians of book and booklore from the oldest times to the present day neglect completely the history of the Jewish book. Most of the handbooks do not even mention the existence of the Hebrew booklore with its ancient and influential history.”2 But this just goes to show that professional and nonprofessional academics have much to learn from one another when it comes to this field. Aside from the fact that Hebrew printing as a topic has often been overlooked, even within the broader field of book history, there is a second matter of concern—and this is true not only in the Jewish community. Apart from 1 Marvin J. Heller, “The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and Its Later Influence,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 18 (Cincinnati: Library of Hebrew Union College, 1994), 3–20, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 18–32. The work on the van Sichems is Hellmut Lehmann-Haupt, An Introduction to the Woodcut of the Seventeenth Century (New York: Abaris Books, 1977). 2 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 1 (Leiden: Brill, 1984), 1. They add that “all kinds of ancient writings and prints, as far away as China, Korea and Japan have been dealt with, but not even a mention of the existence of a Hebrew alphabet, let alone Hebrew handwritten and printed books are mentioned.”

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the above-mentioned bibliophiles and antiquarians—and now professional academics—there is a general lack of interest in what to many is a recondite subject. And this is also true of many other obscure subjects. This situation is reminiscent of H. G. Wells’s “The Country of the Blind.” In that story, a mountaineer from the country near Quito, named Nuñez, falls into a valley where all the inhabitants, for generations, have been blind and sight is now unknown. Nuñez’s sight is of no advantage to him, as the valley’s residents cannot appreciate what he relates to them, what he has seen, and indeed they think his accounts of his visions are folly.3 A somewhat similar Hasidic Ba⁠ʾal Shem Tov story concerns a violinist who came to a town. Standing on a street corner, he began to play. The town’s residents, hearing him, gather around him, forming a large crowd. Enthralled by the music, they begin to dance and sway in joy. A deaf man, coming to the town for the first time, unable to hear the music, thinks that the townspeople have gone mad.4 So the intricate details of how books were made and knowledge disseminated in the early modern period cannot be appreciated and understood if nobody can see them. On a number of occasions when citing an obscure, but to me a relevant and most interesting fact, I have been the recipient of the response of “why do you have to know that?” Hebrew book history is a fascinating and indeed an intriguing subject for those interested and willing to take the time to look into the subject. Obscure facts often bring the past to life, humanizing its contents and thereby enriching our knowledge of people and events. Indeed, the printer of the first complete edition of the Talmud (1519/20–23), Daniel Bomberg, son of the Antwerp merchant Cornelius Van Bombergen and Agnes Vranex, was a non-Jew.5 This one piece of information alone is useful for understanding the relationship between Jews and non-Jews in the sixteenth century, and for looking at European naming traditions. In the essays that I can gather here in this collection, I look at many such details—the who, what, where, why, and how—to bring to light a valuable cross-section of European Jewish daily life. 3 H. G. Wells, “The Country of the Blind,” The Strand Magazine, April 1904, and since frequently reprinted in collections of Wells’s short stories. A more recent take on this trope is the Amazon original series See (Steven Knight, 2019–), which takes place in a post-apocalyptic world where humans have long lost the sense of sight. This is true for all save for a few, who have for some genetic reason retained the ability to see. But they are generally frowned upon and viewed with suspicion by the majority. 4 For the story and its source, see Eliezer Steinman, “The Dancing Jews,” Chabad.org, N. D., https://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/36751/jewish/The-Dancing-Jews.htm. 5 Further afield, that Johannes Gutenberg’s mother and family name were, respectively, Else Wirich and his father Friele Gensfleisch zur Laden. See John Man, Gutenberg: How One Man Remade the World with Words (New York: John Wiley, 2002), 25–26.

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Here in one place, the reader, be they a scholar or layman, can learn about the dynamics of family-owned and partnership presses (who); the various formats and types of books published and the economic factors involved in such decisions (what); the towns, villages, cities, and regions that housed Jewish presses (where); the educational, liturgical, and religious purposes of various kinds of texts (why); and the mechanical and fiscal means of printing books (how). Fortunately, there appears to be a growing interest in the subject, which is indicated by the increase in the number of internet websites and of auctions devoted to Hebrew books and booklore. And this resurgence, as it were, is quite timely. We live in a world increasingly influenced by digital and electronic publishing technologies, which have become even more important since the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic. So it is even more important that work on the history of printing and publication be available. And given that the leader of the free world is trying to block the publication of a book as I write this preface, it is vital to keep in mind the history of political interference in book printing. Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book is my third collection of essays on various aspects of Hebrew book history and culture. The previous volumes are Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden: Brill, 2008) and Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden: Brill, 2013). Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book consists of twenty-five varied essays on different aspects of the making of the early Hebrew book. As in the previous volumes, most of the essays were published previously both in print and online, here in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought, Judaica Librarianship, Los Muestros, Printing History, Sephardic Horizons, and the Seforim Blog. The essays are organized by topic into five parts by subject focus. The first section deals with book arts, consisting of five pieces: three on printers’ mark motifs and two on the entitlement of Hebrew books. The motifs discussed therein consist of the eagle, the lion, and the fish pressmarks. Each of these forms, which were widely used, appear frequently in varied and occasionally unusual forms on the title-pages of Hebrew books. The entitlement of Hebrew books often varies from the more general practice of naming books in a manner that indicates their subject matter. Hebrew books, by contrast, frequently have titles that do not reflect the subject matter but that are thematic in nature. The first of the essays is on books with the title Keter Shem Tov (Crown of a Good Name). The authors’ purpose in so naming their books varies, as noted in the essay. The second essay on book names, “Entitling Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs),” discusses books printed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries named from verses in the titular text. It shows the varied and widespread usage of a biblical book as a source of Hebrew book titles.

via University of Chicago

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The second section comprises eleven essays on the makers and places of Hebrew books. Both subjects are multifarious, with the latter including such diverse locations as Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme, suburbs of Constantinople, where a noble lady of distinction, Donna Reyna, daughter of the famous Donna Gracia (Beatrice de Luna) and the wife of Don Joseph Nasi, Duke of Naxos, established a press and published a small number of books. Similarly, Offenbach and Hamburg in Germany and Chieri and Verona in Italy were home to small presses that were of short duration but that served their communities well. Slavuta in the Ukraine, by contrast, was home to an important press that came to a tragic end due to conflict and dispute. That article identifies the printer in question, whose identity is still rather murky.

figure 0.1 1556 Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot

figure 0.2 1590 Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot ha-Geonim

figure 0.3 1594 “Zoltot, Mahzor”

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xiii

figure 0.4 Tractate Sotah, Altsdorf

Makers of Hebrew books are equally varied, among them Benjamin Mussafia— author of Musaf he-Arukh (1655), an important philological work, and of a popular but relatively lesser-known work on the books of the famed Italian rabbi Leone (Judah Aryeh) Modena, Sur me-Ra, this against gambling—and R. Nathan Nata Hannover, who was the author of Yeven Mezulah, the tragic chronicle about the destruction of Jewish communities of Eastern Europe in 1648–1649 (tah ve-tat) at the hands of Bogdan Chmielnicki and the Cossacks. These essays are followed by a section on Christian-Hebraism, which comprises two essays on that subject, a relatively brief phenomenon in which serious gentile study of Jewish texts occurred. While the Christian study of Hebrew texts both preceded the period addressed here and continues on to the present, the period addressed by the essays in this work was a time in which

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greater emphasis was placed on the study of Hebrew texts. We are informed about this by Elisheva Carlebach, who writes that by the mid-eighteenth century the interest of Christian-Hebraists in rabbinic literature and studies had diminished.6 During the period when such studies were emphasized, many of them were written for polemical purposes; they were attempts to refute the tenets of Judaism. Other Christian scholars, however, studied Jewish texts to better understand the sources of their religion and came away with a deep respect for Judaism. The first of the essays in this section, “Hebrew Printing in Altdorf: A Brief Christian-Hebraist Phenomenon,” describes the works, primarily polemical, printed at the University of Altdorf. Among the titles printed are also Jewish polemical works, which were composed for the purpose of refuting the claims of the Christian texts. One such volume was R. Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen’s Sefer Nizzahon. Also published were works by the famed Christian-Hebraist Christoph Wagenseil, among them his translation of Mishnayot tractate Sotah (on the woman suspected of adultery) with commentary and with the evocative title-page depicting a sotah. The other article in this section, indicative of a more positive Christian approach to Jewish studies, is reflected in the title, “Christian-Hebraism in England: William Wotten and the First Translation of the Mishnah into English.” Wotten, a prodigy and a polymath, and a Protestant vicar, made the first translation of Mishnayot into English, that of Shabbat and Eruvin in 1718. The fourth section in this volume, “Book Varia,” consists, as the title suggests, of varied and unrelated essays on different aspects of early Hebrew book printing history. The subjects covered include medieval halakhic compendiums, book errors, conflicts between publishing houses, and descriptions of early editions of Megillat Esther and the first editions of the Haggadah. As I have written previously, I am fortunate to have Brill as my publisher. Not only do they have a well-deserved reputation for the quality of their books, but the individuals with whom I have had the pleasure of working with over the years have been, without fail, not only professional but also personable. In this instance, I have worked with and would like to express my appreciation and thanks to Dr. Joshua Holo, editor of Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies; the anonymous peer reviewers; Katelyn Chin, Acquisitions Editor; Erika Mandarino, Assistant Editor, Ancient Near East and Jewish Studies; and Kayla Griffin, Production Editor. 6 Elisheva Carlebach, “The Status of the Talmud in Early Modern Europe,” in Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, ed. Sharon Lieberman Mintz and Gabriel M. Goldstein (New York: Yeshiva University Museum, 2005), 85–86.

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The editor and proofreader, who did very fine work, for which I am thankful, was Michael Helfield. And the indexer was Heather Dubnick. My thanks and appreciation go out to both of them and to my good friend Eli Genauer who read most of these articles prior to their publication, making most helpful suggestions and comments. My family, beginning with my wife, Shoshanah (Reizel), our children and their spouses, Michal Gittel and Yehudah Marcus, Hayyim Avigdor and Karina, Rabbi Mordecai Ja⁠ʾir and Bracha Leah, Meir Leib, and Hannah Eta Rachel and Rabbi Moshe Shemuel Tepfer, and their children all have, as noted in the prefaces to the previous volumes, willingly and otherwise, participated in my ongoing passion (obsession) for an obscure activity in a bygone era. I hope this book, as well as the others, past and perhaps future, justifies their patience and tolerance.

part 1 Hebrew Book Arts

∵

Comprised of five articles, Hebrew Book Arts addresses two aspects of the Hebrew book, the physical and artistic representation of various printers and the entitlement of Hebrew books by their authors, a naming methodology, if that term may be used, that varies from the more conventional naming of books. Avraham Yaari, in his classic work on Hebrew printers’ marks, writes that such a device, referring to pressmarks, “denotes any pictorial device put on a book by the printer to indicate his press.” Pressmarks “served to differentiate books printed in one press from those printed in another. The printers’ marks were also used as ornamental devices.”1 The pressmarks discussed here, while certainly distinct, enabling purchasers to readily identify and to distinguish printers, often share a commonality, that is, the basic theme utilized to represent the printer. Within that commonality, however, there is a considerable disparity as to how such devices are depicted, and in some cases even what they represent. The three motif articles address eagle, lion, and fish themes. Within each article the forms that the subject motif take are significantly varied. The lion pressmark, for example, in several instances is a regal lion rampant, with a crown or on a shield, whereas in other cases it is a pictorial that might almost be considered a caricature. Motifs are employed for different purposes, for example, Athias used the eagle as representing him, Uri Phoebus used a crowned eagle to represent the Polish monarchy, whereas the fish motif was chosen as fish, being very fertile, were therefore seen as a sign of blessing and fruitfulness. Two articles in Hebrew Book Arts address the entitling of Hebrew books, which, as noted above, do not adhere to the conventional naming of books, that is, the title being indicative of a book’s contents. For example, no reader can mistake the subject of Gibbons’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, or for that matter, this book with its title Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book. In contrast the titles described in “Keter Shem Tov: A Study in the Entitling of Books, Here Limited to One Title Only” and “Entitling Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim: (Song of Songs)” while suggesting a theme do not inform the reader as to the book’s subject matter or what differentiates one book from another. Keter Shem Tov, from “the crown of a good name (keter shem tov) excels them all (Avot 4:13),” begins with a commentary on the Torah by R. Shem Tov ben Jacob Melamed and concludes with Keter Shem Tov on the proceedings of a conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls. What the books described in the article 1 Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks from the Beginning of Hebrew Printing to the End of the 19th Century. Jerusalem, 1943, (Hebrew with English introduction), p. vii.

part 1

share is that these are valuable, worthwhile, and insightful works. Similarly, the second article, “Entitling Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim” takes verses from different chapters of that biblical book and shows how selected verses are utilized to entitle books. One or more book names have been selected from chapters from that biblical book, from the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries, their distinction being in the wealth of names taken from a shared source. These articles are part of an ongoing series illustrating and emphasizing the richness of the manner in which Hebrew books are identified and entitled. Both their singularity and their shared traits are indicative of the richness of Hebrew book arts.

chapter 1

The Eagle Motif in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Hebrew Books You have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and how I carried you on eagles’ wings, and brought you to myself. Exodus 19:4

…

Like the eagle who carries its fledglings upon its wings—for all other birds put their young between their feet because they are afraid of another bird that can fly above them, but the eagle is afraid only of man, lest [man] shoot an arrow into him, because no bird flies above him. Therefore [the eagle] puts [the fledgling] upon his wings. He says, ‘Better that the arrow should enter me than my son’.1 Rashi on Exodus 19:4

…

As an eagle stirs up its nest, flutters over its young, spreads out its wings, takes them, bears them on its pinions. Deuteronomy 32:11

…

And everyone had four faces; the first face was the face of a cherub, and the second face was the face of a man, and the third the face of a lion, and the fourth the face of an eagle. Ezekiel 10:14

…

1 Yisrael Isser Herczeg, The Torah: With Rashi’s Commentary Translated, Annotated, and Elucidated (Brooklyn, NY, 1997), p. 22.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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R. Judah ben Tema said: ‘Be strong as the leopard and swift as the eagle, fleet as the deer and valiant as a lion to do the will of thy Father in heaven’.2 Avot 5:23; Pesahim 112a

∵ The eagle is a majestic bird. As such, it is celebrated and often venerated in various cultures from ancient Egypt to the modern world, from the Moche of ancient Peru to Hinduism in India. Its service as a political symbol spans diverse cultures, from classical Greece and Rome to the United States today. It is represented in Christian, Moslem, and Jewish iconography. The eagle has been employed as a political or military standard in ancient and modern times. In antiquity, the eagle was the standard of Cyrus the Great (c. 600/576 BCE to 530 BCE), termed the Derafsh-e Shahbaz-e-Talayi (Golden Falcon) and described by Xenophon in the Cyropaedia (VII:1) as “a golden eagle, with outspread wings, borne aloft on a long spear-shaft.” The eagle (aquila) was the standard of a Roman legion, carried by an eagle-bearer (aquilifer) for each legion. Today, a millennium after our first examples, the American bald eagle (Haliaeetus Leucocephalus) is the official bird emblem of the United States of America, adopted as such in 1782, and appearing on the United States seal.3 The recurring usage and popularity of the eagle was expressed by Dante, who described the eagle as the bird of God depicting the spirits of just princes forming their hosts into the figure of an eagle “Lo! How straight up to Heaven he holds them reared, Winnowing the air with those eternal plumes.”4 The eagle is a not infrequent symbol in Jewish iconography.5 Based on biblical and Talmudic references, its usage is widespread. Various forms of eagle, 2 Biblical translations are based on David Kantrowitz, Judaic Classics (Brooklyn, NY, 1991–2001). 3 Others who have employed the eagle as a symbol include the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, Byzantines, Charlemagne, Mercian Kings of England, Saladin, Napoleon, English, Russian, and Polish rulers, and the eagle is popular in heraldry. 4 Dante (Purgatory, Canto II), quoted in Howard Bayley, The Lost Language of Symbolism I (London, 1912, reprint New York, 1993), p. 77. 5 Parenthetically, English speakers conversant in Hebrew generally translate nesher ‫ נשר‬as eagle and ayit as vulture, reflected in Hebrew-English Bibles and prayer-books. In contrast, Israelis often translate nesher as vulture and ayit as eagle. Concerning this, see http://www. balashon.com/2007/06/nesher-and-ayit.html. Pinchus Presworsky, Birds of the Torah: A Supplement to the Study of Yoreh De’ah, chap. 8 (New York, 2011), p. 31, writes, regarding nesher, that “the identification of this bird is not known. Tosfos (Chulin 63a) states that nesher is

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

7

nesher [‫]ה[]כ[ ]מ[ נשר ]ים‬, with prefixes and suffixes, appears twenty-six times in the Bible, there are numerous references to it in the Talmud and midrashim, and no less a sage than Maimonides (R. Moses ben Maimon, Rambam, 1135– 1204) is referred to as ha-Nesher ha-Gadol (the Great Eagle) for his Mishneh Torah, considered an unparalleled tour de force.6 It appears in Jewish iconography from earliest times, described, for example, by Steven H. Werlin in his thesis on the use of the eagle in three-dimensional iconography “in the architectural relief sculpture of Palestinian synagogues as well as on Jewish sarcophagi … dated between the third and sixth century CE.”7 The eagle has appeared both in decorative frames and as printers’ marks almost from the advent of printing. A small number of examples of the latter are Robert Wyer (mid-16th century), whose mark consisted of representations of St. John the Divine writing, assisted by an eagle holding an inkhorn; Rowland Hall, (mid-16th century), whose mark was the half-eagle and key; and Gerard Leeu, whose Dialogus Creaturarum was printed in more than a dozen editions in Latin or Dutch from 1480 into the first year of the sixteenth century at Gouda and Antwerp. Its elaborate mark in Antwerp featured, among its many details, an eagle.8 The eagle has been also been employed on the title pages of Hebrew books and, less frequently, as printers’ pressmarks, both the subject of this article.9 Before beginning, several caveats are necessary. Despite the usage of the eagle in Jewish imagery, its employ on the title pages of Hebrew books described in this article is, more often than not, not of Jewish significance and should not be assumed to be of Jewish content or symbolism. Indeed, Avraham Yaari,

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definitely not the eagle, since the eagle has a projecting toe and the nesher has all four nonkosher signs. Some translate it as Rupell’s griffon vulture, which is also not correct since the griffon vulture has an extra toe.” Eagle [‫ ]ה[]כ[ ]מ[ נשר ]ים‬is mentioned thirty-two times in the Babylonian Talmud and fifteen times in the Jerusalem Talmud, not significant numbers, but greater than bear ‫]ה[ דב‬, hare ‫( ]ה[ ארנבת‬four each), and tiger ‫( ]ה[]כ[ נמר‬eight), although appreciably less than lion ‫( ]ה[]כ[ ארי‬eighty-two). For a list of all of the biblical verses with references to a form of eagle [‫ ]ה[]כ[ ]מ[ נשר ]ים‬see the appendix at the end of the article. An interpretive article on the usage of several of the verses appears in Dan Vogel, “Ambiguities of the Eagle,” Jewish Bible Quarterly xxxvi, no. 2 (1998), pp. 85–92. Steven H. Werlin, Eagle Imagery in Jewish Relief Sculpture of Late Ancient Palestine: Survey and Interpretation (Chapel Hill, 2006), https://cdr.lib.unc.edu/indexablecontent?id=uuid:c1 89c197-d7d2-41bb-93a5-8b03c7f3fa62&ds=DATA_FILE, p. 111. William Roberts, Printers’ Marks: A Chapter in the History of Typography (London, 1893), pp. 68, 84, 184–185. The material for this article is from my The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2004) and my The Seventeenth Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2011).

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referring to printers’ marks, informs that “the eagle is usually the emblem of the country where the book was printed.”10 Secondly, books are described here in chronological order, that is, by the first use of a decorative frame or pressmark. Subsequent usage, even if decades later, are concidered together with the first usage. Finally, the books described here are examples of the representations of eagles on title pages by printers and are in no way to be considered a complete or even partial listing of that usage. These caveats notwithstanding, the not infrequent appearance of eagles on the title pages of Hebrew books in a wide variety of locations is a matter of interest, indicative not only of the art of the Hebrew books but also as to how those books were presented to the market, overwhelmingly Jewish, for those books. We begin with Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (1534, Cracow, 40: [88] ff.), the first Yiddish book printed in Poland. Mirkevet ha-Mishneh is a concordance and glossary of the Bible by R. Asher Anshel of Cracow, published by Samuel, Asher, and Elyakim, sons of Hayyim Halicz. The identity of the author is uncertain. It has been suggested, based on the fact that the second edition (Cracow, 1584) is simply called Sefer shel R. Anshel, that the author was a person of repute, well known in the Jewish community. It is also possible that the author might be one of the printers, Asher Halicz. More likely, Mirkevet ha-Mishneh was written prior to the sixteenth century, for many of the German terms date to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The text, in three double columns, is arranged alphabetically, organized with references and Yiddish translations of the words according to the principles in the Sefer ha-Shorashim of R. David Kimhi (Radak, c. 1160–c. 1235), that is, the root of a word is followed by its derivatives, its Yiddish translation, set in Vaybertaytsh, and its usage in the Bible.11 The books’ purposes included facilitating the study of the Bible for uneducated Jews, particularly women and 10

Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks from the Beginning of Hebrew Printing to the End of the 19th Century (Jerusalem, 1943), p. ix (Hebrew with English introduction). It should also be noted, although less true for most of the title pages with eagles addressed here, that the attractive decorative frames on the title pages of mid-sixteenth and seventeenth century Hebrew books frequently belonged to and were provided by the non-Jewish printer to his Jewish associate, who, in many locations, was prohibited from owning a press in his own right. Their arrangement was mutually beneficial. For the Jewish associate commissioning a woodcut frame was expensive and often not cost-justifiable for the smaller Jewish market; the non-Jewish partner had access to the Hebrew book market, less competitive and therefore more profitable than his own. 11 Vaybertaytsh is a distinct type family used primarily, although not exclusively, for Yiddish books.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

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figure 1.1 Mirkevet ha-Mishneh

children. The book also had polemical value, familiarizing Jews with the Bible, thereby enabling them to respond in a disputation. The printers, financially unsuccessful, apostatized and Jews would not purchase their books. Required to do so by the government, they then burned their copies, so that Mirkevet haMishneh today is very rare. The title page (fig. 1.1) of Mirkevet ha-Mishneh is comprised of a horseman wielding a sword, a crowned snake swallowing a boy, a crowned eagle, and a three turreted castle, representing, respectively, the Duke of Lithuania, the Duke of Milano (?), the Polish monarchy, and Cracow. Remaining in Cracow, albeit somewhat out of chronological order, we find the eagle employed on the title pages of a small number of the books printed at the press of Menahem Nahum Meisels, established in 1630. Meisels had acquired the typographical equipment of the earlier Cracow press of the Prostitz family, and had new letters cast in Venice. Nevertheless, his books reflect the Prague style, no doubt due to the influence of his manager, Judah ha-Kohen of Prague. Among the books with a frame of interest to us are Toledot Noah (1634), a commentary on Shemot (Exodus) Rabbah by R. Noah ben Pesah of Pinsk.

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figure 1.2 1641, Ahavat ha-Shem

Another title with the like frame is Ahavat ha-Shem (1641, fig. 1.2), ethical discourses explicating the verse “And now, Israel, what does the Lord your God ask of you, but to fear the Lord your God, to walk in all his ways, and to love him, and to serve the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul” by R. Jedidiah ben [Abraham] Israel Gottlieb (d. 1645) of Lvov, a popular preacher in many communities in Poland. The title page (fig. 1.2) of these works has a decorative frame with an eagle at the top representative of the kingdom of Poland, at the bottom is an illustration representing the city of Cracow. Vincenzo Conti, who printed Hebrew books in several cities in Italy, was active in Cremona, part of the Duchy of Milan, from 1556 to 1567. Conti’s initial privilege allowing him to print in Cremona was for Latin books, which he began to do in 1555. The following year, Conti began to print Hebrew books, issuing more than forty titles in that location. Conti took great pride in his Hebrew books, having new fonts cast, rather than acquiring the worn letters from other presses, thus accounting for the clear and attractive look of his books, and employing skilled Jewish workers, such as R. Samuel Boehm and R. Zanvil Pescarol.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

11

Conti used cursive rabbinic (Rashi) type for the text of his earlier books, until the fonts were burned in 1559. Square letters were cast to replace them, thus distinguishing his earlier and later works. Forced to discontinue printing for about five years, Conti was able to reopen the press in 1565. He printed Hebrew titles for two years, briefly relocated to Sabbioneta and then returned to Cremona, where he again printed Latin but not Hebrew books. Meir Benayahu suggests that Conti not only allowed his press to be used, but actually invested in the Hebrew books he printed in Cremona.12 The title pages of many of Conti’s Hebrew books have a cartouche above a medallion personifying Cremona. Other title pages, however, have an ornamental frame made up of four parts, enabling the printer to use them in other arrangements, although the order depicted here is the manner in which the parts are most often employed. The top frame has the face of a man and cherubim; on the sides are suits of armor, shrubs, and musical instruments and, in the center of the left vertical frame the letters SPQR, reputedly standing for Senatus Populusque Romanus; on the bottom is a two-headed crowned eagle and on the sides, again cherubim. Howard Bayley suggests that the twoheaded eagle represents “the double portion of Spirit miraculously bestowed upon Elisha.”13 This frame was used by Conti on his early imprints, appearing on about ten works. Among the varied titles with this frame are the Sefer Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot (1556, figs. 1.3, 1.4) of R. Jacob ben Moses Moellin (Maharil, c. 1360–1447), two hundred and five responsa; Toledot Adam (1556) by R. Moses ben Elijah Gallena (15th cent.), on chiromancy (palmistry) and phrenology; Sefer Keritut (1557) by the Tosafist, R. Samson ben Isaac of Chinon, France (c. 1260 c. 1330), a comprehensive work on Talmudic methodology; Sefer Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot (1557) of R. Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg (Maharam, c. 1215–93), three hundred fifteen responsa; and Zori ha-Yagon (1557) by the poet, philosopher, and scientist R. Joseph ibn Falaquera (Palquera, c. 1225–95), a consolation for the soul of man. Another border employed by Conti is a decorative architectural frame with figurines in the bottom squares and cherubim at the top along the sides. Above the arch is the vignette of Akedat Yizhak (binding of Isaac), surmounted by an eagle. Below the vignette is a verse, varying by title. At the sides of the vignette are figurines holding cornucopias. The sides of the frame have several designs 12 Meir Benayahu, Hebrew Printing at Cremona: Its History and Bibliography (Jerusalem, 1971), pp. 13–15 [Hebrew]. Also see David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909, reprint London, 1963), pp. 306–320. 13 Bayley, I, pp. 76–77.

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figure 1.3 1556, Sefer Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot (Maharil)

figure 1.4 Sefer She’ilot u’Teshuvot (Maharil) (extract)

with faces and at the bottom of the frame are two squatting figures. This was employed by Conti on three titles, the Arba⁠ʾah Turim (1558), the halakhic compendium of R. Jacob ben Asher (c. 1270–1340); the Zohar (1559–60), the classic kabbalistic work of Jewish mysticism, attributed to the tanna R. Simeon bar Yohai (mid-2nd century CE); and the Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot (1567) of R. Joseph ben Solomon Colon (c. 1420–80). The frame is of particular interest to us for two reasons: first, the inclusion of the Akedat vignette, a Jewish theme, in contrast to the previously noted title pages which had no Jewish content, and second, that it is instructive as

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

13

figure 1.5 1565, Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot R. Levi ibn Habib

to the widespread use of typographical material in varied and distant locations. This title page appears on books in such disparate locations, in addition to Cremona, as Venice, Padua and Cracow. Samuel ben Isaac Boehm, a master printer, worked for presses in all four of these locations. After Cremona, the frame appears on several books printed in Venice, among them the Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot (1565) of R. Levi ibn Habib (Ralbah, c. 1483–1545), the son of Jacob ibn Habib (c. 1445–1515/16, fig. 1.5), author of the Ein Ya⁠ʾakov, without the name of the printer and no mention of Boehm—although his name does appear on the title page of other books—who was employed at that time by Giovanni Grypho and Giorgio di Cavalli. Benayahu suggests that Conti had sold the frame to the Hebrew printer in Mantua, for it was no longer available for his folio Pentateuch (1566), and the Mantua printer resold it to Grypho and di Cavalli.14 Boehm also worked at the Latin and Italian book press of Lorenzo Pasquato, publishing two Hebrew books, R. Meir ben Ezekiel ibn Gabbai’s (1480–c. 1540) Derekh Emunah (1562) and R. Shem Tov [ben Joseph] ibn Shem Tov’s (15th century) Derashot al ha-Torah (1567), the latter only with the frame with the Akedah 14 Benayahu, pp. 21–22.

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figure 1.6 1571, Sefer ha-Aguddah R. Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen (extract)

vignette.15 Finally, Boehm joined the then new Prostitz press, bringing typographical equipment and this frame to Cracow, where it appears on the title page of several books, among them R. Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen’s (d. 1349) Sefer ha-Aguddah (1571, fig. 1.6, extract), R. Joshua ibn Shuaib’s (first half of 14th century) Derashot al ha-Torah (1573–75), and a Shulhan Arukh (1578–80). We turn now to Thiengin, Germany, where in 1560 Eliezer and Joseph ben Naphtali Hertz Treves printed Adam Sedkheli (fig. 1.7), a kabbalistic and philosophical treatise by R. Simeon ben Samuel (14th century), of French or German birth. The intent of Adam Sedkheli, stated on the title page, is to save souls from destruction. The text encompasses the Decalogue, thirteen attributes of God (shelosh esreh middot), thirteen articles of faith, and resurrection, with a commentary by the author. The book, written about 1400, is completed with a poetic kabbalistic entreaty, Or Kadmon, which exhorts God to “[further] rescue us from the cruel decrees [following] the four miracles [performed] for us this year [1400].” The miracles are enumerated as, Salvation from a decree of death in the Jubilee year Rescue from thousands, all dressed in white

15

Concerning the Padua press, see my “‘There Were in Padua almost as many Hebrew Printers as Hebrew Books’: The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Press in Padua,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (Mainz, 2003), pp. 86–92, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (hereafter, Studies) (Leiden, 2008), pp. 121–130. Concerning the Akedat Yitzhak vignette, see my “Akedat Yitzhak (the Binding of Isaac) on the Title-Pages of Early Hebrew Books,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (hereafter, Further Studies) (Leiden, 2013), pp. 35–56.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

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figure 1.7 1560, Adam Sedkheli

Deliverance from the murderous brigades of Geislsler the abdication of the a Shameful King [Wentzel], who persecuted us for many years. The text of the title page of Adam Sedkheli is set within a woodcut architectural frame. The two upper corners have shields, the right shield with a key, the left with a double-headed eagle. Yefeh Mareh (1590, Venice) is a commentary on the aggadot of the Jerusalem Talmud by R. Samuel Jaffe ben Isaac Ashkenazi (c. 1525–95). Printed at the press of Giovanni di Gara, the title page also makes mention of Giovanni and Alvise Bragadin and has the latter’s device, three crowns, reflecting a period when the two print shops collaborated. The verso of the title page has an introduction from Asher Parenzo, the printer, followed, at the bottom of the page, by a pressmark (fig. 1.8), a mount (hill) standing in the midst of the sea, to the left an eagle, above it a garland, and about it the verse, “Since you were precious [in my sight,] you were honored, [and I have loved you]” (Isaiah 43:4). What Parenzo had in mind in using this device, which does not appear in any other work by di Gara, is not known.

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figure 1.8 1590, Yefeh Mareh

This printer’s device was sold, together with other Bragadin typographical material, to the Livorno printer, Jedidah ben Abraham Gabbai. In 1657, Jedidah sent his son Abraham, who had worked in the Livorno press, with much of their typographical equipment to Izmir to establish a Hebrew print shop, the first in that city. Abraham Gabbai remained in Izmir until 1660, when he left for Constantinople, printing Hebrew books there for a brief period of time. Gabbai subsequently returned to Izmir, printing until 1675, primarily Hebrew books, but also two Spanish titles. He established a new Hebrew press in 1684, in Salonika, one that was active for several years, although not always under his control. One book only was printed in Izmir with this pressmark, Abraham’s first title, Rosh Yosef (1657–58, fig. 1.9), halakhic novellae on Tur Shulhan Arukh Orah Hayyim by R. Joseph ben Saul Escapa (1570–1662). Here, however, the eagle and the laurel above the mount are omitted from the device and a different verse appears in the frame, “get up to the high mountain” (Isaiah 40:9).16 The printer’s device also appears but once in a Constantinople imprint, Sedeh Yehoshuʾa (1662), R. Joshua Raphael ben Israel Benveniste’s (d. c. 1667–68) commentary 16

Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks (Jerusalem, 1943), pp. 23, 137 no. 66 [Hebrew].

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figure 1.9 1657–58, Rosh Yosef

on the Jerusalem Talmud, here on the bottom of the second page. The eagle and the laurel are again in place but the verse remains “get up to the high mountain.”17 In the first half of the seventeenth century, Amsterdam (Almsterdam) came to be home to the most important Hebrew presses in Europe; it was not only a Hebrew but a European printing center. Amsterdam, which did not have a single Hebrew press or print shop that published books with Hebrew letters in 1600, was to become the foremost center of Hebrew printing within several decades of the seventeenth century. The printing of Hebrew books in Amsterdam for Jews begins in 1627 with Menasseh Ben Israel, whose first title, a Sephardic rite prayer-book, was completed on January 1, 1627.18 Among 17

Concerning the Gabbai presses in Livorno and Izmir, see, respectively, my “Jedidiah ben Isaac Gabbai and the First Decade of Hebrew Printing in Livorno,” Los Muestros, part I no. 33 (1998), pp. 40–41; part II no. 34 (1999), pp. 28–30, reprinted in Studies, pp. 165–177 and my “Kaf Nahat and Hebrew Printing in Izmir,” Los Muestros (2009), part 1 no. 75, pp. 7–8; part 2 no. 76, pp. 7–8; part 3 no. 77, pp. 7–8, reprinted in Further Studies, pp. 103–115. 18 Rival claims for the honor of printing the first Hebrew book in Amsterdam are well beyond the subject matter of this article. Nevertheless, the claim of Daniel de Fonseca to have published the first Amsterdam Hebrew imprint of R. Meir ben Isaac Aldabi’s (aben

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figure 1.10 1659, Yalkut Hadash

Menasseh’s titles is a small octavo format Hebrew Bible (1630–31), the first of three Hebrew Bibles printed by Menasseh at this time, the others being a quarto format Bible (1631–36) and a Pentateuch with Haftorat and Targum Onkelos (1631), preceded, by a comparable Spanish Bible, Humas de Parasioth y Aftharoth (1627). The title page of the first of these works has an architectural frame with straight pillars with an eagle at the apex of the frame. This frame appears on books printed in Amsterdam by Uri Phoebus ben Aaron Witmund ha-Levi, who would print about one hundred titles from 1658 to 1689, the period he was active in Amsterdam. Among the titles with this frame are R. (Jacob) Israel ben Benjamin of Belzec’s (c. 1623–c. 1678) popular Yalkut Hadash (1659, see fig. 1.10), assorted homilies from diverse sources Aldabi Sefardi, c. 1310–after 1360) Shevilei Emmunah should be noted. Concerning this see L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984), I, pp. 137–139.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

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figure 1.11 1671, Sha‌‌ʾarei Ziyyon

collected and arranged by the author. The text states that due to its great value, “it became rare in a brief period of time ‘like the vulture (eagle) that swoops on its prey’ (cf. Job 9:26) and the eye no longer sees it. Nevertheless, by a few families two may be found, in a city by a few,” referring to previous editions of Yalkut Hadash published in Lublin (1648) and Prague (1657). It would be soon reprinted in Wilhermsdorf (1673) and Prague (1687). In the exemplar of Yalkut Hadash examined there are slight differences at the bottom of the frame from its employ by Menasseh Ben Israel but the essential frame and the eagle are unchanged. A second architectural frame was used by Uri Phoebus, in which the eagle appears on two somewhat similar title pages, both architectural frames with an eagle at the apex. In this border, on such titles as R. Hayyim ben Benjamin Zeʾev Bochner’s (c. 1610–84) Or Hadash (c. 1671–75) on the laws of benedictions in a concise and abridged form and R. Nathan Nata ben Moses Hannover’s (d. 1683) Sha‌‌ʾarei Ziyyon (1671, fig. 1.11), a collection of Lurianic kabbalistic prayers, particularly for Tikkun Hazot (midnight prayers). The title is from “The Lord loves the gates of Zion (sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon) more than all the dwellings of Jacob” (Psalms 87:2). In contrast to the earlier frame on Yalkut Hadash the pillars are curved and entwined with vines. Most interesting is that the eagles, otherwise alike, face in different directions. In 1691, Uri Phoebus relocated to Poland. Phoebus, faced with competition from the large number of Hebrew printers in Amsterdam, felt that he would be more successful in Poland, located closer to its large Jewish population, a major market for the Hebrew printing-houses of Amsterdam. He had been granted, the previous year, the right by King John Sobieski to establish

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figure 1.12 1693–94, Tractate Shevuʾot

a Hebrew printing-house in Zolkiew. There is some dispute as to when Uri Phoebus issued his first title, but in 1693–94 he published tractate Shevuʾot (fig. 1.12) from the Babylonian Talmud.19 Four tractates, the others are Sukkah, Kiddushin, and Ta‌‌ʾanit, are credited to Uri Phoebus, but Sukkah is generally believed to be a Dyhernfurth imprint and the other two are in doubt. Shevuʾot, in contrast, was certainly printed in Zolkiew, as it clearly states the place of printing, date, and name of the printer. 19 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Poland from its beginning in the year 1534 and its development to the present … Second Edition, Enlarged, improved and revised from the sources (Tel Aviv, 1950), p. 62 (Hebrew); Fuks II, pp. 241–242.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

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The tractate name is in white ornamental letters, each in a separate block, excluding the letter ‫( ו‬vav), which is in black and not in an ornamental block. At the bottom of the page is a crowned eagle, representing the Polish monarchy. At the sides of the eagle are the letters I III (top) R P (bottom) (Ioannes III— Sobieski] Rex Polonaiae) with the date along the sides. Two sets of three fleurons (blurred, possibly due to the manner of inking when printing) are above the word king. Another pressmark that employs an eagle is that of Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba (Basevi) and his family, active primarily but not only in Salonika. Scion of an Italian-Jewish family from Verona of German origin, Bath-Sheba was accompanied to Salonika by his wife Fioretta and his two sons, Abraham Joseph (or Joseph Abraham) and Abraham. Their press is credited with about forty titles from 1592 to 1605. The sponsor and patron of the Bath-Sheba printing-house was Moses de Medina, a wealthy scholar and prominent philanthropist. De Medina’s—the son of R. Samuel ben Moses de Medina (Maharashdam, 1506–89), one of the leading rabbinic figures in Salonika— intent in sponsoring the press was to print his father’s responsa and Talmudic treatises in order, inter alia, to support the local Talmud Torah. Reputedly to secure financing for printing the Talmud Abraham Bath-Sheba was sent to Italy. Among his travels Abraham became associated with the Verona press of Francesco dalle Donne.20 Among the books Abraham printed in Verona is the Kuhbukh, a small (80: 66 ff.) profusely illustrated Yiddish collection of fables. The Kuhbukh is comprised of eighty-three woodcut scenes accompanying thirty-five fables. The woodcuts are often two to a page, each taking up almost a third of the page. After each fable its moral is made clear in verse in Yiddish. The Kuhbuch is set in Vaybertaytsh, limited amounts of square type appearing on the title page and colophon only. At the end of the book is Abraham’s pressmark, a crowned lion and a crowned eagle: the crowned lion on the left and the crowned eagle on the right, back to back.21 20 Concerning the Salonika press of Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba see Israel Mehlman, “Hebrew Printing in Salonika,” in Genuzot Sefarim (Jerusalem, 1976) pp. 56–57 [Hebrew]. Concerning that press and a unicum edition of Berakhot see my “The Bath-Sheba/ Moses de Medina Salonika Edition of Berakhot: An Unknown Attempt to Circumvent the Inquisition’s Ban on the Printing of the Talmud in Sixteenth Century Italy,” Jewish Quarterly Review LXXXVII (Philadelphia, 1996), pp. 47–60, reprinted in Studies, pp. 284–297. Concerning Abraham Bath-Sheba and the first press in Verona see my “A Little-Known Chapter in Hebrew Printing: Francesco dalle Donne and the beginning of Hebrew Printing in Verona in the Sixteenth Century,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 94, no. 3 (2000), pp. 246–333, reprinted in Studies, pp. 151–164. 21 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks pp. 30, 141 no. 48; Moshe N. Rosenfeld, The Book of Cows: A Facsimile Edition of the Famed Kuhbuch (London: 1984), n. p.

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figure 1.13 1599–1600, Sheʾerit Yehudah

figure 1.14 1599–1600, Heshek Shelomo

It was, however, in Salonika that the family was most active and it is there that a larger number of books have the crowned lion and a crowned eagle pressmark. It appears within different frames, with and without the family name in the frame. Two examples are R. Samuel ben Solomon Taitazak’s Sheʾerit Yehudah (1599–1600), halakhic novellae and annotations on the Beit Yosef on the Tur Y. D. of R. Joseph Caro (1488–1575), where the pressmark appears at the end of the volume (fig. 1.13) in an ornate frame with cherubim at the top and figurines at the sides and within the frame the names of both Mattathias and Abraham Bath-Sheba and secondly R. Solomon ben Isaac le-Bet ha-Levi’s (1532–1600) Heshek Shelomo (1599–1600), a commentary on the Book of Isaiah. The lion/eagle ensign appears towards the end of the volume before the indices. Here it is in a smaller format in a simple frame (fig. 1.14).22

22

Another work with the same frame about the crowned lion and eagle in Sheʾerit Yehudah is Sefer ha-Terumot (1596, Salonika), R. Samuel ben Isaac ha-Sardi’s (c. 1190–1255) influential halakhic code dealing with monetary matters, where it appears on the title page, which has the frame with representations of the mythological Mars and Minerva. Widely used, this frame was first employed by Francesco Minizio (Giulio) Calvo on Latin and Italian books in Rome and Milan. After it passed into Jewish hands, it appears in Hebrew books printed in such diverse locations as Sabbioneta and Cracow, the latter in copy, and in Salonika. Concerning the widespread use of this frame see my “Mars and Minerva on the Hebrew Title Page,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 98:3 (New York, NY, 2004), pp. 269–292, reprinted in Studies, pp. 1–17.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

23

Moshe N. Rosenfeld observes that it has been suggested that the lion represents Bohemia and the eagle Austria, commenting that he does not see “any immediate family ties with these countries.” He suggests that perhaps this device was selected to emphasize the family’s Ashkenazic origins, especially as they were now situated in Salonika, a Sephardic center. We conclude with the most striking title page to employ the eagle motif in this article. It was first employed by Joseph Athias (c. 1635–1700) in Amsterdam and afterwards elsewhere, but, as we shall see, it is most appropriately associated with his name. The Athias family press was established by Joseph, born in Spain and, via Portugal and Germany, eventually reaching Amsterdam.23 Joseph’s father, Jorge Mendez de Castro, had been burned alive at an auto-da-fe in Cordova in 1665, a fact mentioned on the title pages of Athias’ Bible of 1666– 67 and Ashkenazi prayer-book of 1667–68. Athias founded the press in 1658 at the age of twenty-three, a press that would be active into the eighteenth century. A successful and wide-ranging printer, he published in Hebrew, Yiddish, Portuguese, and Spanish, utilizing attractive fonts, including those of the famed Elsevier press, purchased after the death of Daniel Elsevier, and including the non-Hebrew type cut by Christoffel van Dijck. Although it is not known with certainty where he acquired his Hebrew fonts, it has been suggested that they were prepared by the Hungarian typecutter Nikolas Kis.24 Athias began printing with a Sephardic rite prayer-book in 1658. The following year he began publishing an attractive and important edition of the Hebrew Bible (Biblia sacra Hebraea, 1659–61). It is the first Hebrew Bible to employ Arabic numerals for the numeration of chapters and verses. There are four copperplate title pages. The first, Tikkun Sefer Torah, has two cherubim blowing horns near the top, and five detailed vignettes of biblical scenes, including one, spanning the top of the page, of the giving of the Torah at Sinai. The three other decorative title pages have the eagle motif. Among the books from the Athias press with the eagle motif title page is R. Abraham ben Mordecai Azulai’s (c. 1570–1643) Hesed le-Avraham (1685, fig. 1.15), kabbalistic discourses. An almost simultaneous edition of Hesed leAvraham was printed in Sulzbach; it is not certain which edition was printed first. The decorative title page is comprised of two cherubim blowing horns at the top, at the bottom an eagle with spread wings. Within the wings is a carriage 23 A. M. Habermann, “The Amsterdam Printer Joseph Athias, Inventor of Stereotype Printing,” in Studies in the History of Hebrew Printers and Books (Jerusalem, 1978), p. 311 [Hebrew]. 24 A. M. Habermann and A. K. Offenberg. “Athias, Joseph and Immanuel,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica. Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 2 (Detroit, 2007), col. 632–633.

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figure 1.15 1685, Hesed le-Avraham

and figures, and in the middle of this scenario is a depiction of the Patriarch Jacob meeting Joseph in Egypt, recalling “And Joseph made ready his chariot, and went up to meet Israel his father, to Goshen, and presented himself to him; and he fell on his neck, and wept on his neck a good while” (Genesis 46:29). To fully appreciate the emotive nature of this biblical image the reader should recall that Jacob had not seen Joseph, the first-born son of his favorite wife Rachel, for twenty-two years, presumed dead, torn by wild beasts. Below the image is a thin banner with the date given in a chronogram. Describing this title page and the use of the eagle, Avraham Yaari writes, But in one printers’ mark, that of Joseph Atthias (sic) of Amsterdam, the eagle is the emblem of the printer himself. The bird is shown with outstretched wings on which the meeting of Joseph with Jacob in Egypt is portrayed. The Biblical scene is intended to suggest that the printer’s name was Joseph, while the eagle itself may symbolize the verse “I bore you on eagles’ wings, and brought you unto myself” (Exodus 19:4). Possibly the printer intended to hint that he was a Marrano (secret observer of Judaism) who had taken refuge under the wings of the Shekina (Divine presence). Or the eagle may have been intended as a hint that the printers’ old father died a martyr’s death, suggesting the Biblical verse applied to martyrs: “They were swifter than eagles, they were stronger than lions” (II Samuel 1:23).25

25

Yaari, pp. ix, 45, 149–150 no. 73.

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

25

This title page was later reused in books in several locations without consideration of the symbolism relating it to Athias. We find it reemployed in Amsterdam by Hirtz Levi Rofe, for example, on R. Abraham ben Shabbetai Sheftel Horowitz’s (c. 1550–1615) Emek Berakhah (1729), on prayers and benedictions. The only difference is that the banner now has the name of the printer rather than the date. It also appears on several books printed in Dyhernfurth.26 We also find this title page on books printed in other locations with modifications. For example, it was employed in Frankfurt on Oder by Johann Christoph Beckman and Michael Gottschalk. Beckman, professor of Greek language, history, and theology at the University of Frankfurt, who had already been operating a printing press, obtained a license to publish Hebrew books in 1675. By 1693, however, Beckman found that his responsibilities at the university left him with insufficient time for the press. He therefore contracted with Michael Gottschalk, a local bookbinder and book-dealer, to manage the printing-house, transferring all of the typographical equipment and material to Gottschalk, their arrangement being noted on the title pages of the books issued by the press, which stated “with the letters of lord Johann Christoph Beckman, Doctor and Professor … at the press of Michael Gottschalk.” They printed a number of books with the slightly modified eagle frame, the most notable difference being the absence of the banner with the date and at the bottom scenes of Frankfurt (?). One example is R. Samuel ben Moses (17th–18th centuries) of Swislotz, Russia’s Shem Shemuʾel (1699, fig. 1.16), a kabbalistic commentary on the Torah built to a large extent upon the book of Psalms. The frame was used yet again in Frankfurt on Oder by Dr. Professor Grillo on R. Meir ben Eliezer Liberman Segal’s Meir ha-Shahar (1749). 26 A. M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 50–51, 129 nos. 36–37 [Hebrew]. Parenthetically, the reuse of pressmarks specific to a publisher by other printers unaware of the pressmarks’ original association is a not rare occurrence. For example, the mirror-image monogram of Michael Gottschalk of Frankfurt on Oder, the elongated letters not immediately evident to readers, was employed by other printers, in one instance inverted. Concerning mirror image monograms see my “Mirror-image Monograms as Printers’ Devices on the Title Pages of Hebrew Books Printed in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Printing History 40 (Rochester, NY, 2000), pp. 2–11, reprinted in Studies, pp. 33–43. Also, parenthetically, the title page of R. Yitzhak Isaac Tyrnau’s (d. 1439–52) Minhagim (Dyhernfurth, 1690, reproduced in Habermann, p. 50) states that it is “as printed IN AMSTERDAM” and below, in smaller letters, that it was printed in Dyhernfurth. Many presses in Central Europe in the early eighteenth century wrote that they were using “Amsterdam” letters, in a large font, and the place of printing in a smaller type, due to the prestige of the Amsterdam presses. The Dyhernfurth Minhagim is unusual only in that the emphasis is on the previous edition rather than on the Amsterdam letters.

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figure 1.16 1699, Shem Shemu’el

This frame appears in yet other locations, such as Prague and Berlin. In the former, at the Bak press, the banner reappears but is blank. Some title pages, such as Perush ha-Rosh ve-ha-Ravid zʾ”l (1728) have the banner with the name of the printer in Hebrew and below the frame in German Mit Bewilliung der Obrigkeit (with the approval of the authorities) and the name of the press. R. Mordecai ben Enoch Judah’s Mor Deror (1738), Talmudic novellae, states in Latin that it was Cum Licentis Superium, that is with the approval of the censor, and below in German that it was printed in Prague. In Berlin, in contrast, in another edition of Tyrnau’s Minhagim (1703, fig. 1.17) the frame has the banner in the eagle’s beak giving the date, the emotive biblical scene is absent, replaced by a shield, and the eagle is holding a sword in one talon and a scepter in the other

The Eagle Motif in 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books

27

figure 1.17 1703, Minhagim

talon. The eagle image here has been modified from the earlier poignant depiction to one representing royal authority, depicted by shield, sword, and scepter. The title pages described here with eagle motifs are often, as Yaari noted, “the emblem of the country where the book was printed,” for example, Mirkevet ha-Mishneh and Ahavet ha-Shem in Cracow and tractate Shevuʾot in Zolkiew. The significance of the eagles in pressmarks varies, its meaning, as was noted for the Bath-Sheba pressmark, is unclear. However, its employ by Joseph Athias is meaningful and moving, thereby accounting for its repeated reuse by later printers who were unaware of its original import. Additional eagle motifs appear as pressmarks on Hebrew books in the following centuries. They are however, beyond the scope of this article. We began with several biblical quotes in support of our contention that the eagle is a majestic bird. We conclude that the popularity of the eagle, undiminished to this day, remains best expressed by the biblical verses, it being the imagery used to describe the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt “how I carried you on eagles wings” and of excellence “Will you set your eyes on it? It is already gone; for riches suddenly make themselves wings; they fly away like an eagle towards the sky” (Proverbs 23:5).

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Appendix: Biblical Verses Containing References to the Eagle as [‫]ה[]כ[]מ[ נשר ]ים‬

“You have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and how I carried you on eagles’ wings, and brought you to myself” (Exodus 19:4). “And these are they which you shall have in abomination among the birds; they shall not be eaten, they are an abomination; the eagle, and the bearded vulture, and the black vulture” (Leviticus 11:13). “But these are they of which you shall not eat; the eagle, and the vulture, and the osprey” (Deuteronomy 14:12). “The Lord shall bring a nation against you from far, from the end of the earth, which will swoop down like the eagle; a nation whose tongue you shall not understand” (Deuteronomy 28:49). “As an eagle stirs up its nest, flutters over its young, spreads out its wings, takes them, bears them on its pinions” (Deuteronomy 32:11). “Saul and Jonathan were loved and dear in their lives, and in their death they were not divided; they were swifter than eagles, they were stronger than lions” (II Samuel 1:23). “But those who wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary; and they shall walk, and not faint” (Isaiah 40:31). “Behold, he shall come up as clouds, and his chariots shall be as a stormy wind; his horses are swifter than eagles. Woe unto us! for we are ruined” (Jeremiah 4:13). “For thus says the Lord; Behold, he shall fly like an eagle, and shall spread his wings over Moab” (Jeremiah 48:40). “The other biblical references are: Your terribleness has deceived you, and the pride of your heart, O you who dwell in the clefts of the rock, who hold the height of the hill; though you should make your nest as high as the eagle, I will bring you down from there, says the Lord” (Jeremiah 49:16). “Behold, he shall come up and fly as the eagle, and spread his wings over Bozrah; and at that day shall the heart of the mighty men of Edom be as the heart of a woman in her pangs” (Jeremiah 49:22). “As for the likeness of their faces, the four had the face of a man, and the face of a lion, on the right side; and the four had the face of an ox on the left side; the four also had the face of an eagle” (Ezekiel 1:10). “And everyone had four faces; the first face was the face of a cherub, and the second face was the face of a man, and the third the face of a lion, and the fourth the face of an eagle” (Ezekiel 10:14). “And say, Thus says the Lord God; A great eagle with great wings, and long pinions, rich in feathers of many colors, came to Lebanon, and took the top of the cedar” (Ezekiel 17:3).

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“There was also another great eagle with great wings and many feathers; and, behold, this vine did bend her roots toward him, and send out its branches toward him from the bed where it was planted, that he might water it” (Ezekiel 17:7). “Set the shofar to your mouth. He shall come like an eagle against the house of the Lord, because they have transgressed my covenant, and trespassed against my Torah” (Hosea 8:1). “Though you soar aloft like the eagle, and though you set your nest among the stars, from there will I bring you down, says the Lord” (Obadiah 1:4). “Make yourself bald, and cut off your hair for the children of your delight; make your head bald like a eagle; for they shall go from you into exile” (Mica 1:16). “Their horses also are swifter than the leopards, and are more fierce than evening wolves; and their horsemen shall spread themselves, and their horsemen shall come from far; they shall fly like a vulture hastening to devour” (Habakkuk 1:8). “They pass away like swift ships; like the eagle that swoops on the prey” (Job 9:26). “Does the eagle mount up at your command, and make her nest on high” (Job 39:27). “The first was like a lion, and had eagle’s wings; I looked till its wings were plucked off, and it was lifted up from the earth, and made to stand upon its feet as a man, and a man’s heart was given to it” (Daniel 7:4). “Who satisfies your mouth with good things, so that your youth is renewed like the eagle’s” (Psalms 103:5). “Will you set your eyes on it? It is already gone; for riches suddenly make themselves wings; they fly away like an eagle towards the sky” (Proverbs 23:5). “The eye that mocks at his father, and scorns to obey his mother, will be picked out by the ravens of the valley, and the young eagles shall eat it” (Proverbs 30:17). “The way of an eagle in the sky; the way of a serpent on a rock; the way of a ship in the midst of the sea; and the way of a man with a young woman” (Proverbs 30:19).

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The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

Judah is a lion’s whelp; from the prey, my son, you are gone up; he stooped down, he couched as a lion, and as an old lion; who shall rouse him up? Genesis 49:9

…

He couched, he lay down as a lion, and as a great lion. Who shall stir him up? Blessed is he who blesses you, and cursed is he who curses you. Numbers 24:9

…

And of Dan he said, Dan is a lion’s cub; he shall leap from Bashan. Deuteronomy 33:22

…

As for the likeness of their faces, the four had the face of a man, and the face of a lion, on the right side … Ezekiel 1:10

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

…

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And everyone had four faces; the first face was the face of a cherub, and the second face was the face of a man, and the third the face of a lion, and the fourth the face of an eagle. Ezekiel 10:14

…

The lion has roared, who will not fear? The Lord God has spoken, who can but prophesy? Amos 3:8

∵ The lion is a regal animal.1,2 It is referred to as the king of the beasts and is widely described as such in literature and fable; it is a recurring motif in iconography. The oldest extant depiction of lions appears to be in the wall paintings in the Chauvet Cave in the Ardèche region of southern France; one panel includes a pride of sixteen lions. The sphinx, in ancient Egypt, had the body of a lioness with a human head and shoulders, and lions are depicted on sealstones from Bronze Age Crete. The lion served as a religious symbol in Mesopotamia and Rome and even today is present in Jewish and Christian imagery. Franz Sales Meyer describes the import of the lion: The Lion (Felis leo) holds the first rank in ornamental fauna. His strength, his courage, and his nobility, have assured him from his earliest times the Title of “King of Beasts.” His majestic stature, his compact, proportionate build, his striking muscles, offer grateful problems to art. Lying, walking, sitting, fighting, conquering or conquered, he is an often-used motive.3 The lion is mentioned in the Hebrew Bible more frequently than any other animal, including fowl and sea creatures. In its various forms, aryeh ‫ אריה‬and 1 The original version of this article was published in Printing History, NS 22 (2017), pp. 53–71. 2 I would like to thank Eli Genauer for reading this article and for offering his comments on it. 3 Franz Sales Meyer, Handbook of Ornament: A Grammar of Art, Industrial and Architectural Designing in all its Branches for Practical as well as Theoretical Use (New York, 1957), p. 63.

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ari ‫ארי‬, with and without prefixes, it is the subject of or referred to in forty-two verses, and that is excluding related but less frequent or more specific terms such as those relating to the lion’s age, such as gur ‫גור‬, kefir ‫כפיר‬, lavi ‫לביא‬, and shahal ‫שחל‬. In total, there are one hundred fifty references to lions by six different names in the Bible.4 Given the above, it is not surprising that the lion has been employed as a pressmark. Crato Mylius (Krafft Müller, 1503–47) used a striking depiction of the lion, designed by Heinrich Vogther, as his printer’s device. It consisted of a lion, symbolizing Samson, holding a pillar and with a shield with Samson holding the jawbone of an ass (ref. Judges 14:5–6, 16:26–30), both alluding to his name (German Kraft = strength; Greek kratos = power). Similarly, Bertholt Rembolt’s (d. 1510) mark includes two lions with the sun about the tree of life. All this notwithstanding, William Roberts demurs, writing that “to summarize a few of the less popular designs, it will suffice to give a short list of the vignettes or marks used by the old printers of Paris (except where otherwise stated),” enumerating among those who employed such a design as “a Lion rampant, Arry; a lion rampant crowned on a red ground, Gunther Zainer; a lion led by the hand, Jacques Creigher; a lion supporting a column, Mylius, Strassburg, and a lion with a hour glass, Henric Petri, Basle.”5 In Hebrew iconography, in contrast, the lion has been a not infrequent motif, both in literature and on the title pages of Hebrew books. It appears in Jewish heraldry, on coats of arms and seals. Lions are mentioned in such varied works as the R. Jacob ben Asher’s (Ba‌‌ʾal ha-Turim, Tur, c. 1270–1340) comprehensive halakhic masterpiece, Arba⁠ʾah Turim, the second dated Hebrew book, printed in Piove di Sacco by Meshullam Cusi ben Moses Jacob, on 28 Tammuz, 5235 (July 3, 1475). The text begins: “Be as strong as a leopard, swift as an eagle, fleet as a deer, and brave as a lion, to perform the will of thy Father who is in heaven.”6 The lion is also mentioned, here more frequently, in a totally different type of work, Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan’s (12th–13th century) Mishlei Shuʾalim (Fox Fables, Mantua, 1557–58). A popular collection of 107 fables, not all fox fables, in which the animals are the protagonists. In the introduction, Berechiah bemoans current moral conditions, concluding: “I draw parables of beasts and birds to strengthen weak hands, of creeping things that crawl upon the ground; for a similitude of them that walk upon the earth. I shall begin with the lion ruler over all, great and small, for they changed his honor 4 http://www.jhom.com/topics/lions/art.htm. 5 William Roberts, Printers’ Marks: A Chapter in the History of Typography (London, 1893), pp. 36–38. 6 This quote, in the name of R. Judah ben Tema, is from Pesahim 112a and Avot 5:20.

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

33

for shame. When a rich man grows poor his companions make themselves strangers to him.” Concerning the usage of the lion in Jewish print imagery, Avraham Yaari writes that the lion is a symbol of aristocracy: Found in printers’ marks is the lion, which suggests the descent of the printer from the tribe of Judah, from which rose the royal house of David: “Judah is a lion’s whelp (Genesis 49:9). The lion appears more frequently than any other animal in Hebrew printers’ marks and at times indicates the name of the printer, such as Judah, Aryeh, Leib, or Leon. In other cases the lion indicates the vocation of the printer, who is called “mehokek” (a word meaning both “engraver” and “ruler-lawgiver”)…. A lion holding a sheaf of wheat between his paws or in his teeth symbolizes the vision of the end of days when “The lion shall eat straw like the ox” (Isaiah 65:25). In the many cases where the lion is the emblem of a country (the Bohemian lion, for example), he is not meant for a printers’ mark, but is simply an ornament.7 This article will address and describe the use of the lion motif in printed Hebrew books on title pages and employed as pressmarks—manuscripts are beyond the parameters of this article although lions certainly are plentiful there too—the printers and presses that employed it, and describe some of the books on which it appears. Hebrew books were often printed, after the mid-sixteenth century, at presses belonging to non-Jews. In several instances, the pressmark is that of the owner of the press rather than the Jewish printer. Nevertheless, as the books are Hebrew books those marks too are included in our survey. Before beginning, several caveats are necessary. Despite the usage of the lion in Jewish imagery, its employ on the title pages of Hebrew books described in this article is not always of Jewish significance and should not automatically be assumed to be of Jewish content or symbolism. Indeed, Avraham Yaari, referring to printers’ marks, informs that “the lion is the emblem of a country.”8 Secondly, although we are concerned with lion motifs on title pages 7 Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks from the Beginning of Hebrew Printing to the End of the 19th Century (Jerusalem, 1943), pp. viii–ix (Hebrew with an English introduction). 8 It should also be noted, although less true for most of the title pages with lions addressed here, that the attractive decorative frames on the title pages of mid-sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Hebrew books frequently belonged to and were provided by the nonJewish printer to his Jewish associate, who, in many locations, was prohibited from owning a press in his own right. Their arrangement was mutually beneficial. For the Jewish associate,

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figure 2.1 Tur Orah Hayyim

or as printers’ marks, not their appearance in the text, there are exceptions, namely books without title pages, such as incunabula or the Prague Haggadah, where they are prominently displayed. Several of the title pages are, from a modern perspective, surprising. Jewish sensibilities were obviously different; it is inconceivable that such pages would be used with like books today. It was intended to order title pages and pressmarks in chronological order but geographic and thematic considerations were given weight in the ordering of examples. Our time frame is from the incunabula period into the first decades of the seventeenth century; although a significant number of examples of the lion motif from this period are addressed in the article, they are examples only, providing a window into an early and varied use of the lion motif.9 The first Hebrew printer known to have used a pressmark is Eliezer ben Abraham Alantansi, active from 1485 to 1490 in Ixar (Hijar) in Aragon, Spain. Among the titles printed by Eliezer are the first two of Jacob ben Asher’s Arba⁠ʾah Turim’s four parts, the Tur Orah Hayyim (1485) and the Tur Yoreh Deʾah (1486/87). After the colophons in each volume is Alantansi’s pressmark, a lion rampant on a shield (fig. 2.1). In Orah Hayyim the lion is set within a red shield; in the second, in Yoreh Deʾah, it is set in a black shield. commissioning a woodcut frame was expensive and often not cost-justifiable for the smaller Jewish market; the non-Jewish partner had access to the Hebrew book market, which was less competitive and therefore more profitable than his own. 9 Much of the material for this article is based upon my The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2004) and The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2011).

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

35

Yaari states that it is difficult to understand the relationship of this mark to the printer. He suggests, in explaining its usage, as an example of his remarks noted above, that perhaps Alantansi had a tradition that he was descended from the tribe of Judah, whose symbol was a lion, or that it was in keeping with the verse “The staff shall not depart from Judah, nor the scepter (mehokek) from between his feet,” (Genesis 49:10) based on the Hebrew term mehokek being an early reference to a printer, and this despite the fact that in the colophon Alantansi refers to his craft as ketivah (writing).10 Another incunabula title, this with an artistic frame, is R. Moses ben Nahman’s (Ramban, Nahmanides, 1194–1270) Perush al ha-Torah (Naples, 1490). A classic and profound commentary on the Torah, Perush al ha-Torah appears to have been mostly written in Spain and was either completed or at least emended in Eretz Israel. Ramban states his purpose as “satisfying the needs of students who, weary of the exile and woes, read the sedrah (weekly Torah portion) on the Sabbath and holidays, to better understand it, to rejoice their hearts with pleasant and satisfying explanations.” His intent is to strengthen the resolve and console the hearts of his readers. Perush al ha-Torah (fig. 2.2) was printed in Naples, a city not normally associated with Hebrew printing. Naples, in the fifteenth century, was home, albeit for a short time, to an important Jewish community and to Hebrew presses that published more incunabula in any single location in a decade excepting Soncino. Perush al ha-Torah was the first Naples title with an artistic frame, comprised of intertwined floral design, winged putti, and a lion rampant against a black background. Arthur M. Hind suggests that the woodcut was prepared by a craftsman from the north, his style showing kinship with Netherlandish woodcuts.11 The next book with a lion on the title page is also by R. Jacob ben Asher, that is, his Perush ha-Torah le-R. Ya⁠ʾakov (Constantinople, 1514, Samuel ben David ibn Nahmias), abridged introductions to his more detailed commentary on the Torah. Each weekly section begins with an “appetizer,” made up of gematriot (numerical value of the letters) and explanations of the masoretic notes, to “whet the mind” and attract the attention of students. Unlike the commentary, which is based on the peshat (literal meaning), these introductory comments explain the text according to the numerical value of the letters, calculations, and letter substitution. Perush ha-Torah le-R. Ya⁠ʾakov, a popular work, frequently reprinted, is actually these introductory appetizers. The complete work was not 10 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 3, 123 nos. 1–3. 11 David Sandler Berkowitz, In Remembrance of Creation: Evolution of Art and Scholarship in the Medieval and Renaissance Bible (Waltham, MA, 1968), pp. 79–80; Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut (New York, 1963), pp. 405, 408.

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figure 2.2 Perush al ha-Torah (Ramban)

to be published for almost three hundred years (Zolkiew, 1806). The title page of Perush ha-Torah le-R. Ya⁠ʾakov has an ornamental frame (fig. 2.3a).12 Above the text is the device of R. Judah ben Joseph Sassoon, who provided financial support for this and other books through 1516, that is, a white lion passant,

12 Concerning ornamental frames on Hebrew incunabula, see my “‘Behold, You Are Beautiful, My Love’: The Use of Ornamental Frames in Hebrew Incunabula,” Printing History 10 (2011), pp. 39–55, reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 3–33.

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

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figure 2.3b Perush ha-Torah le-R. Ya⁠ʾakov

figure 2.3a Perush ha-Torah le-R. Ya⁠ʾakov (Tur)

facing left, against a black background with a twine border (fig. 2.3b). This mark appears on the title page and/or end of all the books financed by Sassoon. Other works printed by the same press with this lion device are R. Bahya ben Asher ben Hlava’s (13th century) Kad ha-Kemah (1515), sixty homilies by R. Bahya ben Asher ben Hlava (13th century), pietistic and ethical discourses, on the tenets of Judaism, encompassing faith, morals, precepts, and major events of the Jewish calendar. In Kad ha-Kemah, the white lion passant is on both the title and final page. The same year, Samuel ibn Nahmias published Kizzur Piskei ha-Rosh, a summary of the halakhic rulings in the Piskei ha-Rosh of R. Asher ben Jehiel (Rabbenu Asher, Rosh, c. 1250–1327) prepared by his son, Jacob ben Asher (Ba⁠ʾal ha-Turim, above). Rosh, an Ashkenazi, is unusual, if not unique, in that he was the leading halakhic authority of his generation for Sephardim as well as for Ashkenazim. Several Sephardic authorities, such as R. Solomon ha-Kohen (Maharshach, c. 1530–c. 1602) write that, where the Rosh and Maimonides differ on a halakhic matter, “one should not rule contrary to the Rosh, and specifically in our place [Salonika], for the Rosh is the Rav of the

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Sephardim.” Although primarily composed when Rosh was older and resident in Spain, Piskei ha-Rosh reflects Rosh’s Ashkenazic methodology. Piskei ha-Rosh is one of the three amudim (pillars) utilized by R. Joseph Caro in his Beit Yosef to determine normative halakhah and has also been the subject of numerous commentaries. Piskei ha-Rosh too has the title page with the lion rampant. Prague, for centuries, was among the most important cities of European Jewry. Its prominence may be attributed to its large Jewish population—for many years, it had the largest number of Jews of any city in Europe—its distinguished rabbinic leadership, its noted yeshivot, and its central location. Hebrew printing took root in Prague early in the history of the holy craft, and it quickly became a center of Hebrew printing with a number of active printshops in the sixteenth century. Home to the first Hebrew press north of the Alps, Hebrew printing in Prague began when six partners, both printers and financiers, published an Ashkenaz rite Seder Tefillot (prayer book) in 1512. Completed Erev Shabbat, Erev Hanukkah (24 Kislev), “hide yourself for a little while ‫רגע‬ (273 = December 13, 1512), until the wrath has passed” (Isaiah 26:20). This volume, a quarto in format, includes a Haggadah, Pirkei Avot, and Hoshanot, but not grace after meals. The colophon page (fig. 2.4) consists of a Magen David (Star of David) with the names of the partners: R. Mordecai ben Eliezer Sofer, whose name appears in the center of the Magen David; R. Isaiah ben Asher ha-Levi and R. Solomon ben Samuel ha-Levi, whose names appear in shields with lavers, symbols of the levite, in, respectively, the upper-right- and lower-left-hand corners; R. Meir ben David, writer of tefillin (Michtam) of Prague, whose name appears in a shield to the left of the Magen David; R. Jekuthiel ben Isaac, whose name appears in the upper-left-hand corner above a deer; and R. Shemaryah ben David, whose name appears in the lower-right-hand corner above a lion. A second lion is center-right above the first lion.13 Seder Tefillot was followed by a Pentateuch (Hameshei Humshei Torah), begun in 1514 but not completed until 1518, with attractive front pages, including Exodus with a lion (not reproduced here), a Birkat ha-Mazon, and two prayer books, one an Ashkenaz rite, the other an Ashkenaz-Polish rite. Subsequently, the composition of the printers was modified, three of the original group having departed, joined by R. Gershom ben Solomon ha-Kohen (Katz), Meir ben Jacob ha-Levi Epstein, and Hayyim ben David Shahor (Schwartz, Cerny), Gershom Kohen’s son-in-law. Shahor is one of the pioneers of Hebrew printing outside 13 Otto Muneles, Bibliographical Survey of Jewish Prague: The Jewish State Museum of Prague (Prague, 1952), p. 13, no. 1; Avraham M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books (Jerusalem, 1969), pp. 33, 127 no. 19; Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 6, 124–126 no. 7.

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

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figure 2.4 Seder Tefillot

of Italy. An important itinerant printer, he was active in several locations, among them Oels, Augsburg, Venice, and Lublin.14 In 1527, Gershom ha-Kohen applied for and received a royal privilege from King Ferdinand of Bohemia, allowing him, that is Gershom alone, to enjoy a monopoly on Hebrew printing in Prague. His descendants, known as the Gersonides, continued to print in Prague until the mid-seventeenth century. 14 Concerning Shahor and his family, see Avraham M. Habermann, “The Printer Hayyim Shahor, His Son Isaac and His Son-in-Law,” in Studies in the History of Hebrew Printers and Books (Jerusalem, 1978), pp. 103–30 [Hebrew]; Olga Sixtová. “Jewish Printers and Printing Presses in Prague (1512–1670 (1672)),” in Hebrew Printing in Bohemia and Moravia, ed. Olga Sixtová (Prague, 2012), pp. 36–38; and Charles Wengrow, Haggadah and Woodcut: An Introduction to the Passover Haggadah Completed by Gershom Cohen in Prague Sunday, 26 Teveth, 5287 / December 30, 1526 (New York, 1967), var. cit.

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figure 2.5b Haggadah shel Pesah

figure 2.5a Haggadah shel Pesah

In Prague, the next title of concern to us is the famed Haggadah shel Pesah of 1526. This Haggadah is a magnificent, influential, and profusely illustrated work by Gershom ben Solomon ha-Kohen and his brother Gronem (Geronim). It has more than sixty woodcuts, many of which attributed to Hayyim Shahor and an unknown gentile artist. Some were borrowed from the repertoire of non-Jewish sources in early Prague imprints, while others, with a Jewish theme, were executed for this volume, which was a model for subsequent Haggadot to the present. There is no title page. Three pages with engraved borders in Gothic style are strategically placed in the Haggadah. The third of these pages (fig. 2.5a), shefokh hamathka, has representations of Adam and Eve on the right and left sides, respectively, each holding an apple in their hand, and below them Samson with the gates of Gaza and Judith with the head of Holophernes. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi suggests that the varied illustrations are related and probably are “a progression from Adam and Eve to the Messiah, that is from the beginning to the end of history.” The bottom segment has the Bohemian coat of arms from the second

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

41

half of the thirteenth century, a lion rampant with a heraldic bifurcated tail (fig. 2.5b). To the sides are men garbed in fur skins, and, to the left of the shield, the letter shin ‫ש‬, which is generally accepted as referring to Shahor.15 Whether the shin refers to and/or belongs to Shahor has been the subject of some discussion. In Avraham Habermann’s opinion, Shahor left the press in 1526 and did not work on the Haggadah, the letter shin having no connection to Shahor. Wengrow demurs in great detail, arguing that Shahor did not leave Prague until 1527, the shin referring to Shahor. Olga Sixtová writes that “the hypothesis that Hayyim himself cut the frames and illustrations for the Prague Haggadah of 1526 cannot be supported.”16 She then references Petr Voit, who writes that, floating between the hands of the left-hand shield bearer is the Hebrew letter shin, which we also encounter on Moses’ cloak on two miniatures from the Haggadah (fols. 13b, 21a). The letter’s significance is unclear. Since the beginning of the 20th century, it has been believed to be the monogram of Kohen’s son-in-law Hayyim—in this view he was not only a printer but also an illustrator. However this theory fails to explain why the copy of the border with Adam and Eve from 1526 used by Shahor in the 1544–1545 Pentateuch is so inartistic compared to the original from the Haggadah if he could have made a copy of the same quality. If we magnify the work, the difference in the cutting technique of the shin and the surrounding woodcut indicates that the letter was added to the woodblocks at a later time, most likely to express a relationship—that of the owners or of the publishers—to the woodblock.17 Numerous titles, certainly well beyond the scope of this article, were printed by the Gersonides with lion motifs and coats of arms in the following century. These frames were frequently reused over many decades; a small number of examples suffice to show their variety. The Arba⁠ʾah Turim Orah Hayyim (1540) was printed with the annotations of R. Abraham ben Avigdor (d. 1542), known as Abraham of Prague, who was 15 Muneles, Bibliographical Survey, p. 14 no. 26; Cecil Roth, “The Illustrated Haggadah,” Areshet III (1961), reprinted in Studies in Bibliography and Booklore VII (Cincinnati, 1965), pp. 37–40; Wengrow, Haggadah, p. 65; Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History (Philadelphia, 1975), nos. 9–13. 16 Sixtová, “Jewish Printers,” p. 38. 17 Habermann, “Hayyim Shahor,” p. 104; Petr Voit; “Ornamentation of Prague Hebrew Books during the First Half of the 16th Century as Part of Bohemian Book Design,” in Hebrew Printing in Bohemia and Moravia, pp. 146–147; Wengrow, Haggadah, pp. 93–106.

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figure 2.6b Arba⁠ʾah Turim Orah Hayyim

figure 2.6a Arba⁠ʾah Turim Orah Hayyim

rabbi of Prague for twenty years. R. Moses Isserles (Rema, c. 1530–1572) had this edition before him when preparing his Darkhei Moshe on the Arba⁠ʾah Turim. The Prague Tur is one of three editions of that work printed in 1540, the others being an Augsburg edition published by Hayyim Shahor and a Constantinople edition.18 The text of the title page (fig. 2.6a) is set in a decorative woodcut frame with Moses holding the tablets with the Ten Commandments at the top. On a banner held by a winged figure on the left pillar is a Magen David; on the right, there is a winged figure with a laver. Below are the lions rampant with bifurcated tails about three towers over an open gate, the coat of arms of Prague (fig. 2.6b).19

18 19

Concerning all three editions, see Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, pp. 242–47. The coat of arms of Prague also was employed in Cracow by Samuel, Asher, and Elyakim Halicz, the first printers of Hebrew books in Cracow. It appears on Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (1534), the Haliczs’ second title, a Yiddish concordance, and glossary of the Bible. It also appears on other works by them in a slightly different format, namely, in floral wreath. Isaac Yudlov, Hebrew Printers’ Marks: Fifty-Four Emblems and Marks of Hebrew Printers and Authors (Jerusalem, 2001), pp. 17–18, writes that members of the Shahor family

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

43

figure 2.7 Torat ha-Olah

Remaining with Prague, albeit out of chronological order, a popular frame is that used with Torat ha-Olah (1570), a philosophical and scientific work by R. Isserles, in which he explains the symbolism, meaning, and purpose of the Temple, its measurements, and the sacrifices offered there. The title page has the ornamental frame with the spread hands of the kohen’s priestly blessing immediately below the name of the printer, and, at the bottom of the frame, a bearded face representative of the printer, Mordecai [ben Gershon] Katz, accompanied by two cherubs favored by the Gersonides. The face of a lion is above the printer’s name on each column (fig. 2.7). This is the first usage of this

brought the Prague coat of arms to Poland, where it was also used in Lublin. See also Habermann, Title Pages, pp. 34, 127 no. 20.

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frame.20 Within Torat ha-Olah is the Giustiniani’s printer’s device, a representation of the Temple, which is discussed below. Other title pages with this frame include Sefer Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot (1603), the responsa of R. Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg (Maharam, c. 1215–93); Keli Yakar (1608), the homiletic commentary on the Torah by R. Solomon Ephraim ben Aaron Luntshits (Luntschitz, 1550–1619); Even ha-Ezer (Sefer ha-Raban, 1610), the responsa of R. Eliezer ben Nathan of Mainz (Raban, c. 1090–c. 1170); and Hoʾil Moshe (1611), discourses on the weekly Torah readings and Megillot by R. Moses ben Abraham Mat of Przemysl (c. 1540–c. 1606), as well as mahzorim (festival prayer books). Another frequently reused title page frame appears on such works as Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon (1608), a commentary on Megillat Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs) attributed to R. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon (882–942). Saadiah, among the last of the geonim, was a prolific writer, his output encompassing dictionaries, grammars, biblical commentaries, a translation of the Bible into Arabic, liturgical and halakhic works, and philosophy, much still in manuscript. It is now believed, however, that the attribution of Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon to Rav Saadiah Gaon is incorrect. The title page (fig. 2.8) has the ornate woodcut frame comprising Moses holding the tablets of the law at the top, with cherubim on both sides of him, and along the sides two bearded figures above additional cherubim, a single Magen David on the right, and, at the bottom, the spread hands raised giving the priestly blessing, representative of the printer, a kohen, flanked on each side by a lion rampant. The printer was Moses ben Joseph Bezalel. An earlier work with this title page was Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot ha-Geonim (1590), four hundred responsa from the geonim, heads of the Talmudic academies, mainly in Babylonia, in Sura and Pumbedita, in the period after the redaction of the Talmud. The printer was Mordecai ben Gershon Kohen. On the verso is a preamble from R. Solomon ben Menahem Kabuli, and below that a two-tailed crowned lion (fig. 2.9), the emblem of Bohemia. This form of the lion rampant symbol of Bavaria was also reused. Among the interesting works in which this mark appears is R. Judah Leib ben David Pisk (Pisek) of Nikolsburg’s (d. c. 1644) Dimyon Aryeh, collected responsa on the issue of leniency on setam yeinam (gentile wine). The Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon title page frame appears on a variety of other Prague works, such as Olat Yitzhak (1606), a halakhic work presented in the form of riddles by R. Isaac (Eisak) ben Joshua ben Abraham of Prague, a physician and leader of the Jewish community of Prague in the sixteenth century. 20

Sixtová, “Jewish Printers,” p. 92.

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figure 2.9 Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot ha-Geonim

figure 2.8 Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon

Olat Yitzhak comprises 843 riddles or queries arranged according to the order of the Talmud and halakhic codes. Although no printer’s name appears on the title page or elsewhere in the book, in contrast to Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot ha-Geonim and Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon, this frame, with the priestly hands flanked by lions rampant, was most likely printed by one of the Gersonides. Further examples of books with this popular (to the Gersonides) frame are Josippon (1607); Yeriot Shelomo (1609), a super-commentary by R. Solomon ben Jehiel Luri (1510–73) on R. Elijah Mizrahi’s (c. 1455–c. 1525) commentary on Rashi, prepared by the former’s student R. Jehiel ben Meshullam; two works (1610) by R. Issachar Baer ben Pethahiah Moses (or as here Moses Pethahiah) of Kremnitz (d. before 1648), Imrei Binah, explanations of difficult and uncommon terms in the Zohar and Mekor Hokhmah, kabbalistic homilies on the Torah and Megillot; and liturgical works. Our final Prague title page in this series appears in such diverse works as R. Isaac ben Abraham Hayot’s (1538–1610) Derashot le-lyle Shemurim (1589),

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figure 2.10 Pesak al Agunah

R. Moses ben Issachar ha-Levi Saertels’ (17th century) Yiddish commentary on Avot (1599)—the author is better known for his popular and much republished Beʾer Moshe, a glossary of Hebrew terms in the Torah and Megillot translated into Yiddish, which became a standard work and was utilized as a basic textbook for teaching Bible to Polish Jewry—and Pesak al Agunah (1594), responsa on agunahs (literally “chained women,” that is, women whose husbands will not give them a get (divorce) that will allow them to remarry) from R. Jacob ben Joseph Pollack ha-Levi (c. 1460–1541), who was among the earliest and most eminent of Polish rabbis. Included in this edition is a responsum (2b–7a) from R. Judah Loew ben Bezalel (Maharal) on agunahs. Printed by Solomon ben Mordecai and Moses ben Joseph Bezalel Katz, the title page (fig. 2.10) of Pesak al Agunah has a decorative border comprising depictions of Adam and

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

47

a bare-breasted Eve on the side panels; the bottom panel has the printer’s portrait, and the top panel has a lion couchant.21 In Lublin, a Hebrew printshop was established by the family of Hayyim Shahor, that is, his son Isaac and his son-in-law Joseph ben Yakar, both of whom had previously worked with Hayyim elsewhere. This press, through descendants and collateral members, would be active for over a hundred and fifty years. Kalonymous ben Mordecai Jaffe, the husband of Hayyim Shahor’s granddaughter Hannah and a second cousin of the famous Talmudic scholar and codifier, R. Mordecai ben Abraham Jaffe (Levush, c. 1535–1612), operated the press until his death in 1603; his descendants managed the printing house until the last decades of the century. Among the titles printed by Kalonymous are his cousin’s comprehensive halakhic code, the Levushim (1590). The complete work consists of ten Levushim (1590–1604), five halakhic codes, and various commentaries and sermons. The title and the names of the parts are from the garments worn by the biblical Mordecai: “And Mordecai went out from the presence of the king in royal clothes (Levush Malkhut) of blue (ha-Tekhelet) and white (ha-Hur)” (Esther 8:15). The title page of Levush Malkhut (fig. 2.11) is a reverse image of one of the engraved borders in the Prague Haggadah of 1526 (fig. 2.5a), above. Returning to Prague, we find one of the more popular Hebrew pressmarks, a representation of the Temple in Jerusalem. It was first employed by Marco Antonio Giustiniani (Justinian), who printed Hebrew books in Venice from 1545 to 1552 with a depiction of the Temple as his pressmark, one that was imitated by printers in various locations for a century and a half.22 His representation of the Temple is actually a conventional representation of the Temple that is architecturally much closer to the Moslem Mosque of Omar than it is to the Temple in Jerusalem, which is attributable to the fact that it was based on the reports of medieval travelers to Jerusalem who returned with drawings of the “Dome of the Rock,” which was often copied in both Jewish and 21

22

Concerning the depiction of a bare-breasted woman on the title pages of Hebrew books, see Elliott Horowitz, “Borders, Breasts, and Bibliography with an appendix by Dan Rabinowitz,” The Seforim Blog, http://seforim.blogspot.com/search?q=nude. It should be noted that such depictions are present on many other title pages of books printed in Prague and elsewhere, but without lion representation and therefore beyond the scope of this article. Concerning the widespread use of Giustiniani’s device, see my “The Cover Design, ‘The Printer’s Mark of Marc Antonio Giustiniani and the Printing Houses that Utilized It,’” Library Quarterly 7, no. 13 (2001), pp. 383–89, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 44–53 (henceforth, Studies).

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figure 2.11 Levush Malkhut

Christian books and thus well known to the general public. Atop the Temple is an unfurled banner with the verse “The glory of this latter House shall be greater than that of the former, says the Lord of hosts” (Haggai 2:9), suggesting that Giustiniani’s press would overshadow that of his predecessor and distinguished rival, Daniel Bomberg. The first imitation of the Giustiniani device occurred in Prague, at the press of Mordecai ben Gershom Katz. It appears in such varied works as R. Moses ben Israel Isserles’ (Rema) Torat ha-Olah (above) and the anonymous ethical work Orhot Zaddikim (1581). From 1603, however, beginning with R. Mordecai ben Abraham Jaffe’s (c. 1535–1612) Levush ha-Orah, a super-commentary on Rashi’s and other Torah commentaries, printed by Hayyim ben Jacob ha-Kohen, the Giustiniani device, which appears below the introduction, has been modified: the banner, originally attached to the Temple, is now detached and placed above it. Of

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

figure 2.12

49

Yam shel Shelomo

greater significance to us, however, is that below the pressmark is a strip with two reclining lions at the outer ends, facing in, and between them there is a small animal, presumably a sheep. About it is “Ariel, Ariel, the city where God encamped,” which is derived from “Woe to Ariel, Ariel, the city where David encamped” (Isaiah 29:1). Other works on which this form of the Giustiniani device appears are R. Manoah Hendel ben Shemaria’s (d. 1611) Manoah Matsa Hen (1611), a supercommentary on R. Bahya ben Asher Hlava’s Beʾur al ha-Torah (1611) on parashat Bereshit printed by Abraham ben Simeon Heide Lemberger. Here too the pressmark is placed after the introduction. Lemberger employed the device with and without the bottom strip, for example, at the front of the book by the approbations in R. Saul ben David’s Tal Orot (1615) and as a tail-piece in R. Solomon Luria’s (Maharshal, c. 1510–74) Yam shel Shelomo on tractate Bava Kamma (1615–18). Maharshal informs the reader that he labored for two years on tractate Yevamot, without completing even half the tractate, and a year on Ketubbot, completing only two chapters. The pressmark (fig. 2.12) is at the end of the volume after the editor’s epilogue.23 The center of printing in the sixteenth century, both Hebrew and otherwise, was Venice. Nevertheless, the lion motif was used less frequently in Italy in general and apparently in Venice in particular. We find its employ in Sabbioneta, where a distinguished mid-century press, although relatively short-lived (1551–59), was established at the home of R. Tobias ben Eliezer Foa, operated 23

We have noted that members of the Shahor family printed in Lublin with typographical equipment that shows the influences of the Prague presses. They too made use of the Giustiniani device, but the form employed by them is without the strip with the lions and sheep.

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by R. Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi Shalit of Padua and Jacob ben R. Naphtali ha-Kohen, and under the patronage of Duke Vespasian Gonzaga. Among the more than fifty titles ascribed to the press is Maimonides’ (Moses ben Maimon, Rambam, 1135–1204) philosophical masterpiece, the Moreh Nevukhim (1553). One of eight undated books credited to a Hebrew press in Rome c. 1469–70, the Moreh Nevukhim had been reprinted most recently only two years earlier (Venice, 1551). The Sabbioneta edition, however, was the last printing of the Moreh Nevukhim for almost two hundred years, the next printing being in Jessnitz (1742) by Israel ben Abraham and authorized by R. David ben Naphtali Hirsch Fraenkel (Korban ha-Edah, c. 1707–62).24 The title page of the Moreh Nevukhim has an architectural border with standing representations of the mythological Mars and Minerva with shields, above them vines and fruits. First employed by Francesco Minizio (Giulio) Calvo, a printer of Latin and Italian books, the frame was eventually sold or transferred to the Hebrew printers in Sabbioneta. It would be used or copied in such disparate locations as Venice, Cracow, and Salonika.25 At the bottom of the title page is Foa’s pressmark, which comprises a palm tree with a lion rampant on each side and a Magen David affixed to the tree; about the Magen David is the verse “The righteous flourish like the palm tree” (Psalms 92:13), here within a wreath, and to the sides the letters ‫ ט‬and ‫ פ‬for Tobias Foa (fig. 2.13). The Foa device, however, appears most often by colophons. One such instance is the press’ first title, Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (1551), Don Isaac ben Judah Abrabanel’s (1437–1508) popular and much republished commentary on Deuteronomy. Abrabanel, among the most prominent of the Jewish exiles from Spain, was a noted Bible commentator and statesman, author of a comprehensive and detailed work on the Torah and Prophets. In contrast to his other volumes, Mirkevet ha-Mishneh on Deuteronomy was begun while he was still in Lisbon. Its completion was postponed, however, because of his responsibilities at the Portuguese court. The incomplete manuscript of Mirkevet haMishneh was lost when, as the result of court intrigues, Abrabanel was forced to flee to Spain in 1483. In his introduction to Deuteronomy, he describes the hardships suffered by the Jewish exiles after the expulsion from Spain in 1492 24

25

Parenthetically, Fraenkel’s most famous student was Moses Mendelssohn, who followed Fraenkel to Berlin in 1743. Mendelssohn acquired a copy of the newly reprinted Moreh Nevukhim when he was not yet thirteen years old. The Moreh inspired Mendelssohn’s lifelong interest in philosophy. See H. I. Bach, The German Jew: A Synthesis of Judaism and Western Civilization, 1730–1930 (New York, 1984), pp. 45–46. Concerning the widespread use of this title page frame, see my “Mars and Minerva on the Hebrew Title Page,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 98, no. 3 (2004), pp. 269–92, reprinted in Studies, pp. 1–17.

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

figure 2.13

51

Moreh Nevukhim

in poetic terms and, after his peregrinations, his arrival in Corfu, where he discovered his manuscript: I entered a ship in the heart of the sea, “and the Lord was merciful to me” [Genesis 19:16] and I came to the island of Corfu and resided there, and behold, “the Lord arranged for me” [Genesis 27:20] my commentary on this book. My soul was glad and rejoiced, I “caught hold of it and kissed it” [Proverbs 7:13]. The title page of Mirkevet ha-Mishneh has the Mars and Minerva frame. Foa’s pressmark appears on the final unfoliated leaf of Mirkevet ha-Mishneh. Yaari

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figure 2.14

chapter 2

Mirkevet ha-Mishneh

informs us that there are copies in which Foa’s device is accompanied to its left by Shalit’s device, a peacock standing on three rocks, facing left, with a fish in its beak within a cartouche; about it are the letters ‫ י ש י ב‬for Joseph ben Jacob Shalit, while other copies have only Foa’s device (fig. 2.14). Among the other Sabbioneta titles in which Foa’s pressmark is to be found is Hilkhot Rav Alfas (Sefer Rav Alfas, Sefer ha-Halakhot, 1554–55). A multi-volume work, the last volume has two colophons, one after the text and the second after the index. Below the first colophon is Foa’s device of the palm tree with a lion rampant on each side. Examples of Foa’s quarto format books are Sefer Pardes Rimmonim (1554) on the aggadah of the Talmud by R. Shem Tov bar Isaac ibn Shaprut [of Tortosa], Lehem Yehudah (1554) on Pirkei Avot by R. Judah ben Samuel Sephardi, and the Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot of R. Moses ben Isaac ibn Alshaker (Maharam Alashkar, 1466–1542). The title pages have the floral border typical of the Sabbioneta quarto books.26 Here too Foa’s pressmark is at the end of the books, in Lehem Yehudah set in a cartouche and in the Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot the lions rampant are in a square comprising the verses “‘You are my hiding place and my shield; I hope in your word’ (Psalms 119:114), ‘But, O Lord, 26 Lehem Yehudah was printed one year earlier (1553) in Venice but was caught up in the burning of the Talmud that year, and Lerma did not get to see even one copy. In his introduction, Lerma writes that the “the Almighty has dealt bitterly with me” (cf. Ruth 1:20) … I lost all that was in Venice and not even a single copy remained to me, not even a single leaf from the original for a remembrance. I was forced to rewrite [my book] from memory from the beginning. After I had completed three chapters, I found one copy from the original press in the hands of non-Jews, who had saved it from the fire. I acquired it at a dear price, and when I looked into it, may His name be blessed, I saw that the second [copy] was more complete than the first.”

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you are a shield for me; my glory, and the lifter up of my head’ (Psalms 3:4), ‘For the Lord God is a sun and shield; [the Lord] will give loving kindness and glory’ (Psalms 84:12), and ‘He lays up sound wisdom for the righteous; He is a shield to those who walk uprightly’ (Proverbs 2:7).”27 The printer in Cremona, a mere thirty-four miles from Sabbioneta, was Vincenzo Conti (d. 1569), active from 1556 to 1567, who issued more than forty titles. His initial privilege to print in Cremona was for Latin books, which he began to print in 1555. The following year, however, Conti began to print Hebrew books. Conti had new fonts cast, rather than acquiring the worn letters from other presses, thus accounting for the clear and attractive look of his books, and he employed skilled Jewish workers, such as R. Samuel Boehm and Zanvil Pescarol. Conti used cursive rabbinic (Rashi) type for the text of his earlier books, until the fonts were burned in 1559. Square letters were cast to replace them, thus distinguishing his earlier from his later works. Forced to discontinue printing for about five years, Conti was able to reopen the press in 1565. He printed Hebrew titles for two years, briefly relocated to Sabbioneta, and then returned to Cremona, where he again printed Latin but not Hebrew books. Among the Hebrew books printed at Conti’s press is R. Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil’s (d. 1280) concise halakhic compendium, Amudei Golah (1556) also known as Sefer Mitzvot Katan (Semak). The title page (fig. 2.15) has Conti’s device, which consists of a cartouche above a medallion personifying Cremona. In the upper section is the head of a winged horse with a bare-breasted woman to the right and a man to the left. In the space between them is the title and a brief description of the contents. Below that is the medallion, which comprises a helmeted woman, an open book in her left hand and a lion below. Her right hand holds a small man bearing a laurel. To the left, a crowned reclining man is holding a pitcher of water. About this pressmark is the verse, “And the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea” (Isaiah 11:9).28 This title page was used on three books only; the others are Sefer Tashbez (1556), a halakhic work based on the customs of R. Meir of Rothenburg 27 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 13, 133 nos. 20, 21. Members of the Foa family subsequently printed in several other cities in Europe. Their device appears in books printed in both Amsterdam and Venice in the eighteenth century, and so it is beyond the scope of this article. Concerning the family, see Avraham Yaari, “Benei Foa be’Klal,” in Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem, 1958), pp. 324–419 [Hebrew]. 28 Concerning Hebrew printing in Cremona, see Meir Benayahu, Hebrew Printing at Cremona: Its History and Bibliography (Jerusalem, 1971), pp. 15–16 [Hebrew]; and Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Italy, Spain-Portugal and the Turkey, from its Beginning and Formation about the Year 1470 (Tel Aviv, 1956), pp. 80–2 [Hebrew].

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figure 2.15 Amudei Golah

(Maharam, 1215–93) by his student R. Samson ben Zadok (13th century) and Ma’amar Haskel, on the precepts, which is traditionally attributed to R. Eliezer ben Nathan of Mainz (Raban, c. 1090–1170), an attribution that is no longer accepted, the work now being dated a century later. One of the first cities of importance in Hebrew printing in the incunabular period is Mantua. Here, Abraham ben Solomon Conat (15th century), with the assistance of his wife, Estillina, printed some of the earliest Hebrew books. In the sixteenth century, several Hebrew printers published books in Mantua at the press of the Christian printer Venturin Rufinelli, from 1566, and, after Rufinelli’s death, that of his son, Giacomo, and from 1576 that of his grandson, Tommaso. Among the titles printed at Rufinelli’s press in 1563 by

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

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figure 2.16 Menorat ha-Ma⁠ʾor

the partners Meir ben Ephraim of Padua and Ezra ben Isaac of Fano are two popular works, Menorat ha-Ma⁠ʾor (1563), an ethical work based on aggadah by R. Isaac Aboab (late 14th century), and Midrash Tanhuma, a homiletic Midrash on the Pentateuch. Tanhuma is ascribed to, and named for, the fourth-century Palestinian amora Rabbi Tanhuma bar Abba, whose name is associated with the aggadic interpretation of many verses in the Talmud and Midrashim. At the end of both works is a printers’ mark, an erect lion, facing left and holding a ball all within a cartouche (fig. 2.16).29 Zemah David (Venice, 1587) is a trilingual, Hebrew-Aramaic, Latin, and Italian dictionary by David ben Isaac de’ Pomis (1525–1593). De’ Pomis traced his ancestry, as he relates on the title page, and in greater detail in the introduction, to the tribe of Judah, the family ha-Tappuhim, one of the four noble families exiled from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus. The text of the title page is primarily in Latin, as is the dedication to Pope Sixtus V (1585–90). In the Hebrew introduction, de’ Pomis writes that he had an old, worn edition of the Arukh of Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome, who was, according to tradition, a member of his family. His intent is to explain the roots of words in the Arukh, material in the 29

Concerning Hebrew printing in Mantua, see David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909, reprint London, 1963), pp. 323–33; Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography, pp. 18–19; and Shlomo Simonsohn, History of the Jews in the Duchy of Mantua (Jerusalem, 1977), pp. 681–83.

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figure 2.17 Zemah David

Tishbi and Meturgeman of Elijah Levita and others (so also on the title page), and to discuss precious stones and pearls. After the Hebrew introduction is de Pomis’ device, an apple tree (pomis) with a lion (Judah) at each side and a star above, all within a cartouche (fig. 2.17). At the sides are the letters DP.30 Leaving Italy, we turn to Safed, where Eliezer ben Isaac Ashkenazi, a peripatetic printer, was the first printer in Eretz Israel. Eliezer plied his trade for several decades in the second half of the sixteenth century in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, printing in Lublin, Constantinople, and Safed. Parenthetically, Eliezer did not have the surname Ashkenazi in Poland. He only adopted that surname in Constantinople, thereby indicating his origin and differentiating himself from both his Romaniot (Byzantine) partner, David Kashti, and the surrounding Sephardic community.31 Eliezer’s first title in Safed was Lekah Tov (1577), a commentary on the book of Esther by R. Yom Tov ben Moses Zahalon (Maharit Zahalon, 1558–1638). 30 Avraham M. Habermann, Giovanni di Gara: Printer, Venice 1564–1610 (Jerusalem, 1982), ed. Y. Yudlov, p. 47 n. 97a; Cecil Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance (1959, reprint New York, 1965), pp. 223–5. 31 Concerning Eliezer, see my “Early Hebrew Printing from Lublin to Safed: The Journeys of Eliezer ben Isaac Ashkenazi,” Jewish Culture and History 4, no. 1 (2001), pp. 81–96, reprinted in Studies, pp. 106–20.

The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and Pressmarks

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figure 2.18 Kohelet Ya⁠ʾakov

Lekah Tov is completed with a copy of Giustiniani’s device, a representation of the Temple in Jerusalem, here too without the strip described above. Another title printed by Eliezer in Safed, and this is of concern to us, is R. Moses ben Mordecai Galante’s (Maharam Galante, c. 1520–c. 1610) Kohelet Ya⁠ʾakov (1577– 78), a kabbalistic-homiletic commentary on Kohelet (Ecclesiastes). The text of the title page is set in the ornamental arabesque frame first used by Jean de Tournes (1504–64) in Lyon. After the introduction is a crowned, two-tailed lion rampant (fig. 2.18), the symbol of Bohemia, which Eliezer had brought with him and used previously in other locations. Other Hebrew books with the crowned lion rampant, and here we return briefly to Prague, were printed by Judah Loew ben Moses Schedel, one of three brothers, Abraham, Judah Loew, and Azriel, who attempted to compete with the Gersonides. Their first title was Ma⁠ʾase Yetziat Mitzrayim (1602– 06), a Yiddish translation and paraphrase of the Bible. Judah Loew was the only brother to have his own pressmark, the heraldic symbol of Bohemia, the crowned two-tailed lion passant, the lion grasping printing tampons in its claws, all within a garland with the name of the printer. This device also appears in Helkat Mehokek le-Seder Haggadah shel Pesah (1606–07), a profusely illustrated Haggadah with the commentary of the printers’ father, R. Moses ben Abraham Schedel (1585–1605), a dayyan (rabbinic judge) in Prague. The woodcuts, a good number of which are repeated several times, are mostly copies from older Haggadot but also from other works, such as that of a woman lighting Sabbath candles from minhagim books. Of note among the woodcuts is the use of the popular Giustiniani Temple device by dayenu and one of an

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figure 2.19

Helkat Mehokek le-Seder Haggadah

unclad woman who is Indian in appearance. The verso of the title page has verse in praise of the work and, below it, Judah Loew’s pressmark (fig. 2.19).32 We conclude with the Salonika Bath-Sheba (Basevi) press. In 1592, Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba (Basevi in Italian), accompanied by his wife Fioretta and his two sons, Abraham Joseph (or Joseph Abraham) and Abraham, established a printshop in Salonika. They had been recruited by R. Moses de Medina, a wealthy scholar and prominent philanthropist, son of R. Samuel ben Moses de Medina (Maharashdam), who wished to print his father’s responsa and Talmudic treatises. The Bath-Sheba press would print about forty titles from 1592 to 1605, among them not only the Maharashdam’s responsa (1594–97) but also an unusual edition of tractate Berakhot.33 Among the other titles published by the press is Sefer ha-Terumot (1596), an influential halakhic code dealing with monetary matters by R. Samuel ben Isaac ha-Sardi (c. 1190–1255). The title page has the Mars and Minerva frame 32 33

Sixtová, “Jewish Printers,” pp. 55–58. Concerning this tractate, and what makes it of interest, that is, the possibility that it was printed to be smuggled into Italy where the Talmud was a prohibited work, see my “The Bath-Sheba/Moses de Medina Salonika Edition of Berakhot: An Unknown Attempt to Circumvent the Inquisition’s Ban on the Printing of the Talmud in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” Jewish Quarterly Review 87 (1996), pp. 47–60, reprinted in Studies, pp. 284–97.

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figure 2.20 Sefer ha-Terumot

figure 2.21 Sheʾerit Yehudah

used earlier in Sabbioneta noted above. On the bottom of the page is the device of the Bath-Sheba family, a crowned lion on the left and half a crowned eagle on the right back to back (fig. 2.20). In Heshek Shelomo (1599–1600), the Bath-Sheba pressmark appears as a tail-piece after the colophon. In both instances, the Bath-Sheba device is within a simple but decorative frame. In Sheʾerit Yehudah (1599–1600), halakhic novellae and annotations by R. Samuel ben Solomon Taitazak on the Beit Yosef on the Tur of R. Joseph Caro, the Bath-Sheba device is, in contrast, set in a more complex frame and comprises cherubim holding pitchers with figurines below and the printers names about the device; in the center we find the lion and the eagle with crowns above their heads (fig. 2.21). Sabbatai Mattathias’ sons would print elsewhere. One son, Abraham, would print the only Hebrew title ever printed in Damascus, R. Josiah ben Joseph Pinto’s (Rif, 1565–1648) Kesef Nivhar (1605–06), homilies on the weekly parashah (weekly Torah reading), which was completed in Venice (1621). The other Abraham would print in Verona. The books published by him include the Kuhbukh (1595), a profusely illustrated collection of fables, with eighty-three woodcut scenes accompanying thirty-five fables in the book, and the Midrash Tanhuma, a homiletic Midrash on the Pentateuch ascribed to, and named for,

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the fourth-century Palestinian amora, Rabbi Tanhuma bar Abba. The title page frame of the Kuhbukh comprises two women weaving along the sides. Atop the frame are two additional women engaged in embroidery, and, between them, in the center, a man occupied in some form of activity, a device used previously by the Venetian printer, Nicholaus Zoppino, who was active until 1543. Midrash Tanhuma has a complex multi-figured title page. Both books have the lion-eagle pressmark. In conclusion, the appearance of the lion motif on the title pages of Hebrew books and as a printers’ pressmark is a recurring phenomenon in Hebrew printing. We have addressed its usage from the incunabular period to the first decades of the seventeenth century. To continue with the later use of the lion motif would result in a significantly larger field of examples beyond the reasonable scope of this article (and likely the reader’s patience!). That this motif continued to be employed can be seen from a few examples, most notably that of Immanuel Benveniste, who printed about fifty Hebrew titles in Amsterdam encompassing the major works of Judaism in the mid-seventeenth century. Benveniste’s escutcheon is an upright lion facing inward towards a tower with a star above them. This device was copied by printers of Hebrew books, both Jewish and non-Jewish, into the mid-eighteenth century and reappeared again in the 1920s in facsimile imprints published by the Horev press in Berlin.34 The lion motif appears, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in books printed in Amsterdam, Feurth, Izmir, Livorno, and elsewhere, and it was employed in some of these locations by more than one printer. While the subject of this article is the lion motif on early Hebrew books, one facet of the title pages with lion representations that is most evident is the different standards reflected on those pages. In some instances, those title pages not only violate but are even scandalous by modern and even more classical Jewish sensitivities. The appearance of mythological figures, widely employed even by presses that were owned by Jews, and even more so of scantily or partially undressed female figures, is unimaginable today. From a more positive perspective, the use of the lion as a motif represents Jewish perceptions and hopes, representing as it does the tribe of Judah, the kingship of David, and aspirations for the future. Its usage is also symbolic of Jewish activity in non-Jewish lands where Hebrew presses were active, and its appearance on the title pages of Hebrew books printed at Christian presses is indicative of joint Jewish-Christian activity in spite of Church pressure to the contrary. 34 Concerning the Benveniste pressmark, see my “The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and its Later Influence,” SBB 19 (1994), pp. 3–20, reprinted in Studies, pp. 18–32.

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The lion is generally a positive symbol in Judaism. Two tribes, Judah and Dan, are likened to lions, the former by the verse “Judah is a lion’s whelp” (Genesis 49:9) and the latter by the verse “And of Dan he said, ‘Dan is a lion’s cub’” (Deuteronomy 33:22). The lion symbolizes and represents the Davidic monarchy and the Messiah, Jewish pride in its past and aspiration for its future, making it a popular and much reused image in and on the Hebrew book.

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The Fish Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and as Pressmarks

Fish are a symbol replete with meaning in Judaism.1 They can, for example, represent fertility and good luck, though they are not an image that, for most, quickly comes to mind when considering Jewish iconography. Made on the fifth day of creation, fish also symbolize fruitfulness, and, as Dr. Joseph Lowin informs us, the month of Adar on the Hebrew calendar (February-March, Pisces) is considered “a lucky month for the Jews (mazal dagim).” He adds that in Eastern Europe people named sons Fishl as a symbol of luck, and that in the Bible the father of Joshua is named fish, that is, Nun, which is fish in Aramaic.2 Similarly, Ellen Frankel and Betsy Platkin Teutsch note the allusions to fertility and blessing. When Jacob blesses Ephraim and Manasseh, Joseph’s sons, he says: “May they multiply abundantly ve-yidgu, like fish) in the midst of the earth” (Genesis 48:16). And the Leviathan, the great sea monster, will provide the Jews with a feast in the messianic age.3 Other biblical references to fish include Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, who is also worshipped elsewhere in the Middle East and mentioned several times in the Bible (Joshua 15:41, 19:27; Judges 16:23; I Samuel 5:2–7; and 1 The original version of this article was published on The Seforim Blog (http://seforim.blogspot .com/) on September 25, 2019. 2 Joseph Lowin, “Hebrew Root Word [D-Y-G]” Jewish Heritage on Line Magazine, http://www .jhom.com/topics/fish/lowin.html. 3 Ellen Frankel and Betsy Platkin Teutsch, The Encyclopedia of Jewish Symbols (London, 1995), p. 55.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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I Chronicles 10:10). A fish also appears in the biblical story of Jonah, when a large fish (dag gadol), not the whale of popularized versions, swallows the prophet. Not only Jewish sources and printers used and valued fish-related devices. The Medjed fish, a species of elephant fish, a medium-sized freshwater fish with a long downturned snout, abundant in the Nile, was worshipped at Oxyrhynchus in ancient Egypt and appears in Egyptian art. Fish are a not infrequent image on medieval coats of arms. Indeed, there are as many as 181 shields of salmon alone in heraldry.4 The most well-known printers’ device with a fish is the anchor and dolphin of Aldus Manutius (1449–1515), although a dolphin is not strictly speaking a fish, as it is actually an aquatic marine mammal. Among the most novel of the marine pressmarks is that of the Liege printer J. M. Hovii, who was active during the latter half of the seventeenth century and whose mark consisted of a mermaid enwrapped about a tree with a skull at the foot of the tree.5 This article is the most recent in a series describing printers’ devices and motifs appearing on the title pages of and with the colophons of early Hebrew printed books.6 The uses of the fish images described here are varied, for they comprise pressmarks and full-page frames which include representations of marine life. The discussion of the images and the presses are for the sixteenth into the eighteenth century. Although a number and a variety of presses that utilized marks with fish are addressed in this article, they are examples only and are not necessarily complete. Furthermore, the entries are expansive, that is, printers’ marks are not described in isolation but with discussions of

4 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Salmons_in_heraldry. 5 W. Roberts, Printers’ Marks. A Chapter in the History of Typography (London, 1893), pp. 201–02. 6 Previous articles in this series are “Mirror-Image Monograms as Printers’ Devices on the Title Pages of Hebrew Books Printed in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Printing History 40 (Rochester, NY, 2000), pp. 2–11, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Brill, 2008), pp. 33–43 (hereafter, Studies); “The Cover Design, ‘The Printer’s Mark of Marc Antonio Giustiniani and the Printing Houses that Utilized It,’” Library Quarterly 71, no. 33 (2001), pp. 383–89, reprinted in Studies, pp. 44–53; “Mars and Minerva on the Hebrew Title Page,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 98, no. 3 (New York, 2004), pp. 269–92, reprinted in Studies, pp. 1–17; “The Bear Motif on Eighteenth-Century Hebrew Books,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 102, no. 3 (New York, 2008), pp. 341–61, reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Brill, 2013), pp. 57–76 (hereafter, Further Studies); “Akedat Yitzhak (the Binding of Isaac) on the Title-Pages of Early Hebrew Books,” in Further Studies, pp. 35–56; “The Eagle Motif on 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books,” Printing History, NS 17 (2015), pp. 16–40; and “The Lion Motif on Early Hebrew Title-Pages and Pressmarks,” Printing History, NS 22 (2015), pp. 53–71.

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the presses that employed them and examples of the books on which they appeared. Entries are in chronological order.7 As noted above, the month of Adar is, if not exactly, coterminous with the astrological sign of Pisces. That sign is represented by a pair of fish swimming in opposite directions, as, fish swimming against the stream represents the powerful Pisces potential. They can be “sharks”—charismatic, strong leaders with vision and clarity about leadership that can guide an entire nation, like Moses, who was also a Pisces. But those Pisces who prefer to go with the flow can be weak people who get carried away easily and are prone to addictive patterns of behavior. Pisces is known for the holiday of Purim. According to the sages, it will be the only holiday to continue to be celebrated throughout the world after the Messiah comes. “When Adar begins, joy enters,” as the famous Hebraic phrase goes. It is a month of happiness, miracles and wonders. It affords us the ability to achieve mind over matter, to overcome our doubts, and connect to the Light.8 Another compatible view of Adar and fish states that “the astral sign of Adar is the fish (Pisces). Fish are very fertile and for that reason are seen as a sign of blessing and fruitfulness. The Hebrew word for blessing is bracha, from the root letters bet, reish, kaff. In Jewish numerology (gematria), the letter bet has a value of 2, reish is 200, and kaff is 20. Each of these is the first plural in their number unit. What this tells us is that the Jewish concept of “blessing” is intertwined with fertility, represented by the fish of Adar.”9 Our first example of a pressmark with a fish is the most unusual one I could find, for it the only device in which the fish is not only completely inconsistent with the above description but is the least prominent representation of a fish of all the pressmarks presented here. Among the earliest printers to make use of the fish in a pressmark is Joseph ben Jacob Shalit in Sabbioneta. Although the Sabbioneta press is commonly associated with Tobias ben Eliezer Foa, it was Shalit who appears to initially have been the motivating force behind 7 Among the primary sources for this article are my The Sixteenth Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2004) and my The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden 2011) and Avraham M. Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks from the Beginning of Hebrew Printing to the End of the 19th Century (Jerusalem, 1943) [Hebrew with English introduction]. 8 Kabbalah Centre, https://livingwisdom.kabbalah.com/pisces-adar. 9 Aish.com, http://www.aish.com/h/pur/b/The_Choice_of_Adar.html.

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the press and, with other partners, the provider of necessary financial support. Tobias Foa is credited with providing only the physical quarters, Duke Vespasian Gonzaga’s patronage, and limited financial assistance. Also associated with the press were Cornelius Adelkind, Vincenzo Conti, and R. Joshua Boaz Baruch, all prominent names in mid-sixteenth-century Hebrew printing in Italy. The first title printed at the press was Don Isaac ben Judah Abrabanel’s (1437–1508) Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (1551), a commentary on Deuteronomy. Abrabanel began work on Mirkevet ha-Mishneh when still in Lisbon, unlike the remainder of his commentary on the Torah, which was written much later. Its completion was postponed, however, due to his responsibilities at the Portuguese court. The incomplete manuscript of Mirkevet ha-Mishneh was lost when Abrabanel was forced to flee Portugal in 1483. However, on his later peregrinations after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, Abrabanel came to the island of Corfu in 1493, where he serendipitously (miraculously) found a copy of the manuscript. Leaving aside other work, he turned to completing this commentary, but after the departure of French troops from Naples Abrabanel went to Monopoli (Apulia), where Mirkevet ha-Mishneh was finally completed in the first part of 1496. The title page, dated 5311 Rosh Hodesh Sivan (Wednesday, May 16, 1551) comprises an architectural border with standing representations of the mythological Mars and Minerva. This border was first employed by Francesco Minizio Calvo in Rome in 1523 and last employed in 1540 in Milan. This is its earliest appearance in a Hebrew book. It would often be reused and copied, appearing on the title pages of books printed in places as far away as Salonika and Cracow.10 On the final unfoliated leaf are two devices. On the right, there is that of Foa, a palm tree with a lion rampant on each side and affixed to the tree a Magen David, about it the verse “The righteous flourish like the palm tree” (Psalms 92:13), all within a circle, and to the sides the letters ‫ ט‬and ‫ פ‬for Tobias Foa. On the left is that of Shalit, a peacock standing on three rocks, facing left, with a fish in its beak within a cartouche, although Avraham Yaari, after describing the peacock with a fish, adds, in parenthesis, “(or a worm?).” The letters ‫ יביש‬about this device stand for Joseph ben Jacob Shalit. Also printed by the press that year was R. Isaac ben Moses Arama’s (c. 1420–1494) Ḥazut Kashah, which is on the relationship between philosophy and religion. It too has the Mars and Minerva title page, but here the last leaf is foliated and has 10

Concerning the widespread use of this frame, see my “Mars and Minerva on the Hebrew Title Page” (noted above).

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figure 3.1 Pressmarks of Joseph Shalit (left) and Tobias Foa (right)

one pressmark only, the peacock with fish of Shalit.11 Parenthetically, Arama too was a refugee from Spain. The peacock with fish pressmark was reused by Shalit in Mantua at the press of Venturin Rufinelli with the colophon of several works, one of which was the late-tenth-century ethical work based on animal tales translated from the encyclopedic Arabic Rasa⁠ʾil ikhwan as-safa⁠ʾ wa khillan al-wafaʿ (Epistles of the Brethren of Purity and Loyal Friends) into Hebrew by Kalonymus ben Kalonymus (c. 1286–c. 1328) as Iggeret Ba⁠ʾalei Hayyim (1557). The original comprises fifty-two eclectic volumes (pamphlets) on philosophy, religion, mathematics, logic, and music. The portion from which Iggeret Ba⁠ʾalei Hayyim is taken appears at the end of the twenty-fifth book. The original was prepared by the Brethren of Purity, a secret Arab confraternity that flourished in Basra, Iraq, in the second half of the tenth century. The tales themselves have an Indian origin. Four other varied works of note with the peacock with fish pressmark are R. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon’s (882–942) Sefer ha-Tehiyyah ve-Sefer ha-Pedut (1556) on resurrection; R. Abraham ben Samuel ha-Levi ibn Hasdai’s (13th century) Ben ha-Melekh ve-ha-Nazir (1557), also based on an Indian romance and here derived from the Arabic; Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan’s (12th–13th century) Mishlei Shuʾalim (1557–58), a popular collection of fables; and a Haggadah with the Mars and Minerva title page (1568). The Shalit pressmark also appears on the title page of several books printed in Venice at the press of Giovanni di Gara without mention of Shalit, so that Yaari suggests he was not involved with the books but that the pressmark was 11 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 12, 132 no. 19.

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used simply as an ornament. Among the titles with this pressmark are R. David Kimhi’s (Radak, c. 1160–c. 1235) commentary on Psalms (1566), R. Moses ben Baruch Almosnino’s (c. 1515–c. 1580) Meʾammez Koʾah (1587–88), R. Samuel ben Abraham Laniado’s (d. 1605) Keli Hemdah (1596), each with a biblical verse about the frame, and R. Aaron ibn Hayyim of Fez’s (1545–1632) Lev Aharon (1608), this last without the biblical verses about the cartouche. The Shalit pressmark appears in various places in the books: after the introduction, by the colophon, and, least often, on the title page. Yaari notes that the Shalit device was also employed by Georgi di Cavilli in an Ashkenazi rite Mahzor (1568).12 Leaving Italy, for now, and Shalit, we turn to Cracow, where Isaac ben Aaron Prostitz, together with his sons after him, printed Hebrew books for fifty years beginning in 1569. In 1578, Prostitz printed at least three large-format attractive tractates from the Talmud, Avodah Zarah, Ketubbot, and Rosh Ha-Shanah, the last extant in a ten-folio unicum fragment in the library of the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York. Moritz Steinschneider writes that Avodah Zarah was printed “si revera Supplementi tantum instar ad ed. Basil,” and “seu castrata … Cracoviae vero supplementi instar excusus,” that is, to compensate for its omission of the entire tractate from the much-censored Basel Talmud.13 Another feature of this tractate is that it is the first use by Prostitz of the shield with two fish facing in opposite directions, the upper facing left, the lower facing right, above a printers inker, as his device. Prostitz’s apparent next use of this device—this the first noted in bibliographic sources—is a Mahzor (1584) printed with the support of four partners and reused frequently afterwards on such varied titles as Josippon (1589) at the end of the book, Avot with the commentary Derekh Hayyim by R. Judah Loew ben Bezalel (Maharal of Prague, c. 1525–16) after the introduction (1589), R. Moses ben Jacob Cordovero’s (Ramak, 1522–1570) Pardes Rimmonim (1591), between the books’ introductions, R. Bahya ben Joseph ibn Paquda’s (late 11th century) Hovot ha-Levavot, after the translator’s preface (1593), and R. Naphtali Hirsch ben Asher Altschuler’s (16th–17th cent.) Ayyalah Sheluha (c. 1595). Pardes Rimmonim was actually printed in Cracow/Nowy Dwor, the change in location being due to a serious outbreak of plague in Cracow: Prostitz and his family were forced to flee to Nowy Dwor with the press’ typographical equipment.

12 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, p. 132. 13 Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Liborium Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (Berlin, 1852–60), col. 220 n. 1407, col. 228 n. 1427.

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figure 3.2 Pressmark of Isaac Prostitz

Pardes Rimmonim was completed in that location, the only Hebrew book printed in that Nowy Dwor.14 Yaari questions Prostitz’s use of this pressmark. While the use of the printers’ tool is clear, that is not the case for the fish. He suggests that it might be a propitious sign for the partners in the printing of the Mahzor in 1584, which Prostitz continued to use afterwards. This is unlikely, however, for, as we have noted, this device had been employed previously in 1578 on tractate Avodah Zarah. Another possibility is that the fish alludes to the month (Adar) in which Prostitz was born, but Yaari then inquires why the pressmark was not used previously on all the books printed by the press. He notes Steinschneider’s suggestion that the fish represented Prostitz’s entreaty for children, as his sons were born when he was in old age. Here too, however, he observes that Prostitz’s four sons were born earlier, being mentioned in the colophon to Toledot Yitzhak in 1593. Another suggestion is that the fish allude to the name of R. Naphtali Hirsch ben Asher Altschuler, who was known by all as Hirsch mokhir seforim (bookseller) in Lublin and for whom Prostitz printed books, for example Hovot ha-Levavot, the fish alluding to the name Naphtali, for the portion of the tribe 14 Nowy dwor, Polish for “new manor,” is the prefix of several locations with that title. Another Nowy Dwor, Nowy Dwor Mazowiecki, was home to a Hebrew press in the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries, which printed a significant number of Hebrew titles from 1781 through to 1818.

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Naphtali included the Kinneret Sea, in which fish were plentiful. But Yaari concludes that this is only speculative.15 Even if this were true concerning the name of R. Altschuler, it does not, in my mind, have any connection to Prostitz. And I would still ask: Why should he have adopted this fish image for his pressmark? A short-lived press existed in Thannhausen, Bavaria, near Augsburg. A Zoltot (supplementary festival prayers for the period between Passover and Shavuʾot) and a Mahzor (c. 1594) for the entire year according to the Ashkenazi rite were printed in the last decade of the sixteenth century. The press was a furtive effort to print Hebrew books by R. Isaac Mazia, whose name, it has been suggested, is an abbreviation for mi-zera Yehudim anusim, which referred either to the fact that he was of Marrano origin or to the fact that he had served as rabbi in several communities in southern Germany together with R. Simeon ben Judah ha-Levi of Guenzburg (Simon zur Gemze) of Frankfurt, who arranged with the Munich printer Adam Berg to issue those works. When producing the Mahzor the printers, concerned about the Christian response to sensitive passages and accusations of blasphemy, left blanks to be filled in by the purchasers. After an examination of the still-incomplete Mahzorim by the censor at the University of Ingolstadt, the press run of 1,500 copies was destroyed; only five copies are known to be extant today. In August 1597, Mazia was fined 200 florins and released, while Berg, as late as 1604, was still attempting to have his impounded press returned to him. All of this occurred despite the fact that the authorities concurred that the Mahzorim had been approved for publication by the imperial authorities in Prague. Nevertheless, the printers had neither received nor sought permission from the local authorities in Burgau to print. Moreover, as the books were for export, they gave the impression that the printing was done with the permission of those authorities. Both titles have a like frame comprising an ornamental border with three entwined fish at the top (the signet of Mazia); at the sides are armed men each with a shield, the right shield engraved with the name R. [Isaac] Mazia, the left with the name R. Simeon Levi. At the bottom is a laver pouring water on two hands, which is representative of the [Simeon] Levi. Isaac Yudlov informs us that the fish here represent Isaac Mazia; this appearance of three fish as a printers’ mark is apparently unique.16 15 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 26, 139 no. 42. 16 A. M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books (Safed, 1969), pp. 48, 329 no. 34; Isaac Yudlov, Hebrew Printers’ Marks: Fifty-Four Emblems and Marks of Hebrew Printers and Authors (Jerusalem, 2001), pp. 36–40 [Hebrew]. He also informs that three small fish are the mark of the Gronim family of Prague in the sixteenth century, appearing on their headstones.

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figure 3.3b

figure 3.3a

Zoltot extract

Zoltot

Not long afterwards, we find the fish image employed in Lublin at the press of Zevi bar Abraham Kalonymous Jaffe. Lublin has a long and proud history as a Hebrew printing center, beginning with the press established by the family of Hayyim Shahor (Schwarz), that is, his son Isaac and his son-in-law Joseph ben Yakar. This press, through descendants and collateral members, would be active for almost a hundred and fifty years. The press began publishing in 1551, with a folio Polish rite Mahzor for the entire year, continuing until 1646 when a fire forced the press to close; printing resumed in 1648 (tah-vetat, gezerot Polania), when the Chmielnicki Massacres of 1648–49 broke out. That and the First Northern War (1655–60), combined with others conflicts besetting the area, made it impossible for Jaffe to continue; he had to close the press. Printing did resume when Solomon Zalman Jaffe ben Jacob Kalmankes of Turobin, encouraged and supported by his father, reestablished a Hebrew press. He printed thirty books until 1685, and the entire Jaffe family is credited with as many as one hundred and eighty Hebrew titles.

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figure 3.4 Pressmark of Zevi Jaffe

A device employed by Zevi Jaffe, found on the title page of tractates in the large folio edition of the Babylonian Talmud published from 1617 to 1639, and after the introduction to R. Joel Sirkes’ (Bah, 1561–1640) Meishiv Nefesh (and possibly other works), is a deer with raised forelegs above a crown atop a shield with two fish, the upper facing left and the lower facing right. Among the many prominent printers of Hebrew books in Amsterdam is Uri Phoebus ben Aaron Witmund ha-Levi. He had previously worked for Immanuel Benveniste; in 1658, Uri Phoebus established his own printshop. He would print about one hundred titles from 1658 to 1689, the period he was active in Amsterdam, which were generally traditional works for the Jewish community encompassing Bibles, prayer books, halakhic works, Haggadot, aggadot, and historical treatises (e.g., Josippon). Prostitz’s first pressmark, employed in 1569 on the title page of R. Naphtali Hertz ben Menahem of Lemberg’s Perush le-Midrash Humash Megillot Rabbah, and intermittently afterwards, was a stag within a cartouche. Subsequently, Uri Phoebus employed as his device a hand pouring water from a laver, which was representative of the fact that he was a Levi, often accompanied by two fish, here too indicating that he was born in the month of Adar.

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figure 3.5a Ketoret ha-Mizbe⁠ʾah

figure 3.5b

Ketoret ha-Mizbe⁠ʾah extract

The first usage by Uri Phoebus of this device was in 1660 on the title page of Ketoret ha-Mizbe⁠ʾah, R. Mordecai ben Naphtali Hirsch of Kremsier’s (d. 1670) work on the aggadic portions of tractate Berakhot dealing with the destruction of the Temple and the length of the exile. The title page of this folio book has an arabesque frame and across the lower half of the page is Uri Phoebus’ fish mark. That device would be frequently used as a decorative ornament in many of the books that Uri Phoebus printed; it was placed in various locations either after introductions or colophons.

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Examples of the fish woodcut appear in other works, but not necessarily on the title page. For example, in R. Hayyim ben Benjamin Zeʾev Bochner’s Or Hadash (c. 1671–75), on the laws of benedictions, which is in a concise and abridged form, the title page has an architectural frame headed by an eagle but no fish, that device being but one of several tail-pieces. In 1662, Uri Phoebus printed an illustrated Haggadah accompanied by the commentary of R. Joseph Shalit ben Jacob Ashkenazi of Padua entitled Nimukei Yosef. The title page of this quarto Haggadah has an architectural frame with two robed men at the sides above winged cherubim. Between them are two fish with the winged head of a cherub. At the bottom are two vignettes, on the left the punishment of Shehem for the rape of Dinah and on the right the tribe of Levi killing the worshippers of the golden calf. In 1667–68, Uri Phoebus printed, also with this title page, Nahalat Shivah (below and extract to right), R. Samuel ben David Moses ha-Levi’s (c. 1625–1681) work on legal documents, which particularly relates to divorce and civil matters. Nahalat Shivah has the same title page as the Haggadah, here dated “The Messiah ben David is coming ‫( משיח בן דוד בא‬427 = 1667),” which refers to the false messiah Shabbetai Zevi. This title page and fish crest (below) would be reused by Uri Phoebus for many years and in locations other than Amsterdam. Other title pages employed by Uri Phoebus, with different architectural frames but with a like laver and fish image, include such varied works as R. Jonah ben Isaac Teomim (d. 1669) of Prague’s Kikayon di-Yonah (1669–70), novellae on tractates of the Babylonian Talmud, and the work attributed to R. David ben Aryeh Leib of Lida (c. 1650–96), Migdal David (1680), both of which have the Benveniste frame; as well as R. Isaac Benjamin Wolf ben Eliezer Lipman (d. c. 1698), Rabbi of Landsberg’s Nahalat Binyamin (1682), the first part of a commentary on the taryag mitzvot (six hundred and thirteen commandments) and R. Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen’s (Shakh, 1621–1662) Siftei Kohen, a commentary and halakhic novellae on Shulhan Arukh Hoshen Mishpat, which have a frame with rectangular shapes. All these works have the fish and laver at the apex.17 The title page of Siftei Kohen, the first part of a commentary on the taryag [613] mitzvot, dates the beginning of the work to 21 Tammuz, days of the Messiah ‫( ימי המשיח‬423 = Thursday, July 26, 1663). The colophon dates completion of the work to Monday, 21 Heshvan, in the days

17

Concerning Lida and Migdal David, see my “David ben Aryeh Leib of Lida and his Migdal David: Accusations of Plagiarism in Eighteenth-Century Amsterdam,” Shofar 19, no. 2 (West Lafayette, IN, 2001), pp. 117–28, reprinted in Studies, pp. 191–205.

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figure 3.6a Nahalat Shivah

figure 3.6b Nahalat Shivah extract

of the Messiah ‫( בימי המשיח‬425 = November 9, 1664, actually a Sunday), both dates (Messiah) being possible allusions to Shabbetai Zevi.18 18 Another work referring to Shabbetai Zevi noted by Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography of the Following Cities in Europe: Amsterdam, Antwerp, Avignon, Basle, Carlsruhe, Cleve, Coethen, Constance, Dessau, Deyhernfurt, Halle, Isny, Jessnitz, Leyden, London, Metz, Strasbourg, Thiengen, Vienna, Zurich from its Beginning in the Year 1516 (Antwerp, 1937), p. 29 [Hebrew] published by Uri Phoebus is Tikkun Keria with a depiction of Shabbetai Zevi “sitting upon a throne, high and lifted up” (Isaiah 6:1).

The Fish Motif on Early Hebrew Title Pages and as Pressmarks

figure 3.7a Bible—engraved front-piece

figure 3.7c Extracts

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figure 3.7b Later Prophets

figure 3.7d Extracts

Among the more elaborate title pages is that of the first complete translation of the Bible (1676–78) into Yiddish by R. Jekuthiel ben Isaac Blitz, a rabbi from Witmund, Germany, and corrector at the press of Uri Phoebus. This edition was the subject of a serious controversy with the Amsterdam printer Joseph Athias, who published an almost simultaneous and related Yiddish edition by Joseph Witzenhausen (1679–87). The Bible has an engraved front-piece title page with depictions of Moses and Aaron, Mount Sinai at the top, and in the lower right-hand corner a coronet

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and below it the raised hands of the Kohen giving a benediction. In the lower left-hand corner is a fish and laver image, here the two fish are crisscrossed. The engraved title page is incorrectly dated ‫( תזל כטל‬439 = 1679), whereas the like title pages for each of the biblical divisions are correctly dated ‫( תלז‬437 = 1677), such as Later Prophets, above. The text has a separate but like title page for Former Prophets, Later Prophets, and Writings. Note that in the otherwise like depictions of the fish and laver the position of the laver and water is reversed. In 1689, Uri Phoebus ceased printing in Amsterdam in order to relocate to Poland. Faced with competition from the large number of Hebrew printers in Amsterdam, Uri Phoebus felt that he would be more successful in Poland, located closer to its large Jewish population, a major market for the Hebrew printing-houses of Amsterdam. He established the first Hebrew press in Zolkiew in 1691, bringing his typographical material with him. Uri Phoebus’ descendants continued to operate Hebrew printing presses in Poland into the twentieth century. One of the first books (if not the first book) printed by Uri Phoebus in Zolkiew is R. Mordecai ben Moses Katz of Prostitz’s Derekh Yam ha-Talmud (1692) a super-commentary on the Hiddushei Halakhot of R. Samuel Eliezer ben Judah ha-Levi Edels (Maharsha). The title page of this small work (40: 8ff.), much worn, appears to be the Benveniste frame, but at the apex is the same fish image as at the apex of Siftei Kohen. Among the decorative material, after the introduction and after the colophon, is Uri Phoebus’ four fish mark, one on each side facing a laver from which water is being poured. Among the other works published by Uri Phoebus in Zolkiew with the Nahalat Shivah title page reproduced above is R. Jekuthiel ben Solomon Zalman ha-Levi Suesskind’s Dat Yekuthiel (1696), a concise (80: 16ff.) versified enumeration of the taryag mitzvot. After the approbations to Dat Yekuthiel— there are thirteen—is the pressmark that comprises four fish and a laver. The title page informs us that the manuscript was found by Jekuthiel’s son Jonah of Kalish in his father’s bag and that it was arranged and brought to press by his grandson Menahem Feibush. After the approbations, there is a letter from Jekuthiel to his son Eliezer. Jekuthiel, who was incarcerated at the time, in which he writes from his dark cell of his painful existence, where he had “wormwood, and gall to drink” (cf. Jeremiah 9:14) until “‘My soul is weary of my life’ (Job 10:1) and ‘My soul became impatient’ (Zechariah 11:8) to die in this way with this ‘light bread’ (Numbers 21:5) that I eat, absorbed in all my limbs, ‘the bread of adversity, and the water of affliction’” (Isaiah 30:20). Jekuthiel continues, describing his hardships, and then writes that he “will pay my vows to the Lord” (Psalms 116:14, 18) and that he took “of that which came to my hand a (new) offering”

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(cf. Genesis 32:14) on the taryag mitzvot. He thought to write on them in verse, “parallel, one with the other” (Exodus 26:17, 36:22), in single stanzas to the end, in the order of the Torah with references to the Hamishah Homshei Torah in the margins. Jekuthiel tells his son to take this as his blessing, which will be for a remembrance for both of them. Uri Phoebus passed away in c. 1705.19 He was succeeded in Zolkiew by his son Hayyim David, who had assisted his father at the press. Unfortunately, Hayyim David died shortly after his father, leaving the printshop, in turn, to his sons, Aaron and Gershon. Uri Phoebus’ descendants continued to operate Hebrew printing presses in Poland into the twentieth century. Aaron and Gershon did not use the ornamental material brought by Uri Phoebus to Zolkiew, instead preparing new frames that reflected that they were Leviʾim; they employed them on such small-format books as R. Raphael Lonzano’s Kinyan Avraham (1723) and R. Meir ben Levi’s Likkutei Shoshanim (1727). This ornate frame continued to be used by their descendants, among them Judah Solomon Yarsh Rappaport in Lvov on a Shir ha-Shirim with the commentary Magishi Minhah (1817).20 Turning to Germany, we find two fish, here facing in the same direction, on a title page with an architectural pillar and a palm tree at the bottom. About the latter on the left is a crab facing right and on the right of it are two fish, both facing left, the former the sign of Tammuz (Cancer, Scorpio), and, as already well noted, the latter the sign of Adar. The two zodiacal emblems may have had a personal significance, but, as Yosef Hayyim Yerushalmi observes describing a slightly later usage, “the significance of this combination is difficult to ascertain.”21 First employed in Fuerth by Joseph ben Solomon Zalman Schneur and his sons from 1691 through 1698, beginning with Torat Kohanim, and other folio volumes, primarily from the Shulhan Arukh, a like frame was subsequently used by Aaron ben Uri Lippman Frankel beginning with a Haggadah in 19 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Poland from the Beginning of the Year 1534, and its Development up to our Days … Second Edition, Enlarged, Improved and Revised from the Sources (Tel Aviv, 1950), p. 64 [Hebrew] and Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, p. 158, date Uri Phoebus’ death to 1705. In contrast, L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815, II (Leiden, 1984), p. 242, write that, although Uri Phoebus was very productive in Zolkiew, he returned to Amsterdam in 1705, where, in 1710, he wrote “a short history of the first settlement of the Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam” and where he died on 23 Shevat 5475 (January 17, 1715). 20 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, p. 158. 21 Yosef Hayyim Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History: A Panorama in Facsimiles of Five Centuries of the Printed Haggadah from the Collections of Harvard University and the Jewish Theological Society of America (Philadelphia, 1976), plates 64, 65.

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figure 3.8b Kinyan Avraham extract

figure 3.8a Kinyan Avraham

Sulzbach (below). Aaron was active in Sulzbach from the mid-1690s until he passed away in 1720 at the age of seventy-five, first utilizing the fish image on a Mahzor printed in 1699 and afterwards in his folio imprints. Among those titles is a Haggadah (1711) with an attractive engraved copperplate front-piece (but without fish) followed by the second architectural pillared title page described above. The architectural title page was subsequently reused in Feurth by Hayyim ben Zevi Hirsch, who is credited with printing as many as one hundred and sixty four titles in that location. Among the works with this frame and fish mark are several Haggadot (1746, 1752, and 1756).22 22 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 I (Jerusalem, 1993–95), p. 450

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figure 3.9b Aaron ben Uri Lippman Frankel extract

figure 3.9a Aaron ben Uri Lippman Frankel

The site of yet another press that employed fish on the title page, here apparently once only, was in Wandsbeck, a borough in northwest Hamburg in Schleswig-Holstein. The first printed books in Wandsbeck are dated to the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, beginning with the Astronomiae instauratae Mechanica of Tycho Brahe (1546–1601), the famous Danish astronomer, published in 1598 by the printer Phillip van Ohr. Hebrew printing in Wandsbeck is a later occurrence, beginning approximately a century after its non-Jewish counterparts. It flourished for a brief period, primarily, albeit not solely, at the press of Israel ben Abraham.23 The Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book [Hebrew]; Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 51, 152–52 no. 82; Yudlov, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 59–61. 23 Concerning Hebrew printing in Wandsbeck, see Marvin J. Heller, “Israel ben Abraham, his Hebrew Printing-Press in Wandsbeck and the Books He Published,” Further Studies, pp. 169–93.

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figure 3.10b Selihot with ma⁠ʾariv be-zemanah extract

figure 3.10a Selihot with ma⁠ʾariv be-zemanah

enumerates forty-four titles from 1688 through 1744, several of which, including the titles previous to Israel’s sojourn in Wandsbeck, are listed as doubtful, and it includes duplicates as well.24 Israel ben Abraham was a proselyte who, reputedly, had previously been a Catholic priest. After his conversion, Israel eschewed the sobriquets common among converts such as Avinu or the Ger (convert). Israel converted to Judaism in Amsterdam, where he wrote a Yiddish-Hebrew grammar Mafteʾach Leshon ha-Kodesh (1713). In 1716, after leaving Amsterdam, Israel ben Abraham 24 Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book II, pp. 168–69.

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acquired the typographical equipment belonging to Moses Benjamin Wulff, the court Jew in Dessau, and he printed in Koethen, Jessnitz, and then in Wandsbeck from 1726 to 1733, returning, after a brief retirement, to Jessnitz in 1739, where he printed a small number of titles until 1744. Selihot with ma⁠ʾariv be-zemanah (evening prayers in its time) is one of if not the first dated book attributed to Israel ben Abraham in Wandsbeck; it is a small octavo book (80: 7, 9, [4], 10–13, 13–23, [3] ff.). Its distinct title page states that it is a Selihot with ma⁠ʾariv be-zemanah and that it contains matter pertaining to women; it informs us that it was printed “as vowed and accepted upon themselves by the men of the hevra kaddisha (burial society) of the gemilut hasadim (charitable association) of HALBERSTADT” and that it was “brought to press by the heads, the officers of the hevra kaddisha, R. Wulff and the noble R. Leib Warburg.” The title page is dated in the year “You resuscitate the dead ‫( אתה מתים מחיה‬469 = 1709),” a misdate, as noted by Moritz Steinschneider, who rejects the 1709 date (non admittunt; recusus ergo) and dates it to 1730.25 At the bottom of the title page is an image of a lion at the left supporting a signet enclosing a pail and an image of a wolf at the right supporting the right side of the signet, along with two vertical fish that are facing different directions. The symbolism of these images is not clear, although it might be related to Wulff and Warburg, which were prominent contemporary family names. The most dramatic, eye-catching title page with a fish motif was printed in Bad Homburg vor der Höhe at the press of Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch of Dessau. This Homburg is the district town of the Hochtaunuskreis, Hesse, Germany, on the southern slope of the Taunus, bordering, among other towns, Frankfurt am Main and Oberursel.26 The title page appears on successive editions of R. Meir ben Jacob ha-Kohen Schiff’s (Maharam Schiff, 1605–41, var. 1608–44) Hiddushei Halakhot, novellae on tractates of the Talmud, printed in Homburg in 1737, 1741, and 1747. Maharam Schiff, scion of a distinguished rabbinic family, a prodigy, was appointed rabbi of the important city of Fulda at the age of seventeen, where he also served as a Rosh Yeshivah. There is a tradition that he was appointed Rabbi of Prague in 1641, but if, as his grandson, who brought his works to press, reports, he lived only thirty-six years, Maharam Schiff must have passed away immediately after his appointment. Maharam Schiff’s novellae are highly regarded and are reprinted in standard editions of the Talmud.27 25 Steinschneider, Catalogus Liborium Hebraeorum, cols. 2792–93 no. 7517, 446–47 no. 2939. 26 Concerning Hebrew printing in Homburg, see my “Early Hebrew Printing in Bad Homburg vor der Höhe” (forthcoming). 27 Itzhak Alfassi, “Schiff, Meir ben Jacob Ha-Kohen,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica XVIII (Detroit, 2007), p. 131; Mordechai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel IV (Tel Aviv, 1986), col. 1028–29 [Hebrew].

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figure 3.11 Hiddushei Halakhot (1741)

The title page has a four-part frame with the top image of a fish (sea creature) attacking a ship; within the fish, there are two men apparently roasting a small fish. Below the fish (sea creature) appears to be the face of a man. On the other editions, the other portions of the frame are varied. A. M. Habermann, in his work on Hebrew title pages, describes the top portion of the frame as mythological.28 Returning to Amsterdam, there is an edition of Avot de-Rabbi Nathan with the commentary Ahavat Hesed (1777) by R. Abraham ben Samuel Witmond 28 A. M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 104, 134 no. 88 [Hebrew].

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figure 3.12b Ahavat Hesed extract

figure 3.12a Ahavat Hesed

(1696–1773), who was also the author of novellae on the Pentateuch and the Babylonian Talmud (1734). Avot de-Rabbi Nathan is one of the minor tractates, fourteen (fifteen, depending upon the enumeration) minor non-canonical tractates of the Talmud today appended to Seder Nezikin. It is an ethical work considered a supplement to or a further development of Avot but with much aggadic material not related to the Mishnah, which is suggestive of an aggadic Midrash. Ahavat Hesed was published posthumously by Witmond’s son-in-law and grandson at the press of Gerard Johann Janson. The header and place of publication on the title page are printed in an oversized font in red letters. At the bottom of the page is a pressmark.

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At the bottom of the title page is a shield topped by a coronet and within it on the right are two fish facing opposite directions, above them the sun, moon, and a star, and above them the phrase “And (Samson) said, [O Lord God,] remember me, I pray you, and strengthen me” (Judges 16:28); on the left, a hand holding a pail above water, again above the sun, moon, and a star, and above those there is the phrase “And David blessed the Lord” (I Chronicles 29:10). Yaari informs us that the two phrases allude to Witmond’s son-in-law, R. David, son of the late Solomon Bloch, together with the author’s grandson, Samson ben Moses, who brought the book to press. Furthermore, the fish refer to Samson ben Moses, who was born in the month of Adar, the sign of which is a fish, and the pail refers to his son-in-law David, who was born in the month of Shevat, that month’s sign being a pail.29 The fish image, replete with its symbolism of fertility and good fortune, continued to be used in Jewish imagery and pressmarks. Indeed, shortly after its appearance on Ahavat Hesed it was again employed, if only occasionally, on the title pages of works from another Amsterdam printer well into the nineteenth century. The usage over centuries depicted here attests to the popularity and power of the fish image, which has persisted to the present.

29 Marvin J. Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Printed Editions of the Talmud from the Mid-17th Century to the End of the 18th Century and the Presses that Published Them (Brill: forthcoming); Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, pp. 89, 169–70 no. 145.

chapter 4

Keter Shem Tov: A Study in the Entitling of Books, Here Limited to One Title Only Entitling, naming books is, a fascinating subject. Why did the author call his book what he/she did? Why that name and not another? Hebrew books frequently have names resounding in meaning but providing little insight into the contents of the book. This article explores the subject, focusing on one title only, Keter Shem Tov. This book title is taken from a verse “the crown of a good name (keter shem tov) excels them all” (Avot 4:13). The article describes the varied books with that title, which are unrelated by author or subject, and explains why the author/publisher selected that title for the book. R. Simeon said: ‘There are three crowns: the crown of Torah, the crown of priesthood, and the crown of royalty; but the crown of a good name [emphasis added, keter shem tov] excels them all’. Avot 4:13

…

As a pearl atop a crown (keter), so are his good deeds fitting. Israel Lipschutz, Zera Yisrael, Avot 4:13

∵ Entitling, naming books, remains, is, a fascinating subject.1 Why did the author call his/her book what he/she did? Why that name and not another? Hebrew books since the Middle Ages have often had names resounding in meaning but 1 The original version of this article was published on The Seforim Blog, http://seforim.blogspot. com/, on December 17, 2019. I would like to thank Eli Genauer for reading the article and for his comments thereon. I would also like to thank my son-in-law, R. Moshe Tepfer, for his assistance and research in the National Library of Israel, including getting the 1789 Livorno illustration from that library. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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providing little insight into the contents of the book. A reader looking at the title of a book in another language, more often than not, is immediately aware of the book’s subject matter. This is not the case for many Hebrew titles, the name having been selected by the author for any one of a number of reasons, least of all the book’s subject matter. Rather, in our case, the intention has been to give the book the “crown of a good name” (keter shem tov). Book titles have been addressed in both books and articles. Menahem Mendel Slatkine wrote a two-volume work, Shemot ha-Sefarim ha-Ivrim: Lefi Sugehem ha-Shonim, Tikhunatam u-Teʾudatam (Tel Aviv, 1950–54) on book names; it has been the subject of encyclopedia articles in both The Jewish Encyclopedia and the Encyclopedia Judaica, and such authors as Abraham Berliner, Joshua Bloch, and Solomon Schechter have written articles on book titles, all this apart from this subject being mentioned in passing in numerous other works. I too have addressed the subject, first in “Adderet Eliyahu: A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books,” describing about thirty books with that single title, two only related to each other, and in “What’s in a Name? An Example of the Titling of Hebrew Books,” describing varied books taken from a single verse: “Your neck is like the tower of David built with turrets, on which hang one thousand bucklers, all of them shields of mighty men” (Song of Songs 4:4).2 What, then, is the justification for yet another article on the same subject? It is, as suggested above, the allure of how authors of varied unrelated works came to entitle their books, which was reflective of their intellectual or emotive processes or objectives. The title selected here, Keter Shem Tov, unlike Adderet Eliyahu, is not the title of as large a number of books, but the titles here are certainly as varied as those in the previous articles. Indeed, the works so entitled are sufficiently different, again providing insight into their authors’ thoughts and, perhaps, an article of interest to the reader. We will not attempt to second guess or analyze authors’ motives, all of whom intended their books to have the “crown of a good name” (keter shem tov), but rather we will let the authors speak for themselves when describing their books. In several instances, books are so entitled as to reflect the author’s name, Shem Tov. The use of a line from Avot, to reiterate the injunctions noted previously (see my “Adderet Eliyahu: A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books”), rather than directly using the author’s name, is to avoid violating R. Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid of Regensburg’s (c. 1150–1217) proscription to not do so, so as 2 Marvin J. Heller, “Adderet Eliyahu: A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books,” in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 72–91 (hereafter, Studies); idem, “What’s in a Name? An Example of the Titling of Hebrew Books,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 371–94 (hereafter, Further Studies).

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to not benefit from this world, thereby decreasing one’s portion in the world to come, or so as not to reduce their offspring and the good name of their progeny in this world.3 The Roke’ah (R. Eleazar ben Judah of Worms, c. 1165–c. 1238), however, states at the beginning of the introduction to his Rokeʾah, that everyone should inscribe his name in his book, as we find in the Tanna deVei Eliyahu.4 Indeed, the Sefer ha-Rokeʾah is so entitled because the numerical value of the family name Roke’ah (‫רקח‬ = 308) equals his personal name, which is Eleazar (‫אלעזר‬ = 308). It is, therefore, permissible to allude to the author’s name, for example, a Shem Tov using the title Keter Shem Tov, a quotation from Avot. Indeed, a substantial number of the books described here refer to the author’s name. Our selection encompasses homilies on the Torah, Kabbalah on the Tetragrammaton, halakhah (law) and minhagim (customs), the sayings of the Ba‌‌ʾal Shem Tov in praise of Sir Moses Montefiore, a letter on behalf of the Jewish community in Tiberias, and a highly unusual work on the Dead Sea Scrolls. Finally, this article is a vignette, no more no less, an insight into and, in a manner of speaking, a photograph of one manner of how Hebrew books are named. I have several caveats. First, our Keter Shem Tovs are organized within subject categories, beginning with (1) discourses, both literal and kabbalistic on the Torah, followed by (2) halakhah (law) and minhag (custom), (3) biographical and related anecdotal works, (4) miscellanea, all ordered chronologically within their category, and concluding with (5) brief summaries. Second, our approach will be somewhat expansive, the various Keter Shem Tovs giving us entry into related aspects of Hebrew printing and Jewish history. Lastly, notwithstanding the fact that the number of works entitled Keter Shem Tov is not large, our examples are meant to provide the reader with an overview and are not meant to be all-inclusive or comprehensive; rather, they are intended as interesting insights into an aspect of Hebrew book practice. 1

Discourses, Literal and Kabbalistic, on the Torah

Keter Shem Tov, R. Shem Tov ben Jacob Melamed, Venice, 1596: Our first Keter Shem Tov is a commentary on the Torah by R. Shem Tov ben Jacob Melamed. 3 Judah he-Hasid, Sefer Hasidim (Jerusalem, 1973), ed. Re’uven Margaliot, pp. 210–11, n. 367 [Hebrew]. 4 Eleazar ben Judah, Sefer Roke’ah ha-Gadol (Jerusalem, 1967), ed. Barukh Shimon Shneurson, p. 1 [Hebrew].

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figure 4.1

It was printed in Venice (1596, 20: 136, 16ff.) at the press of Matteo Zanetti. This Zanetti, a member of the famous Venetian printing family of that name, established his printshop on the Calle de Dogan, publishing seven books from 1593 to 1596. Among his titles, in addition to Shem Tov Melamed’s Keter Shem Tov, are R. Nathan Nata Spira’s (Shapira) Beʾurim, R. Bezalel Ashkenazi’s responsa, and R. Solomon le-Bet ha-Levi’s Divrei Shelomo. The title page has the decorative frame employed by Zanetti on several of his books with a smaller frame in the center about the text. The title page states that,

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Keter Shem Tov As is its name so is his name good and his deeds confirm it of him. It is a commentary on the Torah of HaShem written by the sage, the complete, in every book and wisdom. R. Shem Tov Melamed Whose precious light shines throughout [may God shield him]. Edited patiently by the lofty and exalted R. Samuel ibn Dysoss [may God watch over him] Keter Shem Tov excels Printed in the year, “that we may rejoice ‫( ונרננה‬5356=1596) and be glad [all our days]” (Psalms 90:14) from the creation. The introduction, from a student of the author, R. Samuel ben Solomon Segelmassi, follows (2a), then a page of verse from the editor Samuel ibn Dysoss, the text (3a–136a), his apologia (136b), indexes (1a–16a), errata (16a), and the colophon (16b), which states that it was completed “on the very day that Moses went up to the firmament (6 Sivan) and the Egyptians drowned in the sea (21 Nissan), which was in the year “Then he saw it, and declared it ‫( ויספרה‬5356 = 1596) (Job 28:27), from the creation.” It is unclear why there are two apparently contradictory completion dates. The text is in two columns in rabbinic type, with the exception of headings and initial words. In the introduction, Samuel ben Solomon writes that one who knows matters in truth and faithfully, “shall come back with shouts of joy” (Psalms 126:6), “to perceive the words of understanding” (Proverbs 1:2) and this is the first intent of every man who presumes in his heart (Esther 7:5) to write “goodly words” (Genesis 49:21) in a book to leave after him a blessing…. It is a commentary on the holy Torah, “high and lofty” (Isaiah 6:1, 57:15), on each and every parshah. The introduction continues that it contains derashot (discourses) according to the literal meaning, casuistic (pilpul), and very sharp. In the following paragraph, we are informed that not everything that was said on every parshah was printed because of financial restraints. In the apologia, Samuel ibn Dysoss adds a familiar plaint for the period, namely, that type set late erev Shabbat could not be properly corrected. Moreover, the compositors, not Jewish and not fully familiar with Hebrew and Hebrew letters, did that which was right in their eyes, and for which he should not be held responsible.

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figure 4.2

That the title clearly alludes to the author’s name, R. Shem Tov ben Jacob Melamed, is further suggested by the last line of verse at the end of the introduction, which states that “you will find that the crown of a good name (KETER SHEM TOV) excels them all.” This is, as noted above, that authors’ names were frequently employed in book titles, but, in keeping with the injunction of R. Judah he-Hasid, indirectly, here by referencing a quote from Avot. Shem Tov Melamed was also the author of Ma⁠ʾamar Mordekhai (Constantinople, 1585), a commentary on Megillat Esther, which was printed by Joseph Jabez. Melamed is described on the title of this work as a physician. Keter Shem Tov, Amsterdam, R. Abraham ben Alexander (Axelrad) of Cologne, c. 1810–16: A kabbalistic Keter Shem Tov on the Tetragrammaton by

Keter Shem Tov

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R. Abraham ben Alexander (Axelrad) of Cologne (13th century). In Judaism, the Tetragrammaton, the four letter divine name, is not directly expressed but instead referred to with a euphemistic name for God. The title page describes this Keter Shem Tov as, ‫[ זהלציב‬This is the gate of the Lord: the righteous shall enter through it]

(Psalms 118:20) Sefer Keter Shem Tov One of three books in my hand in manuscript, as described in my apologia. They are Keter Shem Tov and the commentary of the Ramban (R. Moses ben Nahman, Nachmanides, 1194–1270) on Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs). I have first printed one book only due to limited means. If the Lord will so decree, I will publish the other two books.

Although the title page refers to three books, only two are mentioned. The third work, noted in the editor’s apologia, is a commentary on the Merkavah of Ezekiel. Keter Shem Tov is not dated, so that various bibliographic sources date it to either 1810 or 1816. The title page is embellished by the Proops’ family pressmark, which consists of the kohen’s spread hands at the time he pronounces the priestly blessing. This edition of Keter Shem Tov (80: 5, 7ff.) was printed in Amsterdam by David ben Jacob Proops. The Proops’ press, founded by Solomon Proops in 1704, was the longest lasting and most productive of the Hebrew printing-houses in Europe in the eighteenth century; it would continue to print Hebrew books until the mid-nineteenth century, when, in 1869, the widow of David Proops sold the press to the Levissons, who printed until 1917. Abraham, a student of R. Eleazar ben Judah of Worms (c. 1176–1238, Rokeʾah), traveled through Spain between approximately 1260 and 1275, where he reportedly studied with R. Solomon ben Adret (Rashba, 1235–1310), the latter praising Abraham’s oratorical skills. Keter Shem Tov, as noted above, deals with the Tetragrammaton and also the Sefirot, addressing sacred names, using gematriot, and synthesizing the mysticism of the Ashkenazi pietists (Hasidim) and Sephardic kabbalistic methodologies.5 Here too the reason for the title is not explicitly stated, but given the subject matter, it is rather obvious. This is not the first printing of Abraham ben Alexander’s Keter Shem Tov. It appeared earlier, as it was included in a collection entitled Likkutim me-Rav 5 Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (New York, 1974), p. 51.

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figure 4.3

Hai Gaon (Warsaw, 1798) under the title Ma’amar Peloni Almoni (ff. 26–32a). It has since been reprinted several times, often among collections of other works. Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh, R. Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon, Livorno, 1839: The next Keter Shem Tov, by R. Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon, is also a kabbalistic discourse on the Torah, and it is part of a larger multi-volume work entitled Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh (Livorno, 1839, 80: [3] 3–11, [1], 128ff.) printed by Eliezer Menahem Otolingi. The inclusion of Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh represents a more expansive view of works entitled Keter Shem Tov, as it is an independent work included in a larger collection of dissertations. The author (compiler) of Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh, R. Judah ben Abraham Coriat (d. 1787) of Tetuán, was a scion of a distinguished Moroccan family.

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figure 4.4

R. Shem Tov ibn Gaon (c. 1287–c. 1340) was born in Soria, Spain, and went up to Eretz Israel in 1312, settling in Safed, where he wrote most of his books. He was a student of R. Solomon ben Adret (Rashba, 1235–1310) and R. Isaac ben Todros (13th century). His best-known titles are Migdal Oz, on Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah as well as several works in manuscript. Keter Shem Tov, his first book, was reportedly written in Spain while Rashba was still alive.6 The title page of Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh has a frame that comprises verses, all of which are from Psalms 119: “O how I love your Torah! It is my meditation all the day” (Psalms 97); “O that my ways were directed to keep your statutes!” (5); 6 Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei ve-Hakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizrah IV (Jerusalem, 2006), p. 2152 [Hebrew].

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figure 4.5

“The sum of your word is truth; and every one of your righteous judgments endures forever” (160); “So shall I have an answer for him who insults me; for I trust in your word” (42); “So shall I have an answer for him who insults me; for I trust in your word” (162); “I have more understanding than all my teachers; for your testimonies are my meditation” (99); “Great peace have those who love your Torah; and nothing can make them stumble” (165). An additional verse is employed for the date: “This Book of the Torah shall not depart from your mouth; but you shall meditate on it ‫הזה מפיך והגית בו‬ (599 = 1839)” (Joshua 1:8). The title too is from Psalms: “The day is yours, the night also is yours; you have prepared the light and the sun (Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh)” (Psalms 74:16). The text of the title page notes several of the authors whose kabbalistic works comprise Ma⁠ʾor va-Shemesh, notably the Ari ha-Kadosh (R. Isaac Luria, 1534–July 25, 1572), R. Moses ben Nahman (Ramban), Sefer ha-Malkut, and R. Judah ben Attar, Coriat’s maternal grandfather. The verso of the title page has a pressmark, a lion rampant holding thistle under crown and below it the phrase “Gur Aryeh Yehudah.” This device was used previously in Livorno by Eliezer Saadun. When employed by Otolingi, the lion has been turned to face right, having previously faced left.7 There are introductions from R. Elijah Ben Hamozegh and Judah ben Abraham Coriat, the former comprising five paragraphs, each beginning with the word “Kol” and concluding with Judah, and the latter’s introduction comprising eight paragraphs, each beginning with “Ben” and concluding with “Av.” 7 Avraham Yaari, Diglei ha-Madpisim ha-Ivriyyim (Jerusalem, 1943, reprint Westmead, Australia, 1971), pp. 96, 174 no. 160, [Hebrew].

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The text comprises several kabbalistic works, among them Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon’s Keter Shem Tov (ff. 25–54a), here not explicitly stated but rather entitled Perush Sodot ha-Torah. Shem Tov was a kabbalist who studied with the Rashba and R. Isaac ben Todros. He was greatly influenced by the Ramban (R. Moses ben Nahman), which is reflected in his Keter Shem Tov, which is a kabbalistic super-commentary on Ramban’s Torah commentary. Here too, the title comes from the author’s name, Shem Tov. A small portion of Abraham ibn Gaon’s Keter Shem Tov was printed previously (ff. 41b–44a) in R. Jehiel ben Israel Luria Ashkenazi’s Heikhal ha-Shem (Venice, 1601), which was on the ten Sefirot, Likkutei Kabbalah Kadmonim. This much-expanded version of Keter Shem Tov is based on an 1810 manuscript prepared by R. Elijah Lombroso. 2

Halakhah and Minhag

Keter Shem Tov, R. Shem Tov ben Isaac Gaguine, Kaidun, Lithuania, 1934: An encyclopedic work on the varied customs and liturgies of eastern and western Sephardim and Ashkenazim by R. Shem Tov Gaguine (Gaguin, 1884–1953). Gaguine, scion of a famous Moroccan rabbinical dynasty that emigrated to Palestine from Spain, was a great-grandson of R. Hayyim Gaguin, the first Hakham Bashi of Eretz Israel in the Ottoman Empire and a great-greatgrandson of the kabbalist Sar Shalom Sharabi. Gaguine, who received semicha (ordination) from R. Hayyim Berlin, served as a dayyan in Cairo, as rabbi and dayyan in Manchester, England, as Rosh Yeshivah of Judith Montefiore Theological College, Ramsgate, and, from 1935, as head of Sephardi Medrash Heshaim in London.8 This Keter Shem Tov comprises seven volumes, the first two published in 1934, and the last four published posthumously by Gaguine’s son Dr. Maurice Gaguine. The complete work has been republished several times. As noted above, Keter Shem Tov is a comprehensive work describing the liturgies and customs of eastern and western Sephardim and of Ashkenazim accompanied by detailed footnotes from the Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds and later halakhic authorities. Although most of the entries explain more familiar customs, many are unusual. Examples of the latter are as follows: The custom in [Eretz Israel and Syria, Turkey and Morocco] when the father, grandfather, father-in-law, one’s rabbi, or elder brother has an 8 Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon, pp. 2155–56.

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Figure 4.6

Aliyah, to stand on one’s feet until he returns to his place, and to go to them, kiss their hand and receive a blessing (I:213). An unusual custom of the Sephardim in the city of Algiers is that the phrase “marror zeh (this marror)” is said three times and then thrown to the ground, and afterwards picked up and returned to the ka⁠ʾarah (Seder plate).9 Why is the marror called hasa or hazeret (lettuce or horse raddish)? 9 In contrast, the Mishnah Berurah (477:1:5) quotes the Shelah ha-Kodesh who states that he has “seen people of status who kiss the matzah and the marror … all to cherish the mitzvah.”

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The Ashkenaz custom is to take, in place of hazeret, a type of dry raddish called in their language hrain, which is as sharp as mustard and does not have a bitter taste. The Sephardic custom is specifically hazeret (III: 158–59). Keter Shem Tov, R. Avishai Taharani, Jerusalem, 2000: Another work on laws and customs, this work is described on the title page as “a treasure of all the halakhot and personal customs concerning naming sons and daughters” by R. Avishai Taharani. The title page continues to say that in the work are explained the basic guidelines for giving names “by whose observance man shall live” (Leviticus 18:5, Ezekiel 20:11, 13, 21). Also addressed are the names that one should refrain from using. In the introduction (pp. 1–23) to this two-volume work, Taharani informs the reader that he has so entitled the book based on the injunction of the Roke’ah (above) and based on several other works. He has done so, however, with gematriot (numerical equivalencies) for “Avishai Taharani ben my lord and father Isaac ‫( אבישי טהרני בן לאדוני ואבי יצחק‬977), which corresponds to Keter Shem Tov ‫( כתר שם טוב‬977).” The text is wide-ranging, comprehensive, and accompanied by detailed footnotes. Several examples of the more unusual entries in the text are as follows: If a father errs and calls his son or daughter with two names, forgetting that the additional name was given to another child, there are those who say that until thirty days he may change the name (I:118). Some say that if one has a child from an unmarried woman, the child should be called with a name that predates [the time of the] Patriarch Abraham or with a name that is not customary, for example, Dan, so that he will be judged according to his problem. There are places that it is customary to give these names to those who are kosher and Heaven forfend one should come to question those who are kosher (I:237–38). Some say that one should not call [a child] with one of the names that predates the Patriarch Abraham, for example: Adam, Noah, and all who call by a name that predates the Patriarch Abraham is not in the category of one who “labors in the Torah, and does not give pleasure to his Creator” (cf. Berakhot 17a). (I:397–400). It is permissible to shorten a name, whether for a son or a daughter, as long as that name is used only casually, and it is best to use the full name

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at least once a day in order that the short form does not become customary (II:110–13). In a lengthy footnote to the third entry concerning names that predate the Patriarch Abraham, a source for the entry is given as ha-Mabit (R. Moses ben Joseph of Trani, 1500–1580). It is followed by a number of contrary sources by other prominent rabbis and then by a lengthy discussion. That this Keter Shem Tov has proven to be a relatively popular work is evident from the publication of two additional editions, the last of which was released in 2007. Keter Shem Tov, Kollel Keter Shem Tov, Kiryat Bialik, 2002: This is a collection of discourses and responsa on Shulhan Arukh Hoshen Mishpat by rabbis from the Kollel Keter Shem Tov in Kiryat Bialik, which is located in the vicinity of Haifa. There is an introduction from R. Mahluf Aminadav Krispin, Chief Rabbi of Kiryat Bialik, followed by the text, which comprises nineteen articles, including one by the Rosh Yeshiva, R. Solomon Shalosh. Examples of the articles are (5) “On the Prohibition on Turning to Secular Courts” by R. Efied Hagibi, member of the Kollel; (6) “Finding a Relative or One who Is Unfit among the Judges by R. David Alharar, member of the Kollel; (9) “Witnesses who Have Fulfilled their Charge” by R. Evied Elul, member of the Kollel; (11) “The Obligation of Rent after Divorce, the Portion in the Residence” by R. Abraham Atlas, Av Bet Din, Haifa; (14) “Acquisition through Forgiveness (Relinquishment)” by R. Solomon Shalaoh; and (19) “The Wages of a Worker and Contractor who Did Not Provide the Agreed-upon Benefit” by R. Abraham Atlas. The title page numbers the volume as “number one,” but it is not known whether additional volumes were published. 3

Biographical and Related Anecdotal Works

Keter Shem Tov, R. Aharon ben Zevi ha-Kohen of Apta, Zolkiew, 1794/95: The most popular of our Keter Shem Tovs, based on the printed editions, is the collection of tales and stories of the remarkable and astounding deeds of the Ba’al Shem Tov (R. Israel ben Eliezer, Besht, c. 1700–1760), founder of the Hasidic movement, as well as his recorded sayings, which were assembled from the works of his disciples. This collection of tales and sayings was assembled by R. Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch ha-Kohen of Opatow (Apta). The book is in two parts, each with its own title page but they have identical text, except that the first title page is dated with a chronogram and the second

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Keter Shem Tov

Figure 4.7

title page, printed a year later, is dated in a straightforward manner, ‫תקנ״ה‬ (555 = 1795). Perhaps the reason that the second title page is so dated is that the first title page exists in two forms, the rare first title page is dated “And the glory of his splendid majesty ‫( ואת יקר תפארת גדולתו‬544 = 1784)” (Esther 1:4), which is incorrect, the book having been printed a decade later. The error was likely quickly caught, for the corrected and much better known title page has the same chronogram, now reading ‫ואת יקר תפארת גדולתו‬, the yod in the second

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figure 4.8

word enlarged and emphasized, for a correct total of 554 (1794).10 The variants are recorded separately in several bibliographic works.11 The title page shows that that much of the contents are from the works of R. Jacob Joseph ben Zevi ha-Kohen, the Av Bet Din of Polonnoye (d. c. 1782), the Ba‌‌ʾal Shem Tov’s leading disciple, that is, Toledot Ya⁠ʾakov Yosef, Ben Porat Yosef, and Zafenat Pa⁠ʾneʾah, as well as discourses that are also from other works. Among these latter sources are Likkutei Amorim and the sayings of the Ba‌‌ʾal Shem Tov, which were all collected by R. Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch ha-Kohen of Opatow (Apta). In addition to the variations to the first title page, the second title page also exists in two formats with some textual variations (which is not the case with the first title page). Within the text of the book, despite Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch 10

Such errors and their corrections are known as stop-press corrections. Sheets were proofread while the press-run was underway; while it certainly was preferable to correct the sheets before the run began, reading also took place while the run was underway. When the corrector would find an error, he would stop the run, remove the form, quickly correct the error, and resume printing. Unless substantial, stop-press corrections did not necessitate disposing of the previous sheet—four pages in a folio, more so in a smaller format— but rather both the altered states and the originals are used. In such a case, there will be variant copies of the book, consisting of sheets printed from forms in both the earlier and later states, as is the case here. 11 The copy with the misdated title page in the Chabad-Lubavitch Library is attractively bound in a soft brown leather, the cover stamped ‫כתר שם טוב ב״ק אדמו״ר שליט״א‬, that is, it was in the private library of the Lubavitcher Rebbe, R. Menachem Mendel Schneersohn (1902–94). The reading room librarian, R. Zalman Levine, informs me that to his knowledge this is the only book so bound, and that it “was given to the rebbe with this binding.”

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figure 4.9

ha-Kohen’s comments that he has assembled the Ba’al Shem Tov’s words from the above-mentioned titles, he did not, in fact, merely transcribe them in toto, nor did he distinguish which were the words of the Ba’al Shem Tov and which were those of Jacob Joseph.12 Keter Shem Tov has an approbation from R. Menachem Mendel of Liska, which is followed by the famed Iggeret Hakodesh, a letter from the Ba’al Shem Tov to his brother, dated Rosh Ha-Shanah 1747, in which he relates that his soul ascended to heaven, where he met with the Messiah, which is followed the text. This Keter Shem Tov, as noted above, has proven to be an enduring and 12 Keter Shem Tov (Brooklyn, 1972), p. v [Hebrew].

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popular work; it was printed soon after in Korezec (1797), in Lemberg (1809) (and several times afterwards there), and in numerous other locations, and it has continued to be republished to this very day. Keter Shem Tov, Abraham Menahem Mendel Mohr, Lvov (Lemberg), 1847: Sir Moses Montefiore (1784–1885) was one of, if not the most prominent member of, English Jewry in the nineteenth century. Cecil Roth described him as “the most notable Jew, and indeed one of the most notable Englishmen, of the 19th century by virtue of his outstanding philanthropic work extending over a period of three-quarters of a century, into his venerable old age.”13 Montefiore traveled to the Middle East during the Damascus Affair, to Russia, Morocco, and Rumania on behalf of persecuted Jewry, and provided leadership and support to Jewry at home and in Eretz Israel. His indefatigable efforts on behalf of world Jewry are recorded and acknowledged in books, articles, and newspapers, and several works entitled Keter Shem Tov. The first Keter Shem Tov praising Sir Moses Montefiore is by Abraham Menahem Mendel Mohr (1815–1868), a scholarly maskil and author of a number of Hebrew and Yiddish books. The title page states that it is, Keter Shem Tov For the chief, holy prince The praiseworthy, the righteous, the dear, who sows righteousness and brings forth salvation. Our teacher, Moses Baron from Montefiore [May his Rock and Redeemer protect him], prince of the holy land. And the pure wife of his youth, the honorable lady, the modest, the wisdom of women “is a crown to her husband” (Proverbs 12:4), the lady Judith “blessed shall she be above women in the tent” (Judges 5:24). The title page continues to say the text includes some of the righteousness and perfect kindness on behalf of the Jews in Russia. A small book, (80: 16 pp.: Joseph Schnander), the text begins with verse, with the header “From Moses to Moses there was none like Moses,” which normally refers to Maimonides, but is here applied to Montefiore. The verse begins as follows: Moses ben Amram brought Israel out from the burdens of Egypt and Moses Montefiore redeemed them from death to life.

13

Cecil Roth, “Moses Montefiore, 1784–1885,” in Essays and Portraits in Anglo-Jewish History (Philadelphia, 1962), p. 262.

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Keter Shem Tov

Figure 4.10

Moses ben Amram “struck the rock, so that the waters gushed out” (Psalms 78:20) and Moses Montefiore softened the heart of stone with “words of lips” (cf. II Kings 18:20; Isaiah 36:5). The volume concludes with a letter of appreciation from Sir Moses Montefiore. A Ladino (Judeo-Spanish) version of Mohr’s Keter Shem Tov was printed in Salonika (1850, 80: 48, 53–80ff.) together with two other works, Tiferet Yisrael on the Rothschilds and Ma⁠ʾaseh Eretz Israel on Eretz Israel from the destruction of the Temple to the nineteenth century. Among the many other works

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Figure 4.11

either praising or including a section on Montefiore are Kol Kitvei Rabbi Ya⁠ʾakov Saphir ha-Levi (Jerusalem, 1934), the writings of R. Jacob Saphir (1822–1886), an emissary of the Jewish community in Jerusalem and the author of Even Saphir on the Jewish communities that he visited in such varied places as Yemen, Egypt, and India. In Kol Kitvei is a section entitled “Keter Shem Tov Kenaf Renanim Sir Moses Montefiore, accompanied by a Cameo of Montefiore.” Yet another Keter Shem Tov about Montefiore was published by Hayyim Gedaliah (London, 1884). The Hebrew title page is followed by an English title page that states the following:

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Keter Shem Tov

Figure 4.12

The Crown of a Good Name a brief account of a few of the Doings, Preachings, and Compositions On Sir Moses Montifieore’s Natal Day, November 8th, 1883, on which he was favored with a succession of telegraphic Congratulations from the QUEEN OF ENGLAND and many Eminent People of all Creeds.

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Above is the quote from Pirkei Avot. The text includes congratulatory letters from the Queen, the Duke of Edinburgh, and many others, and it includes special services in both Hebrew and English. In addition, many other publications relate to Moses Montefiore, and among them is the title page of the October 20, 1883, edition of Harper’s Weekly Journal of Civilization (New York), with a full cover portrait of Montefiore. While this is not directly pertinent to my discussion, it does show the high esteem in which the venerable Sir Moses Montefiore was held. Keter Shem Tov (Ehrenkranz des guten Rufes), R. Josef Natonek, Budapest, 1880: German Keter Shem Tov by Josef Natonek in honor of Rabbi Dr. Moritz Landsberg (1824–80), son of R. Elias Landsberg (1800–79). Except for a Hebrew header, the title page is entirely in German, as is the text (32 pp.), with only occasional Hebrew.

Figure 4.13

Keter Shem Tov

107

Figure 4.14

The title, Ehrenkranz des guten Rufes, is our “crown of a good name,” a Festgabe zum fünfundzwanzigjährigen Amtsjubilaeum des Dr. M. Landsberg, Rabbiner zu Liegnitz dargereicht von Rabbiner Josef Natonek em Rabbiner und Schriftsteller verfasser, that is, a festive volume presented to Dr. Landsberg on the twentyfifth jubilee of his service as rabbi in Liegnitz, by R. Josef Natonek (1813–92), a rabbi and author. Landsberg, a doctor of philosophy educated in Berlin, became, in 1854, the rabbi of Legnica. Born in Rawicz, he served as rabbi for twenty-five years until his death in Liegnitz (Legnica, Silesia).14 Landsberg was also the author of a number of studies on the history of medicine, particularly in ancient times, which were published for the most part in the journal Juno, which was put out by von Henschel.15 At the end of the volume is a two-page Stammbaum (family tree) of the Landsberg family.

14 As an aside, Jewish settlement in Liegnitz can be traced to the Middle Ages. It was interrupted by pogroms, the first in 1447 due to a dispute between Elżbieta, Duchess of Legnica, with Jewish bankers, who demanded that she return a loan. Liegnitz is best remembered for a battle that took place there in 1241, when a Polish-German army lead by Duke Henry II of Silesia engaged invading Mongols near the town. The Mongols were victorious, collecting nine sacks of ears from their fallen enemies, all of whom perished. 15 Jacob Klatzkin and Ismar Elbogen, eds, Enyclopaedia Judaica: Das Judentum in Geschichte und Gegenwart 10 (Berlin, 1928–34), p. 619.

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Figure 4.15

4 Miscellanea Keter Shem Tov, R. Solomon Zalman ben Zevi Hirsch ha-Kohen, Livorno, c. 1789: Our next Keter Shem Tov is a quarto-sized page printed in Livorno in c. 1789 for the Hasidic Tiberius Kollel Ashkenazim. It informs us that R. Solomon Zalman ben Zevi Hirsch ha-Kohen (d. 1799) is an emissary of the

Keter Shem Tov

109

Merciful One and of us (the Ashkenazi Hasidic community of Tiberias). The letter is signed by twenty-one rabbis.16 The letter begins with a reference to keter shem tov followed by a list of honorifics: “But the crown of a good name (keter shem tov) excels them all. To our brothers in the exile, a treasured people, ‘a kingdom of priests and a holy nation’ (Exodus 19:6), ‘keepers of the faith, princes and chieftains, princes and leaders,’ ‘a lampstand all of gold’ (Zechariah 4:2), Torah scholars, and rabbis.” It informs us about their joy in their ability to live in Eretz Israel. Until now, they had relied upon support from the country from which they had come; but now, however, due to war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, they could no longer depend on that funding, so that they were now turning to Jews in other lands for support. Indeed, in describing the situation the letter notes the dire financial situation and that the land “‘is infested with bandits’ (Yevamot 115a, 122a), ‘the task masters hurried them’ (Exodus 5:13), they ‘lie in wait for blood’ (Micah 7:2), ‘but now our soul is dried away; there is nothing at all (Numbers 11:6).’” Solomon Zalman had traveled twice previously as an emissary to Russia (1779–81/1784–85), but this was his first trip to Western Europe. Avraham Yaari relates that Solomon Zalman’s undertaking was not without objection. The Sephardic community protested that the Hasidic community, which had previously received support from Eastern Europe, a venue now closed to them, was, by sending an emissary to Western Europe, entering into the domain of the general Tiberias community. The dispute was resolved several years later when joint representatives of both communities went to Eastern Europe.17 The letter begins with that part of the phrase from Avot referring to keter shem tov intimating that a way one obtains the “crown of a good name (keter shem tov)” is through good deeds and charity, which, as noted above, is “as a pearl atop a crown (keter), so are his good deeds fitting,” certainly appropriate for an appeal for the destitute community in Israel, the subject of our Keter Shem Tov. 16

17

The assignatories are R. Abraham ben Alexander Katz of Kalisk; R. Matthias ben Hayyim; R. Moses ben Menahem Mendel; R. Jehiel Michal ben Hayyim; R. Moses ben Abraham Segal; R. Eliezer Sussman; R. Asher ben Eliezer; R. David, Katan, rav of Bohava Yeshain; R. Joshua ben Noah Altshuler; R. Israel ben Jacob; R. Israel ben Judah; R. Judah Leib ben Joseph; R. Moses ben Uri Shapira; R. Jehiel Michal ben Abraham; R. Joseph of Zimigrad; R. Samuel ben Isaiah Segal; R. Aryeh Leib ben Nathan; R. Aaron ben Isaac; R. Aaron ben Meir; R. Joseph of Poloskov; and R. Nathan Nata ben Eli of Brod. Avraham Yaari, Sheluhei Eretz Yisrael II (Jerusalem, 1951, reprint Jerusalem, 1997), pp. 619– 28 [Hebrew].

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Keter Shem Tov, Shani Tzoref, Ian Young, Editors; Piscataway, NJ, 2013: A highly unusual Keter Shem Tov, this the proceedings of a conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls held in memory of the late emeritus professor Alan David Crown in late 2011 at the University of Sydney, Mandelbaum House. This volume is part of a series entitled Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures and its Contexts published by Gorgias Press, which describes itself as “an independent academic publisher of books and journals covering several areas related to religious studies, the world of ancient western Asia, classics, and Middle Eastern studies.” Among their subject matter is Ancient Near East, Arabic and Islam, Archeology, Bible, Classics, Early Christianity, Judaism, Linguistics, Syriac, and Ugaritic. Professor Alan David Crown (1932–2010), in whose memory this book was published, was Professor in Semitic Studies at the University of Sydney and a renowned scholar and author. As noted on a website referring to him, the title relates to the name Crown (Keter), for “he may have inherited the name Crown from his parents, but he earned the title ‘CROWN’—the Crown of Torah, through his own merit, his sharp intellect and his deep respect for scholarship.”18 The editors are Dr. Shani Tzoref, PhD, Skirball Department of Hebrew and Judaic Studies, New York University, and currently a Qumran Institute Fellow, Seminar für Altes Testament, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, and Dr. Ian Young, Associate Professor, Chair of Department at the University of Sydney, Australia, teaching Classical Hebrew and Biblical Studies. This edition of Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures and its Contexts 20: Keter Shem Tov (x, 400 pp.) comprises sixteen articles on various subjects in the field of Qumran Studies (Dead Sea Scrolls) from scholars in the field. The articles encompass the development and phases of Qumran scholarship; textual transmission of the Hebrew Bible, including Samaritan texts and Masada Biblical Scrolls; reception of Scripture in the Dead Sea Scrolls; community and the Dead Sea Scrolls; eschatology and sexuality in the so-called “sectarian documents” from Qumran; and the Temple and the Dead Sea Scrolls. 5 Summary This concludes our survey of books with the title Keter Shem Tov. As noted above, the article contains vignettes of books so entitled. There is no single pattern in the use of the title, it being applied to a wide variety of books. There are 18 http://learning.mandelbaum.usyd.edu.au/about-us/alan-crown/.

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discourses on the Torah, both literal and kabbalistic, works on Jewish law and customs, biographic or anecdotal, and several miscellaneous works, among them an appeal for support of Jewish communities in the Holy Land and on the Dead Sea Scrolls. The title Keter Shem Tov has been chosen because it refers to an author’s name, for example, R. Shem Tov Melamed, R. Shem Tov ibn Gaon, and R. Shem Tov Gaguine; bibliographical works such as those referring to the Ba⁠ʾal Shem Tov, Sir Moses Montefiore, and Rabbi Dr. Moritz Landsberg; and more diverse works, such as one being the novellae of a Kollel, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and even topically related as in R. Avishai Taharani’s Keter Shem Tov, which actually deals with laws and customs applicable to names. We began by noting that the title of Hebrew books, unlike books in other languages, may have “been selected by the author for any one of a number of reasons, least of all the book’s subject matter. Rather, in our case, the intention has been to give the book the ‘crown of a good name (keter shem tov).’” Indeed, not one book in this article, with the possible exception of Taharani’s Keter Shem Tov, indicates its subject matter by the title. What each of these examples does have in common is the intent to associate the name of the author, subject, or even organization with the Mishnah in Pirkei Avot, which states: R. Simeon said: there are three crowns: the crown of Torah, the crown of priesthood, and the crown of royalty; but the crown of a good name (emphasis added, keter shem tov) excels them all. Avot 4:13

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Entitling Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs) My beloved is to me a bundle of myrrh that lies between my breasts. My beloved is to me a cluster of henna in the vineyards of Ein-Gedi. Behold, you are beautiful, my love; behold, you are beautiful; your eyes are doves. Behold, you are beautiful, my beloved, truly lovely; our couch is green. Song of Songs 1:13–16

∵ Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs) is one of the most beautiful and multi-faceted works in the Bible.1 It can be, and is, understood on multiple levels. On the most literal level, Song of Songs is often seen as the most romantic work in the Bible. In Jewish understanding, it is generally seen to be a poem about the love between God and Israel. A more specific interpretation as to the significance of Song of Songs can be seen from the fact that it is reputed to have been completed on the same day that the Temple in Jerusalem was completed, but R. Akiva attributes the greatness of the day to Song of Songs rather than to the finishing of the Temple. The Zohar sees Song of Songs as “the culmination of a ‘wholeness’ greater than any that had come before, a wholeness sufficient to inspire the highest level of Divine joy.”2 1 The descriptions of the books on this article are extracted from my The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2004) and The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2011). Illustrations are courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak; the Fales Library and Special Collections, New York University; Hebrewbooks.org; the Jewish National and University Library; R. Yecheskel Goldman; the Dorot Jewish Division of the New York Public Library; the Valmadonna Trust Library; and Virtual Judaica. 2 Shir Hashirim: Song of Songs: An Allegorical Translation based upon Rashi with a Commentary from Talmudic, Midrashic and Rabbinic Sources [with a commentary compiled by Meir Zlotowitz; allegorical translation and overview by Nosson Scherman; and foreword by Mordechai Gifter] (New York, 1977), p. xxxiii.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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Song of Songs is often attributed to King Solomon in Jewish sources. Nevertheless, there is also a tradition that credits authorship to Moses, suggesting that Song of Songs was known prior to the time of King Solomon. In that case, according to R. Naphtali Ẓevi Judah Berlin (1817–93), Song of Songs is credited to King Solomon because he combined disparate elements to form this moving work. This is comparable to King David being considered the author of Psalms, although several Psalms were written by and credited to others, one of which is Psalm 90, which begins “A prayer by Moses, the man of God.”3 This article is intended to show the varied and widespread usage of Song of Songs as a source of Hebrew book titles. The entitling of Hebrew books is not a straightforward subject. How titles may be and are chosen for varied books has been the subject of some discussion. I have addressed the titling of Hebrew books previously in several articles, discussing the criteria employed and providing examples of the subject titles.4 Book titles have been addressed in both books and articles. Menahem Mendel Slatkine wrote a two-volume work, Shemot ha-Sefarim ha-Ivrim: Lefi Sugehem ha-Shonim, Tikhunatam u-Teʾudatam (Tel Aviv, 1950–54) on book names; it has been the subject of encyclopedia articles in both The Jewish Encyclopedia and the Encyclopedia Judaica; and such authors as Abraham Berliner, Joshua Bloch, and Solomon Schechter have written articles on book titles, all this apart from this subject being mentioned in passing in numerous other works.5 I too have addressed the subject, first in “Adderet Eliyahu: A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books,” describing about thirty books with that single title, two only related to each other; then in “What’s in a Name? An Example of the Titling of Hebrew Books,” describing varied books taken from a single verse “Your neck is like the tower of David built with turrets, on which hang one 3 Naphtali Ẓevi Judah Berlin, Rinah shel Torah: The Commentary of Rav Naphtali Zevi Yehuda Berlin to Shir ha-Shirim, trans. and annot. by Dovid Landesman (Kfar Chassidim, 1993), p. 1. 4 Other articles on the entitling of Hebrew books from biblical verses are my “Adderet Eliyahu: A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books,” in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 72–91 (hereafter, Studies); “What’s in a Name? An Example of the Titling of Hebrew Books,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 371–94; and “Keter Shem Tov: A Study in the Entitling of Books, Here Limited to One Title Only” (in this volume). 5 Abraham Berliner, “Shemot Seforim Ivrim,” in Ketavim Nivharim II (Jerusalem, 1969), pp. 147– 48 [Hebrew]; Joshua Bloch, “Some Odd Titles of Hebrew Books,” Bulletin of the New York Public Library 41, no. 10 (1937, reprinted in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography, New York, 1976), p. 151; and Solomon Schechter, “Titles of Jewish Books,” in Studies in Judaism, First Series (1896, reprint Philadelphia, 1938), pp. 270–81.

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thousand bucklers, all of them shields of mighty men (Song of Songs 4:4); and finally in “Keter Shem Tov: A Study in the Entitling of Books, Here Limited to One Title Only,” which was also on varied works with a like title, which is the author’s name, Shem Tov.6 Given the above, as I have asked elsewhere, what is the justification for yet another article on the same subject? It is, as suggested above, the allure of how authors of varied unrelated works came to entitle their books, which was reflective of their intellectual or emotive processes or objectives. The titles selected here are not necessarily the titles of a large number of books, as with Adderet Eliyahu, but are certainly as varied as those in the previous articles. Indeed, the works that take their names from Song of Songs are sufficiently diverse, and they provide, like the others, insight into their authors’ thoughts. This article differs from the previous articles in that its emphasis is on the variety of books whose titles are all taken from each of the chapters in Song of Songs. That book, with eight chapters, has provided titles for a significant number of varied books. Unlike the three previous articles, where the number of dissimilar books with a like title were described, here the purpose is not to show the variety of books with a shared name, but rather to show how Song of Songs has been utilized to entitle books. One or more book names have been selected from each of that biblical book’s chapters, all from the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries, their distinction being in the wealth of names taken from a shared source.7 The text is organized in the order of Song of Songs, that is, by chapter and verse. The listing is not meant to be comprehensive but rather illustrative of the varied usage of that biblical book to entitle later Hebrew works. Moreover,

6 Marvin J. Heller, “Adderet Eliyahu”; idem, “What’s in a Name?” 7 One might wonder at the absence of titles from Song of Songs on fifteenth-century title pages. However, this article is limited to books printed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, omitting incunabula, for Hebrew incunabula did not have title pages. The first Hebrew book with a title page was the Sefer ha-Rokeʾah of R. Eleazar ben Judah of Worms (c. 1165–c. 1230), printed by Gershom Soncino (Fano, 1505). Parenthetically, codices lacked title pages, and the first book with a concise identifier, known as a label title, was the Bul zu dutsch (Papal letter in German, Mainz, 1463), followed by Sermo ad popularum (Cologne, 1470). They soon developed into more detailed title pages, one with a two-color decorative border, the Calendarium of Johannes Regiomontanus (Venice, 1476) being a fifty-five-year calendar (1475–1530) printed by Erhardt Ratholdt and Partners. As noted here, the first Hebrew book with a title page was the Sefer ha-Rokeʾah (Philip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography [New Castle, DE, 1995), p. 52; Abraham M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books [Safed, 1969], pp. ix–x; Douglas C. McMurtrie, The Book: The Story of Printing and Bookmaking [New York, 1989], pp. 561–62).

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several only of the diverse books entitled from Shir ha-Shirim will be described in some detail, while others will be noted briefly at the end of the article. 1

Song of Songs 1

Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo “The Song of Songs, which Is Solomon’s” (Song of Songs 1:1). Salamone ben Azariah de’ Rossi; Venice, 1623, Pietro and Lorenzo Bragadin (40: 44 pp.). We begin with Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo, Salamone ben Azariah de’ Rossi’s (c. 1570–c. 1628) composition comprising thirty-three musical works for three to eight voices in a single quarto collection. The title is taken from the very first verse of Song of Songs, “The song of songs, which is Solomon’s,” here understood to also refer to Salamone de’ Rossi. Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo is the first book of Hebrew music to be published. De’ Rossi is considered the most outstanding early Jewish composer to work in the European art music tradition. Originally a viola-player and madrigalist, de’ Rossi entered ducal service in Mantua in 1587, remaining there for forty years. Although active in the Jewish theater, none of his compositions for those productions are extant. However, three hundred and thirteen compositions, all but six of which are preserved in thirteen collections printed from 1589 through 1628, are available. They consist of three types, Italian vocal works, instrumental works, and Hebrew works, the last being in Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo. The title page has a pillared architectural frame and a brief text that states that the volume comprises musical compositions for three to eight voices. It is followed by a preface from R. Leone (Judah Aryeh) Modena (1571–1648), who prepared the book for publication. While engaged with it, Modena’s twentyone-year-old son was murdered, so that he, “a fountain of tears” (Jeremiah 8:23), personally eschewed music. Nevertheless, the importance of this work, an opportunity to inspire Jewish children to study music and to forestall the objections of the more pious, caused him to continue work on the book. There is a dedication by de’ Rossi to R. Moses Sullam, a wealthy and prominent Mantuan Jew, who had been a supporter of de’ Rossi from the beginning of his career, assisted in his training, and persuaded the composer to publish the work. De’ Rossi states his purpose as glorifying and beautifying the songs of King David according to the rules of music; then there are two pages of verse in praise of the book. In the second, also by Modena, Sullam’s name is highlighted. There is then a pesak (responsum, 4b–6b) on the permissibility of music, which was originally written by Modena in 1605 and which is here co-signed by R. Isaac

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Gershon, R. Moses Kohen Porto, and R. Samuel Luzzato. There are also approbations from five rabbis in Mantua and Venice. The text consists of thirty-three musical works for three to eight voices in a single collection to be performed on festivals and special Shabbats. They are set to Psalms, hymns, and prayers, and were composed by de’ Rossi over many years. Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo is made up of eight parts, known as books, that is, Canto, Alto, Tenore, Basso, Qunto, Sesto, Settimo, and Ottavo. It is generally reported that the Hebrew was set to correspond to the musical notes, that is, both were set from left to right by Modena, as most singers were sufficiently familiar with the Psalms and other liturgical works so that they did not have to carefully read the words when singing. It is the first Hebrew collection of polyphonic works, thereby encountering some resistance as the Jewish community was previously accustomed to monophonic chants. The music is entirely Italian Renaissance in style, although it was less complex than secular music, perhaps, as was also the case with Church music, to make it easier for unskilled persons to perform it.8 Yeriʾot Shelomo “Curtains of Solomon” (Song of Songs 1:5). R. ben Jehiel Luria; Prague, 1608, Moses ben Joseph Bezalel (40: 38 ff.). Super-commentary on Rashi with glosses on R. Elijah Mizrahi’s (Re’em, 1455– 1525/26) commentary to that work by R. Solomon ben Jehiel Luria (Maharshal, c. 1510–74). Yeriʾot Shelomo was apparently written, according to Simhah Assaf, when Maharshal was elderly, and represents a portion only of Maharshal’s commentary on Rashi. The title page states that it is Yeriʾot Shelomo (“Curtains of Solomon”), and that he “weighed, and sought out, and set in order” (cf. Ecclesiastes 12:9) and annotated, did the Rav Solomon Luria, on the great Rav Elijah Mizrahi; also on the places on which “he [Elijah Mizrahi] did not set his heart” (Exodus 7:23) to explain the words of Rashi and he enlightened the eyes of Israel with his commentary “a threefold cord is not quickly

8 Mark Cohen, trans. and ed., The Autobiography of a Seventeenth-Century Venetian Rabbi (Princeton, NJ, 1988), pp. 231–33; Dan Harrán, “Salamone Rossi: The Mystery Man of Jewish Art Music Composers,” Notes From Zamir: The Magazine of the Zamir Chorale of Boston (2003), pp. 5–7; A. Z. Idelsohn, Jewish Music in its Historical Development (1929, reprint New York, 1967), pp. 196–203; Cecil Roth, Jews in the Renaissance (1959, reprint New York, 1965), pp. 288–99; Louis Stevens, Composers of Classical Music of Jewish Descent (London, 2003), pp. 299–301.

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broken” (Ecclesiastes 4:12), and in the place where the “two great lights” (Genesis 1:16) did not explain, they are explained in this work. Beginning of the work was on Tuesday, 18 Heshvan 369 (October 28, 1608). There is a preface from R. Jehiel ben Meshullam, a student of Maharshal, who prepared the work for publication. He notes the primacy of Mizrahi’s super-commentary on Rashi, but that there are places where Mizrahi wrote where further consideration is required or where he did not clarify Rashi, having been called to the heavenly yeshivah before he could turn his attention to them. After him arose R. Solomon Luria to annotate Mizrahi’s work, and

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that which was missing or required further consideration Maharshal revealed and made clear in Rashi, so that it is cleaned, refined, and clarified as the curtains of Solomon. The book is therefore entitled Yeriʾot Shelomo (“Curtains of Solomon”), and also his name Shelomo (Solomon) is on it. Jehiel refers to Kizzur Mizrahi (by R. Isaac ben Naphtali ha-Kohen of Ostrog, Prague, 1604–07 “in which at times he was lengthy where he should have been brief and other times when he should have been brief he was lengthy, while he also omitted and skipped much.” In contrast, Jehiel asserts that he wrote in an exact manner so as not to mislead the reader. Entries, generally concise, also include annotations from Jehiel, who adds in the introduction that he writes to make known that those glosses are his. The volume concludes with errata. Portions of Maharshal’s commentary and glosses can be found in the work of the following generation, among them

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R. Isaac ha-Kohen’s Kizzur Mizrahi, R. Judah Leib Eilenburg’s Minhat Yehudah (Lublin, 1609, 1611), and R. Moses Mat’s Hoʾil Moshe (Prague, 1611).9 Zeror ha-Mor “My beloved is to me a bundle of myrrh (zeror ha-mor) that lies between my breasts” (Song of Songs 1:13). R. Abraham ben Jacob Saba; Venice, 1522–23, Daniel Bomberg (20: 171 ff.). Commentary on the Pentateuch by R. Abraham ben Jacob Saba (d. c. 1508) based on kabbalistic and midrashic sources. Born in Castile, Spain, Saba, after the expulsion of the Jews from that land, found refuge in Guimarães, Portugal. It was there that he began to write Zeror ha-Mor. The respite in Portugal was brief, however, for in 1497 King Manuel of Portugal ordered the conversion of Portuguese Jewry. After losing his sons to forced baptism, “the anger of the Lord burned against His people … and he [King Manuel] commanded the seizure of all [Hebrew] books.” Saba recounts that he left his library, which was extensive, by the River Porto; he placed himself in great danger by bringing the manuscripts of his commentary on the Torah, on the Megillahs, Avot, and Zeror ha-Kesef, written in his youth, with him to Lisbon. However, when he reached that city, local Jews informed him that possession of Hebrew books was considered a capital offense, so that Saba buried his manuscripts under a “green olive tree, fair, full of beautiful fruit” (Jeremiah 11:15). For him it, 9 Simhah Assaf, “Mashehu le-Toledot Mahrshal,” in Louis Ginzberg Jubilee Volume: On the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday: Hebrew Section (New York, 1945), pp. 62–3 [Hebrew]; Pinchus Krieger, Parshan-Data. Supercommentaries on Rashi’s Commentary on the Pentateuch (Monsey, 2005), p. 118 n. 248 [Hebrew]; Leopold Zunz, Zur Geschichte und Literatur (Berlin, 1845), pp. 284–85 n. 106.

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was more bitter than wormwood, and I called it the tree of weeping, for there I buried that which was more desirable to me than fine gold, my commentary on the Torah and mitzvot, for through them I was comforted for my two sons who were taken involuntarily to be baptized. Saba was arrested, imprisoned for six months, and pressured to accept baptism. When that failed, Saba was released and permitted to go to Morocco. He settled first in El Qsar el Kebir and became ill as a result of his hardships. When he recovered, Saba was able to rewrite, from memory, with only a Chumash to assist him, most of Zeror ha-Mor. He later moved to Fez, where he completed that work and rewrote Eshkol ha-Kofer, his commentary on the Books of Esther (1904) and Ruth (1908). After residing in Fez for ten years, Saba traveled to Verona, Italy. En route, a storm arose. The captain, in despair, requested Saba to pray for the ship’s safety. He agreed, but on the condition that, if he were to die at sea, the captain should not bury him at sea but rather take him to a Jewish community for proper burial. The captain agreed, Abraham Saba’s prayers were answered, and the storm abated. Two days later, on the eve of Yom Kippur, Saba died. The captain took his body to Verona, where the Jewish community buried him with great honor. Zeror ha-Mor comprises homilies on the Torah, primarily from a literal but also from a mystical perspective. The title page is dated Kislev 283 (November/ December 1522) and the colophon 20 Shevat 5283 (Thursday, February 15, 1523). Its publication was sponsored by R. Hayyim ben Moses Alton, and the editor was Jacob ben Hayyim ibn Adoniyahu. Zeror ha-Mor was listed on the Index Librorum Expurgatorum, when that work was first prepared, and was later, in 1568, ordered to be burned. A translation into Latin of Zeror ha-Mor by the German Hebraist Conrad Pellicanus (Pellican, 1478–1556) remains in manuscript. A popular work, Zeror ha-Mor was reprinted three times in the sixteenth century (Venice, 1545, 1567, and Cracow, 1595). The verse following our subject verse is “My beloved is to me a cluster of henna in the vineyards of Ein-Gedi” (Song of Songs 1:14). The initial words “a cluster of henna” (eshkol ha-kofer) is the title of Saba’s commentary on the books Esther and Ruth (as mentioned above). 2

Song of Songs 2

Havazzelet ha-Sharon “I am the rose of Sharon [a lily of the valleys]” (Song of Songs 2:1). R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh; Venice, 1592, Giovanni di Gara (40: 110 ff.).

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Commentary on the Book of Daniel by R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh (c. 1508–c. 1600). Born in Adrianople, Alshekh lived most of his life in Safed and died in Damascus. He was a student, in his birthplace, of R. Joseph Caro, and afterwards in Salonika of R. Joseph Taitazak. After settling in Safed Alshekh established two yeshivot, counting among his students R. Hayyim Vital. He received ordination from Caro, during the brief period that ordination was reinstituted, and served as a dayyan on Caro’s rabbinic court. Although primarily a talmudist and halakhist, Alshekh preached on the Sabbath, delivering

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sermons based on his biblical exegesis, from which Havazzelet ha-Sharon and his other biblical commentaries are derived. The title page of Havazzelet ha-Sharon is unadorned, lacking even the di Gara frame. The text notes that Havazzelet ha-Sharon was printed previously (Constantinople, 1563) but is no longer to be found; that R. Joseph ben Hayyim Saruq saw to it that it was reprinted; that the editor was R. Isaac Gershon; and that this edition has many improvements over the previous edition. It is dated Heshvan “[And the Lord shall be king over all the earth;] on that day the Lord shall be one, and his name one” (Zechariah 14:9). The title page is followed by the author’s introduction (2a–3a), the introduction to the book (3a–4a), and then, from 4b, the biblical text and Alshekh’s commentary, the latter concluding on 106a and the biblical text on 108b. There is also an index (109a–110a). At the conclusion of the text is a colophon from the editor, who writes that he should be judged favorably wherever there are errors, for just as it is impossible to have grain without straw, so it is impossible to print without errors. He dates the completion of the work to Kislev 352 (1592). The text is in two columns, the inner with the biblical text in square vocalized letters, the outer column with Alshekh’s commentary in rabbinic type. In the introduction, Alshekh compares Daniel to a beautiful garden with tulips and roses, the former at the entrance in the plain, the latter much further in the garden. A man entering the garden bypasses the tulips for the roses; however, they cannot be gathered for they are beyond a steep cliff. He is forced to return to the plain and be satisfied with the less-precious tulips. Alshekh writes that this was his experience in approaching the Book of Daniel, assuming the beginning, unlike the end, was straightforward, but that the last part was as difficult as ascending a steep cliff, its meaning obscure. He cannot explain all the allegories in Daniel, but must restrict himself to the first portions, picking the tulips, while the remainder, known only to God, is to be explained with the coming of the Messiah. Havazzelet ha-Sharon, the first of Alshekh’s works to be printed, has been translated into English. Among his other works are Shoshannat ha-Amakim (Venice, 1591) on the Song of Songs, that title coming from the first part of “I am the rose of Sharon, [a lily of the valleys]”; Rav Peninim (Venice, 1592) on Proverbs; Torat Moshe (Belvedere, c. 1593) on Genesis, the complete work being brought to press by his son Hayyim in 1600; Marot ha-Zove’ot on the Prophets (1603–07); Romemot El on Psalms (1605); other works on the books of the Bible; and various responsa (Venice, 1605).10 10 Abraham M. Habermann, Giovanni di Gara: Printer, Venice 1564–1610 (Jerusalem, 1982), ed. Y. Yudlov, pp. 67–68 n. 135 [Hebrew]; Ravi Shahar, trans., Shield of the Spirit: The

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Shoshannat ha-Amakim “I am the rose of Sharon, a lily of the valleys (shoshannat ha-amakim)” (Song of Songs 2:1). R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh; Venice, 1606, Giovanni di Gara (40: 60 ff.). Commentary on Song of Songs (Shir ha-Shirim) by R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh. Shoshannat ha-Amakim was the first of Alshekh’s commentaries printed in his lifetime, this being the second edition, it having been printed earlier in Venice (1591). The title page states that,

Commentaries of Rashi and Rabbi Moshe Alshich on Sefer Daniel (Jerusalem, 1995), in collaboration with Ephraim Oratz and Yitzhak Hirshfeld, pp. vi–xiv.

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“for as its name is, so is it” (I Samuel 25:25), “its aroma spreads” (var. tract.) “from one end of the world to another” (var. tract.). It is an explanation of Megillat Shir ha-Shirim by the Rav, the great.” It was also, as were Alshekh’s other Bible commentaries, brought to press by Alshekh’s son Hayyim, who was also the editor. The title page is dated “the Alshekh ‫( האלשיך‬366 = 1606).” Several authorities, among them Moritz Steinschneider, read the date as 5361 (1601) despite the fact that it is followed by ‫( לפ״ק‬the abbreviated era), although Steinschneider does add “[1606?].” In his introduction (2a–b), Alshekh writes that, at the time this Megillah is expounded, from Rosh Hodesh Nissan until the completion of Pesah, he would, in response to requests, speak on it in the synagogue on Shabbat. Using the imagery of sifting fine flower, Alshekh writes that in Song of Songs King Solomon (its author) placed all of his wisdom, peshat (“literal”) with esoteric meanings, so that the sages said all of the Megillot (ha-Shirim) are holy, but Song of Songs is the holy of holiest (M. Yadaim 3:5; Tanhumah, Tetzaveh 5). He said to his heart “My heart, my heart, ‘What do you mean, O sleeper? Arise! Call upon your God’” (Jonah 1:6) to explain the profundities of this Megillah. “He shall flower like the lily” (Hosea 14:6), will gather, and “flee to the valley” (cf. I Chronicles 12:16), so that he has called it Shoshannat ha-Amakim. The text comprises Song of Songs in square vocalized letters and the commentary in a rabbinic font. At the end is a postscript from the editor and an index. Alshekh expands upon the traditional concept that Song of Songs is about Israel’s unique loving relationship with God. He emphasizes that despite Israel being in exile there has been no diminishment in God’s love for Israel, beginning his commentary by writing that Song of Songs is a dialogue between the Jewish People and God, who has neither abandoned us nor hidden His face from us. Israel is compared to a princess who is the delight of the King. Seeing her in captivity, He yearns for her company and finds her more attractive than any other. Throughout Shoshannat ha-Amakim Alshekh develops this theme of the eternal undiminished love between God and Israel.11

11

Ravi Shahar, trans., Shir HaShirim. Love Song of a Nation: The Commentary of Rabbi Moshe Alshich [Shoshanat Ha⁠ʾAmakim] on Shir HaShirim / The Song of Songs (Jerusalem, 1993), pp. 25–35; Habermann, Giovanni di Gara, p. 120 n. 246; Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Libroium Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), col. 57 n. 340.

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Avkat Rokhel “The Perfumer’s Powders” (Song of Songs 3:7). R. Machir ben Isaac Sar Hasid; Augsburg, 1540, Hayyim ben David Shahor (80: 18 ff.). Avkat Rokhel, attributed to R. Machir ben Isaac Sar Hasid (13th century), a student of R. Judah ben Asher (1270–1349), son of the Rosh, and a contemporary of R. Menahem ibn Zerah (Zeidah la-Derekh, c. 1310–1385), is concerned with eschatology, the struggle against one’s evil urge prior to redemption, the birth pangs and advent of the Messiah, rewards and punishments of the soul after the resurrection, the world to come according to Judaism, and resurrection, and it explains pertinent Midrashim and statements of the sages. Printed previously in Constantinople (1516) and Rimini (1526), the text of the title page of the Augsburg edition, set within a decorative frame with nineteen cherubim and a number of animals, is reproduced below, as is the title page of the Venice 1566–67 edition. The title page of the Augsburg edition states that it is Sefer Avkat Rokhel Printed by the printers named at the end of the volume. Edited with great care, with all our ability, “the good hand of our [Lord] upon us” (ref. Ezra 8:18). And it was completed, here Augsburg, the great city, with the help of the Lord and His salvation. In the year, “[Rejoice, O you nations, with his people; for he will avenge the blood of his servants] and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will make expiation (300 = 1540) for the land of his people” (Deuteronomy 32:43). The names of the printers, Hayyim ben David, Joseph ben Yakar, and Isaac ben Hayyim, the statement on the title page notwithstanding, are not, however, given at the end of the volume. Avkat Rokhel is a book in three parts, each of which is further subdivided into additional parts. This edition begins with a brief introduction which informs that the work was named Avkat Rokhel (“The Perfumer’s Powders” [Song of Songs 3:7]), for as the perfumer’s powders strengthen the soul so too when one reads this book will he fear and cause his soul to be pure and free from all sin and transgression, thus meriting the good. This is followed by a table of contents outlining the book’s subject matter and the contents of each part. The text of the book is in a single column set in small square letters, except for headings and initial words, which are set in in a much larger square font. The volume concludes with a page of verse.

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figure 5.6a Avkat Rokhel 1540, Augsburg

figure 5.6b 1566, Venice

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figure 5.6c 1697, Amsterdam

The first part addresses the struggle against one’s evil urge prior to redemption and the birth pangs and advent of the Messiah, and an explanation of the pertinent Midrashim; the second part discusses the rewards and punishments of the soul after the resurrection, the nature of the world to come according to Judaism, in contrast to the views of non-Jews, and resurrection; and the third part discusses the laws stated by the sages of the Talmud as halakhah Moshe me-Sinai, the formation of man and the number of (two hundred and fortyeight) limbs in a person, the statement of our sages concerning three partners in that process (God, man, and woman), and some gematriot. There are more than twenty-five printed editions of Avkat Rokhel. It was translated into Latin by A. Hulsius and printed in his Theologia Judaica (Breda, 1653), and into Yiddish by Naphtali Pappenheim (Amsterdam, 1647). A second Yiddish edition was printed in Amsterdam in 1697 by Kosman Gompert

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figure 5.7

(80: 12 ff. above). The title page of that edition of Avkat Rokhel is in two parts, the first paragraph in Yiddish, the second in Hebrew, the only text in that language in the book. The Rimini edition, upon which this edition is based, is among the last works printed by Gershom Soncino in Italy; Avkat Rokhel comprises part II of Ha-Nefesh ha-Hakhamah (Basle, 1608) by the famed kabbalist Moses ben Shem Tov de Leon (1240–1305).12,13 Zeʾena u-Reʾena “O daughters of Zion, go forth and behold (zeʾena u-reʾena)” (Song of Songs 3:11). R. Jacob ben Isaac Ashkenazi of Janow; Hanau, 1622 (20: 172, [1], 101, [1] ff.). Popular and much reprinted Yiddish rendition of the Pentateuch, Megillot, and Hafatarot, interweaving Midrashim and other commentaries with the text, primarily read by women, written by R. Jacob ben Isaac Ashkenazi of Janow. Little is known about the author, although he is credited with additional works, including Meliz Yosher, a supplement to Zeʾena u-Reʾena (Lublin, 1622, see below, 1688). His birthplace is uncertain, there being several Janows in Poland; Jacob’s dates are also unknown, his approximate date of death being 12 Abraham M. Habermann, “The Printer Hayyim Shahor, his Son Isaac and Son-in-law Joseph Yakar,” in Studies, p. 121 n. 15 [Hebrew]; Mosche N. Rosenfeld, Der Jüdische Buchdruck in Augsburg in der Ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (London, 1985), pp. 15–16, 38–39 n. 49; and Steinschneider, CB cols. 1637–42 n. 6196. 13 Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sefarim, alef (Jerusalem, 1951), p. 286; L. Fuks and R. G. FuksMansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), I, p. 131 n. 184; II, p. 401 n. 528.

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between 1620 and 1628. The title page of this, the earliest extant edition, states that it is Hamishah Homshei Torah in the Askhenaz language (Judeo-German, Yiddish). “O daughters of Zion, go forth and behold (zeʾena u-reʾena)” (Song of Songs 3:11), The crown with which a man of great deeds has crowned you with the help of this wonderful compilation. He collected from the sheaves and gleamed after the reapers here and there, in the Midrashim, aggadot, Rashi, Rabban, Rabbenu Bahya, Hizzekuni, Zeror ha-Mor, Toledot Yitzhak, and other commentators in every parashah. Those interpretations closest to the literal interpretation he included in this Yiddish work…. Come, therefore, and rally around the work of God published in the city of Lublin. The above book was later published twice in the holy city of Cracow. Basle Despite the place of printing being given two times on the title page as Basle, it is now accepted that this edition is a pseudo-Basle and was actually printed in Hanau, work being completed on part I (Torah) on 24 Shevat 382 (Friday, February 4, 1622). The text is set in two columns in Vaybertaytsh, the distinct font used primarily for Yiddish books, and, due to the popularity of this work, sometimes referred to as ze’ena u-reʾena letters. The text is not a literal translation but rather an explication of the Torah and Megillot, a paraphrasing of the biblical text, interlaced with Midrashim, and other sources, including, in addition to those noted on the title page, kabbalistic works such as the Zohar and Tomer Devorah, doing so in such a free-flowing style that it both educates and entertains. Although not originally intended as a work for women, Zeʾena u-Reʾena became, due to the beauty, simplicity, and warmth of its style, as well as being written in the vernacular, the “women’s Torah” read every Sabbath by Jewish women and mothers to their children. Zeʾena u-Reʾena became so popular that it is estimated that well over two hundred editions have been printed, including translations into several languages, beginning with a Latin translation of Bereshit by Johannes Saubertus (Helmstadt, 1660) and including English translations.14,15 14

Among the reported early editions of Zeʾena u-Reʾena, and some are suspect, are Lublin (1615) and Cracow (1618, 1620) and reprints in Amsterdam (1648), Cracow (1648), Prague (1649), Lublin ([1650]), Amsterdam (1669), n.p. (1670), Wilhermsdorf (1672, 1675), Prague ([1682]), Amsterdam (1690), Frankfurt am Oder (1690), Sulzbach (1692), Frankfurt am Oder (1693), and Frankfurt am Main (1698). 15 Jerold C. Frakes, Early Yiddish Texts 1100–1750 (New York, 2004), pp. 540–43; Norman C. Gore, Tzeenah u-Reenah: A Jewish Commentary on the Book of Exodus (New York, 1965),

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4

Song of Songs 4

Pelah ha-Rimmon “Your cheeks are like a piece of a pomegranate ([ke-]pelah ha-rimmon)” (cf. Song of Songs 4:3, 6:7). R. Bezalel ben Solomon of Kobryn; Prague, 1689, Grandsons of Moses Katz (40: 22 ff.). Twenty explanations of difficulties in a Midrash by the kabbalist R. Bezalel ben Solomon of Kobryn (d. c. 1659) printed as a quarto (40: 22 ff.) by the pp. 1–28; Joseph Prijs, Die Basler Hebräischen Drucke (1492–1866) (Olten, 1964), p. 475 n. 319; Joseph P. Schultz, “The ‘Zeʾenah U-Reʾenah’: Torah for the Folk,” Judaism 36, no. 1 (1987), pp. 84–96; Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature VII (New York, 1975), trans. Bernard Martin, pp. 129–39.

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grandsons of Moses Katz in Prague (1689). Bezalel was a popular darshan, first in Slutzk and afterwards in Boskowitz and Przemysl. Printed, the title page states that Pelah ha-Rimmon As its name, so is its praise. “Its cheeks are like a piece of a pomegranate (ke-Pelah ha-Rimmon)” (cf. Song of Songs 4:3, 6:7). It is a desirable and excellent explanation of difficult Midrashim and sayings. They are explained and elucidated “with good judgment and knowledge” (cf. Psalms 119:66), all built upon forty-nine faces of the expression regarding the accusations of the angel of “Amon mi-No” (Jeremiah 46:25, cf. Nahum 3:8), that he accused concerning the goat and ram. With sharp acuity and sweetness. Bezalel begins his introduction with an exposition on Moses at the Sneh (burning bush), as to why there are forty-nine explanations, derived from the fortynine sha⁠ʾarei binah, the levels of understanding of the Torah revealed to Moses. Bezalel mentions his Havazzelet ha-Sharon and Ammudei ha-Shiva, and that Pelah ha-Rimmon is forty-nine explanations of the accusations of the angel Amon-No, lord of Egypt, on why the ram was slaughtered instead of Isaac, based on a passage in R. Nathan Nata Spira’s (Shapira) Megalleh Amukkot, and much more. Pelah ha-Rimmon is so named for two reasons; like a pomegranate, it is full of kernels. So, too, the reader will find in it many diverse explanations. Secondly, Bezalel has learned from the Megalleh Amukkot that in earlier times the custom was to call a work by the numerical value of the author’s name; ha-Rimmon, without the definite heh (306), includes the numerical value of Bezalel (2 × 153). Examples of the discourses are: (5) “And you shall not let any of your seed pass through the fire to Molech” (Leviticus 18:21). On the Akedah, “Behold the fire and the wood” (Genesis 22:7). Is Ishmael in the seed of Abraham? (12) M. R. Lech: The Holy One told Abraham, “Go, I exempt you from honor your father and mother.” M. R. Bereshit: “And darkness was upon the face of the deep” (Genesis 1:2), referring to the wicked who are compared to darkness. “So Joseph died, being a hundred” (Genesis 50:26) is next to “And these are the names” (Exodus 1:1). The reason is in Isaac, who was formerly called ‫ ישחק‬and afterwards ‫יצחק‬. (18) “If any man of you brings [an offering]” (Leviticus 1:2). Are benei Noah commanded on flesh from a living animal? Yalkut VaYetze, after the sale of Joseph, Jacob wept and said “Woe to me that I made myself liable for taking two sisters.” Pelah ha-Rimmon has been a popular, much reprinted work. It was printed previously in Amsterdam (1659) and reprinted soon after in Lublin (1665). Only

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twenty discourses were printed at this time due to a lack of funds. An additional nine discourses were included in Zemah David by R. Joseph David of Salonika. Kobryn was also the author of Ammudei ha-Shivah (Lublin, 1666), kabbalistic discourses on Midrashim; and Korban Shabbat, discourses on the halakhot and customs of Shabbat (1673–74 and 1691, respectively), as well as other works extant in manuscript.16 Shiltei ha-Gibborim “shields of mighty men” (Song of Songs 4:4). R. Abraham ben David Portaleone. Mantua, 1607 (20: [12], 186 ff.). An encyclopedic work on the Temple, the Temple services, and everything pertaining to it by R. Abraham ben David Portaleone (1542–1612). Portaleone belonged to a family of physicians by that name, which was active from the fifteenth through the eighteenth century. He studied Talmud under R. Jacob Fano, received his medical degree from the University of Padua (1563), was licensed to treat non-Jews, and wrote a general book in Latin (Consilia medica) on medicine and another, Dialoghi tres de duro (Venice, 1584), a dialogue, on the use of gold in medicine, noting that Jews were the first to employ gold for that purpose. In 1605, Portaleone suffered a stroke that left him partially paralyzed. He attributed the stroke to his neglect of Torah study, and after prayer and repentance he determined “to repair what I deformed.” The result was Shiltei ha-Gibborim, written for his sons David, Eleazer, and Judah, whom he ordered to study the book. The title page of Shiltei ha-Gibborim (“shields of mighty men,” Song of Songs 4:4) is dated “‘Seven ‫ שבע‬times a day I praise you because of your righteous judgments’ (Psalms 119:164) from the creation.” The enlarged letters ‫שבע‬ have a numerical value of 372, recorded in bibliographies as 1612, that is, of the abbreviated era (the exception is the Hebrew Bibliographic Project). However, the addition of “from the creation” suggests that it would be more correct to read the date as 5367 of the full era, that is, 1607. The title page is followed by Portaleone’s introduction and the contents. The text, in two columns in square letters, is divided into ninety chapters and three supplements. Shiltei ha-Gibborim begins with the sixth mishnah in Kelim on the levels of holiness of the Land of Israel, progressing to a discussion of the Temple grounds, the structure of the Temple, altar, menorah, utensils employed there, priestly vestments, and the order of the services, such as the sacrifices, 16

Fuks and Fuks-Mansfeld, I, pp. 183–84 n. 251; Mordechai Margalioth, ed. Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel IV (Tel Aviv, 1986), col. I, 285 [Hebrew]; Hayyim (Heimann) ben Joseph Michael, Or ha-Hayyim (Altona, 1891; reprint Jerusalem, 1965), p. 289 n. 613 [Hebrew].

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figure 5.9

festivals, and prayers. Ten languages are utilized by Portaleone, both ancient and modern, and, because Talmudic sages employed Greek, he provides principles of that language. He cites about one hundred Jewish authors, using the entire corpus of Jewish literature as well as contemporary scientific thought. A connoisseur of music, he addresses the theory and history of music in his discussion of the Levites’ service in the Temple, listing thirty-four musical instruments employed by them over the course of twenty chapters. A digressive

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work, it treats such topics as a recipe for making ink, engineering and architecture, anatomy and zoology (based on the sacrifices and extended to strange beasts with one horn), medicine, chemistry (including the preparation of gunpowder), geology (gems, derived from the High Priest’s breastplate), politics, military strategy and siege works, economics, soap, and salt-making. The supplements, reflecting the influence of the kabbalist Menahem Azariah da Fano (1548–1620), deal with sacrifices, prayer, biblical readings, the Zohar, the alphabet, and the concept that printing was known in biblical times. Shiltei haGibborim is the first printed Hebrew book to use modern punctuation, including the question mark.17 Ma⁠ʾyan Gannim “a fountain of gardens (ma⁠ʾyan gannim), a well of living waters, and streams from Lebanon” (Song of Songs 4:15). R. Samuel ben Elhanan Jacob Archivolti; Venice, 1553, Alvise Bragadin (160: 45, [1] ff.). A composition book comprising sample letters from R. Samuel ben Elhanan Jacob Archivolti (c. 1515–1611). Archivolti, a student of R. Meir Katzenellenbogen (Maharam, 1473–1565), served as rabbi, av bet din, and rosh yeshivah in Padua. Among his students was R. Judah Aryeh (Leon) Modena (1571–1648). Prior to settling in Padua in 1568, Archivolti worked as a corrector for the Hebrew presses in Venice. He was deeply attached to the Hebrew language, as reflected by Ma⁠ʾyan Gannim and several of his other works. Ma⁠ʾyan Gannim is designed to teach through example the rules of correspondence. The title page has the Bragadin device, that is, three crowns. The title is from “A fountain of gardens (ma⁠ʾyan gannim), a well of living waters, and streams from Lebanon” (Song of Songs 4:15). The text states that there are fifty letters, that is, twenty-five letters with their responses written by Archivolti. There is a preface and introduction from Archivolti, followed by a table of contents, and, beginning on 7a, the text. Ma⁠ʾyan Gannim is the first book written by Archivolti, for he describes it as his first fruits, an offering to the Lord. Ma⁠ʾyan Gannim is divided into five chapters or sections, each comprising ten letters. At the beginning of each chapter is a woodcut illustration comprising three cherubim in a cage, which is surrounded on all four sides by a 17 Alessandro Guetta, “Classical Scholarship and Kabbalistic Pietas in the Shiltei haGibborim by Avraham Portaleone.” Lecture held at the Conference “The Jewish and the Classical Tradition in the Renaissance (The Warburg Institute, London, March 6–7, 1997), http://www.chez.com/jec2/archportaleo.htm; Mitchell M. Kaplan, Panorama—Four and a Half Centuries of Hebraica and Judaica (New York, 1942), p. 80 n. 131; Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance, var. cit.; Shlomo Simonsohn, History of the Jews in the Duchy of Mantua (Jerusalem, 1977), pp. 637–38, 645; Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature IV, pp. 86–87.

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figure 5.10

verse, for example (1) “And a river went out from Eden to water the garden; and from there it was divided, and became four rivers” (Genesis 2:10); and (2) “And from there they went to Beer; that is the well of which the Lord spoke to Moses, Gather the people together, and I will give them water” (Numbers 21:16). The letters are in metrical form, and were designed by Archivolti as literary models for his students. Many of them had ethical content. The sections or chapters, each on a different theme, are correspondence between a father and son; between friends; from an older to a younger man; with government officials; and others, including letters of a romantic and even sensual nature. Such letters, at the very least inappropriate by modern religious standards, are intermingled with those of a sacred nature, reflecting contemporary mores and addressing current issues, including, therefore, information of historical and cultural value. Each letter begins with a brief abstract of its contents. The book begins with a letter on instruction for a son and concludes with a response to a woman who requests to study Talmud, which was granted specifically because the woman was a virago, and so unlike other women. The text ends on 45a, and is followed by a page of verse and then errata. Archivolti also wrote Degel Ahavah (Venice, 1551), an ethical work; Heʾarot leSefer he-Arukh (Venice, 1553), textual references for the Arukh of R. Nathan ben

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Jehiel; and, his most important title, Arugat ha-Bosem (Venice, 1602), a grammatical work in thirty-two chapters. Archivolti’s literary works must have been effective, for no less a personage than Modena writes: “To him [Archivolti] I owe my literary style, and from him I learned the art of writing poetry.”18 5

Song of Songs 5

Ammudei Shesh “His legs are like pillars of marble (ammudei shesh) set in sockets of pure gold. His mouth is most sweet; and he is altogether lovely.” (cf. Song of Songs 5:15, 16). R. Solomon Ephraim ben Aaron Luntshits; Prague, 1617, Moses ben Joseph Bezalel Katz (20: 40 ff.). Discourses by R. Solomon Ephraim ben Aaron Luntshits (Luntschitz, 1550– 1619, see above, Keli Yekar, 1602). The title page describes ammudei shesh (“pillars of marble”): “From the uttermost part of the earth have we heard songs, glory to the righteous” (Isaiah 24:16) and to the first of the speakers. In every place his renown ‫ מוניטו‬reached, he “is known in the gates” (Proverbs 31:23). In the face of his writings all give praise saying (cf. morning prayers) blessed is his memory “for all generations” (Isaiah 51:8). “Are they not in the writings” (cf. I Kings 14:29, 15:23), six sheets that “he has skillfully cast” (cf. Psalms 58:6). The title page continues enumerating five additional works written by Luntshits. It dates the beginning of the work to Thursday, 18 Heshvan ‫בשלום‬ (378 = November 16, 1617); the colophon dates completion of the work to Wednesday, 22 Kislev ‫( בשלום‬378 = December 20, 1617). Next is a brief preface from Luntshits, then a lengthier introduction, and below it the Gersonides’s signet depicting the priestly blessing employed by both Moses ben Joseph and Solomon ben Mordecai Katz. The text follows, in two columns in square letters with the initial words on pillars in a decorative frame. Ammudei Shesh comprises six (shesh) pillars upon which the world rests, Torah, avodah (Divine service), gemilut hasadim (loving-kindness) (Avot 1:2) 18 Robert Bonfil, Jewish Life in Renaissance Italy (Berkeley, 1994), trans. Anthony Oldcorn, pp. 133, 169; Deror Schwartz, “R. Samuel Archivolti, his Life and Writings,” Asufot VII, ed. Meir Benayahu (Jerusalem, 1993), pp. 82–83 [Hebrew]; and Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature II, p. 130.

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figure 5.11a

figure 5.11B

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and justice (din), truth (emet), and peace (shalom) (Avot 1:18), divided into twenty-four chapters, each a discourse on the pillar, excepting the last, which is a succinct summary of the preceding homilies. The discourses are ethical in nature, intended not for novellae or interpretation, but for reproof, of which the generation is in need. Luntshits is no respecter of position, noting, for example, in the section on avodah, that many preachers are unfit for their position, their words inconsistent with their hearts, so that people quickly come to distrust them. In the section on shalom, Luntshits notes that those who teach humility are often arrogant and contemptuous of those less learned than them, and in emet that the person free of flattery and deceit is often seen as a simpleton. He also attacks the practice of appointing judges to rabbinic courts because of their connection to prominent members of the community rather than due to their appropriateness for the position. He emphasizes the acceptance and practice of true Torah values as the solution to these and other problems highlighted in Ammudei Shesh.19 Ammudei Shesh has been reprinted several times, beginning with a Leiden (1772) edition. 6

Song of Songs 6

Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth “awesome as an army with banners” (Song of Songs 6:4, 10). R. Isaac ben Samuel Onkeneira; Constantinople, 1577, Joseph ben Isaac Jabez (40: [4] 36 ff.). A poem with riddles and stories. R. Isaac ben Samuel Onkeneira (mid-16th century), from a Salonika family, was a talmudist, poet, and polemicist. He was employed by Don Joseph Nasi as a meturgemam (“translator”), and he was director of his yeshivah and synagogue at the palace in Belvedere. Onkeneira published a number of manuscripts from Nasi’s library, and he translated and edited the latter’s work, Ben Porat Yosef, from Portuguese into Hebrew. The title, Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth, “awesome as an army with banners” (Song of Songs 6:4 and 10), is interpreted in Exodus Rabbah (15:6); Numbers Rabbah (2:5); Song of Songs Rabbah (6:25), and Midrash Tanhuma (Numbers 12) as fulsome 19 Israel Bettan, Studies in Jewish Preaching (1939, reprint Lanham, MD, 1987), pp. 280ff.; Jacob Elbaum, Openness and Insularity. Late Sixteenth Century Jewish Literature in Poland and Ashkenaz (Jerusalem, 1990), pp. 104–05 [Hebrew]; Kaplan, Panorama, p. 82 n. 136; Otto Muneles, Bibliographical Survey of Jewish Prague: The Jewish State Museum of Prague (Prague, 1952), pp. 37–38 n. 103; Zunz, Geschichte und Literatur, p. 292 n. 177.

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figure 5.12

praise for the children of Israel. It is dated Wednesday, Rosh Hodesh Iyyar, in the year “[And Moses called Bezalel and Oholiab, and every wise-hearted man, in whose heart the Lord had put wisdom, every one whose heart stirred him up] to come ‫( לקרבה‬377 = April 28, 1577) to the work [to do it]” (Exodus 36:2) “[Like the dew of Hermon descending upon the mountains of Zion;] for there the Lord has commanded the blessing, [life for evermore]” (Psalms 133:3). Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth is a versified riddle containing tales of the war between letters of the alphabet at the time of creation. The book has much ethical content and social content, as can be seen from the following entries, which discuss family and charity: A man is tempted to appreciate his pedigree when everyone rushes to marry him. They offer their daughters with a rich dowry to his sons and take his daughters for nothing and rise in his presence. All of which may make him arrogant…. He thus dishonors his ancestors who earned his family their reputation.

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He who shuts his eyes to the poor and does not give charity will eventually be caught by the magistrate, officer and governor of the town, … so that if he does not pay his ransom to the Jewish poor he will give it to the authorities. Among the contents of Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth are fragments of an otherwise unknown Midrash, Mei ha-Shiloʾah. All references to this Midrash are, according to Saul Kook, derived from Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth. Kook not only surmises that Onkeneira wrote Mei ha-Shiloʾah, perhaps using an earlier unknown work, Paneʾah Raza, but also that Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth is a work that can be attributed to Abraham ibn Ezra. Onkeneira also wrote a commentary entitled Zafenat Pa⁠ʾneʾah to the Sefer Reʾumah (Constantinople, 1566) attributed to R. Nahshon bar Zadok, Gaon of Sura. In Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth, Onkeneira makes frequent reference to his Sefer Anak, a commentary on the Bible, and to a work on the Jews of Spain, but neither work is extant. Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth was printed with Ben Porat Yosef, which is discussed below.20 13 Ginnat Egoz “I went down into the garden of nuts (ginnat egoz) to see the fruits of the valley, and to see if the vine had blossomed, to see if the pomegranates were in bloom” (Song of Songs 6:11). R. Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla; Hanau, 1615, Eliezer ben Hayyim and Elijah Zulkiman Ulma (20: 75 ff.). Kabbalistic work on the gematriot, related subjects, and the names of God by R. Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla (1248–c. 1325). Gikatilla, the foremost student of the noted kabbalist R. Abraham Abulafia, was born in Medinaceli, Castile, and resided in Segovia. Although initially a student of philosophy and the author of a commentary on Maimonides’s Moreh Nevukhim (Venice, 1574), he later rejected that field of study to become an adherent of theosophic (philosophic-mystical) Kabbalah. A person of great piety and credited with miraculous deeds, Gikatilla was known as ba⁠ʾal ha-nissim (“master of miracles”). His most famous work is Sha⁠ʾarei Orah (Mantua and Riva di Trento, 1561), which is considered one of the fundamental works of Kabbalah.

20 Joseph Hacker, “The Sephardim in the Ottoman Empire,” in The Sephardi Legacy II, ed. Haim Beinart (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 127, 129; Saul Kook, Iyyunim u-Mehkarim II (Jerusalem, 1963), I, pp. 247–49; Cecil Roth, The Duke of Naxos of the House of Nasi (Philadelphia, 1948), pp. 180–81; and Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople (Jerusalem, 1967), p. 127, n. 192 [Hebrew].

Entitling Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs)

figure 5.13a

figure 5.13B

figure 5.13C

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The title is from “I went down into the garden of nuts (ginnat egoz) to see the fruits of the valley, and to see if the vine had blossomed, to see if the pomegranates were in bloom” (Song of Songs 6:11), alluding to the book’s contents, ginnat standing for ‫ ג‬gematria, ‫ נ‬notarikon, and ‫ ת‬temurah, and egoz for that which is concealed, for “The secret things belong to the Lord our God; but those things which are revealed belong to us and to our children” (Deuteronomy 29:28). The title page has an elaborate frame like that used with the quarto Nishmat Adam), but varying from it in several details, in addition to added decorative material at the bottom of the page. The text is primarily in black, the title and several lines in red. It states that the contents are in the manner of nistar (“concealed”) and niglah (“revealed”). The colophon dates completion of the work to Wednesday, erev Rosh HaShanah ‫( טוב משיח‬375 = September 23, 1615). The approbations are from R. Isaiah Horowitz (Shelah), R. Jacob ben Asher Aaron, and R. Moses Bachrach. Next is the introduction and the text, which are in two columns in rabbinic type. The volume concludes with the epilogue of the editor, R. Eliakim ben Moses Simeon. Ginnat Egoz is divided into three parts, each subdivided into sheʾarim. There are two diagrams, one dealing with the movement of gilgulim, the other with mystical combinations of letters. The contents include sections on the number seven (37a–40a), that is, the Heikhalot, stars Lekhet, the soul, candles of the menorah, days of the festival, seven lands, heavens, levels of Gehinnom, and the number called up on Shabbat; and a section (42a–44a) entitled “The Order of the World according to the Order of the Twenty-Two Letters” comprising alphabetic listings on years, the soul, Israel, holy vessels, and moʾadim. Gershom Scholem suggests that Ginnat Egoz, based on Gikatilla’s description of the relationship between the nefesh and body (golem), and the body’s ability, with the vital spirit that dwells in it, to move back and forth, reflects the influence of German Hasidism. Ginnat Egoz, an important and influential kabbalistic work, has been republished several times (Zolkiew, 1777, and Mohilev, 1798), and abridged as Ma⁠ʾayan Gannim by R. Eliakim ben Abraham of London (Berlin, [1803]).21 7

Song of Songs 7

Dovev Siftei Yeshenim “And the roof of your mouth like the best wine for my beloved, that goes down sweetly, causing the sleepers’ lips to murmur

21 Margalioth, Encyclopedia, III col. 758–59; Gershom Scholem, On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism (New York, 1965), p. 192 n. 1.

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(dovev siftei yeshenim)” (Song of Songs 7:10). R. Moses de Segovia Benveniste, R. Joseph Benveniste, R. Moses Algazi; Izmir, 1671, Abraham ben Jedidiah Gabbai (40: 20, 128 ff.). Three independent works by deceased related rabbis brought to press by R. Nissim Solomon Algazi. The title, appropriately, is from “And the roof of your mouth like the best wine for my beloved, that goes down sweetly, causing the sleepers’ lips to murmur (dovev siftei yeshenim)” (Song of Songs 7:10), that phrase being understood to mean that by referencing someone causes their lips to move in the grave (ref. BT Yevamot 97a, Sanhedrin 90b, and Bekhorot 31b). The title page describes the contents as: What was found in a kundris on the subject of kal va-homer and kellalei dyo from the exalted of his generation, R. Moses Benveniste de Segovia and I have made it a kundris by itself, for after I began to print that of the rav, that of his son came from Brusa and it was placed before the words of the father. After that we printed one thousandth of what was found of the writings of his pious son R. Joseph on peshat and discourses. We have also printed the marginalia found from the sage, the pious R. Moses Algazi, ordinances and discourses for his writings were lost and at the end of the book is brought Sefat Emet which he wrote. In the year “And the angel of his presence saved them ‫הושיעם‬ (431 = 1671)” (Isaiah 63:9). The title page is followed by Nissim’s introduction and the text in a single column in rabbinic letters, with the exception of Sefat Emet at the end, which is in two columns in square and rabbinic letters. The book comprises: Novellae on Bava Kamma (1–18 ff.) from R. Moses Benveniste de Segovia on the hermeneutic rules of kal va-homer and kellalei dyo and a vidui from Nissim Solomon (19–20 ff.). Dovev Siftei Yeshenim (1–118 ff.), brief discourses and explanations of biblical verses and aggadah by R. Joseph ben Moses Benveniste de Segovia. His primary teacher was R. Elisha Gallico, but he also studied under R. Isaac Luria (ha-Ari) and R. Samuel de Uceda. A prolific writer, this is the only one of his works that is extant. Much of what he heard from the Ari is included here. A responsum (119–24 ff.) from R. Nissim Solomon Algazi. 1671, Dovev Siftei Yeshenim, Moses Benveniste, Joseph Benveniste, Moses Algazi, Izmir.

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figure 5.14

Sefat Emet (125–28 ff.) from R. Moses ben Abraham Algazi, on the etymology of Hebrew words beginning with the letters shin and sin. Siftei Yeshenim “causing the sleepers’ lips (siftei yeshenim) to murmur” (Song of Songs 7:10). R. Shabbetai ben Joseph Bass; Amsterdam, 1680, David Tartas (40: 20 ff. 92 pp. 93–108 ff.) The first bibliography of Hebrew books by a Jewish author (Shabbetai ben Joseph Bass, 1641–1718). The title page describes Siftei Yeshenim as being: Before young and old, “wise and understanding men” (Deuteronomy 1:13), leaders and geonim. Desired and yearned for, struggled, exerted, and collected, by the honorable and exalted, in song, praise, and acclaim, R. Shabbetai Meshorer Bass of Prague, brother of the pious kabbalist, wonder of his generation, as the sun shines its light and glory, its radiance

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and splendor, R. Jacob Strimmers…. One thing only he asks and requests, from every person who knocks on the door of this book, he should first read the introduction in its entirety, and see the benefits of this book precious over every precious stone. In the year, “Let your hand help me ‫( לעזרני ידך תהי‬440 = 1680)” (Psalms 119:173). Bass’s brother, R. Jacob Strimmers, a kabbalist of renown, is mentioned on the title page, an indication of how fleeting is fame, for today it is Bass who is better known and renowned. The verso of the title page has a brief preface from Bass, which is followed by approbations signed by twelve prominent rabbis; verse by Bass in praise of the authors cited in the book; and a lengthy introduction from Bass in which he explains the methodology employed in his bibliography and enumerates ten benefits of the work (4a–7b); prayers; the order of learning in the Sephardic community; laudatory verse from R. Solomon de Oliveyra, R. Solomon ben Jacob Leon, and R. Samuel Sarphati (9b–10a); and a list of abbreviations. In the introduction, Bass notes that R. Isaiah ha-Levi Horowitz (Shelah) remarked that for the untutored there was great merit in just reciting the names of books, for which purpose Siftei Yeshenim is a useful tool. For that reason, the text is in square rather than Rashi letters, to make it more easily accessible to readers. Siftei Yeshenim is so entitled because the two lips (sifatayim) are called doors, and Bass describes the pages of the book as portals and the ten benefits are called keys. It is also an allusion to his name, for as the letters pe and bet have a similar sound, siftei ‫ שפתי‬and Shabbetai ‫שבתי‬ are two words that have similar pronunciations. Siftei Yeshenim comprises subject indexes of the written (10b–15a) and oral (15b–20b) Torah, and the text, in two columns, of the listing of books. Entries, in two columns in square letters, are by title and include author name, a succinct description, place and date of publication, format, and, for manuscripts, location. Approximately 2,200 books are listed, made up of about 1,100 printed and 825 manuscripts. The text, concluding on 93a, is followed by Sha⁠ʾar Bat Rabbim (93b–106a), an alphabetical author listing in three columns in rabbinic letters, Ashkenazic authors by last name, Sephardic and Italian by first names, ending with a chronological list of tana⁠ʾim through geonim. There is an apologia from Bass (106b) and finally Sha⁠ʾar ha-Hitzon (107a–108b), in three columns in square letters, listing about 150 titles by non-Jewish authors.22 22 S. M. Chones, Toledot ha-Posekim (Warsaw, 1910, reprint Israel, n.d.), pp. 586–90; Hersh Goldwurm, ed. The Early Acharonim (Brooklyn, 1989), pp. 167–69; Margalioth, Encyclopedia IV, cols. 1241–48; Hayyim Tchernowitz, Toledot ha-Posekim, III (New York, 1947), pp. 146–58 [Hebrew].

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figure 5.15

8

Song of Songs 8

Asis Rimmonim “sweet juice of the pomegranate” (cf. Song of Songs 8:2). R. Samuel Gallico; Venice, 1601, Daniel Zanetti (40: 86 ff.). Compendium of R. Moses Cordovero’s (1522–70) Pardes Rimmonim (Salonika, ([1584]) by the kabbalist R. Samuel Gallico (16th–17th century). Gallico, an Italian Jew descended from a family whose antecedents were from France and later were initially resident in Rome, was a student of Cordovero. Another of Gallico’s teachers was R. Mordecai ben Judah Dato (1525–c. 1600), an important

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Italian kabbalist who is credited with helping to spread the study of Kabbalah in Italy and whose own numerous writings are extant in manuscript. Pardes Rimmonim is a large, comprehensive and systematic exposition of kabbalistic principles. This is the second précis of Pardes Rimmonim, being preceded by R. Menahem Azariah da Fano’s Pelah ha-Rimmon (Venice, 1600). The title page of Asis Rimmonim (“sweet juice of the pomegranate”; cf. Song of Songs 8:2) has the Zanetti architectural frame and describes the book as: An abridgement of the book, the large Pardes, written, prepared, and also investigated by the godly kabbalist R. Moses Cordovero. It is divided into thirty-two sheʾarim corresponding to the paths of wisdom. It continues that Asis Rimmonim was brought to press by R. Jehiel Luria Ashkenazi and edited by R. Isaac Gershon. The title page is undated; the

figure 5.16a

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figure 5.16B

colophon, however, dates completion of the work to Sunday, 6 Nissan “And my servant David shall be their prince ‫( נשיא‬361 = April 8, 1601) forever” (Ezekiel 37:25). The verso of the title page has brief verse in praise of the book followed by the introduction and then the text, which comprised thirty-two chapters set in a single column in rabbinic type with annotations by Dato. The text is accompanied by several illustrations, among them a full-page diagram of the tree of life and an image of the menorah. Asis Rimmonim has been reprinted several times, beginning with a Mantua edition (1623, 40: 67 ff.). That edition, dated “And the nations shall come to your light ‫( והלכו גוים לאורך‬383 = 1623)” (Isaiah 60:3), was edited by da Fano, who corrected the errors found in faulty manuscripts.23 23

Meir Benayahu, “Zanetti Press,” Asufot XII (2000), pp. 28, 99, 101 [Hebrew]; idem, “Isaac Gershon,” Asufot XIII (2001), p. 81 [Hebrew].

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figure 5.17

Yayin ha-Rekah “I would give you to drink of spiced wine (yayin ha-rekah) of the juice of my pomegranate” (Song of Songs 8:2). Lublin, 1608, Zevi ben Abraham Kalonymous Jaffe (40: [29] ff.). Kabbalistic commentary on Song of Songs and Ruth by R. Eleazar ben Judah of Worms (c. 1165–c. 1238). One of the foremost Hasidei Ashkenaz and a member of the Kalonymous family, Eleazar is best known for his Sefer ha-Rokeʾah (da Fano, 1505), a halakhic work with minhagim (customs) and ethical material. He was a scholar and a kabbalist, qualities reflected in many of his books, including Yayin ha-Rekah. The title is from “I would give you to drink of spiced wine (yayin ha-rekah) of the juice of my pomegranate” (Song of Songs 8:2). The title page says:

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Say take the book, the tale of the book of the spiced wine of the juice (masis yayin ha-rekah) written by the gaon. Beginning of the work was on Friday, five days from Rosh Hodesh Adar, 368 (February 22, 1608). On the verso of the title page is the introduction of the editor, R. David Tebele ben Ezekiel Trappa of Cracow. He praises Eleazar, noting that this book deals with esoteric interpretations, gematriot, letter substitution, initial letters, all “set upon sockets of fine gold” (cf. Song of Songs 5:15), “uncovering deep things from darkness” (Job 12:22). He informs the reader that R. Samuel Zanvil ben Israel transcribed the manuscript. David Tebele corrected and annotated the text, his glosses indicated with (). The text follows in a single column in rabbinic letters. Hida notes that R. Hayyim ha-Kohen (Seforim yod 27) references Yayin haRekah in his Migdal David. Eleazar wrote, in addition to the Sefer ha-Rokeʾah, more than fifty other books, among them piyyutim (liturgical poetry), commentaries on the Torah and on the Haggadah, and other works still in manuscript. The verse we are concerned with is “Your neck is like the tower of David built with turrets, on which hang one thousand bucklers, all of them shields of mighty men” (Song of Songs 4:4).24 In that one verse, four book titles are evident: Migdal David (The Tower of David), Talpiot (Turrets), Elef ha-Magen (One Thousand Bucklers), and Shiltei ha-Gibborim (Shields of Mighty Men). The sources used to identify books sharing these titles are Ch. B. Friedberg’s Bet Eked Sefarim, which records Hebrew titles printed with Hebrew letters from 1474 through 1950; Yeshayahu Vinograd’s Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, covering the period 1469 through 1863; the Bibliographical Project of the Jewish National and University Library, Bibliography of the Hebrew Book, 1473–1960; and HebrewBooks.org, the latter a cornucopia of Hebrew books. In this article, I have described seventeen varied books entitled with verses from Song of Songs and I have noted several others in the addenda. Several of those titles are from the same verse, exemplars using either the same title or different parts of the verse. In addition to the editions described here, most

24

That our verse is not an isolated use of Song of Songs for titles can be seen from the preceding and following verses. The preceding verse is “Your lips are like a thread of scarlet (hut ha-shani), and your mouth is comely; your cheeks are like a piece of a pomegranate (pelah ha-rimmon) behind your veil” (4:3), and the following verse “Your two breasts are like two fawns (shenei ofarim), twins of a gazelle (teʾomei zeviyyah), that feed among the lilies (ha-roʾim ba-shoshanim)” (4:5), these last being titles of books by R. Zevi Hirsch Broda (d. c. 1820).

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of these works have been reprinted, only those republished in our time frame being noted here. What, accounts, given the wide variety of books entitled with verses from Song of Songs, for its being such a popular source for book titles? Perhaps it is the emotive nature of Song of Songs, expressed at the very beginning of that work: Let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth; for your love is better than wine. Song of Songs 1:2

9

Additional Hebrew Books from Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs)

Nekuddot ha-Kesef “We will make you ornaments of gold studded with silver (nekuddot ha-kesef )” (Song of Songs 1:11). R. Abraham ben Isaac Laniado; Venice, 1619 Pietro and Lorenzo Bragadin (40: 70 ff.). Commentary on the Song of Songs with a translation into Ladino by R. Abraham ben Isaac Laniado (d. after 1619) of Aleppo. Nekuddot ha-Kesef “We will make you ornaments of gold studded with silver (nekuddot ha-kesef )” (Song of Songs 1:11). R. Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen; Frankfurt on the Oder, 1677, Johann Christoph Beckman (40: 45, 47–83, [2] ff.). Critical glosses on the Turei Zahav of R. David ha-Levi (Taz, 1646) by R. Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen (Shakh, 1621–1662). Appiryon Shelomo “King Solomon made himself a palanquin (appiryon) from the wood of Lebanon” (Song of Songs 3:9). R. Abraham Sasson; Venice, 1608, Zanetti (160: 32 ff.). Kabbalistic work by R. Abraham Sasson on the coming of the Messiah and the final redemption. Pelah ha-Rimmon “Your cheeks are like a piece of a pomegranate ([ke-]pelah ha-rimmon)” (cf. Song of Songs 4:3, 6:7). R. Menahem Azariah da Fano. Venice, 1600, Daniel Zanetti (80: 80 ff.). Condensation of R. Moses Cordovero’s (1522– 70) Pardes Rimmonim (Salonika ([1584]) by R. Menahem Azariah da Fano, that work being a large, comprehensive and systematic exposition of kabbalistic principles as well as a synthesis between the major lines of Spanish Kabbalah, based on the Zohar, and elements of ecstatic Kabbalah, integrated for the first time in the work of a major Spanish kabbalist.

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Rosh Amanah: A play on “[Look from the] peak of Amanah (rosh Amanah)” (Song of Songs 4:8) to mean the principles of faith. Don Isaac ben Judah Abrabanel. Venice, Marco Antonio Giustiniani (40: 34 ff.). On the principles of faith by Don Isaac ben Judah Abrabanel (1437–1508). Mehararei Neneirim: “from the mountains of the leopards” (Song of Songs 4:8). R. Abraham ben Don Solomon Akra; Venice, 1599, Daniel Zanetti (40: 18, 56, 6 ff.). On Talmudic methodology and novellae, edited by R. Abraham ben Don Solomon Akra.

part 2 Makers and Places of Hebrew Books

∵

Comprised of eleven articles, Makers and Places of Hebrew Books is the largest section of the articles comprising this book. Its articles are concerned with authors and places of publication, mostly unrelated, disparate, and yet united in describing places of publication, mostly small, barely remembered today, as well as the works of distinctive authors and their books, and all are indicative of the variation and richness of the Hebrew book tradition. Places of printing represented in this section vary from Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme in the suburbs of Kushta (Constantinople, Istanbul) in Turkey; Offenbach, and Hamburg in Germany; Chieri and Verona in Italy; to Slavuta in the Ukraine. These printing places, certainly diverse, also have unique histories or questions related to the books printed or the identity of the printers. In each case the background, history of the presses, and the books they published are discussed, several highlighting particular editions or conditions facing the presses. The presses in Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme (Kushta) belonged to Doña Reyna, a remarkable noble woman, scion of an aristocratic Sephardic family, and wife of Don Joseph Nasi, an advisor to the Ottoman Emperor Sultan Selim. Operating under fiscal restraints, the books Doña Reyna published were issued in small press runs, and include an edition of tractate Ketubbot sold in subscription format. Another relatively small press was in Offenbach, a suburb of Frankfurt on the Main, where the subject publisher was Israel ben Moses ben Abraham Halle, was active, although not continuously, from 1718/19 to c. 1738/43. Its imprints include an enigmatic, rare and unusual edition of a tractate of the Talmud, Sukkah, published in 1722, regularly attributed to presses in Berlin or Frankfurt on the Oder, but here shown, conclusively, to have been printed in the subject location. Another barely remembered press, in Chieri in the Piedmont region in northwestern Italy, was primarily a vanity press belonging to Joseph ben Gershon Concio of Asti, active briefly from 1626 through 1632. In contrast, the press in Slavuta, important and well known, would issue several editions of the Talmud and other distinguished works. The identity of the printer is unclear, the subject of some speculation. The article offers a suggestion as to whom the owner of the press might have been. Makers of Hebrew books, as the section heading indicates, also describes authors and their works, emphasizing their outstanding titles and what makes them particularly noteworthy. Among the authors whose works are described is R. Josiah ben Joseph Pinto (Rif, 1565–1648), considered to have been one of the preeminent rabbis of Damascus. Among his books described is Kesef Nivhar (“The tongue of the just is like choice silver (kesef nivhar); the heart of

part 2

the wicked is little worth” (Proverbs 10:20), homilies on the weekly parashah (weekly Torah reading). It is the only Hebrew book to have been published in Damascus. That work was republished in Venice, as were Pinto’s other books, also described in the article. Other authors include R. Samuel ben Abraham Laniado of Aram Zova (Aleppo, Haleb). Apart from his noteworthy books, Keli Hemdah, Keli Yekar, and Keli Paz, all so named because of a miraculous story concerning his return to Aram Zova from Safed to assume a rabbinic position, are recounted in the article. R. Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia was a multi-faceted person, a philologist, physician, rabbi, and an alchemist. Among Mussafia’s works described are Zekher Rav, a versified philological work praising creation, written in memory of his wife Sarah; Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ ex Bibliis, a medical treatise comprised of approximately 800 sentences on medical topics; Mezahab epistola on alchemy, and his most important work, Musaf he-Arukh, a supplement to the Arukh of R. Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome (he-Arukh, 1035–c. 1110). The works of two other authors need be noted. The first is Sur me-Ra, by R. Leone (Judah Aryeh) Modena, the most renowned of Renaissance Italian rabbis. Sur me-Ra popular is a much reprinted work, translated into several languages. That work is a treatise against gambling, presented as a dialogue between two friends, protagonists, Eldad and Medad, the former opposed to games of chance, the other a proponent of such games. The other author is R. Nathan Nata ben Moses Hannover. While his several works are noted, including his Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah which was never published in its entirety, his better known works are discussed in some detail, namely Yeven Mezulah, Hannover’s detailed chronicle of the horrific experiences of Polish Jewry during the Chmielnicki massacres of 1648–49 (tah ve-tat), the classic work on the tragedy; Safah Berurah, a popular four-language (Hebrew-German-Latin-Italian) glossary for conversation and a guidebook for travelers; and his popular Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon, Lurianic kabbalistic prayers, particularly for Tikkun Hazot (midnight prayers). Here too, the places of publication and the authors with their many diverse works provide a wide-ranging picture of the Jewish book world through the makers (authors) of Hebrew books and the publishers (places of publication) that issued them.

chapter 6

Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme: Sephardic Printing in Late-Sixteenth-Century Constantinople

figure 6.1 19th-century view of the Bosphorus from Kuruçeşme (just North of Ortaköy). Today’s Ortaköy is in İstabul’s Beşiktaş district

figure 6.2 Neighborhood where the Nasi’s Belvedere Mansion (from the Italian “fair view”) must have been located © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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Hebrew printing in Constantinople (Hebrew, Kushta; modern-day Istanbul) has a long and proud history. The first press there, indeed, the first press in any language in the Ottoman Empire, was founded by David and Samuel ibn Nahmias, refugee brothers from Portugal. The first title printed was R. Jacob ben Asher’s Arba⁠ʾah Turim (1493), followed by a Torah, Haftarot, Hamesh Megillot with commentaries, and Megillat Antiochus more than a decade later in 1505.1 As many as 320 Hebrew titles were published in Constantinople in the sixteenth century.2 The press of Doña Reyna (d. c. 1599), the daughter of the famous Doña Gracia (Beatrice de Luna, c. 1510–1569) and the wife of Don Joseph Nasi (c. 1524–79), Duke of Naxos, the last to operate there in the sixteenth century, is the subject of this article.3 With the death of Solomon Jabez in 1593, Constantinople was left without a Hebrew press. The void was filled by a remarkable woman, Doña Reyna, scion of an important and wealthy Sephardic family that had been living as Crypto-Jews first in Lisbon and afterwards in Antwerp. When the hand of the beautiful Doña Reyna was solicited for a Christian noble by Queen Mary of Hungary, Regent of the Netherlands, and the sister of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, her mother, Doña Gracia, reputedly responded that she would rather see her daughter dead. As a result, the family fled to Constantinople in approximately 1544. Indeed, Doña Gracia was imprisoned in Venice for Judaizing, and was only released after the Turkish Sultan intervened on her behalf.4 In Constantinople, Doña Reyna openly returned to Judaism and married her cousin Don Joseph Nasi, who was influential at the court of Sultan Selim, the Ottoman Emperor. Don Joseph’s influence waned rapidly under Selim’s successor, Murad, who became Sultan in 1574. Murad confiscated most of Don Joseph’s estate after the latter’s death, leaving Doña Reyna with only her dowry of 90,000 golden ducats. Cecil Roth suggests that Doña Reyna was “not by any means in reduced circumstances,” as she had presumably inherited her mother’s vast fortune.5 1 Concerning the dispute over the date of the Turim and its resolution, see A. K. Offenberg, “The First Printed Book Produced at Constantinople,” Studia Rosenthaliana III (1969, reprinted in A Choice of Corals: Facets of Fifteenth-Century Hebrew Printing, Nieuwkoop, 1992), pp. 102–32. 2 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863, vol. 2 (Jerusalem, 1993–95), pp. 602–10 [Hebrew]. 3 The original version of this article was published in Sephardic Horizons 9, no. 1–2 (2019). 4 Concerning Doña Reyna and Don Joseph Nasi, see Cecil Roth, The House of Nasi: The Duke of Naxos (Philadelphia, 1948). For Doña Gracia, see idem, Doña Gracia of the House of Nasi (Philadelphia, 1947). 5 Roth, The House of Nasi, p. 217.

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Doña Reyna occupied herself with charitable works; she supported a yeshiva and scribes who transcribed Hebrew books. She established her own press at her residence, the Palace of Belvedere on the eastern shore of the Bosporus, in 1592. After a hiatus in the press’s operations from c. 1595 to 1597, it was relocated to Kuru Tsheshme on the European side of the Bosporus. Doña Reyna’s intent in opening the press was certainly not to engage in business and make a profit, but rather to support Jewish scholars in Turkey and Eretz Israel. With these efforts, she followed in the footsteps of her mother and her husband, who had assisted many scholars with printing their books at the Jabez press.6 Doña Reyna appointed R. Joseph ben Isaac Ashkeloni to manage the press. Approximately seven titles were published in Belvedere and ten in Kuru Tsheshme, the number varies somewhat according to different sources, until 1599, when the press ceased publishing, possibly due to Doña Reyna’s death. This article briefly describes the works printed in Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme, and highlights several examples in greater detail. 1

Books Printed at Belvedere

The books printed at Belvedere are relatively small, their title pages unadorned, their text relatively concise. The first works are Yafik Razon, R. Isaac Jabez’s commentary on the Haftarot, completed on 13 Tamuz 353 (July 13, 1593) and Torat Hesed on Hagiographa. The books that followed between 1593 and 1595 are undated and consist of Libro Intitolado Yichus ha-Zaddikim, a guidebook to Eretz Israel and the press’s only Ladino title; Sefer Gal shel Egozim, derashot by R. Menahem ben Moses Egozi on the Book of Genesis; Siddur Tefilot he-Hadesh, a prayer book with the commentary Zevah Elokim by R. Meir ben Abraham Angel of Belgrade; Keshet Nehushah, Angel’s ethical work in rhymed prose; and Torat Moshe on Genesis, the first part of R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh’s (Alshekh ha-Kodesh, d. c. 1593) Torah commentary. Yafik Razon and Torat Ḥesed are both rather small works by R. Isaac Jabez, son of the Constantinople printer Solomon Jabez. The title page describes Yafik Razon, a quarto (40: [2], 57, [1] ff.), as “a commentary on the haftaroth according to the custom of the Sephardim and the Ashkenazim; it is a portion of Torat Hesed written by the young Isaac Jabez.” Torat Ḥesed, in contrast, is a folio (20: 40, 60 ff.) on Hagiographa, and comprises ten sections on Ketuvim, 6 A. M. Habermann, The History of the Hebrew Book: From Marks to Letters; From Scroll to Book (Jerusalem, 1968), p. 125 [Hebrew]; Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople (Jerusalem, 1967), p. 32 [Hebrew].

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figure 6.3 Torat Hesed by R. Isaac Jabez Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

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figure 6.4 Torat Hesed by R. Isaac Jabez Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

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Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Song of Songs, Ecclesiasticus, Ahashverot, Daniel, Ezra, and Nehemiah. The title page proceeds to give Jabez’s genealogy “I am the young Isaac Jabez, son of the complete sage, the illustrious R. Solomon Jabez, son of the complete sage R. Isaac Jabez, son of the pious sage R. Joseph Jabez, son of the complete sage R. Hayyim Jabez” followed by information about the press. In the introduction, the author notes the limited size of the press runs; Yafik Razon was issued in 300 copies, Torat Hesed, a larger work, was issued in only 200 copies. The text follows printed in two columns in rabbinic type (Rashi). R. Isaac Jabez also wrote Ḥasdei Avot (Constantinople, 1583) on Avot. The second Belvedere title, Libro Intitolado Yichus ha-Zaddikim, the press’s sole Ladino title, is very rare, extant only in a four-page octavo (80) pamphlet in a New York library and in two folios in the Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library. The catalogue entry of the latter notes that no known complete copy exists. Despite the limited number of surviving leaves found in libraries today, Joseph Hacker suggests that the work had indeed been printed in its entirety.7 Sefer Gal shel Egozim by R. Menahem ben Moses Egozi (?–1571), a sixteenthcentury Talmudist, rabbi, preacher, and poet in Constantinople is a small folio in format (20: 53 (should say 61), [1] ff.). This work, described in greater detail below, comprises discourses on Genesis. This and his other work allude to his name in the title. The title page describes it as being in the original and in English translation: Written by ha-Rav (our teacher the honorable Rav and Rabbi) Menahem Egozi (May he be remembered for life everlasting), son of the noble, he is in Israel splendor of the aged and “the glory of the old” (Proverbs 20:29), he is the wise and excellent venerable R. Moses Egozi (May he be remembered for life everlasting). Printed in the house of the royal lady, a woman of valor (Proverbs 31:10), Reyna Nasi, widow of the Duke, prince and noble in Israel, Don Joseph Nasi (May he be remembered for life everlasting) in her house here in

7 Joseph Hacker, “Constantinople Prints in the Sixteenth Century,” Aresheth V (1972), pp. 457– 93, here p. 492 n. 229 [Hebrew]; Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople, pp. 229–31 no. 229; Isaac Yudlov, Ginzei Yisrael: The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 236 no. 1547 [Hebrew with English appendix].

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figure 6.5 Sefer Gal shel Egozim by R. Menahem ben Moses Egozi Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

Belvedere near the great city of Constantinople, which is in the domain of our lord the king, the great and mighty Sultan, Murad (May his majesty be exalted). By the young and unworthy Joseph son of (my lord and father) R. Isaac Ashkeloni (May his soul be in paradise). From the phrase after Egozi’s name, “May he be remembered for life everlasting,” it is clear that Gal shel Egozim was published posthumously. The title page is followed by verse written by the author in praise of the work, introductory remarks, and, from [4a] onward, the text. The text is printed in two columns in rabbinic (Rashi) type, except for the headings, which are in square letters. It is accompanied by glosses placed as inserts to the text. In the introduction, Egozi explains the title, writing that in order to speak that which is in his heart he has called this small work Gal shel Egozim, a parable for a pile of stones: For every man who wishes to place a pile of large stones, hewn stones, limestone, scattered and gravel, in its completeness, so I stood and went down to the garden of nuts (egozi) in Gan Eden, our holy Torah and the

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words of our rabbis, and gleaned after the gleaners (Ta⁠ʾanit 6b, B. M. 21b), nuts large and small. The following text, from Rashi quoting Avot de-Rabbi Nathan ch. 18, is the source of this parable: R. Tarfon was like a pile of nuts gal shel egozin (Gittin 67a), that is, just as one takes from a pile of nuts the remainder fall one on top of the other, so R. Tarfon, when a student came with an inquiry, he responded with proofs from Scripture, Midrash, Mishnah, halakhah, and aggadah, all together. This is the sole printing of Gal shel Egozim. Egozi was also the author of Ginnat Egoz, a collection of his correspondence and poetry, which is extant in manuscript; a responsum in the Teshuvot of R. Elijah ibn Hayyim (Constantinople, c. 1603–17); and verse at the end of Sheʾilot uʾTeshuvot ha-Geonim in praise of that work (Constantinople, 1578). Two Belvedere titles were written by R. Meir ben Abraham Angel of Belgrade (c. 1564–c. 1647), a renowned preacher and rabbi. Angel was born in Sofia or Salonika but relocated at a young age with his family to Safed, where he studied under R. Samuel ben Isaac Uceda, R. Eleazar Ascari, and R. Hayyim Vital. Angel later returned to Sofia, where he served as rabbi, and afterwards was rabbi in several other communities, among them Belgrade. Angel traveled through Poland, Greece, and Italy, finally returning to Safed, where he died. Angel’s Belvedere titles are Siddur Tefilot he-Hadesh, a prayer book with the commentary Zevah Elokim (120: 83+ ff.) and Keshet Nehushah (40: 16 ff.). The title page of the siddur provides basic information about the book and author, and then informs the reader that “when the named author saw the great miracle done in the days of Mattathias ben Johanan, he took it to heart to write me kamocha for Hanukkah with great care in the style of alpha beta.” The text follows, in a single column with square vocalized letters, accompanied by the commentary Zevah Elokim in rabbinic type (Rashi). That name is from “The sacrifices of God (zevah elokim) are a broken spirit; a broken and contrite heart, O God, you will not despise” (Psalms 51:19). Siddur Tefilot he-Hadesh includes weekday, Sabbath, Rosh Hodesh, and festival services, as well as prayers for Hanukkah and Purim.8 Keshet Nehushah (c. 1593, 40, 16 f.), according to the title page, is written in clear language and holy sweetness. It is an ethical work in which the inclination 8 Roth, The Duke of Naxos, pp. 218–19; Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople, pp. 142–43 nos. 230, 233.

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figure 6.6 Zevah Elokim by R. Meir ben Abraham Angel Jewish Theological Seminary

to do wickedness or to transgress is personified,9 resulting in moral conflict. The title Keshet Nehushah (A Bow of Bronze) is derived from “He teaches my hands to war; and trains my arms to bend a bow of bronze” (II Samuel 22:35, or similarly Psalms 18:35). The text, verse alternating with rhymed prose, is in a single column comprising square vocalized letters and rabbinic type (Rashi). Angel is better known for his sermons, Masoret ha-Berit (Cracow, 1619), 600 homilies based on the Masorah Magna of the Bible, and Masoret ha-Berit haGadol (Mantua, 1622) on 1,650 such readings. The last Belvedere title is R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh’s popular and much republished Torat Moshe (20: 82, [1]) on the book of Genesis. The complete work on the entire Torah was published by Alshekh’s son Hayyim in Venice in 1601. Alshekh was a member of the rabbinical court of R. Joseph Caro (1488–1575), who conferred upon him the full ordination reintroduced by R. Jacob Berab 9 Marvin J. Heller, The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book, 2 vols. (Leiden, 2011), p. 415.

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(c. 1474–1546). Torat Moshe is similar in format to the commentaries of Don Isaac Abrabanel (1437–1508) and R. Isaac Arama (c. 1420–94) (Akedat Yizhak), in that each section begins with a series of questions followed by detailed answers. The substance of Alshekh’s responses are homiletic, stressing the moral-ethical aspect of the Torah, and are based on Talmudic and Midrashic sources. 2

Books Printed at Kuru Tsheshme

After the three-year hiatus in Doña Reyna’s operations, the press relocated to Kuru Tsheshme. The reason for this move from Belvedere is unknown: perhaps there was an outbreak of plague or a conflagration in Constantinople, or perhaps it was Doña Reyna’s reduced circumstances. Printing began in Kuru Tsheshme with R. Samuel Uceda’s Iggeret Shemuʾel, the first of about ten, primarily small, books printed there. Among the other titles issued by the press are part four of the Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot of R. Joseph ibn Lev (Maharival) (c. 1505– 80); Tozeʾot Hayyim, R. Elijah de Vidas’ (16th century) abridgement of his Reshit Hokhmah; Tappuhei Zahav on the first Book of Psalms by R. Moses Alshekh; Pizei Ohev, a commentary on Job by R. Israel Najara (c. 1555–c. 1625); Minhat Kohen on the Masorah by R. Joseph ben Schneur ha-Kohen; Moshiat El on Hoshanot and Hakofot and Ta⁠ʾam le-Mussaf Takanot Shabbat, both by R. Joseph ben Abraham ha-Kohen; tractate Ketubbot and, according to Ch. B. Friedberg, tractate Pesahim.10 Iggeret Shemuʾel is R. Samuel ben Isaac Uceda’s (Uzedah) (1540-?) commentary on the Book of Ruth. The author, a commentator, preacher, and kabbalist, was born in Safed in the first half of the sixteenth century. The surname Uceda is likely derived from the town of that name in the archbishopric of Toledo. A student of R. Isaac Luria (ha-Ari) (1534–72), R. Hayyim Vital (1542–1620), and R. Elisha Gallico (d. c. 1583), Uceda became a rabbi in Safed, establishing a yeshiva in that city at the age of 40. His students included R. Joseph Benveniste and R. Meir Angel. Iggeret Shemuʾel is a small quarto (40: 84 ff.) book. In contrast to the bare title pages printed in Belvedere, the title page of Iggeret Shemuʾel has a row of florets above the text. It informs the reader that the work is by Uceda and on Ruth, which he had at his right to support and bolster him with the commentary 10 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Italy, Spain-Portugal and Turkey, from its Beginning and Formation about the Year 1470 (Tel Aviv, 1956), p. 147 [Hebrew].

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figure 6.7 Iggeret Shemuʾel by R. Samuel ben Isaac Uceda Library of the Valmadonna Trust

of Rashi. It was printed at the press and with the letters of the Lady [Doña] Reyna. An introduction from Uceda appears on the verso of the title page, which is followed by the text. The Book of Ruth is in the center of the page in square unvocalized letters and is accompanied by the commentaries of Rashi and Uceda. In the introduction, Uceda notes his activities in Safed, where he spread Torah and preached every Shabbat. Those lectures culminated in his commentary on Avot entitled Midrash Shemuʾel. Another work, Lehem Dimah on Lamentations, deals with the destruction of the Temple. Uceda next remarks on his commentary on Ruth. For forty years, he had not once left Safed, but the financial needs of the yeshiva necessitated his traveling to Constantinople to raise funds. There, he found succor for the yeshiva in the philanthropist R. Abraham Algazi (1615–40). At the time that Iggeret Shemuʾel was printed, Uceda was in Constantinople. Uceda titled the work Iggeret Shemuʾel, in accordance with the prophet Samuel, author of Megillat Ruth, who intended that his book be as a letter (iggeret) in the hand of all Israel. The intent of the letter was so that they should know that David was fit to be king. Furthermore, as Uceda remarks, his name is also in this title.

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Iggeret Shemuʾel and Midrash Shemuʾel, which was sufficiently popular to be published three times in this century (Venice, 1579, 1585; Cracow, 1594), are both noteworthy for Uceda’s use of Sephardic sources from his extensive library. Among them are R. Meir Abulafia, R. Moses Alashkar (1466–1542), R. Solomon Alkabez (ca. 1550), R. Isaac Caro, and R. Samuel ibn Sirilyo. Uceda’s books are also a valuable source about the Safed community and the circle of the Ari. Uceda is known to have written commentaries on all five Megillot; however, only the books on Ruth and Lamentations were printed, while his commentary on Esther remains in manuscript. Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot (21 cm. 4, [94] ff.) by R. Joseph ibn Lev (Maharival) (c. 1505–80) is part four of his Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot. The first part, in which ibn Lev acknowledges “the many favors and acts of kindness done for him by Doña Gracia,” was published in Salonika (c. 1558) by Joseph Jabez. The second and third parts were published in Constantinople by Solomon Jabez and Solomon and Joseph Jabez, respectively (c. 1568, 1573). Ibn Lev, a student of R. Joseph Taitazak and a great scholar, is also remembered for his unrelenting defense of the indigent and defenseless, making him enemies among the wealthy. He was appointed to the bet din of Monastir at an early age; however, a dispute forced him to relocate to Salonika in 1534. There, he became involved in a rancorous controversy with R. Solomon ibn Hasson, and afterwards with the tyrannical Baruch of Salonika. Soon after, in 1545, his son David was murdered. Following this, ibn Lev moved to Constantinople in 1550, where he became an instructor in the yeshiva founded by Doña Gracia Nasi. The title page informs the reader that this volume also includes a novella on tractates Kiddushin and Avodah Zara and that it was printed “at the behest of the crowned and excellent lady Reyna, widow of the Duke, Prince and Noble in Israel, Don Joseph Nasi of Blessed Memory.” Both items are set in rabbinic (Rashi) letters. One, perhaps two tractates were published in Kuru Tsheshme including the tractate Ketubbot. The title page of Ketubbot, the tractate known with certainty, has a brief text that begins by noting the numerous commentaries printed with and after the tractate. Among them are those of Rabbenu Asher ben Jehiel (Rosh) (c. 1250–1327) and R. Solomon Luria (Maharshal) (1510–73). Raphael Nathan Nata Rabbinovicz quotes R. Moses ben Mahrasdam in a responsum that the paper and the workers came from Venice. It is Rabbinovicz’s opinion that the presswork is poor, inferior, and blurry. Rabbinovicz, however, did not see the original title page, but relied on a transcript prepared for him by Dr. Friedlander of the British Museum (now the British Library). It is not clear, therefore, whether the copy Rabbinovicz saw only lacked a title page

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figure 6.8 Tractate Ketubbot The British Library

or whether he relied on Dr. Friedlander for a full description of the tractate.11 The reader, however, can look at an amud (page) below (also from the British Library) and see if he/she concurs with Rabbinovicz as to the quality of the presswork. In the colophon, Ashkeloni, who managed the press, explains his intent in publishing the tractate: “From the day that I began to take control of the indomitable press to be of those who benefit the multitude, and in which my soul should be preserved, my spirit and my soul has desired and longed for the good that all desire; that is, to print a few of the tractates that the students generally learn. I began with this tractate to merit those who understand as well as the student.” Despite Ashkeloni’s intent to include the Rosh and Maharshal in the Ketubbot, neither were printed. This may be attributed to financial restraints on publishing the work. Doña Reyna was the sponsor of the press, as mentioned on the title page, yet her finances were not unlimited, especially as Sultan Murad had confiscated most of Don Joseph’s estate in 1579, thus making additional financing necessary. Therefore, as explained in the colophon, the method used by 11 Raphael Nathan Nata Rabbinovicz, Ma⁠ʾamar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions [Hebrew], ed. A. M. Habermann (Jerusalem, 1952), pp. 79–80.

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figure 6.9 Tractate Ketubbot The British Library

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Ashkeloni to finance publication of Ketubbot was one employed previously by the Jabez brothers to defray the considerable cost of their edition of the Talmud (1583–95). This unusual means of financing a Talmud edition was one apparently utilized only in Constantinople. The Talmud was published in sections or pamphlets in return for partial payments and distributed weekly on Shabbat. Subscribers, who paid each week, obligated themselves to acquire all of the sections, that is, the complete edition. The purchasers received sections as they were printed, paying at intervals for what they had received. In the colophon, Ashkeloni continues to explain how he hoped to finance the tractate and the omission of the Rosh and Maharshal, writing that he: thought to easily collect considerable sums, from noble-minded individuals, from Shabbat to Shabbat, the amount to print at regular intervals, the expenses of the press. They would be prepared [for this] as they are concerned with the work, with acquiring paper and additional requirements, so that the desire of HaShem will succeed until its completion. I was unable to print Rabbenu Asher because a handful cannot satisfy a lion and the means were insufficient, and also [the commentary of] R. Solomon Luria is still not available to me. If HaShem will permit and I have the means, I will … print Rabbenu Asher and [the commentary of] R. Solomon Luria. The second tractate attributed to the press in Kuru Tsheshme, Tractate Pesahim, has been questioned, and, indeed, is a matter of dispute among bibliographers. Rabbinovicz assumes that, since Ashkeloni was unable to print the Rosh, he didn’t print any other tractates afterwards. He suggests, however, that “it is also possible that he had previously printed many treatises before [Ketubbot].”12 As noted above, Friedberg includes Pesahim among the titles printed at Kuru Tsheshme. While some disagree, there appears to be evidence confirming that this edition was indeed printed. Israel Mehlman writes that “this tractate, however, was printed, and Raphael Nuta Rabbinovicz offered it for sale, incomplete but with the title page (Listing of Antique Books, Munich, 1886, no. 4661).” Ephraim Deinard also records this edition in Atikot Yehuda, noting that it is a unique folio copy of the tractate and that this is the only extant copy, but without giving its location.13 12 Ibid., p. 80. 13 Concerning the various positions on this edition of Pesahim, see Ephraim Deinard, Atikot Yehuda (Jerusalem, 1915), p. 43 [Hebrew]; Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography, p. 147; Israel Mehlman, “Notes and Additions to A. Yaari’s Hebrew Printing at Constantinople,”

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The only edition of R. Joseph ben Schneur ha-Kohen’s Minhat Kohen, a small duodecimo (120: [84] ff.) work on the Masorah, the correct form of the system of critical notes on the biblical text, was published at Kuru Tsheshme. The text includes tikkun soferim (scribal emendations) arranged alphabetically and followed by parashof (weekly Torah readings). Completion is dated in the colophon to Friday, 14 Tishrei 5358, “Let Israel rejoice in Him who made him, ‫ישמח‬ ‫( ”ישראל בעושיו‬September 16, 1597) (Psalms 149:2). Tozeʾot Hayyim (120: [80] ff.) by R. Elijah de Vidas, a sixteenth-century Safed kabbalist, is often described as an abridgement of de Vidas’ Reshit Hokhmah, a popular ethical work first published in Venice (1579) and reprinted more than fifty times. In contrast to several abridgements of Reshit Hokhmah, Tozeʾot Hayyim was actually written by de Vidas. 3 Conclusion The Hebrew presses in Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme, founded by the noble lady Doña Reyna, were neither long-lived nor, in the end, able to publish many books. Their value and importance have been questioned, and evaluations of the physical quality of the presses’ publications have varied. We have noted Rabbinovicz’s view of Ketubbot as “poor, inferior, and blurry.” Similarly, Cecil Roth, who praises Joseph Nasi’s patronage of Hebrew printing in Constantinople, is much less favorable, indeed quite negative, concerning the presses in Belvedere and Kuru Tsheshme. Roth writes that “Asceloni had a penchant for trivialities, and advised his patroness badly,” and criticizes both the quality of the titles printed in Belvedere, including among his examples Alshekh’s Torat Moshe, a work for which the National and University Library of Israel catalogue has more than fifty entries.14 Doña Reyna’s press did operate under financial restraints. It is clear from the limited size of press runs that the press was operated with limited means. For example, Isaac Jabez’s Torat Hesed was issued with 200 copies and Ashkeloni’s issue of Ketubbot in subscription format. Nevertheless, the press has a number of fine accomplishments to its credit. It published a wide variety of titles, by both well-known and less well-known authors, among the former Moses Alshekh and Elijah de Vidas, and among the latter Joseph ben Schneur haKohen. Works published include a commentary on the Haftarot (Yafik Razon), Kiryat Sefer XLIII (1967), p. 577 [Hebrew]; Rabbinovicz, Ma⁠ʾamar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud, p. 80; Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople, p. 33. 14 http://aleph.nli.org.il/.

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commentaries on Genesis (Sefer Gal shel Egozim and Torat Moshe), on Ruth (Iggeret Shemuʾel), on Job (Pizei Ohev), and on Psalms (Tappuhei Zahav), liturgy (Siddur Tefilot he-Hadesh with the commentary Zevah Elokim, Moshiat El on Hoshanot and Hakofot, and Ta⁠ʾam le-Mussaf Takanot Shabbat). Other titles include ethical works (Keshet Nehushah, Tappuhei Zahav), work on the Massorah (Minhat Kohen), Sheʾelot uʾTeshuvot, and at least one Talmudic tractate, as well as a Ladino work (Libro Intitolado Yichus ha-Zaddikim). In addition, several of the presses’ publications are the only edition of that work. For example, Gal shel Egozim, Keshet Nehushah, Minhat Kohen, Pizei Ohev, and Yafik Razon, all works of interest and value, are proof of the adage in the Zohar that “all depends on mazal, even for a Sefer Torah in the Heikhal” (even a Torah scroll in the Temple requires luck to be selected to be read) (Idra Rabba Nasso III: 143a). Elkan Nathan Adler writes favorably that “[Doña] Reyna, Duchess of Naxos, not only patronized Jewish printers but set up a printing press of her own at Belvedere, and afterwards at Kuru Tsheshme, near Constantinople; and it is largely owing to her liberality that the Sultan’s dominions were, throughout the sixteenth century, distinguished for the best editions of the best works from the best MSS.”15 According to Avraham Yaari, as noted above, “it was certainly not Doña Reyna’s intent to engage in business and make a profit, but to enable Jewish scholars in Turkey and Eretz Israel to print their works, and she thus followed in the footsteps of her mother and husband, who assisted many scholars to print their books at the press of the brothers Jabez.”16 After printing ceased at Kuru Tsheshme, there was no permanent Hebrew press in or near Constantinople for approximately forty years. 15 Elkan Nathan Adler, “The Romance of Hebrew Printing,” in About Hebrew Manuscripts (London, 1905), pp. 128–29. 16 Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople, p. 32.

chapter 7

Kesef Nivhar, Kesef Mezukkak, Kesef Zaruf, and Other Works: The Career and Books of Rabbi Josiah ben Joseph Pinto R. Josiah ben Joseph Pinto (Rif, 1565–1648) is considered to have been one of the preeminent rabbis of Damascus.1 Born in that city, Pinto was the scion of a distinguished Sephardic family whose antecedents were among the exiles from Portugal. Joseph Pinto, who came from Portugal to Damascus, was a person of great wealth and a noted philanthropist.2 He and other members of the Pinto family were among the leaders of the Jewish community in Damascus. Josiah Pinto studied under R. Jacob Abulafia (c. 1550–1622), who had received semikhah (“ordination”) from R. Jacob Berab (Beirav, c. 1474–1546) and who in turn ordained Pinto.3 In addition to being a Talmudic scholar, Pinto was also a kabbalist, studying that subject under Abulafia and R. Hayyim Vital (1542–1620), the latter being the foremost student of R. Isaac Luria (Ari haKodesh, 1534–72) and adhering to the latter’s system of Kabbalah (known as Lurianic Kabbalah). Pinto served as Chief Rabbi of Damascus, succeeding Vital in that position; the latter’s youngest son, R. Samuel Vital (1598–c. 1678) was Pinto’s pupil and son-in-law. In 1617, Pinto went up to Jerusalem, settling, in 1625, in Safed. However, when his youngest son, Joseph, died the following year, Pinto returned 1 The original version of this article was published in Los Muestros (Brussels, 2013), part 1 91: pp. 18–22; part 2 92: pp. 17–21. 2 Although R. Joseph Pinto is normally cited as Josiah Pinto’s father, both Giyora Pozailov, Gedolei Rabbunei Suryah ve-ha-Levanon (Jerusalem, 1995), p. 57 [Hebrew] and Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei ve-Hakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizrah II (Jerusalem, 2006), p. 745 [Hebrew] quote Eliyahu Ashtor (Strauss), Toledot ha-Yehudim be-Mitzraim uve-Suryah (Jerusalem, 1951), pp. 490–551 [Hebrew], who notes that Joseph Pinto arrived in Damascus in 1497 and, given that Josiah was born in 1565, that would mean that Joseph would have been about ninety at the time of Josiah’s birth. Ashtor suggests that the Joseph Pinto of note was Pinto’s grandfather and that his father bore the same name. 3 Classical ordination (semikhah) was, according to Jewish tradition, practiced in an unbroken line from the time of Moses until about the late fourth century of the common era, although the date when it ceased, whether earlier or later, is a matter of controversy. R. Jacob Berab, supported by the rabbis of Safed, attempted to revive semikhah in the early sixteenth century, but his attempt was met with opposition and was unsuccessful.

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to Damascus.4 The titles of all of Pinto’s books, the subject of this article, with the singular exception of Meʾor Einayim, have the word kesef (“silver”) in them. Damascus was already a prosperous community in the Ottoman Empire at the end of the fifteenth century, and it was home to a Jewish population of about 400–500 families. That community was enhanced by the addition of Jewish refugees from Spain in the following century. R. Moses ben Basola (1480–1560) reported that there were 500 refugee families in Damascus in 1521 as well as synagogues for Spanish, Sicilian, and Iraqi Jews. Furthermore, Damascus was well situated both commercially and religiously, inasmuch as it lay between Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, and Jerusalem and Safed. There were prominent rabbis resident in Damascus, such as Pinto, Hayyim Vital, and Jacob Abulafia, as well as many others who either lived in or visited the city, among which were R. Moses Alshekh (d. c. 1593), who served for a short time prior to his death as dayyan (“judge”), and the poet Israel Najara (c. 1555–c. 1625).5 Given this information and that Damascus was a community of some standing, it was not unreasonable to consider it as a possible home to a Hebrew press. The attempt to establish a Hebrew press in Damascus begins with Pinto’s first published title, Kesef Nivhar (“The tongue of the just is like choice silver (kesef nivhar); the heart of the wicked is little worth” (Proverbs 10:20)), homilies on the weekly parashah (weekly Torah reading). Initially printed in Damascus (1605–06), it is the sole Hebrew title ever printed in that city: it was unfortunately an unsuccessful effort to open a Hebrew printing press in the city.6 In establishing the short-lived press, Abraham ben Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba, an experienced printer from Salonika, his family having successfully published there for several years, established a printshop at Pinto’s initiative, utilizing the typographical equipment of Isaac and Jacob, the sons of Abraham ben Isaac Ashkenazi, who had inherited the equipment from their 4 Aryeh Frumkin, Sefer Toldot Hakhme Yerushalayim im hosafot rabot ṿe-heʿarot, mavo u-maftehot me-et Eliʿezar Rivlin I (Jerusalem, 1927–30; reprint Jerusalem, c. 2002), p. 130:12 [Hebrew]; Mordechai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel II (Tel Aviv, 1986), cols. 582–83 [Hebrew]; Pozailov, Gedolei Rabbunei, pp. 57–74; Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei haLevanon, pp. 745–53. 5 Abraham Malamat et al. “Damascus.” In Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. vol. 5 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), pp. 390–397. 6 Kesef Nivhar is a relatively popular title. Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim (Tel Aviv, 1950), kaf 421–26 [Hebrew], records six works with that title. Concerning another Kesef Nivhar (Amsterdam, 1712) by R. Avi Ezri Zelig ben Isaac Margoliot, see Marvin J. Heller, “Observations on the Reprinting of Kesef Nivhar,” Studia Rosenthaliana 31, no. 1–2 (1997), pp. 168–74, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (hereafter Studies) (Leiden, 2008), pp. 315–21.

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father’s press in Safed. He in turn had obtained them from Eliezer Ashkenazi, apparently not a relative, who had printed with the fonts in several locations.7 Likely, Pinto was instrumental in attempting to establish a Hebrew press in Damascus because he preferred to have his books published locally, where he would have greater control over the printing (editing) process than he would in a distant location. Kesef Nivhar was published as a folio (124 ff.); the title page (fig. 7.1) has a simple border of florets with a text that reiterates the term kesef (“silver”), stating: “Choice silver” (kesef nivhar, Proverbs 10:20), “[More to be desired are they] than gold, even very fine gold” (Psalms 19:11, 119:127) and merchandise. Brought to the goldsmith by Hillel ben Shahar (“morning star” (Isaiah 14:12), i.e., R. Josiah). Pilpula harifta (“sharp dialetics”) by the complete sage R. Josiah … “known in the gates” (Proverbs 31:23) for his writings and pen, ben Joseph Pinto. In truth “he who loves silver (kesef ) shall not be satisfied with silver (kesef )” (Ecclesiastes 5:9). It is a “tower built with turrets” (cf. Song of Songs 4:4); “a word fitly spoken is like apples of gold in a setting of silver (kesef )” (Proverbs 25:11). “He set his face toward the wilderness” (Numbers 24:1) and “took hold of its boughs” (cf. Song of Songs 7:9) “sought out all by all who love them” (Psalms 111:2) … “It is time to act for the Lord” (cf. Psalms 119:126) to cause honor to dwell in our land, to bring a printing press here to Damascus. Behold, he has taken hold of gold and silver (kesef ) that he has borrowed and brought forth (published) fitly. May God give him his reward, measure for measure, and the measure that was measured silver (kesef ), quickly without delay, and may his produce be choice silver (kesef nivhar). In the year 5365 at the end of the month “I am my beloved’s, and my beloved is mine (Elul, 1605)” (Song of Songs 6:3). In the house of Abraham ben Mattathias Bath-Sheba at the press of the brothers Isaac and Jacob ben Abraham Ashkenazi who 7 Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printing in the East, Part I (Jerusalem, 1936), pp. 29–30 [Hebrew]. Concerning the Salonika press of Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba, see Israel Mehlman, “Hebrew Printing in Salonika,” in Genuzot Sefarim (Jerusalem, 1976), pp. 56–57 [Hebrew]. Concerning that press and a unicum edition of Berakhot, see Marvin J. Heller, “The Bath-Sheba/Moses de Medina Salonika Edition of Berakhot: An Unknown Attempt to Circumvent the Inquisition’s Ban on the Printing of the Talmud in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” Jewish Quarterly Review 87, no. 1 (1996), pp. 47–60, reprinted in Studies, pp. 284–97, and for Eliezer Ashkenazi, see idem. “Early Hebrew Printing from Lublin to Safed: The Journeys of Eliezer ben Isaac Ashkenazi,” Jewish Culture and History 4, no. 1 (2001), pp. 81–96, reprinted in Studies, pp. 106–20.

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figure 7.1 Kesef Nivhar, 1605, Damascus

expended a considerable amount of money to bring a press here. Edited by R. Joseph ben Alkris. The title page is followed by Pinto’s introduction, in which he emphasizes his diligence in Torah study and informs the reader that the discourses are in the order of the weekly Torah readings, encompassing such subjects as the canopy of bridegrooms, circumcision of sons, gifts to the needy, acknowledging miracles, and the end of all men “‘the day of death is better than the day of one’s birth’ (Ecclesiastes 7:1) ‘for this is the whole duty of man’” (Ecclesiastes 12:13).

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figure 7.2 Kesef Nivhar, 1605, Damascus

Pinto has “made for them houses” (cf. Exodus 1:21) with straightforward discourses, all of them clear, in order to “find favor and good understanding” (cf. Proverbs 3:4) before all “so that he who reads it may run” (Habakkuk 2:2) for it “is desirable to make one wise and pleasant to the eyes” (cf. Genesis 3:6) with all that is desirable (“choice,” nivhar). Pinto has, therefore, so entitled Kesef Nivhar for “who is the man who fears the Lord? Him shall He teach in the way that he should choose (yivhar)” (Psalms 25:12). Pinto’s introduction is followed by an approbation from R. Jacob Abulafia, then rabbi of Damascus. Next is the text of Kesef Nivhar, from Genesis through Leviticus, set in two columns in rabbinic type, excepting headers and initial words, which are in square letters (fig. 7.2), and concluding with Pinto’s colophon, index, and errata. These latter are indicative of the fact that, despite Pinto’s displeasure with the work and discontinuing it before printing all of its parts, he did conclude the parts published as a complete volume. Work on Kesef Nivhar concluded on Sunday 2 Nissan “O you kings; be instructed (5366 = April 9, 1606)” (Psalms 2:10), printing being discontinued after Leviticus. The high hopes for the press, expressed on the title page, were not realized. The letters were well worn, Pinto was displeased with the typography, and his disappointment was expressed in the colophon: “All the adversity that has befallen us” (cf. Exodus 18:8, Numbers 20:14, Nehemiah 9:32), in body and wealth, might and strength, in the printing of the book. “All found written in this book” (Daniel 12:1). “I am weary in my sighing” (Jeremiah 45:3, Psalms 6:7). With great strength and exertion, “to produce a vessel for my labors” (cf. Isaiah 54:16) “for one who walks uprightly” (Micah 2:7) … “and it profited me not” (Job 33:27) for the letters were not suitable and fitting. Pinto continues on to say that he did not complete the work, for he did not complete the books that remained (Numbers and Deuteronomy). Instead, when he “found wealth for myself” (Hosea 12:9) it was his intention to send the book in its entirety to Venice, where “She puts her hands to the distaff”

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(Proverbs 31:19). The colophon concludes with an appeal to those who look into the book not to judge “by what his eyes see” (Isaiah 11:3) or decide from the writing (printing), not to look at the vessel but what is in it, “taste and scent” (cf. Jeremiah 48:11) “And his delight shall be in the fear of the Lord” (Isaiah 11:3) “Yet through the scent of water it will bud” (Job 14:9) “Let his eyes look right on” (cf. Proverbs 4:25) “to winnow and separate chaff” (cf. Jeremiah 4:11) to gather the produce, “For wisdom is better than rubies” (Proverbs 8:11) “and knowledge rather than choice gold” (Proverbs 8:10). Subsequently, Pinto did send Kesef Nivhar to Venice to be printed, despite the fact that there was, at this time, a Hebrew press in Salonika, that of Solomon and Moses Shimon (or, according to Friedberg, Solomon Shimon and Moses), active from 1610 to ca. 1620–1625.8 Nevertheless, Pinto, as did many other authors of Hebrew books in Safed, and even in Salonika, even when Hebrew presses were active in Constantinople and Salonika, preferred to send their books to Venice. Meir Benayahu observes that scholars in those cities chose to have their works printed in Venice because of the high quality of the imprints of the Venetian printshops, despite the peril of delivering their manuscripts by sea, typesetting and editing being done by strangers in the absence of the author, and the need of approval by the censors, con licentia di i superiori (published with the permission of the authorities). They went to all this trouble because of the perceived superiority of the Italian presses.9 The Venetian press that published Kesef Nivhar in its entirety in 1621 was that of Pietro and Lorenzo Bragadin. Founded in 1550 by Alvise Bragadin, that press’s first publication was Maimonides’s Mishneh Torah with the glosses of R. Meir ben Isaac Katzenellenbogen (Maharam, 1473–1565) of Padua. The embroilment of the Bragadin and Giustiniani presses in a dispute over rival editions of that work concluded with the Talmud being burned and the cessation of Hebrew printing in Venice. When printing resumed in 1563 Bragadin was among the first to publish Hebrew books again. The press would continue as one of Venice’s leading Hebrew printshops, issuing Hebrew titles into the eighteenth century under several generations of Bragadins, the last known Bragadin being Alvise III. Nevertheless, despite the Bragdin ownership of the 8 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Italy, Spain-Portugal and the Turkey, from its Beginning and Formation about the year 1470 (Tel Aviv, 1956), p. 138 [Hebrew]. 9 Meir Benayahu, The Relation between Greek and Italian Jewry (Tel Aviv, 1980), pp. 98–100 [Hebrew].

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figure 7.3 Kesef Nivhar, 1621, Venice

press, by the time Kesef Nivhar was printed the family had become primarily nominal, titular proprietors, “‘clarissimi’ and ‘illustrissimi signori’ who no longer took any personal interest in their press but enjoyed an income from it without soiling their hands.”10 The printer who actually operated the printshop when Kesef Nivhar was published was Giovanni Caleoni. Returning to Kesev Nivhar, this edition, in contrast to the earlier printing, is attractively done. Also published as a folio (202, [8] ff.), its title page (fig. 7.3) has the pillared frame employed by the Bragadin press. Its text (fig. 7.4) is 10

David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909; reprint London, 1963), p. 374. Also see Joshua Bloch, “Venetian Printers of Hebrew Books,” in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography (New York, 1976), pp. 65–138, here p. 86.

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figure 7.4 Kesef Nivhar, 1621, Venice

essentially the same as that of the previous edition save for details regarding the printing. Pinto’s introduction (2a–b) follows and is unchanged from the previous edition. Next is verse and Abulafia’s approbation (2b), which is also reprinted from the 1605 edition. The text of the two editions of Kesef Nivhar are not identical; for example, the first discourse in the 1605 edition is the second discourse in this printing. There are eighty-eight discourses in Kesef Nivhar, generally two to a parashah, but in some instances there is one discourse only and for a few others as many as three or four discourses. Each homily begins with a passage from a Midrash, on which Pinto then raises questions that are resolved from the Talmud, other Midrashim, the Bible, the commentaries of rishonim and acharonim (early and later sages), the Zohar, and from what he heard from his teacher, R. Jacob Abulafia. Seven years later, in 1628, Kesef Mezukkak (“Three thousand talents of gold, of the gold of Ophir, and seven thousand talents of refined silver (kesef mezukkak), for overlaying the walls of the houses” (I Chronicles 29:4)), Pinto’s second published work, was printed, also in Venice, also at the press of Pietro and Lorenzo Bragadin. It too is a folio in format (231, [9] ff.), and it also comprises homilies on the weekly Torah readings, in this case with 125 additional discourses. The title page has the same architectural frame as Kesef Nivhar. Its text notes that Pinto had semikhah, received from Jacob Abulafia, and states that Kesef Mezukkak is: Kesef Mezukkak (“purified silver”) “sevenfold as the light” (Isaiah 30:26) of wisdom, it is bright, and clear, light, “whose fire is in Zion” (cf. Isaiah 31:9), “treasures hidden” (Deuteronomy 33:19). All that is written in the Torah, and a source of warmth [lit., an oven] to him as “a fiery stream” (Daniel 7:10) with words of aggadah, and even all the words of our holy rabbis were for him a possession. The text continues, mentioning Kesef Nivhar, noting that it has been seven years since that work was published, and that being published now is a companion volume (“its brother”), part two, “this one is like that one” (‫ראי זה כראי‬ ‫ זה‬Babylonian Talmud, var. cit.), deep discourses, each purified “as silver is

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purified in a kiln” (cf. Psalms 66:10). On the verso of the title page is Pinto’s introduction, in which he again mentions Kesef Nivhar, noting that he has added to that work “for the good hand of my God was upon me” (cf. Nehemiah 2:8). Pinto movingly eulogizes his son, Joseph, who passed away in Safed at the age of twenty-four, and to whom the book is dedicated. It concludes (2a) with verse with the heading “Over the ruin of Joseph” (Amos 6:6). The text follows in two columns in rabbinic letters. The volume concludes with indices. There are more discourses in Kesef Mezukkak than in Kesef Nivhar, but the discourses in this work are briefer than those in Kesef Nivhar. Here, too, Pinto begins a discourse, as in Kesef Nivhar, with a quote from a Midrash or the Talmud, upon which he raises questions subsequently resolved in the discourse. Although the discourses are on the weekly Torah reading, Pinto frequently expands upon his subject matter, sometimes deviating widely from the topic. The topic of these discursions is generally ethical, concerning faith and trust in God, the virtues of the righteous and the Jewish people, the kindness of God to His people, the purpose of man in this world, miracles, the excellence of the Torah and its ordinances, reward and punishment, the mitzvot of charity and kindness, and the importance of repentance. Pinto also quotes earlier commentaries from the Zohar, his own Kesef Nivhar, and his teacher R. Jacob Abulafia. One work only by Pinto does not have kesef in the title, that is, Meʾor Einayim (“The light of the eyes (meʾor einayim) rejoices the heart; and a good report makes the bones fat” (Proverbs 15:30)), a commentary on the Ein Ya⁠ʾakov of R. Jacob ben Solomon ibn Habib (c. 1445–c. 1515). First printed in Salonika (1515), Ein Ya⁠ʾakov is a popular collection of the aggadot in the Babylonian Talmud and, to a lesser extent, the Jerusalem Talmud. Printed in two parts, the first part of Meʾor Einayim encompasses tractates Berakhot through Hagigah and includes the text of the Ein Ya⁠ʾakov. It was published as a folio (Venice, 1643, 20: 190 [should say 197] ff., fig. 7.5) by the Vendramin press.11 The title 11 The title page describes Meʾor Einayim as a commentary on Ein Yisrael. Ein Ya⁠ʾakov was among the titles proscribed and burned together with the Talmud after the pope’s bull of August 1553, and subsequently placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum. The Council of Trent, which permitted the publication of the Talmud in 1564, and other works as well, did so by imposing onerous conditions, primarily concerning the expurgation of passages believed to be inimical to Christianity and the substitution of acceptable terms for objectionable ones. Among the other conditions imposed was the prohibition of Hebrew books under their original names. Ein Ya⁠ʾakov was republished as Ein Yisrael paraphrasing Genesis 35:10, “Your name shall not be called any more [ein] Ya⁠ʾakov but [ein] Yisrael shall be your name.”

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figure 7.5 Meʾor Einayim, 1643, Venice

page of this edition also notes that Pinto had received ordination. In the brief introduction to the first part, Pinto begins by saying that he is writing with a broken heart: “when the waves of death surrounded me” (II Samuel 22:5) on the death of his son “Joseph is a fruitful bough (ben Porat Yosef)” (Genesis 49:22) “God has taken away my reproach” (Gen. 30:23) “for the Almighty has dealt very bitterly with me” (cf. Ruth 1:20) “I am weary with my moaning) Psalms 6:7). “I looked for comforters, but I found none” (cf. Psalms 69:21). At the end of the introduction, Pinto explains why he has entitled this book Meʾor Einayim. He thought to explain clearly the aggadah:

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figure 7.6 Meʾor Einayim, 1743, Mantua

With words of novella, set upon sockets of deliberation and consideration, of the meaning of the aggadah. Also the words of our teacher Rashi, Tosafot who are a light for us (meʾor) and our eyes (einayim). Therefore, I have called this book Meʾor Einayim for the light is sweet and good for the eyes. Ein Ya⁠ʾakov and Ein Yisrael will give light as at noon and “as the sun in the midst of heaven” (cf. Joshua 10:13). The entire work was printed in Amsterdam (1740–41) by Hertz Levi Rofe as Kohelet Shelomo, Ein Ya⁠ʾakov with Kotnot Or and including the commentary of R. Samuel Elizer ha-Levi Eidels (Maharsha, 1555–1631), among them Meʾor Einayim in the text as Hiddushei ha-Rif, edited by R. Isaac Meir Fraenkel Teomim and corrected by R. Meshulam Zalman of Gorizia and R. Jacob Iserles of Vilna.12 The introduction to Meʾor Einayim in this work is the same as in part one mentioned above. Shortly after, part two of Meʾor Einayim was printed in Mantua (1743, 40: [2], 98 ff., fig. 7.6) by Rafael Hayyim of Mantua as an 12 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), II, pp. 338–39, no. 432.

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figure 7.7 1729, Kesef Zaruf

independent (stand-alone) edition of that work. The title page, in contrast to the first part, refers to Meʾor Einayim as a commentary on the Ein Ya⁠ʾakov rather than on Ein Yisrael. There is a lengthy introduction, and the text, which encompasses tractates Yevamot through Niddah but does not include the text of the Ein Ya⁠ʾakov. In 1729, Kesef Zaruf (“The words of the Lord are pure words; like silver refined (kesef zaruf ) in a furnace upon the ground, purified seven times” (Psalms 12:7)), Pinto’s commentary on Proverbs, was published in Amsterdam. A relatively small work (80: [2], 99, [1] ff., fig. 7.7), the title page informs the

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reader that it was brought to press by Isaac ben Moses Lopes Pereyra of Jerusalem, who came by way of Aram Zova (Aleppo) at the behest of the aged grandson of the author, Daniel Pinto. The title page is dated with the verse “Then Isaac sowed in that land, and reaped in the same year a hundredfold; and the Lord blessed him ‫שנה ההיא‬ ‫( מאה שערים ויברכהו‬494 = 1736)” (Genesis 26:12). It has been suggested, however, that this date is incorrect for the summation of the emphasized letters, 494, is for the abbreviated era )‫)לפ״ק‬, whereas the date in the approbation of R. David Israel Atthias and R. Isaac Hayyim ibn Dona de Brito is for the day “that it was good” (Genesis 1:9–12) was said twice (Tuesday) in the year “These are the commandments ‫[( אלה המצות אשר צוה ה״ את‬5]483 = 1723) which the Lord commanded Moses” (Leviticus 27:34). The Bibliographical Project of the Jewish National and University Library suggests that “the commandments” should say ‫המצות‬, that is, the vav should be added to the enumeration for a total of [5]489 (1729), for at that time Lag BaOmer only fell on a Tuesday in 1729. Furthermore, on the title page there is an emphasis on the heh in the word “in the year” indicating that the date is for the full era )‫)לפ״ג‬, so that the enumeration would equal 5489 (1729), thus making the dates of both the title page and the approbation conform to 1729.13 There is an approbation from R. David Israel Atthias and R. Isaac Hayyim ibn Dona de Brito and it is below Pinto’s introduction. This is followed by a dedication in Spanish to Al muy Noble y Magnifico Seňor Moseh de Semuel de Pinto from Ishac de Moseh Lopez Pereyra and then the text of Proverbs and Pinto’s detailed commentary. In the introduction, Pinto writes that he has so entitled this work because it is: “sweet in my mouth like honey” (cf. Ezekiel 3:3) and therefore its name is Kesef Zaruf for “I have refined it as silver (kesef ) is refined, and tested it as gold is tested” (cf. Zechariah 13:9) and on the matter of silver (kesef ) “My soul longs, indeed it faints” (Psalms 84:3) “to serve the Lord God” (I Chronicles 33:16) all the days that I am on my land until my death. “It was a heritage for me in the courts of the Lord, to attend frequently for “surely there is a mine for silver” (Job 28:1) for a utensil refined (zaruf ), and I, my prayer to the Lord God, is that He will assist me.

13 Bibliographical Project of the Jewish National and University Library, Bibliography of the Hebrew Book, 1473–1960 (Jerusalem: Institute for Hebrew Bibliography), no. 0182420 [Hebrew]. https://web.nli.org.il/sites/nli/english/infochannels/catalogs/bibliographicdatabases/pages/the-hebrew-book.aspx.

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figure 7.8 Nivhar mi-Kesef, 1869, Aram Zova (Aleppo)

The final title to be addressed here is Nivhar mi-Kesef (“How much better it is to get wisdom than gold; and to get understanding is preferable to silver (nivhar mi-kesef)” (Proverbs 16:16)), responsa on all four parts of the Shulhan Arukh. Nivhar mi-Kesef was published in Aram Zova (Aleppo) in 1869 in quarto format ([4], 230, [2] ff., fig. 7.8) at the press of R. Elijah Hai ben Abraham Sasson. The title page has a straightforward text followed by a lengthy introduction by R. Abraham Hapota, a descendant of Pinto. He notes that Nivhar mi-Kesef was written almost 400 years ago and that the manuscript is about 300 years old. He remarks that the manuscript had been eaten by moths and that he attempted to restore it. There are several pages of introductory comments on each of the parts of the Shulhan Arukh, additional introductions, including one from R. Abraham Sasson, who informs the reader that some of the responsa were lost and that he entitled the book Nivhar mi-Kesef. It says that Pinto had received sheʾelot

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(“queries”) from rabbis in such places as Jerusalem, Hebron, Safed, and elsewhere. There are one hundred twenty-three responsa, including ten on Orah Hayyim, fifteen on Yoreh De⁠ʾah, fifty-one on Even ha-Ezer, and forty-seven on Hoshen Mishpat. In his response, Pinto attempts to find solutions to difficulties, and he is particularly concerned with marital issues such as agunot, women whose husbands have been killed by gentiles, or questions on kiddushin (“betrothal”), where, if unresolved, questions of mamzerot (“illegitimacy”) might arise. The responsa are followed by a biography of Pinto by Elijah Hai Sasson. Abraham Sasson remarked, in the newspaper Levanon (January 10, 1870), that Nivhar mi-Kesef was originally printed in three hundred copies and distributed in Turkey (the Middle East). Plans to print another edition for the Jews in Russia and Poland did not come to fruition.14 Extant in manuscript is Kevuzzot Kesef (“As they gather silver (kevuzzot kesef ), and bronze, and iron, and lead, and tin, into the midst of the furnace, to blow the fire upon it, to melt it; so will I gather you in my anger and in my fury, and I will leave you there, and melt you” (Ezekiel 22:20)) on civil law and marriage, intended as a review book for students, and Kesef Nimas (“Base silver shall men call them, because the Lord has rejected them” (Jeremiah 6:30)) on Lamentations. Additional responsa are included in the responsa of other rabbis, among them his son-in-law R. Samuel Vital, R. Yom Tov Zahalon (c. 1559– 1638), and R. Aaron Alfandari (c. 1700–1774). However, those works are beyond the scope of this article. As we have observed, Pinto was the author of several books, all but one with kesef in the title. How popular and influential were Pinto’s titles? Despite the fact that Pinto himself was held in high regard, his books were not reprinted for several hundred years, except for Meʾor Einayim, which, in addition to the editions noted above, is regularly printed together with the Ein Ya⁠ʾakov.15 More recently, however, Pinto’s books have been reprinted for the online

14 Shmuel Glick, Kuntress ha-Teshuvot he-Hadash: A Bibliographic Thesaurus of Responsa Literature Published from ca. 1470–2000 (Jerusalem and Ramat Gan, 2006–07) II, p. 725, no. 2616 [Hebrew]; Pozailov, Gedolei Rabbunei, p. 66; Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei haLevanon, p. 752. 15 This is based on Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim, which records books with Hebrew letters printed from 1474 through 1950. The pertinent entries are Kesef Nivhar (mem 423); Kesef Mezukkak (mem 419); Kesef Zaruf (mem 426); Nivhar mi-Kesef (nun 40); and Meʾor Einayim (mem 41).

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catalogue of the National and University Library of Israel, which records recent editions of all of Pinto’s books.16 R. Josiah ben Joseph Pinto (Rif) was an eminent and prestigious rabbi. This is evident from the epitaph written on his gravestone, which states: If the men of his city shall inquire For whom is this marker? “the stone shall cry out from the wall” (Habakkuk 2:11) woe For the Rav [the honorable rabbi, Rabbi] Josiah Pinto [May he be remembered for life everlasting] [Talmudic Scholar].17 16 17

The dates for the reprints in the catalogue of the National and University Library of Israel are Kesef Nivhar (1997); Kesef Mezukkak (1987); Kesef Zaruf (1997); Nivhar mi-Kesef (1976); and Meʾor Einayim (1982). Samuel Joseph Fuenn, Keneset Yisrael (Warsaw, 1886), p. 382; Pozailov, Gedolei Rabbunei, p. 74.

chapter 8

The Laniados: A Sixteenth–Seventeenth Century Family of Sages in Aram Zova (Aleppo, Haleb) and the Books that They Wrote “Keli hemdah (a precious vessel, Hosea 13:15, Nahum 2:10, II Chronicles 32:27), to be a vessel to hold all that is desirable from the precious commentaries of the rishonim compiled from earlier commentators … precious jewels (keli yekar)” “Gold and glass cannot equal it; nor can it be exchanged for jewels of fine gold (keli paz)” Job 28:17

…

The barrels (kelim) were found to have fish only at the top of the barrels (kelim)

∵

The community of Aram Zova (Aleppo, Haleb) is accounted, historically, among the preeminent Jewish communities of the world.1 Although there are references to Aram Zova in the times of the Patriarch Abraham, the earliest biblical references are from the time of King David, where it is mentioned twice in the Bible (II Samuel 10:6, 8; Psalms 60:2), both times in conjunction with his enemies. Apart from that early negative reference, Aram Zova has a long and distinguished Jewish history, having been home to eminent rabbis and scholars. An early prominent visitor was Rav Saadiah Gaon, who in 921 observed that there were Jewish scholars in Aleppo. It was also visited by travelers such as Benjamin of Tudela in 1173, who found a community of 1,500 individuals, by Pethahiah of Regensburg, who was there between 1170 and 1180, and by Judah Al-Harizi (author of the Tahkemoni), who visited in 1217. Pethahiah informs us that Aram Zova was called Haleb “because on the mountain was 1 The original version of this article was published in Los Muestros 95 (2013), pp. 39–48.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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the flock of Abraham our father. Steps led down from the mountain, whence he was accustomed to hand milk (Hebrew haleb) to the poor.”2 After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, many of the exiles came to Aleppo, so that initially there were two Jewish communities, that of the early residents (Musta⁠ʾarab) and that of the Sephardim. Today, Aram Zova’s Jewish community is no longer extant. It vanished due to the emigration and flight of its Jewry as a result of anti-Jewish violence and pogroms in the late 1940s. And the more recent strife in Syria has destroyed large parts of the city. Among the prominent rabbis in Aram Zova in the seventeenth century were R. Hayyim ben Abraham ha-Kohen (1585–1655, Mekor Hayyim), several members of the Dayyan family, R. Abraham ben Asher of Safed, R. Moses Chalaz, R. Eliezer ben Yohai, R. Moses ha-Levi Alkabetz, and members of the Laniado family. The Laniados were a large and prominent family, and its members served the Jewish community of Aleppo for several generations. This article is concerned with several members of the Laniado family in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, namely, R. Samuel ben Abraham Laniado and his sons-in-law, R. Abraham ben Isaac Laniado and R. Mordecai ben Isaac Kohen Ashkenazi. It is also concerned with the books that they wrote.3 R. Samuel ben Abraham Laniado (d. 1605) was a scion of a family that traced its origins to Castile. The earliest recorded member of the family was R. Isaac ben Jacob Laniado, who was among the heads of the Jewish community in Adrianople and who was mentioned in Mayyin Amukim (Salonika, 1810), the responsa of R. Elijah Mizrahi (1455–c. 1525). Then, there was R. Samuel Laniado, who was also mentioned in a book of responsa by R. Elijah Mizrahi (Shut Reʾem, Constantinople, 1455).4 Our Samuel Laniado was born in Aleppo to R. Abraham ben Samuel Laniado (d. 1585), a student of R. Jacob ben Hayyim Ovadia of Adrianople and subsequently rabbi in Aram Zova, succeeding R. Samuel ben Joseph ha-Kohen. Samuel Laniado studied under R. Joseph Caro in Safed, and subsequently returned to Aleppo, where he served as rabbi for almost forty years in the sixteenth century and into the seventeenth century. Laniado is known as ha-Darshan for his work on Midrashim and as Ba⁠ʾal haKelim (“Master of the Vessels”), as most of his works include “keli” in the title. There is a miraculous account as to what occurred when Laniado returned to Aram Zova to take the position of rabbi. The Jewish community of Aram 2 Elkan Nathan Adler, Jewish Travellers in the Middle Ages: Nineteen First-Hand Accounts (New York, 1987), p. 85. 3 Other prominent contemporary members of the family, in addition to these Laniados, include Samuel Laniado’s sons, R. Abraham Laniado, who succeeded his father as rabbi in Aram Zova, and R. Moses Laniado, who was also a sage. 4 Giyora Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon (Jerusalem, 1995), p. 19 [Hebrew].

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Zova had sent a message to Safed in an attempt to persuade Caro to come to Aleppo and head the community. Caro suggested Laniado for the position, referring to him as “a man like me” (Genesis 44:15). Laniado, according to family tradition, traveled to Syria by ship; one of the other passengers was a merchant who had with him several barrels (kelim) of fish. In transit, the merchant died suddenly. The captain of the ship needed to dispose of the barrels, which were acquired by Laniado. Afterwards, when Laniado opened the barrels they were found to have fish only at the top of the barrels, but below they were filled with precious stones and pearls. As a result, Laniado became wealthy and was able to do much good for the community.5 It is in reference to this serendipitous occurrence that kelim appears in the titles of Laniado’s books. Laniado’s first title is Keli Hemdah (20: 270, 6, [1] ff.), homilies on the Pentateuch based on Midrashim. Printed in 1595 in Venice at the press of Giovanni di Gara, the title page (fig. 8.1) has a copy of the pressmark of Joseph Shalit of Padua, that is, an ostrich standing on three rocks, facing left, with a fish in its beak within a cartouche, which itself is close to the letters ‫י ש י ב‬ standing for Joseph ben Jacob Shalit. About this mark is the phrase “‘The wings of the ostrich wave proudly’ (Job 39:13) ‘My soul is consumed with longing’ (cf. Psalms 119:20).” Above the pressmark is a single crown. The text of the title page begins that Keli Hemdah is: “Declaring the end from the beginning” (Isaiah 46:10) a paragon and paradigm a man greatly beloved (Daniel 10:11, 19) who “divides the flames” (Psalms 29:7) … “thrones of judgment, thrones” (cf. Psalms 122:5) “from the lions’ dens” (Song of Songs 4:8) concealed and hidden in the body of the Torah, from wells and great depths, “He draws water from deep pits” (Shevuot 7a) and precious quarries. “Running water shall be put into a precious utensil (keli)” (cf. Numbers 9:23) and He “produces a utensil (keli) instrument for

5 Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei ve-Hakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizrah IV (Jerusalem, 2006), p. 2214 [Hebrew]. Both M. D. Gaon, Yehudei ha-Mizrah be-Eretz Yisrael, vol. 2 (Jerusalem, 1937), pp. 315–16 [Hebrew] and Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, p. 20, refer to the owner of the barrels not as a merchant but as a priest. In contrast to the other accounts, David Sutton, Aleppo: City of Scholars, ed. Isaac Kirzner (Brooklyn, 2005), p. 260, writes that when Laniado opened the barrels “there wasn’t any fish—there were diamonds, pearls, and jewels.”

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figure 8.1 Keli Hemdah, 1595, Venice

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his labor” … every utensil (keli) that is made (Isaiah 54:16, 17). “And upon whom does not his light arise? (Job 25:3). Is it not upon the complete sage SAMUEL LANIADO

The beginning of the work is dated Thursday, 18 Menahem [Av], in the year “[And let your soul] delight itself in fatness ‫( בדשן‬356 (August 12) [should read 354 = August 4, 1595])” (Isaiah 55:2). That date, 18 Av, occurred on a Monday in both 1595 (355) and 1596 (356), but was a Thursday in 1594. There are two colophons, the first being from Laniado and stating that Keli Hemdah was completed “in the month of Tevet, on the 20th, in the year “Rejoice ‫( שמחו‬354 = Wednesday, January 12, 1594) with Jerusalem, here Aram Zova” (Isaiah 66:10), referring to when Laniado finished work on the book, and the second being from Isaac Gershon, which states that the book was completed here, in Venice, on yom tov ‫( טו״ב‬17) Tishrei, 356 (Wednesday, September 20, 1595), referring to the completion of the presswork.6 The title page is followed, on the verso, by Laniado’s preface to the reader, his introduction (2a–b), and then the text (3a–168b), which is in two columns except for headings and introductory paragraphs which are in square letters. The work concludes with the colophons and indexes.7 In the preface, Laniado writes: “The mighty God, the Lord, speaks and summons the earth” (Psalms 50:1) “Declaring the end from the beginning” (Isaiah 46:10). “God created in the beginning” (Genesis 1:1 inverted) “for the sake of the Torah that is called ‘the beginning of His way’” (Proverbs 8:22) (Rashi on Genesis 1:1). Therefore, I have seen fit to call this work “Keli Hemdah (a precious vessel, Hosea 13:15, Nahum 2:10, II Chronicles 32:27), to be a vessel to hold all that is desirable from the precious commentaries of the rishonim, “new and old” (Song of Songs 7:14) 6 Meir Benayahu, “Books Printed and Edited by R. Isaac Gershom” Asufot XIII (2001), pp. 75–76, no. 13 [Hebrew]; Avraham Habermann, Giovanni di Gara: Printer, Venice 1564–1610 (Jerusalem, 1982). p. 81, n. 161 [Hebrew]. 7 R. Isaac Gershon, the editor of Keli Hemdah, worked for various Hebrew printing houses in Venice for more than thirty years. He is reputed to be the first to insist upon the inclusion of a table of contents and index in every book on which he worked, evident in Keli Hemdah. Gershon valued indexes so highly that it is said that “without them he never permitted a book to pass his hands, for he deemed them ‘as important for a book as eyes to a man.’” David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909, reprint London, 1963), p. 356. He would also work on Abraham Laniado’s Magen Avraham, which was published by the Zanetti press (see below).

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“More to be desired are they than gold, even very fine gold” (Psalms 19:11), more cherished than rubies and every precious vessel. A second reason is that it is a commentary and elucidation of the Torah, which is the precious vessel (keli hemdah) with which the world was created, most precious (hemdah). Laniado begins each section with an introductory paragraph from a Midrash, which he then elucidates in considerable length, not only from earlier sources but also with his own exegetical insights. He mentions many contemporary sages, among them R. Israel de Curial, R. Moses Alshekh, R. Solomon Alkebetz, R. Jacob Abulafia, R. Moses Cordovero, and others.8 Keli Hemdah has been reprinted several times, beginning with a 1610 Prague edition by Gershon ben Bezalel Katz. Laniado’s second published work is Keli Yekar (20: [1], 3–564 ff.), a lengthy commentary on Neviʾim Rishonim (Former Prophets), also published in Venice (1603) at the press of Giovanni di Gara. The title page has an architectural frame and states that the commentary is compiled from earlier commentators, such as Rashi, R. Abraham ibn Ezra, R. David Kimhi (Radak), R. Levi ben Gershom (Ralbag), R. Isaac Arama (Akedat Yitzhak), and R. Isaac Abrabanel, with numerous supplements, “precious jewels (keli yekar)” (Proverbs 20:15), from the author. “The purchaser will rejoice ‘like one who finds great booty’ (Psalms 119:162)…. It will be for whomever finds this work in his possession, as if he has a house full of books.”9 The editor was Laniado’s nephew and son-in-law, R. Abraham ben Isaac Laniado, who brought the book from Aram Zova to Venice to be printed. Work began on Elul, 5363, parashat ‫( הוא חייך וארך ימיך‬Deuteronomy 30:20; i.e., Netzavim). There are introductions from the editor, who praises several individuals for their assistance with publication, and from Samuel Laniado. The first books of Samuel and Kings, but not Joshua or Judges, are set in decorative frames (fig. 8.2). The beginning of II Samuel and II Kings are noted in the margins. There are indexes after biblical books and an apologia from Abraham Laniado. Within Keli Yekar, the biblical text is at the center of the page in vocalized Hebrew accompanied by the lengthy commentary on the sides in rabbinic letters. Unlike his Torah commentary, which is discursive, here, on the Former Prophets, Laniado provides an expansive verse commentary built, as stated on the title page, on his predecessors, most prominently Rashi, Abrabanel, and 8 See Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, pp. 23–24. 9 Habermann, Giovanni di Gara, pp. 108–09, no. 220.

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figure 8.2 Keli Yekar, 1603, Venice

the Radak. Laniado makes frequent reference to the Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds, Pirkei di Rabbi Eliezer, Midrash Rabbah, many other Midrashim, as well as kabbalistic works, including the Zohar. He also notes more contemporary works. Laniado’s commentary in Keli Yekar varies stylistically from Keli Hemdah. The latter is more discursive, also addressing matters of ethics and faith, whereas Keli Yekar, despite being quite extensive, is more exegetical.10 Keli Yekar was published with financial support from R. Menashe Kassin and R. Barukh Halitz of Aram Zova and several additional sponsors in Venice. Among the latter was R. Joseph Pardo (d. 1619), who served in that location as rabbi to the Levantine community and assisted in the publication of several books, among them Keli Yekar. Several years later, Pardo suffered serious financial difficulties and subsequently left Venice for Amsterdam (c. 1608–09), where he served as rabbi of the Beit Ya⁠ʾakov congregation. When Pardo left Venice, he left behind two chests containing 190 unbound copies of Keli Yekar with non-Jewish creditors.11 That Keli Yekar was highly regarded is evident from the will of R. Leon (Judah Aryeh) Modena (1571–1648), perhaps the most prominent rabbi of Renaissance Italy. In his autobiography, when discussing his will, Modena gives instructions for the disposition of his important books and writings. Among them is his copy of Keli Yekar, which he has annotated, and therefore he says that his heir should preserve “my copy of Keli Yekar, treating it as precious on account of the notes that I jotted down therein.”12 Keli Yekar was reprinted in the multivolume Kehillat Moshe (Amsterdam, 1696) by R. Moses Frankfurter (1672–1762) and in a Mikra⁠ʾot Gedolot (Jerusalem, 1985).13 10 Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, pp. 25–27. 11 Meir Benayahu, The Relation between Greek and Italian Jewry (Tel Aviv, 1980), p. 181 [Hebrew]. 12 Leon Modena, The Autobiography of a Seventeenth-Century Rabbi: Leon Modena’s Life of Judah, trans. and ed. Mark R. Cohen with introductory essays by Mark R. Cohen … [et al.], and historical notes by Howard E. Adelman and Benjamin C. I. Ravid (Princeton, 1988), p. 176. 13 Both Keli Hemdah and Keli Yekar were printed at the press of Giovanni di Gara. That press, active from 1564 to 1611, printed more than 270 books, primarily in Hebrew letters,

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figure 8.3 Keli Paz, 1656–57, Venice

Laniado’s third published work is Keli Paz (20: [2], 256 ff.), a commentary on the Book of Isaiah, printed in 1656–57 in Venice at the press of Girolamo Bragadin.14 The title page (fig. 8.3) of Keli Paz—the title is from “Gold and

14

and only infrequently in non-Jewish languages. Di Gara, who had apparently worked for Daniel Bomberg, saw himself as a successor to that printer, a fact that he frequently emphasized. Habermann, Giovanni di Gara, pp. ix–xvi. Di Gara’s numerous books with Hebrew letters cover the spectrum of Jewish literature, including titles in Yiddish and Ladino, excepting the Talmud, a prohibited work in Italy from the mid-sixteenth century. Alvise Bragadin began to print Hebrew books in 1550 with Maimonides’s Mishneh Torah with the glosses of R. Meir ben Isaac Katzenellenbogen (Maharam, 1473–1565) of Padua. The contention over that work, when a rival edition was published by Marco Antonio Giustiniani, resulted in the Talmud being burned and the cessation of Hebrew printing in Venice. When printing resumed in 1563, Bragadin was among the first to again publish Hebrew books. His press would continue as one of Venice’s leading Hebrew printshops,

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glass cannot equal it; nor can it be exchanged for jewels of fine gold (keli paz)” (Job 28:17)—has an architectural frame and states: The Lord his God, dwelling in pleasantness, “his lips move in the grave” (cf. Yevamot 97a, Sanhedrin 90b, Bekhorot 31b) because he has merited and caused the public to merit through his kelim, various kelim on the Torah, Prophets, and Writings, filled them with “wisdom, understanding, and knowledge” (Exodus 31:3) of all the Midrashim, most of the great commentators … Rashi, Ibn Ezra, Radak, Ralbag, R. Isaac Arama, R. Isaac Abrabanel, and on his lips he has added wisdom of his own and many additions, “leaves pretty and fruit abundant” (cf. Daniel 4:9). The title page dates the beginning of work to 3 Tevet “A green ‫( זית‬417 =  December 19, 1656) olive tree” (Jeremiah 11:16). The solar date is given as 1657. It also informs the reader that Keli Paz was edited by the brothers R. Levi and R. Isaac Laniado, brothers of the elder R. Solomon Laniado, sons of Abraham ben Samuel Laniado.15 The verso of the title page has an approbation and verse from R. Moses Zacuto that is followed by an introduction from Levi Laniado, in which the second through fourth paragraphs begin with Keli, each paragraph describing another of Samuel Laniado’s books, and then an introduction from R. Solomon ben Abraham Laniado, a grandson of the author. He writes that it was his father’s intent to add to the work, but that in truth the demands of

issuing Hebrew titles into the eighteenth century under several generations of Bragadins. The press is somewhat unusual, however, in that although it was under the Bragadin family, their role for most of this period was primarily nominal, or, as Joshua Bloch writes, “one member of the family succeeded another as titular heads of the firm, taking little interest in any of its activities except in drawing profits” or, as Amram writes, “the owners had become ‘clarissimi’ and ‘illustrissimi signori’ who no longer took any personal interest in their press but enjoyed an income from it without soiling their hands.” Among the printers who actually operated the printshop were Giovanni Cajun, Giacomo Sarzino, Giovanni Caleoni, and several others. The output of the press was considerable, here too covering the gamut of Hebrew works. Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy, p. 374; Joshua Bloch, “Venetian Printers of Hebrew Books,” in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography (New York, 1976), p. 86. Concerning Giovanni Caleoni, who printed Keli Paz, see Meir Benayahu, “The Books Printed in Venice at the Caleon Press,” Asufot XIII (2001), pp. 93–241, here pp. 93–97. Concerning the dispute over the Mishneh Torah, see my Printing the Talmud: A History of the Earliest Printed Editions of the Talmud (Brooklyn: Im ha-sefer, 1992), 217–40; idem. “Sibling Rivalry: Simultaneous Editions of Hebrew Books” Quntres 2, no. 1 (https:// taljournal.jtsa.edu/index.php/quntres, winter, 2011), pp. 22–36, reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 305–14. 15 Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, p. 28, who says that Abraham had six sons.

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attending to the affairs of the holy community of Aram Zova all his days, as did Moses servant of the Lord, did not leave him the leisure to fulfill his desire to write what he wished and to bring his father’s other books to press.16 The text of Keli Paz begins the foliation, is set in punctuated square letters, and is surrounded by Laniado’s commentary. The initial word of Isaiah, Hazon, is set in a border of florets. Keli Paz is a lengthy, detailed, and comprehensive work drawing on numerous sources. The primary subject matter is exile and redemption; after a few explaining verses, Laniado here too is discursive.17 The volume concludes with an index of sources and the colophon of the compositors, Menahem ben Joseph Habib and Joseph ben Jacob ha-Kohen. Keli Paz was also reprinted as part of Kehillat Moshe (Amsterdam, 1687). Samuel Laniado’s last published work is Teruʾat Melekh (80: [3], 13, 13–106, [2] ff.) in Ofen (Buda [pest], 1863) on Psalms. The title page describes it as: Sefer Tehillim (Psalms) with two commentaries, one commentary that of the gaon, light of the world and its holiness, R. Samuel Laniado, entitled Teruʾat Melekh. The second commentary is by the gaon, well known throughout the world, R. Azaria Figo, entitled Hevel Na⁠ʾim.18 Refined and arranged by Yoel Bloch. The title page further informs the reader, in Hebrew and in German, that it was printed at the Royal University Press. There is an approbation from R. Solomon Zalman Pearlstein and an introduction from Yoel Bloch, who informs the reader that Teruʾat Melekh is not an independent work by Laniado but has been derived from the Prague edition of Keli Hemdah. Similarly, Hevel Na⁠ʾim has been assembled from Figo’s Binah le-Ittim. The text comprises Psalms in square vocalized letters at the top of the page with Teruʾat Melekh and Hevel Na⁠ʾim below it, both in rabbinic letters. At the end of the volume are prayers to be recited on Shabbat, before beginning and upon completing Psalms, for an ill person, and the text concludes with a list, arranged by location, of those who helped finance its publication. 16 Benayahu, “Caleon Press,” pp. 280–81. 17 Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, p. 28. 18 R. Azaria ben Ephraim Figo (Picho, 1579–1647) was the author of Giddulei Terumah (Venice, 1643), a casuistic commentary on the Sefer ha-Terumot of R. Samuel Sardian, and Binah le-Ittim, a popular collection of sermons. He was appointed rabbi in Pisa at the age of 28, and later served as preacher to the Sephardic community of Venice. See Chayim Reuven Rabinowitz, “Figo (Picho), Azariah.” Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed, vol. 7 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), pp. 18–19.

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Teruʾat Melekh was reprinted in Jerusalem in 1931 by R. David Ziyyon ben Solomon Laniado. When the press run was brought outside from the printshop to wait for the wagon, the run was taken by a stranger and disappeared. David’s son, Solomon Laniado, republished Teruʾat Melekh from a single surviving copy in 1978.19 Other works remain in manuscript, among them his commentary on Lamentations (Keli Golah), a second work on the Pentateuch (Mevakkesh ha-Shem); Sechel Tov on the Midrash Shoher Tov; and a work on most of the Later Prophets. That all of Samuel Laniado’s books, with the exception of Teruʾat Melekh, a much later imprint, were printed in Venice, as well as the following titles by other members of the family, is not surprising. The sages of Aram Zova, and various rabbis in other Eastern Mediterranean cities, preferred, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to send their books to Italy, and afterwards to Amsterdam, to be printed despite the existence of Hebrew presses in Constantinople and Salonika. This is noted by both Abraham Yaari and Meir Benayahu, the latter commenting that this was so despite the peril of delivering their manuscript by sea, typesetting and editing by strangers in the absence of the author, and the need for approval by the censors, Con licentia di I Superiori (“published with the permission of the authorities”). They risked it all because of the perceived superiority of the Italian presses. Furthermore, despite the distinction of the Aram Zova Jewish community, the first Hebrew press in that city was only established in 1865 by Elijah Hai ben Abraham Sassoon. The first title from his press was R. Hayyim Vital’s Sha⁠ʾarei Kiddushah (1866, 120: [4], 48 ff.) on reward and punishment.20 We turn now to R. Abraham ben Isaac Laniado (d. after 1619), a nephew and son-in-law of R. Samuel Laniado. Abraham too was born in Aram Zova and was a student of R. Joseph Caro in Safed, remaining in that holy city after the death of his father. R. Hayyim Vital, while in Ein Zeitim, describes a dream that he had in 1557, in which he was in the great synagogue in Safed together with Caro and Laniado. The late Isaac Amigo came to them to request that they act to repair (heal, yetaken) his soul.21 Abraham Laniado subsequently returned 19 Vanunu, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, p. 2214. 20 Benayahu, The Relation between Greek and Italian Jewry, pp. 98–100; Abraham Yaari, Ha-Defus ha-Ivri be-Artsot ha-mizrah I (Jerusalem, 1937), pp. 31–32, 38, no. 1 [Hebrew]. This was not the first printing of Sha⁠ʾarei Kiddushah but rather the twenty-sixth edition of that work. Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim (Israel, n. d.), shin 2157 [Hebrew]. 21 This is based on Vital’s Sefer ha-Hezonot. Pozailov, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, p. 30; Vanunu, Gedolei Rabane Suryah ṿe-ha-Levanon, p. 52. Concerning this incident, see Morris M. Faierstein, Jewish Mystical Autobiographies: Book of Visions and Book of Secrets (New York, 1999), p. 94, who says that Amigo was a singer who had died three years

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figure 8.4 Magen Avraham, 1603, Venice

to Aram Zova, married Samuel Laniado’s daughter, and served there as Chief Rabbi. He was in Venice at the beginning of the sixteenth century, publishing Magen Avraham (Venice, 1603, 40: 180 ff., fig. 8.4), homilies on diverse subjects, and his father-in-law’s Keli Yekar at the press of Daniel Zanetti.22 previously of liver and intestinal disease and had come to him requesting that they repair him. He then describes the wondrous event that ensued. 22 Magen Avraham was printed at the press of Daniel Zanetti prior to Keli Yekar, which was printed at the press of Giovanni di Gara. Benayahu, The Relation between Greek and Italian Jewry, p. 181, notes that both books were brought to press by Abraham Laniado at different presses but does suggest a reason for this. Perhaps, and this is pure speculation, the volume of work at the presses did not permit taking on two additional works in a short time frame given their other prior commitments and the fact that Abraham was in a hurry to see the work completed.

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The title page of Magen Avraham has the decorative frame made up of rows of florets typical of Zanetti imprints.23 The text states that it “brings to light the concealed wisdom ‘on which hang one thousand bucklers’ (Song of Songs 4:4) beginning from the creation of man ‘from the eighth day on it is acceptable’ (Hullin 81a) until ‘The end of the matter, all has been heard’” (Ecclesiastes 12:13). It continues that there are seventeen discourses and that the editor was R. Isaac Gershon. The title page is dated “the beginning [of the work] was on Rosh Hodesh Adar in the year 5363 from the creation (Wednesday, February 12, 1603).” The colophon dates the completion of the work to Friday, 2 Nissan 5363 (March 14, 1603), so that setting the book took approximately one month from beginning to end.24 The text is primarily in a single column in rabbinic type, save for the first of two introductions by Abraham, introductory paragraphs within the text that the discourses address, headers, and initial words, all of which are in square letters. Marginalia give source references. The initial words of the author’s introduction are within a decorative frame, and the title of the second introduction is within a border made up of the same florets as the border on the title page. Magen Avraham begins with the author’s introduction (2a–b), in which Laniado warmly describes his learning from R. Caro, describes difficulties he has experienced, and thanks his father-in-law for his support and kindness. He writes why he has entitled the book Magen Avraham: “It is time to act for the Lord” (Psalms 119:126) “He is a shield (magen) to all those who trust in Him’ (II Samuel 22:31, Psalms 18:31) and He gave me a shield (magen) of salvation and I called its name Magen Avraham. “He is my shield (magen), and the horn of my salvation” (II Samuel 22:3), everlasting salvation.

23 The Zanetti press began publishing Hebrew books in the sixteenth century, continuing into the first decade of the seventeenth century. Meir Benayahu, “The Books Printed in Venice at the Zanetti Press,” Asufot XII (1999), pp. 10–11 [Hebrew], records the publications of four members of this family, Cristophel, Matteo, Daniel, and Zanetto (Zuan). Members of the Zanetti family originally had a relationship with the di Gara press before printing on their own, the two presses then being competitors. Benayahu considers Daniel Zanetti, whose printshop was on the Calle de Dogan, to be the foremost printer of that family, issuing more than sixty titles from 1576 to 1608. Daniel used new letters in the seventeenth century, issuing books not only of great intrinsic value but, also, of great physical quality. 24 Benayahu, “Zanetti Press,” pp. 106, 122–24.

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The discourses, which contain considerable Midrashic and kabbalistic con­tent, are, including the introduction to the book (3a–6b): discourse one on milah (6b–13a), discourse two on milah (13b–17a), ma⁠ʾamar le-milah (17a–31b), on the Torah (31b–55a), on the huppa (“wedding canopy”) (55b–69a), on charity (69b–80a), on giving thanks ‫( להודאה‬80a–86b), discourse two on giving thanks (86b–90b), discourse three on giving thanks (90b–94a), discourse four on giving thanks (94a–129b), first discourse on repentance (129b–158b), first eulogy discourse (158c–162a), second eulogy discourse (162b–166a), third eulogy discourse (166a–170b), fourth eulogy discourse (170b–174a), and fifth eulogy discourse (174a–177b). The volume concludes with errata (178a), attributable to the printing rather than to the author, and an index of sources (178b–180b). Abraham Laniado was also the author of Nekuddot ha-Kesef (40: 70 ff.), a commentary on the Song of Songs published at the press of Pietro and Lorenzo Bragadin (Venice, 1619). Nekuddot ha-Kesef was brought to press by R. Moses Laniado, the author’s son-in-law. The title is from, “We will make you ornaments of gold studded with silver (nekuddot ha-kesef)” (Song of Songs 1:11). On the title page (fig. 8.5), Moses Laniado is thanked for preparing the book “for publication with ‘the excellence of dignity and the excellence of power’ (Genesis 49:3), and adding the Targum, the vernacular (loʾaz), and Rashi’s commentary.” It is dated in a good year ‫( בשנה טובה‬379 = 1619).

figure 8.5 Nekuddot ha-Kesef, 1619, Venice

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There are introductions from Moses Laniado, who notes other works by Abraham Laniado (2b) that he hopes to publish, and by the author, who writes that he entitled the book Nekuddot ha-Kesef because: the acquisition of “understanding is preferable to silver” (Proverbs 16:16) and my soul desires to explain difficult matters, “here a little, and there a little” (Isaiah 28:10, 13), “striped, spotted and speckled” (Genesis 31:10, 12), ‘set upon sockets of fine gold’ (Song of Songs 5:15). “Their locks are wavy” (cf. ibid. 5:11), mounds and mounds of halakhot, ordered in the mouths of all, matters closed to the eye, and the eyes of all who are wise-hearted (var. cit.) can “behold the right” (Psalms 17:2) and sup for they are sweet and mellow to the palate. There is a second, considerably longer introduction from Abraham Laniado (3a–5b) and then the text beginning on 6b (fig. 8.6). The text comprises Song of Songs in the middle of a page, which is surrounded by the accompanying commentaries generally arranged in four columns depending on the length of Nekuddot ha-Kesef. The arrangement is Laniado’s commentary in the outer column with Rashi’s commentary in the inner column, both in rabbinic letters. On the facing page is the Aramaic Targum in the inner column and the translation into Ladino in the outer column, both in square vocalized Hebrew letters. The Targum and Ladino translation end with Song of Songs 3:8 (47b), and the remainder of the volume is only the text of Song of Songs, Nekuddot ha-Kesef, and Rashi. There is no 11f. due to a printer’s error. The conclusion of the translation for chapter one and the beginning of chapter two follow verses 1:7–9. These leaves were reprinted in the correct sequence after 17f., but then removed from most copies so that they are very rare. This is the only edition of Nekuddot ha-Kesef in Hebrew letters, but it has been reprinted several times in Roman letters. In the above-noted preface, Moses Laniado informs the reader that Abraham Laniado also wrote a lengthy commentary on the Pentateuch, entitled Torat Hesed, and on the Megillot, Haftarot, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, and Daniel. Several of Laniado’s responsa were published by M. Friedländer (Vienna, 1860).25 We conclude with R. Mordecai ben Isaac Kohen Ashkenazi’s (late 16th– early 17th century) Rosh Mor Deror (40: 116. [4] ff.), which was printed by Pietro Bragadin (Venice, 1615).26 Ashkenazi was a student and son-in-law of Samuel 25 Abraham ben Isaac Laniado, Venice—Benayahu, “Caleon Press,” pp. 146–47. 26 Benayahu, “Caleon Press,” p. 116. Published by Bragadin, the printer’s name is given as Giovanni Caleoni.

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figure 8.6 Nekuddot ha-Kesef, 1619, Venice

Laniado, and he too served as rabbi in Aram Zova. Rosh Mor Deror, Ashkenazi’s only published work, comprises discourses on the weekly parashiot. The title page has the Bragadin pillared frame and concise text stating that it is discourses “pleasant and ‘sweeter also than honey and the honeycomb’” (Psalms 19:11). The title of Rosh Mor Deror, Ashkenazi’s only published work, is from “Take you also to you the best spices, of pure myrrh (rosh mor deror)” (Exodus 30:23). Mor Deror can also be understood as referring to Mordecai, for “where is Mordecai alluded to in the Torah? It is written mor deror, for which the targum (Aramaic) is meira dakhya ‫ ”מירא דכיא‬forming a cognate of Mordecai (Hullin 139b). The title page is dated ‫( שעה‬1615). The colophon after the text dates completion of work to Rosh Hodesh Elul Shabbat (30 Av), “Arise, shine ‫קומי אורי‬ (373 = August 17, 1613)” (Isaiah 60:1). After the indexes is the date of permission to print, Con licentia di I Superiori, February 4, 1614. That the completion date is a Shabbat is indicative of the fact that the type was set by non-Jewish workers.27 The title page was completed after the book was set, a common 27 Concerning work done on Shabbat, see my “And the Work, the Work of Heaven, Was Performed on Shabbat,” The Torah u-Maddah Journal 11 (2002–03), pp. 174–85, reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 266–77. For

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figure 8.7 Rosh Mor Deror, 1615, Venice

practice. Benayahu notes that what is unusual is the brief interval between permission being given by the censor and publication, a process that normally took several years.28 It is followed by prefatory remarks (2a–b) in which Ashkenazi praises the late Laniado extensively, noting that he was with him for ten years and that Laniado was like a father to him and that he was like a son to Laniado. Next is Ashkenazi’s introduction (3a–4b), the initial phrase in a decorative frame, the only ornamentation in the book (fig. 8.7). The text comprises the source of the homily in square letters and about it Ashkenazi’s discourse in rabbinic letters; and concluding with seven pages of indexes, ordered by parashiot by subject, parashiot by source (Midrash), and verses. Rosh Mor Deror is set in a single column, each of its fifty-five discourses comprising a Midrash in a square font and the accompanying discourse in rabbinic letters. Occasional use is made of kabbalistic concepts. Examples of the homilies are: the creation of the world was by hesed (“benevolence”) and therefore a person is obligated to pursue righteousness and kindness and thus find life (Bereishit); the purpose of the Tabernacle and Temple is that the peoples of the related editors’ complaints, see Avraham Yaari, “Editors’ Complaints Regarding Printing on the Sabbath by Non-Jews,” in Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kook, 1958), pp. 170–78 [Hebrew]. 28 Meir Benayahu, Copyright, Authorization, and Imprimatur for Hebrew Books Printed in Venice (Jerusalem, 1971), pp. 231, 342 [Hebrew].

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world will know God’s name is called on Israel (Terumah); God repays individuals according to their deeds, measure for measure (Tazriʾa); a primary rule in the Torah and correct conduct is from Moses, who performed all his deeds privately (with modesty, Naso); and Israel has no strength except through Torah (Mattot). The Laniado family, distinguished sages of Aram Zova, continued to provide rabbinic leadership to that community for several centuries. The true precious stones and pearls were not those found by R. Samuel ben Abraham Laniado in the barrels but the pearls to be bound in his books, all but one entitled Keli, and in the works of his descendants.

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Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia: A Study in Contrasts Abstract Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia (Mussaphia, Dionysius) is an intriguing personality. He was a talented, complex, and multifaceted individual, and even today remains of considerable interest and appeal. Born in Portugal to a Marrano family (one that practiced Judaism covertly), Mussafia left that land and eventually became a respected philologist. He was a highly regarded doctor, serving as physician-in-ordinary to Christian IV of Denmark; a rabbinic figure, holding rabbinic positions in the Sephardic community; an alchemist; and, in sad contrast to all of this, for a period of time, an enthusiastic advocate of the pseudo-Messiah Shabbetai Zevi. Mussafia’s books are varied. Zekher Rav (1635), Mussafia’s first title, is a versified philological work praising creation, in which roots are used once only. It has been reprinted at least fourteen times, including translations. His most important work, Musaf he-Arukh (Amsterdam, 1655), is a supplement to the Arukh of R. Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome (1035–c. 1110). It is a comprehensive lexicography explaining difficult terms in classical rabbinic literature, and it remains in print. Other books by Mussafia are on alchemy, a Purim play, and on the ebb and flow of tides. All of this solid production notwithstanding, Mussafia was a controversial figure, who was opposed by a prominent rabbinic figure. This article discusses the life and books of an interesting but not well remembered individual.

Sarni: … a species of sea creature; from mid-point and above a woman, from mid-point and below a fish…. It was told to me that the king of the north who reigns in Denmark and Norway was passing in a ship by the Kingdom of Norway and spotted this creature sitting “in the heat of the day” (Genesis 18:1) on a shoal of the sea. Musaf he-Arukh 127a

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© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia (Mussaphia, Dionysius, 1606–1675) is an intriguing personality, a complex, multifaceted, and talented individual, who is of considerable interest and appeal.1 A respected philologist, he was the author of important works in that field. He was also a highly regarded doctor, having served as physician-in-ordinary to Christian IV of Denmark, and he served in rabbinic positions in the Sephardic community. Finally, he was an alchemist. In sad contrast to all of this, Mussafia was, for a period of time, an enthusiastic advocate of the pseudo-Messiah Shabbatei Zevi (1626–1676).2 Mussafia is believed to have been born in Mussa in Spain, but he eventually relocated to Hamburg. He was well connected, being the younger brother of Albert Dionis, who in 1614 was one of the wealthiest Jews in Hamburg. He got married, in 1628, to Sarah Abigail da Silva, the daughter of Samuel da Silva, and was related by marriage to Menasseh (Manasseh) Ben Israel (1604– 1657).3,4 Mussafia’s marriage to Sarah was tragically brief, as it is related to us in the introduction (below) to Mussafia’s first work, Zekher Rav. Mussafia’s daughter, from a second marriage, married Gabriel Milan (Don Franco de Tebary Cordova, c. 1631–1689), the Jewish governor of the Danish West Indies (1684–1686), which are now known as the U.S. Virgin Islands.5 Mussafia’s 1 The original version of this article was published in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (Mainz, 2014), pp. 208–18. I would like to express my appreciation to my son-in-law, Moshe Tepfer, for his assistance in getting facsimiles of several of the rare books described in this article. I would also like to thank Eli Genauer for reading the article and for his corrections. 2 Mordechai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel (Tel Aviv, 1986), I, cols. 276–77 [Hebrew]; Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei veHakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizrah (Jerusalem, 2006), I, pp. 371–73 [Hebrew]. 3 Albert Dionis, who previously had a successful import-export business in Hamburg, served as mint-master for Christian IV of Denmark in the new town of Glückstadt on the Elbe, Schleswig-Holstein, in northwestern Germany. It was founded by Christian IV in 1616; he granted special privileges to induce a group of Hamburg Jews to settle there several years later. In 1644–1645, Dionis issued coins with the Tetragrammaton (the Hebrew 4-letter name of God). 4 Samuel da Silva too was a Marrano physician from Portugal. He translated Hilkhot Teshuvah from Maimonides’s (Rambam, 1135–1204) Mishneh Torah into Spanish as Tratado de la Tesuvah o Contrición (Amsterdam, 1613) and wrote Tratado da Immortalidade da Alma (Treatise on the Immortality of the Soul, Amsterdam, 1623), a refutation of Uriel da Costa’s criticism of traditional Judaism (“Silva, Samuel da,” Encyclopaedia Judaica (EJ). Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 18. (Detroit, 2007), p. 583. 5 Gabriel Milan (Don Franco de Tebary Cordova), from a respected Sephardic Marrano family, was the son of Manuel Cardoso de Millao and Sara de Caceres. Mussafia’s daughter, clearly from a second marriage, Milan’s first wife, given name unknown, last name de Castro, died in 1675, leaving behind two children, Felix (1658–1689) and Frantz Ferdinand (1658–1687). Milan subsequently married Juliana Regina von Breitenbach. Milan served as a colonel in the Spanish cavalry in Flanders (1654–1655) and later was Governor of the Danish West Indies for

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sons and grandsons joined the court of the Gottorps (Holstein-Gottorp or Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp). All of this information notwithstanding, little is actually known about Mussafia’s personal life. A highly regarded physician, Mussafia attended the medical school in Padua, the foremost such school at the time, which was also noteworthy for the fact that it matriculated Jews. Cecil Roth reports that in 1640 Mussafia was expelled from Hamburg for his “frank expression of his views on Christianity.”6 This notwithstanding, in 1646, while resident in Glückstadt, Holstein, part of the Hamburg Metropolitan Region, Mussafia was appointed physician-in-ordinary to Christian IV of Denmark (1577–1648). Christian IV reigned from 1588 (attaining his majority in 1596), his reign of more than 59 years making him the longest-ruling monarch of Denmark. Mussafia, in Musaf he-Arukh (see below), in the entry for sarni ‫( סרני‬127a), informs us that Christian IV reputedly sighted a mermaid. When Christian IV died in 1648, Mussafia relocated first to Glückstadt in Holstein and then to Amsterdam, where he spent the remainder of his life. He served there as rosh yeshiva of the bet ha-midrash (“house of study”) Keter Torah and was among the leaders of the local Sephardic community. An individual of broad education and great erudition, Mussafia was, in addition to a Talmudic scholar, a philologist competent in Latin, Greek, and Arabic, which was reflected in several of his varied works. Mussafia’s first title, Zekher Rav, written in memory of his wife Sarah, was printed in Amsterdam (1635) at the press of Menasseh Ben Israel. A small-format book (160: 1–35, ff. 36–38 wrongly foliated 34–36, [39–40], last blank), Zekher Rav is a versified philological work praising creation, in which all roots are used once only.7 The title page (see fig. 9.1), which has a decorative frame made up of rows of florets, does not mention Mussafia’s name. It is given, however, in the colophon, which also informs the reader that he was a physician. The brief text of the title page states that it is “A recollection of your great (zekher rav) [goodness]” (Psalms 145:7). “He remembered the days of old” (Isaiah 63:11), “the root of the matter found” (Job 19:28) in our holy language. Continually before Sarah…. Printed in the month of Adar 5395 (1635). less than two turbulent years. Recalled to Denmark, Milan was, after a lengthy trial, executed on March 26, 1689 (http://jewage.org/wiki/en/Article:Gabriel_Milan_-_Biography). 6 Cecil Roth, A History of the Marranos (Philadelphia, 1932; reprint New York, 1966), p. 231. 7 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), I, p. 121, no. 161.

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figure 9.1 Zekher Rav, Amsterdam, 1635

The title page is followed by Mussafia’s pained introduction (2a–3a), in which he speaks to his late wife, writing: “To you I lift up my eyes” (Psalms 123:1) with tears, who dwells in Heaven. “Your love to me was wonderful” (II Samuel 1:26). Sarah, my wife, born this day on II Adar 372 (February/March, 1612), the only daughter to your father, the pious doctor Samuel da Silva and your mother, Rivka, sister of my mother. “And it came to pass at the end of two full years” (Genesis 41:1) sick unto death, then with the name Abigail given, on 13 Sivan 388 (Wednesday, June 14, 1628), I betrothed her to me. She became ill after giving birth to the first and in a day died, three infants not seeing the light of day … “Rachel (sic) died by me” (cf. Genesis 48:7) in Hamburg, at the conclusion of Shabbat Nahamu 5394 (1634) and I buried her in Altona “for you shall rest, and shall stand up at the end of the days” (cf. Daniel 12:13), in order that the generations have “a recollection of your great (zekher rav) [goodness]” (Psalms 145:7). Mussafia next addresses the contents of Zekher Rav, writing that in “this book are ‘the generations of the heavens and of the earth when they were created, in the day that He made them’ (cf. Genesis 2:4). In it are the roots of the words of our holy language.” He wrote this versified praise of creation in such a manner that all of the three-letter roots of biblical Hebrew words and most of their derivatives appear one time only. Mussafia concludes: “I have written my name at the end of the book and if you acquire it without this sign I will not forgive (acquit) you” (cf. Jeremiah 30:11). The text (see fig. 9.2) follows in a single

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figure 9.2 Zekher Rav, Amsterdam, 1635

column in vocalized Hebrew. Zekher Rav is divided into seven parts, reflecting the seven days of creation.8 Zekher Rav has proven to be a popular work, for it was reprinted at least fourteen times, a figure that includes translations and a Karaite adaptation.9 The next printing of Zekher Rav (Hamburg, 1638), at the press of Jacob Rebenlini, 8 Shimeon Brisman, History and Guide to Judaic Dictionaries and Concordances (Hoboken, 2000), p. 18. 9 Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim (Israel, n.d.), zayin 205 [Hebrew], which records Hebrew titles from 1474 to 1950, lists fifteen editions of Zekher Rav, including accompanying translations and emendations.

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Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia

figure 9.3 Zekher Rav, Hamburg, 1638

was only three years after the first edition. The title page (fig. 9.3) of this edition (40: [8], 51 pp.), which has both Hebrew and Latin text, primarily the latter, states that it is Memoria multa memorabit dies mundi & radicem verbi inventi in lingua sancta Hoc est, Libellus memorialis continens Linguæ Ebrææ Radices seu voces primas omnes, derivatas præcipuas radices seu voces primas omnes, derivatas præcipuas. The prefatory material is in Latin, beginning with a dedication to “Friderico, Hæredi in Norvvegi, Slefvici, Holfatiæ, Stormariæ (Frederick III (1609–70) son and heir of Christian IV).” Memoria multa (Zekher Rav) comprise the Hebrew text (fig. 9.4) with interlinear Latin translation. Pagination and the register run from right to left. The next printing of Zekher Rav was in Vienna (1757), also with Latin. That edition is possibly the second Hebrew book printed in Vienna (80: [8], 72 pp.).10 Later editions do not have the complete introduction, 10 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, II: Places of Print … (Jerusalem, 1993), p. 218, no. 2 [Hebrew]. The first Hebrew title, with translation, was Or Noga, a

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figure 9.4 Zekher Rav, Hamburg, 1638

omitting the dedication by Mussafia to Sarah, but the conclusion only, describing the text, and that not without the caution at the end. Mussafia’s (actually Dionysius, his Latin name) next title was Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ ex Bibliis (Hamburg, 1640, 8°: [8], 71 [i.e., 72], [7] pp.), which is described as a medical treatise comprised of approximately 800 sentences on medical topics.11 Harry Friedenwald described Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ ex kabbalistic work. The Bibliographical Project of the Jewish National and University Library, Bibliography of the Hebrew Book, 1473–1960 [https://web.nli.org.il/sites/nli/english/ infochannels/catalogs/bibliographic-databases/pages/the-hebrew-book.aspx], records a Bible (1743), two editions of Or Noga (1745, 1747) and then Zekher Rav as the first Hebrew imprints in Vienna. Harry Friedenwald, Jewish Luminaries in Medical History (Baltimore, 1946), p. 117, notes that the Prague 1868 edition was issued as a schoolbook and has the approval (approbation) of Dr. Israel Hildesheimer. Friedberg (see above, note 9), zayin 205:13 describes that edition (80: 84 pp.) as having an explanation of the words in German and Russian, and with additions. 11 I am grateful to Seth Jerchower for clarifying Mussafia’s use of the name Dionysius. He informed me, in a private correspondence dated January 15, 2013, that “as to Dionysius, it is a very popular Christian name, which in English became ‘Dennis,’ from the French ‘Denis.’ The name was not popular because of the Greek god, but because of its association with St. Denis. I assume that Mussafia adopted a (Dutch?) form of Denis as his ‘civil’ name or Latinized for publication purposes, but why he used that instead of ‘Benjaminus,’

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Bibliis as the “earliest work on this subject by a Jewish physician,” noting that it is concerned only with the Hebrew Bible. Furthermore, he writes, that its form is peculiar. All passages bearing on medicine in its broadest aspect are indicated in regular order by number of Chapter and Verse (beginning with the first chapter of Genesis and ending with Chronicles). In all there are about 650 verses thus cited, each followed by brief explanatory epigrams.12 Included in Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ is a letter by Mussafia to an unnamed learned friend. Entitled Mezahab epistola (Mei Zahav), it discusses the therapeutic properties of gold and the “science” of alchemy. Mezahab epistola provides a synopsis of how gold is addressed in the Bible as well as how those biblical passages are addressed by medieval rabbinic authorities. In a review of earlier sources, Mussafia asserts that the Hellenistic Alexandrian alchemists were not Egyptians but Jews, their works falsely attributed to the Egyptians.13 Mezahab epistola has been included in several collections of works on alchemy, often with commentaries. Raphael Patai informs us that the most detailed and learned of those commentaries is to be found in Juedische Merkwuerdigkeiten (Jewish Peculiarities, 1714–18), the less-than-flattering fourvolume compendium of Jewish customs and practices written by the German Christian-Hebraist Johann Jakob Schudt (1664–1722). An example of Mezahab epistola, translated from Juedische Merkwuerdigkeiten in Patai’s The Jewish Alchemists, describes seven different types of gold, stating: First: portable gold, mezahab, obviously called water of gold, Gen. 36:39. Second: termed purified gold, zahahame sucac [zahav mʾzuqqaq], burnt gold, Exod. 33:20…. which was also accepted—especially in a Protestant country—I’m unable to say.” In a second letter, dated March 17, 2013, Seth Jerchower adds that the “clear connection to the name ‘DIONYSIUS,’ namely that his own brother was known as Albert Dionis, indicates a family connection to the name. If my suspicion should bear fruit, this could have been the family’s Marrano surname, and it might follow that, as converts, they were sponsored while in Portugal by a Christian with that name for the purpose of conversions, as was also known to happen in Italy.” 12 Friedenwald, Jewish Luminaries, p. 117. Given the rarity of Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ it has not been possible to determine whether there are 650 verses or 800 sentences in this work or whether the two numbers can be reconciled. 13 Raphael Patai, The Jewish Alchemists: A History and Source Book (Princeton, 1994), pp. 437–39.

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Seven: also unknown to the Hermetics, shab sachut [zahav shaḥuṭ], stretched gold. I Kings 10:16, said by the rabbis to be zahav senitva cahut [zahav shenitvah kaḥuṭ], gold which is spun like a thread. Sometimes, however, called seminsach que su hava [shenimshakh bʾsha⁠ʾavah], which can be stretched like wax.14 In 1642, Mussafia published Mei ha-Yam (Amsterdam, 1642), which is on the ebb and flow of tides. This work is dedicated to Christian IV of Denmark. Although it is known by its Hebrew title in general Hebrew bibliographies, it is not listed in catalogues of Hebrew book collections. Julius Fürst records it as Epistola Regia de Maris reciprocatione (Ebbe und Fluth, dem Könige von Dänemark gewidmet).15 It, too, despite it being known by its Hebrew title, was likely a Latin work, it being unlikely that Christian IV would have been much impressed by a book dedicated to him in Hebrew. Mei ha-Yam must have been influential in securing Mussafia his position as physician-in-ordinary to that monarch. Mussafia’s reputation as a physician did not go unchallenged. He was slandered by Johannes Joachim Müller in Judaismus oder Judenthum (Hamburg, 1644).16 Although Müller does not refer to Mussafia by name, he clearly alludes to Mussafia in this polemic treatise. Indeed, Shimon Vanunu suggests that Mussafia’s reputation as a great physician is evidenced by the nature of Müller’s attacks.17 When Christian IV died in 1648, Mussafia relocated first to Glückstadt and then to Amsterdam, where he spent the remainder of his life. He served there, as noted above, as rosh yeshiva of the bet ha-midrash Keter Torah, a position 14 Patai, Jewish Alchemists, pp. 440–41. 15 Julius Fürst, Bibliotheca Judaica: Bibliographisches Handbuch der Gesammten Jüdischen Literatur mit Einschluss der Schriften über Juden und Judenthum und einer Geschichte der Jüdischen Bibliographie (Leipzig, 1849–61; reprint Hildesheim, 1960), II, p. 409. 16 Johannes Joachim Müller (1598–1672) was a senior Lutheran pastor in Hamburg. Described by Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews (Philadelphia, 1956), IV, pp. 691–92, as an abusive individual who cast aspersions on his colleagues from the pulpit, Müller also expressed extreme hostility towards Jews. Apparently, Müller’s immediate motivation for Judaismus oder Judenthum was a book attributed to Jacob Judah Leon (c. 1603–c. 1673) entitled Colloquim Midddelburgense, a Latin dialogue between a rabbi and a Christian, which disparaged Christianity. Although Müller does not mention Mussafia by name, Müller alludes to Mussafia because of his negative remarks about Christianity. Parenthetically, Judaismus oder Judenthum has a decorative title page with vignettes across the top and bottom of the page and six additional smaller vignettes in the margins about the title page text. 17 Vanunu, Encyclopedia, pp. 371–72.

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also held by Menasseh Ben Israel, and he was among the leaders of the local Sephardic community. In 1655, Mussafia published his most important work, Musaf he-Arukh, a supplement to the Arukh of R. Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome (he-Arukh, 1035–c. 1110). That work, a comprehensive lexicography, explains difficult terms in the Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds, Midrashim, and Targumim. Talmudic words and expressions are not only defined, but in hundreds of cases their etymologies are supplied. The Arukh is not a mere dictionary, but more akin to an encyclopedia. Not only are words explained, but the comments of contemporary and earlier rabbis, many from the time of the geonim, are noted, who are often the only source for those quotations. First printed in Rome (c. 1469), it is among the earliest printed Hebrew books and, of great popularity, has been frequently republished.18 Musaf he-Arukh was printed by Immanuel Benveniste as a large-format book (20: [2], 193 [194, blank] ff.).19 The title page (fig. 9.5) has an architectural frame with Benveniste’s escutcheon at the apex, which comprises an upright lion facing inward towards a tower. A star is above the lion and the tower.20 The book is dated “[and Jacob shall return], and shall be quiet ‫( ושק״ט‬415 = 1655) and at ease” (Jeremiah 30:10, 46:27). The text states that it is Sefer Musaf he-Arukh Which previously brought to light “the secrets of wisdom” (Job 11:6) by R. Nathan ben Jehiel ben Abraham of Rome. With additions, annotations, and criticisms of the sage, philosopher, and physician R. Benjamin Mussafia. The title page is followed by Mussafia’s introduction, in which he informs the reader that he has been collecting his material since his early youth. It begins with a history of language from biblical times and the early history of the Jewish people, how it has developed, and how it has varied. The Hebrew language has changed from the time of the Patriarchs through the various dispersions of the Jewish people, so that many sages were not familiar with terms from foreign languages, for example, Latin expressions in Babylonia. Therefore 18 Marvin J. Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus I (Leiden, 2004), pp. 104–05. 19 Fuks and Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, p. 180, no. 241. 20 Concerning the varied usage of this pressmark, see Marvin J. Heller, “The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and its Later Influence,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 19 (1994), pp. 3–20, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 18–32.

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figure 9.5 Musaf he-Arukh, 1655

the gaon, Nathan of Rome, wrote the Arukh. Mussafia writes that the Arukh is the principal work and that his additions are subsidiary, so that he entitles the work Musaf he-Arukh, for it is a supplement (musaf) to that which “‘I have cherished and brought up’ (Lamentations 2:22) and added for an ornament ‘that my name be declared throughout all the earth’” (Exodus 9:16). Mussafia describes the nature of his additions and the organization and the composition of the book (fig. 9.6). The text is arranged alphabetically, in two columns, set in rabbinic type, excepting headers and initial words, which are in square letters. Each new letter of the alphabet is set in a large font and is followed by the first entry for that letter in a decorative frame, the remaining

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figure 9.6 Musaf he-Arukh

entries simply emphasized by bold square letters. Entries are accompanied by marginal references. An example of the text (f. 127a) is the entry for sarni, noted above, where the mermaid is discussed: ‫ סרני‬Sarni: Sifra parashat Shiminei [Parashta 3], a fish, a creature of the sea, to include the sarni and briefly, written ‫ סולנית‬solnit, and this is an

error and the explanation is that this is Greek and Latin, a species of sea creature; from mid-point and above a woman, from mid-point and below a fish. It was told to me that the king of the north who reigns in Denmark and Norway was passing in a ship by the Kingdom of Norway and spotted this creature sitting “in the heat of the day” (Genesis 18:1) on a shoal of the sea. Ten years ago, I stood by him and inquired of him about this and the king was silent. I understood that he was in doubt as to whether the creature that he saw was the sarni or another creature because of the distance at which he saw it. Also, the creature heard the voice of the captain calling to the king who was sitting at the side of the ship and his face was to the other side. My lord the king turned his face and this great wonder immediately dove into the sea. However, the captain and the crew testified that it was a sarni that they had seen. Imaginative poets

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testify that sarni sings with a sweet voice and perhaps it is called sarni from shira (“song”). Mussafia worked on Musaf he-Arukh for many years, providing the derivations of hundreds of Talmudic terms with their proper meanings from Arabic, Greek, and Latin, as well as adding many words omitted from the Arukh.21 Among his sources was Johannes Buxtorf’s Lexicon chaldaicum, talmudicum et rabbinicum (Basle, 1639). This is the sole edition of Musaf he-Arukh printed apart from the Arukh. Well received, it is published today as a supplement to most editions of the Arukh.22 We turn now to that which has besmirched Mussafia’s reputation, his adherence to the Shabbetaian movement. In his last years, Mussafia was an enthusiastic advocate of the pseudo-Messiah Shabbetai Zevi.23 Mussafia, even before the advent of this movement, had pronounced liberal tendencies, questioning biblical and Talmudic matters, despite holding a rabbinic position, as well as being associated with and influenced by the rationalist philosopher Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677), a contradiction noted by Vanunu and commented on by Heinrich Graetz, who refers to Dionysius (Benjamin) Mussafia as a semiSpinozist. Furthermore, Mussafia, formerly an opponent of Kabbalah, having “converted to the ‘faith,’” as Gershom Scholem puts it, was questioned by R. Jacob Sasportas (c. 1610–1698) as to whether he and his colleagues “had now adopted the kabbalistic teachings which they had previously despised.”24 Indeed, Mussafia went so far as to be a signatory to the second letter paying homage to Shabbetai Zevi—he is reported to have been offended at not having been included as a cosigner to the first letter—acknowledging him as king and inquiring “whether to set out immediately in order to throw themselves at the messiah’s feet, or to bide their time until the signal was given for the general gathering of the exiles.” This letter, dated September 24, 1666, was signed by fourteen signatories, members of the Keter Torah yeshivah.25 It should be 21 Meyer Waxman, A History of Jewish Literature (1933; reprint Cranbury, 1960), II, p. 23. 22 Brisman, History and Guide, p. 18. 23 As an aside, Cecil Roth, A Life of Menasseh ben Israel: Rabbi, Printer, and Diplomat (Philadelphia, 1945), pp. 119–20, suggests that, given Mussafia’s wholehearted embrace of the pseudo-Messiah, Menasseh Ben Israel’s mystical and apocalyptical inclinations must have found considerable favor with Mussafia, so that the two may have been considerably closer than “than the bare facts which survive to illustrate their intercourse would otherwise warrant us believing.” 24 Graetz, History of the Jews V, pp. 115, 139, 155; Gershom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah 1626–1676 (Princeton, 1973), p. 535; Vanunu, Encyclopedia, p. 372. 25 Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, p. 541.

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noted that Mussafia was not alone in joining the Shabbetaian movement, which received widespread support prior to Shabbetai Zevi’s apostasy, and that Mussafia did eventually repudiate his support for Shabbetai Zevi. Nevertheless, during his involvement with the movement, Mussafia was the subject of severe criticism from cooler heads, among them the eminent R. Jacob Sasportas, one of the leading hahamim (Sephardic sages) of the time. Sasportas was a staunch defender of tradition and a fierce opponent of the Shabbetaian movement. He refers to Mussafia in two works, Ohel Ya⁠ʾakov and Zitzat Novel Zevi (Amsterdam, 1737), the former consisting of collected responsa and the latter being a collection of his correspondence about and against the Shabbetaian movement. In Ohel Ya⁠ʾakov, Sasportas expressed his low opinion of Mussafia in a circular letter in 1673, writing: And so, the complete sage, R. Moses Raphael de Aguilar, after his communications with me and after he informed me that in the Bet ha-Midrash was the Dr. R. Benjamin Mussafia who confounded everyone and filled the Bet ha-Midrash with fragmentation and division as this is his way. His Mishnayot lack literal meaning and his textual readings are in error. He turns their hearts with words that all who hear them “his mouth is filled with laughter” (cf. Psalms 126:2, Job 8:21) and on everything it is necessary for the sage, R. Moses de Aguilar, to show his errors.26 We conclude on a more positive note. Mussafia’s well-known and important titles have been described above. However, they do not include all of his writings. There are several others, less well known, if they are known at all, that remain to be addressed. There is a eulogy by Mussafia in Menasseh Ben Israel’s Nishmat Hayyim (Amsterdam, 1651) on the immortality of the soul and the hopes of reunion with the deceased, which was written shortly after the death of Menasseh’s eldest son, Joseph.27 Copies of Nishmat Hayyim are extant with an extra leaf with that eulogy by Mussafia (recto) and, on the verso, eulogies by Samuel, son of Dr. Abraham Jessurun de Mercado, and an anonymous Hebrew eulogy in echo-form (Gerbrandus Ansloo). That leaf is described by J. H. Coppenhagen 26

Jacob Sasportas, Oholei Ya⁠ʾakov (Amsterdam, 1737), 71a, no. 66. Concerning the editions of Zitzat Novel Zevi and variations between them, certainly beyond the scope of this article, see Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, p. 535 and Joseph Dan, “Sasportas, Jacob,” EJ. 27 Cecil Roth, A Life of Menasseh ben Israel: Rabbi, Printer, and Diplomat (Philadelphia, 1945), pp. 97–98, 119.

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figure 9.7a–b

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Simhat Purim, 1656

as “Added page, [recto-side:] Mussaphia eulogy of Mbl.” That page is not in either of the copies of Nishmat Hayyim examined, nor is it noted by Fuks.28 Friedenwald, in his entry for Mussafia, includes an edition of Simhat Purim (Glückstadt, 1656, 12 pp., 17 1/2 × 12 cm. fig. 9.7a–b), described as a poem. An Amsterdam printing of Simhat Purim is recorded by Fuks (1650, 80: [viii]) “in the city Glueckstadt … with a chronogram based on the verse ‘The days of his youth you have shortened; you have covered him with shame. Selah ‫הקצרת ימי‬ ‫( ”עלומיו העטית עליו בושה סלה‬Psalms 89:46) and at the bottom of the page the date is given as in the year Adar ve-Adar ‫( אדר ואדר‬410 = 1650). The chronogram does not refer to the year of printing but, as explained on the verso of the title

28 J. H. Coppenhagen, Menasseh ben Israel: Manuel Dias Soeiro, 1604–1657: A Bibliography (Jerusalem, 1990), pp. 126–27, no. 406; Fuks, I pp. 33–34 no. 190; Menasseh Ben Israel: Catalogue of the Collection: http://cf.uba.uva.nl/en/collections/rosenthaliana/mena sseh/books.html.

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page, to the years from the creation of the world and to 2,050 years from when Haman was hanged. The text of the title page, reflective of the work itself, states: To “pickle” ‫ למלחות‬the wicked Haman as God preserved (marinated) him ‫“ המליחו‬and advanced him, and set his seat” (cf. Esther 3:1) “with tapestry of fine linen from Egypt” (cf. Proverbs 7:16) “on a high tree” (cf. Esther 5:14), and sat his ten sons beside him, each with his neck tied in a strong rope lit. “grievous destruction” cf. Micah 2:10) “a crown of glory” (Isaiah 62:3, Proverbs 4:9, 16:31) for the wicked, to make known their reward for the humiliation and shame to all Israel. And the students will speak “joyfully and with a glad heart” (cf. Esther 5:9) about the trees from the nettle until the cedar. The versified text of Simhat Purim, which is a play, comprises forty-five quatrains, four line stanzas, in two columns, three to four quatrains to a column, in square vocalized Hebrew. Below, in a single column in rabbinic letters, is an explanation of the text. Simhat Purim is described as an anonymous parody in the form of a disputation between a teacher and his pupils with variations of chronograms for the date. Fuks notes that the title page lacks the printer’s name but does have the Benveniste insignia.29 This Amsterdam edition is recorded in the Bibliography of the Hebrew Book as a Purim play with verse; Mussafia, together with Reuben ben Samuel Hiya Henrique, are recorded under “additional authors.” Finally, Moritz Steinschneider suggests

29 Fuks, Hebrew Typography, I, p. 174, no. 226. That the Benveniste pressmark appears on the title page is not, by itself, conclusive evidence that Simhat Purim was published by the Benveniste press. Again, see my “The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and its Later Influence,” referenced above (note 21), for the widespread use of that pressmark. Nevertheless, it is most likely that Simhat Purim is a Benveniste imprint, for the type is like that of the Benveniste press (compare figs. 9.5–7). Mea culpa, the entry for Simhat Purim in my The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus I (Leiden, 2011), pp. 670–71, questions whether Simhat Purim could be a Benveniste imprint, noting that the frame lacked the CVS, the initials of Christoffer (Cornelis) van Sichem, who prepared the woodcut frame, evident in fig. 9.7 (lower right-hand corner). The entry in The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book was based on a privately reproduced facsimile edition of Simhat Purim by an individual who erased the CVS and substituted his own initials ‫ב א‬, an indicator that it was his reproduction and, perhaps, another form of a Purim parody.

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that Benjamin Mussafia was the author, noting that he was for a time a resident of Glückstadt.30,31 There are responsa. Most interesting are le-Einei Kol Yisrael (Amsterdam, 1672, 40: 4 ff.) and Shta⁠ʾim Esreh Sheʾelot (Amsterdam, 1672, 40: 3 ff.), two small works, the latter lacking a title page. Mussafia contests his daughter Leah’s will, questioning the validity of the witnesses, whom he claims were interested parties, and whether Jewish daughters can deed the dowry given them by their father, who is still alive, to others; the second is a critical response to Sasportas before whom that testament had been written and who subsequently confirmed its validity. Sasportas’s response is entitled Va-Yakum Adut be-Yisrael (Amsterdam, 1672, 40: [1], 20 ff.).32 Finally, it is frequently noted that Mussafia wrote a commentary on the Jerusalem Talmud, but that it remains in manuscript. In fact, parts of his commentary, assuming that it is the same work, based on the Musaf he-Arukh, were printed in the Jerusalem Talmud (Vilna, 1922) and since reprinted. Mussafia was an erudite and multifaceted individual. His many achievements and an otherwise fine reputation have, to a considerable extent, been tarnished by his unfortunate associations, particularly with the Shabbetaian movement, an association that is continually mentioned whenever Mussafia’s accomplishments are discussed. Nevertheless, Mussafia’s Zekher Rav and Musaf he-Arukh are both highly regarded and have been frequently reprinted, the latter as a frequent companion to the Arukh, which is no mean achievement. 30 Bibliography of the Hebrew Book; Friedenwald, Jewish Luminaries, p. 17; Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (Berlin, 1852– 60), col. 792, no. 4564. The National and University Library of Israel’s online catalogue, http://aleph.nli.org.il/, records the 1650 edition as a Glückstadt imprint with Reuben ben Jehiel Henrique as the author. Concerning Henrique (d. 1690 in Glückstadt), see Ahuva Belkin, Ben Shete Arim: ha-Mahazeh ha-Ivri Simhat Purim (Lod, 1997) [Hebrew], var. cit. 31 Simhat Purim has been the subject of a thorough study by Ahuva Belkin (see above, note 31). She writes (p. 90) that Mussafia had already left Glückstadt for Amsterdam by the time that Simhat Purim was published. Furthermore, there is no record of Hebrew printing in Glückstadt. Belkin does question, albeit in passing only, whether Mussafia was indeed the author of Simhat Purim. 32 Bibliography of the Hebrew Book; Isaac Yudlov, Ginzei Yisrael: The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 253, nos. 1691–92 and p. 254, no. 1699 [Hebrew with an English appendix].

chapter 10

Sur me-Ra Leon (Judah Aryeh) Modena’s Popular and Much Reprinted Treatise against Gambling Sur me-Ra, a popular and much reprinted tract opposing the snares and consequences of gambling, was written by Leon (Judah Aryeh) Modena when, according to his autobiography, he was only twelve or thirteen years old. Paradoxically, Modena would later become a compulsive gambler, even gambling away his daughters’ dowries. Translated into Latin, German, Yiddish, French, and English, Sur me-Ra is not a straightforward denunciation of gambling but rather a dialogue between two friends, one opposed to games of chance, the other a proponent of such games, both positions well argued. The article begins with Modena’s background, he was a prominent late-sixteenth—early-seventeenth-century Italian rabbi, then discusses the book’s contents, next describes the first 1595 Venetian printing and the editions printed in the seventeenth century, noting several that are dubious, and concludes with a summary section. The summary section discusses the early printing of Sur me-Ra, questions whether Modena, who wrote his autobiography when middle-aged, was actually twelve or thirteen when he authored Sur me-Ra, speculating that he may have written the book when older and backdated his authorship, and gives a possible reason for his doing so. Finally, the summary considers why Sur me-Ra has proven to be such a popular work with numerous translations and reprints. Depart from evil (Sur me-Ra), and do good; seek peace, and pursue it. Psalms 34:15

Depart from evil (Sur me-Ra), and do good; and you shall abide forever. Psalms 37:27

Mishnah: and these are ineligible [to be witnesses or judges]: a gambler with dice … R. Judah said: when is this so? If they have no other occupation but this. But if they have other means of livelihood, they are eligible Gemara: What [wrong] does the dice player do? Rammi ben Hama said: [He is disqualified] because it [sc. gambling] is an

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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asmakta (an agreement based on speculation with the assumption he will not have to pay), and asmakta is not legally binding. (Sanhedrin 24b). In 1595, in the year ‫( בשמחה‬with joy, [5]355 = 1594/95), an anonymous tract on the evils of gambling was published by the Venetian press of Giovanni di Gara.1 It is a small book, booklet really, described as both a duodecimo and as an octavo in format consisting of twelve folios. Brought to press by R. Abraham ben Solomon ‫( ח״ט‬Haber Tov), the book’s author is unnamed, for he preferred to remain anonymous.2 Sur me-Ra was republished, not long afterwards, twice, according to several bibliographic sources, in 1615. One edition, attributed to a Venice press, appears to be dubious, for it is not recorded in any library collection and the sources that list it do so without descriptive details.3 Two Prague 1615 editions are recorded in a library listing, one of which was created at the press of Moses ben Bezalel Katz, also octavo in format, consisting of ten unfoliated leaves. The second Prague edition, a bilingual Hebrew-Latin edition, is, as we shall see, not so much dubious as mislabeled, having been printed several decades later and elsewhere. This article is primarily concerned with the various locations and printing presses that published the several editions of Sur me-Ra in the seventeenth century, a number of those printings being under different titles and in a number of translations. The article begins with a brief discussion of the author and 1 The original version of this article was published in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2015), pp. 105– 22. I would like to thank Eli Genauer; Sharon S. Horowitz, Reference Librarian, Hebraic Section, Library of Congress; my son-in-law R. Moshe Tepfer at the National and University Library of Israel; and R. Yitzhak Wilhelm, Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak Lubavitch, for their assistance and Eli Genauer in particular for reading the article and providing me with his comments. The illustrations, in order, are from the Library of Congress, National and University Library of Israel, the Bavarian State Library via The European Library Open Search API, and the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak Lubavitch. 2 A. M. HABERMANN, Giovanni di Gara: Printer, Venice 1564–1610 (Jerusalem, 1982), compiled and edited by Yitzhak Yudlov, p. 79, no. 155, describes Sur me-Ra as an octavo. The Bibliography of the Hebrew Book, https://web.nli.org.il/sites/nli/english/infochannels/ catalogs/bibliographic-databases/pages/the-hebrew-book.aspx, no. 000315876 describes Sur me-Ra as a duodecimo, as does the Library of Congress, GV1245 .M63 1594, where the date is given as 355 [1594 or 1595] and the foliation is given as 12 [i.e. 24] p.; 15 cm. 3 ISAAC BENJACOB, Otzar ha-Sefarim: Sefer Arukh li-Tekhunat Sifre Yiśra’el Nidpasim ṿe-Khitve Yad (Vilna, 1880), p. 419, samekh 314 [Hebrew]; CH. B. FRIEDBERG, Bet Eked Sefarim (Israel, n.d.), samekh 331 [Hebrew]; YESHAYAHU VINOGRAD, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993–95), p. 266, no. 1084 [Hebrew].

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of the book’s contents, addresses the presses and their editions of Sur me-Ra in the century following the first edition, and concludes with a summary and some observations as to the popularity of and the reprinting of Sur me-Ra. The article’s sub-title, “Leon (Judah Aryeh) Modena’s Popular and Much Reprinted Treatise against Gambling” is somewhat misleading; indeed it is a misnomer, for Sur me-Ra has been often republished in only the most relative sense. Certainly, in comparison to the basic books of Judaism, and even to less popular but consequential works, the number of editions of Sur me-Ra is comparatively negligible, statistically insignificant. However, when one considers its small format and size, most often an octavo of about twelve leaves, so that it might even be classified under ephemera, and that small works were rarely retained and only infrequently reissued, the sub-title becomes more relevant. In that sense, Sur me-Ra has proven to be a popular book, not only reprinted numerous times but also translated into several languages.4

I

Leon (Judah Aryeh) ben Isaac Modena (1571–1648, see fig. 10.1 from Historia dei Riti Ebraici) is an engaging but somewhat tragic personality, the most renowned of the Renaissance Italian rabbis. A child prodigy, we are informed

figure 10.1 Leon Modena

4 Among the other similarly entitled works, another popular and reprinted work is Sur me-Ra va-Aseh Tov, an introduction to ve-Derekh le-Etz Hayyim by R. ZEVI HIRSCH EICHENSTEIN OF ZIDITSHOV (1785–1831), a hasidic and kabbalistic composition.

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in Hayyei Yehudah, his autobiography, that he was able to recite the Haftorah (weekly reading on Shabbat from Prophets) in the synagogue when only twoand-a-half years old; at age three, he recognized his Creator and the value of learning and wisdom, and was able to comprehend and translate the weekly Torah reading from Hebrew into Italian.5 Cecil Roth has described him as “the most characteristic and most paradoxical child of the Italian Ghetto; infant prodigy and hoary prodigal; jack of twenty-six trades … though master of none; polemist against his own convictions and practicer (sic) against his precept.” This echoes Modena’s own words, for he writes: “And even though it is written in Scripture: ‘Let another man praise you rather than your own mouth’ (Proverbs 21:2), now that this is no longer praise, for people say about me ‘when you were young you were like a grown man; now that you are old you are like a very small child’ (cf. Bava Kama 92b).”6 Modena was born in Venice to a distinguished family of French origin, which had settled in Italy in the 14th century, and he was raised in Ferrara. He was the favorite student of R. Samuel Archevolti (Arugat ha-Bosem, 1515– 1611) and remained in touch with him all his life. He was well educated in rabbinic and secular subjects including music and dance.7 Modena had, at the age of thirteen, written a macaronic poem, Kinah Shemor, sounding and meaning the same in Hebrew and Italian.8 He was also, in early adolescence, the author of a rabbinic responsum on prayer and was able to translate a canto from Ariosto’s Orlando furioso.9 In 1595, Modena moved to Venice, where he served in the rabbinate. Among the twenty-six occupations he lists in Hayyei Yehudah in Venice, all of which were consistent with his rabbinic duties, is serving as 5 The Autobiography of a Seventeenth-Century Venetian Rabbi: Leon Modena’s Life of Judah, translated and edited by MARK R. COHEN; with introductory essays by MARK R. COHEN and THEODORE K. RABB, HOWARD E. ADELMAN, and NATALIE ZEMON DAVIS, and historical notes by HOWARD E. ADELMAN and BENJAMIN C. I. RAVID (Princeton, 1988), p. 83. (hereafter, COHEN). 6 COHEN, Autobiography, pp. 82–3; CECIL ROTH, The History of the Jews in Italy (Philadelphia, 1946), p. 396. 7 ISRAEL ZINBERG, A History of Jewish Literature, IV, translated by Bernard Martin (New York, 1975), p. 139. 8 HOWARD TZVI ADELMAN, “Modena, Leon,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by MICHAEL BERENBAUM and FRED SKOLNIK. 2nd ed. (Detroit, 2007) V. 14, pp. 408–10. 9 Orlando furioso (“Orlando Enraged”) is a grand romantic poem by Ludovico Ariosto (1474– 1533). Considered a great epic, highly popular in the Renaissance and afterwards, it describes the exploits of Charlemagne and Orlando in their battles against the Saracens, with diversions and subplots. Orlando furioso is in ottava rima rhyme and introduces narrative commentary throughout (see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orlando_Furioso).

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figure 10.2 1594/95, Venice, Sur me-Ra

a rabbinic judge, teaching, composing poems for weddings and inscriptions for tombstones, writing letters, writing sonnets, being a marriage broker, and earning royalties from his own works.10 He was a popular preacher, and even non-Jews would come regularly to hear him speak. A prolific writer on a wide variety of subjects, his first two books, both published in Venice (1594/95), are Sur me-Ra and Sod Yesharim (fig. 10.2), the latter comprising segulot (treasured secrets, nostrums, and cures), remedies, and riddles. Modena’s name is not given explicitly on the title page of Sod Yesharim,

10 COHEN, Autobiography, var. cit.

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but, as he informs in his autobiography, it is alluded to in an acrostic ‫יצא הבל ונא‬ ‫ דרך המלך אל רואי יודע‬that spells out Yehudah Aryeh.11 Examples of Modena’s many other varied works include Zemah Zaddik (Venice, 1600), a translation of the Italian book of ethical parables (Fior di Virtù); Lev ha-Aryeh, a monograph on mnemonics, the art of memory, and methods for improving recall (1612); Zori la-Nefesh u-Marpe la-Etzem, a pioneer manual for the sick and dying (1619); Beit Lehem Yehudah, a concordance of the aggadot in Ein Yisrael (Ein Ya⁠ʾakov, 1625); Ari Nohem (an anti-kabbalistic treatise), published posthumously (Leipzig, 1840); and Sha⁠ʾagat Aryeh, a treatise in response to the anti-rabbinic pseudonymous Kol Sakhal, which is also attributed by some to Modena (published together, in Göritz, 1852). Another of Modena’s works is Historia dei Riti Ebraici (1637) on Jewish religious practice, which was written for James I of England and subsequently translated into English, French, Latin, and Hebrew.12 Modena’s life was punctuated by tragedies. The earliest is described as “a glimpse of a woman’s romantic love for her intended groom in what must be the most poignant scene in Hayyei Yehudah, and indeed in the Hebrew literature of the period.” In a match arranged by his mother and aunt to his beautiful cousin Esther, of whom Modena had dreamed, he arrived in Venice to find Esther confined to her bed and near death. He writes that “on the day that she died, she summoned me and embraced me and kissed me. She said, ‘I know that this is bold behavior, but God knows that during the year of our engagement we did not touch each other even with our little fingers. Now, at the time of death, the rights of dying are mine.”13 Modena was compelled to marry Esther’s sister, for, as expressed by his mother, it was a matter of kinship and to comfort the bereaved parents. The marriage was not a happy one, the couple squabbled, and Modena’s wife later became sickly and, afterwards, in 1641, mentally deranged. They had three sons, suffering grief for each of them. The eldest, Modena’s favorite, Mordecai, died after having been poisoned by alchemic experiments; the youngest, Zevulon, was murdered by Jewish friends, gang members; and the third, Isaac, 11 HABERMANN, Giovanni di Gara, pp. 78–9, no. 154; COHEN, Autobiography, p. 124. 12 Concerning several of Modena’s varied works, see ROBERT BONFIL, The Lion Shall Roar: Leon Modena and His World (Jerusalem, 2003) [Hebrew/English]. In addition to the numerous known titles by Modena, there are also other unknown or little-known writings. Concerning them, see B. RICHLER, “Ketavim bilti Yedu’im shel Rabbi Yehudah Aryeh mi-Modena,” in Asufot 7 (1992/3), pp. 157–72 [Hebrew]. For a defense of Modena, that is, that Kol Sakhal was falsely attributed to him, see ELLIS RIVKIN, Leon da Modena and the Kol Sakhal (Cincinnati, 1952). 13 COHEN, Autobiography, p. 9.

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was wayward, living in exile. He was visited by Modena several times but was encouraged to stay away from home, for Modena was “hoping that God might ‘instill in his heart the right path, so that he will no longer disgrace my name wherever he goes.’” Eventually he immigrated to Brazil, not to be heard from again. In addition to these misfortunes, several children and grandchildren died in infancy, and Modena was affected by the death of a son-in-law and step-brother. One daughter died, and a second, Diana, was mistreated by her second husband. Modena had continuing and serious financial difficulties and had to deal with the many issues and problems facing the Jewish community of his day. Modena, author of a tract against gambling, became addicted to gambling, which only added to his problems as he lost regularly, even gambling away his daughters’ dowries and going deeply into debt.14 Indeed, to deter him from further gambling, the Venice community leaders, in 1631, pronounced a decree of excommunication on any community member who engaged in card-playing within the follwing six years. Modena wrote a dissertation demonstrating that the leaders had acted against the law, and the excommunication was revoked.15 Howard Adelman, who notes Modena’s difficult financial conditions, writes that any assessment of Modena’s obsessive gambling must take into consideration his strained financial circumstances. Modena also pursued gambling for reasons other than financial gain; the stakes were enough to ruin him but not enough to raise his socioeconomic status in a significant way … At the gambling table he tried to make up for the deficiencies he felt in his position in life and his abilities. Whether he won or lost he could do it in a big way. For whatever reasons Modena gambled, his habit does not seem to have affected his ability to serve the Jewish community or to carry out the functions of a rabbi.16 Indeed, Modena describes the beginning of his addiction in Hayyei Yehudah, writing: “During Hanukkah of the year 5355 [December 7–14, 1594], Satan fooled me into playing games of chance, causing me no small amount of damage, for 14 COHEN, Autobiography, pp. 9–10, 59; Jewish Encyclopedia, http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/9766-leon-judah-aryeh-of-modena. 15 GERALD ABRAHAMS, “Cards and Cardplaying,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, IV, pp. 467–68; Jewish Encyclopedia, http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/9766-leon-judah-arye h-of-modena. 16 COHEN, Autobiography, pp. 41, 43.

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I lost one hundred ducats.” Similarly, Satan duped him on Hanukkah in 1598 and again on Shavuot in 1599, when he lost more than three hundred ducats.17 However, in Iyyar (April–May, 1602) Modena won about five hundred ducats, which he lost soon after. This is a refrain frequently repeated in the autobiography. At one point, he writes concerning the power of the stars, constellations, and Sur me-Ra: Even though they are not totally determinative, they have a strong tendency to compel action. Thus they forced me all my life to persist in the folly of playing games of chance, even though inside I knew well its faults and evil. When I was just a twelve-year-old child, I exposed its evil in public in the essay Sur me-Ra—Turn from Evil—which was printed in [5]356 [1595/1596] here in Venice and was reprinted in Prague in [5]375 [1614/1615] because of its sweet language. Had it [playing games of chance] not stunned me and thrown me to the ground so many times I would have been content all my life with my lot, happy that God has granted me the knowledge and wisdom to please not only the far-flung exile of Judah but also the noblemen and benefactors who are not of our people.18

II

Sur me-Ra, written when Modena was younger and had not yet become a compulsive gambler, is consistent with rabbinic opposition to gambling. Indeed, gambling is denounced in both the Mishnah and the Talmud, and, as noted above, can cause a person to be invalidated as a witness. Leo Landman contends that the professional gambler was always considered a pariah in Jewish society. Among the many examples he cites are Hagohat Mordecai, where both participants in games of chance are excommunicated, with similar responsa by R. Solomon ben Adret (Rashba, c. 1235–c. 1310) and R. Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg (c. 1215–1293). Condemnation of gambling is to be found in R. Judah he-Hasid’s (c. 1150–1217) Sefer Hasidim, where opposition to gambling is expressed with such vehemence that, if a gambler were to lose everything and require charity, it should be denied to him. Landman also notes expressions of

17 COHEN, Autobiography, pp. 97, 100–1. 18 COHEN, Autobiography, pp. 136–37.

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leniency, for the gambler, still to be condemned, is to be pitied because he lacks self-control.19 All this notwithstanding, gambling seems to have been not only widespread but socially acceptable among Italian Jewry.20 Israel Zinberg observes that “card playing at the time was a universal plague and extremely widespread among the Italian Jews.”21 Immanuel Aboab (Nomologia o Discursos Legales, Compuestos por el Virtuose Hakam Rabi Imanuel Aboab de Buena Memoria, c. 1555–1628), a contemporary of Modena and a returnee advocate of Judaism among crypto-Jews, describes the attraction of gambling and its concomitant affects among Italian Jewry, writing: I have seen in Italy many places where the gentlemen come together in “conversation of play” (as they call it) for their diversion; and I have seen some persons broken to poverty by the games of cards, dice, and tables … In my soul, I judge this a most grave sin, and the origin of infinite woes … According to our sacred law, money won at cards is regarded as stolen, and we are obliged to restore it…. How many houses have we seen ruined, how many fortunes lost, through love of gambling?22 Sur me-Ra, although consistent in its opposition to gambling, differs considerably from more conventional works on the subject in that it is not a straightforward denunciation of gambling but rather is presented as a dialogue between two friends, here protagonists, Eldad and Medad, the former opposed to games of chance, the other a proponent of such games.23 Composed when Modena 19 LEO LANDMAN, “Jewish Attitudes toward Gambling: The Professional and Compulsive Gambler,” Jewish Quarterly Review 57, no. 4 (1967), pp. 301–02. 20 Modena was not alone among the Renaissance notables who engaged in gambling. CECIL ROTH, The Jews in the Renaissance (1959; reprint New York, 1965), p. 27, notes the Christian polymath, Girolamo Cardano, an encyclopedic scholar, “whose collected works ran to ten intimidating folios” for whom a card game was an all-absorbing passion and who boasted that he usually won, writing, in contrast to Modena, “an enthusiastic volume to commend his example and methods to those who shared it.” Another “expert at card-games” was the engineer, antiquarian, inventor, kabbalist, and military expert Abraham Colorni, author of works on mathematics, cyphers, and magic, and who has been described as the inventor of card tricks. 21 ZINBERG, A History of Jewish Literature, p. 133. 22 CECIL ROTH, “Immanuel Aboab’s Proselytization of the Marranos,” Jewish Quarterly Review 23, no. 2 (1932–33), pp. 121–62, here pp. 138–39; reprinted in Gleanings: Essays in Jewish History. Letters, and Art (New York, 1967), pp. 152–73, here, pp. 169–70. 23 The names Eldad and Medad are to be found in Numbers 11:26–27, where it states “But there remained two of the men in the camp, the name of one was Eldad, and the name of the other Medad; and the spirit rested upon them; and they were among those who were

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was twelve or thirteen (he gives, in different places, different ages), it was first published as an anonymous work, as noted above, in Venice (1595), for, as we shall see, Modena did not want his name to appear in a work of such little consequence. Although Sur me-Ra is a prose work, one chapter, five, is in verse, comprising eight quatrains, first from Eldad, then followed by a response in equal number from Medad. Meyer Waxman describes Sur me-Ra as a satirical work. He sees Modena as impartial to the positions of the two protagonists for most of the book, noting that the arguments pro and con for card-playing are, for most of the book, equally pointed. Medad takes the position that gambling is “a species of business and that its hazards are no greater than in in any other business.” He observes that the poem against gambling is a quotation from Ibn Ezra, with the contrary poem being a parody of it.24 Below is a brief section from Chapter Two and an example of the verse in Chapter Five: Eldad And it stands to reason, that if a man is not particular with regard to the laws of stealing, he will be less careful as regards the prohibition, “Thou shalt not covet”; for whatever his eyes see, his heart will desire with a longing which will never satisfy the eye of covetousness. Consider and answer now, whether the evil of this wicked pastime is not monstrous enough to reach unto Heaven (and draw down punishment)—a pastime which sets aside every precept of the living God, both written and traditional, and the end of which is bound to be as bitter as wormwood; surely the one touches such a diversion cannot go unpunished. Medad You have employed many words to condemn this sport, but you have nevertheless said nothing effectual to cast a stigma upon it which might not apply equally to every other human pursuit. For “anger resteth in the bosom of fools” even in trivial matters, but the sensible man is patient at all times. This is my experience. I saw a man yesterday losing 400 gold pieces and he never uttered a word by way of cursing his luck; only once he registered, but went not to the Tent; and they prophesied in the camp. And there ran a young man, and told Moses, and said, Eldad and Medad are prophesying in the camp.” 24 MEYER WAXMAN, A History of Jewish Literature (1933; reprint Cranbury, 1960), II, p. 611.

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exclaimed: “Thou O Lord are righteous!” On the other hand, I knew a man who on receipt of the news that corn had depreciated in value (he was a corn and wine dealer), went up to the roof, threw himself down, and was killed.25 Eldad Against Games of Chance 2 What he holds, that he’ll stake, And not think of his ties, Saying, his fortune he’ll make, ‘Mid oaths and ‘mild lies. 3 He dreams he will win, But ill-luck is his brother, Sin follows on sin, And his days are all pother. Meldad In Defense of Games of Chance 1 Who lives by chance, by cards and dice, Will find the lord and squire his mate, He’ll gain the day whate’er the price, And sit in joy at the city gate. 2 He may win, he may lose, As the merchant or banker, It’s but to amuse— And after this all men hanker.26

III

Sur me-Ra has proven to be a popular work. Reprinted several times in the centuries following the first edition, translated into different languages, often

25 HERMANN GOLLANCZ, The Targum to “The Song of Songs”; The Book of the Apple; The Ten Jewish Martyrs; A Dialogue on Games of Chance. Translated from the Hebrew and Aramaic (London, 1908; reprint n. d.), pp. 189–91. 26 GOLLANCZ, The Targum, pp. 206, 208–10.

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by individuals distant from Judaism, this book reflects not only Jewish cultural history, but also provides some insight into the larger European culture, if only because of the knowledge of and interest in it by non-Jews, and, of course, by varied printing presses in the seventeenth century and the centuries to follow. Given the large number of editions of the book, this survey of the editions of Sur me-Ra will be limited to seventeenth-century editions, with later editions being noted only briefly. Venice 1595—The first printing of Sur me-Ra was, as noted above, in Venice by the press of Giovani di Gara. Venice was the preeminent city in printing in the sixteenth century and well into the seventeenth century not only for Hebrew books but for the print world in general. It was there that the editio princeps of the both the Babylonian Talmud (1519/20–1523) and the Jerusalem Talmud (1522–24) was printed at the press of Daniel Bomberg, and it was there that we see the first printed rabbinic Bible (Mikra⁠ʾot Gedolot, 1516–17) and the first Karaite book, a four-volume prayer book (1528–29). Despite the burning of the Talmud in Venice (October 21, 1553) and a cessation of printing in Venice for several years, until 1563, Venice, once printing resumed, continued to be the foremost city for Hebrew books. In the decade that di Gara printed Sur me-Ra, from 1590–99, one hundred forty-four titles were printed in Venice, books that were exported to cities throughout Europe.27 Active from 1564 to 1611, the di Gara press printed more than two hundred and seventy books, primarily in Hebrew letters, and, in addition to its Hebrew titles, works in Yiddish and Ladino, and, only infrequently, in non-Jewish languages. Di Gara published a wide variety of books, encompassing liturgical works, Bibles, responsa, haggadot, and important first titles by authors, many subsequently reprinted, others less fortunate. In 1594–95 (‫)שנ״ה‬, it published twelve books, the largest being a Tur Hoshen Mishpat (20: 421, [1], 27, [1]), another folio, R. Isaac Aboab’s Menorat ha-Me’or, two quartos, five octavos, and three duodecimos, the smallest being R. Jacob (Giacomo) Sorzino’s Seder ha-Nikkur (160:8 ff.).28 It should be noted, however, that Habermann, in his detailed description of Sod Yesharim, records it as a duodecimo (14, [1] ff.), whereas Sur me-Ra, a comparable work which he did not see, is listed as an octavo. The Library of Congress, which has a copy in its collection, describes it as a duodecimo. That copy may be a unicum, being the only edition recorded in a library catalogue. A number of distinguished scholars were associated with the di Gara press, among them R. Israel Zifroni (from 1584) and his son Elishema, R. Isaac 27 VINOGRAD, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, II, p. 28. 28 HABERMANN, Giovanni Di Gara, pp. 75–80.

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figure 10.3 1595/56, Venice, Sur me-Ra

Gershon, and Modena. Isaac Gershon is reputed to be the first to insist upon the inclusion of a table of contents and index in every book on which he worked. Di Gara, who had apparently worked for Daniel Bomberg, saw himself as a successor to that printer, a fact that he frequently emphasized. Several books printed by di Gara contain approbations from Modena. The title page (fig. 10.3) of the di Gara edition of Sur me-Ra has a pillared frame. Its text states: “No; you did laugh” (Genesis 18:15)

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Sur me-Ra Two speak together on the subject of amusement (games of chance). This one justifies and this one condemns. The principle that one can learn from their words is that there is “no better thing for a person than to” (cf. Ecclesiastes 8:15) distance himself from this practice. Desirable principles for everyone in a clear and pleasant language. Printed in the year ‫בשמחה‬ (with joy, [5]355 = 1595), here Venice By Giovanni di Gara Con licentia de’ Superiori29 The title page is followed by R. Abraham ben Solomon ‫( ח״ט‬Haber Tov)’s introduction. He writes: “Oh that my words were now written” (cf. Job 19:23), “that they were engraved with an iron pen” (Job 19:24). How much would they add and how much would they give delight to all who read them, due to the pleasant­ness of his speech, inasmuch as “the disease has spread” (Leviticus 13:51) from this amusement (games of chance) throughout the dispersion of Israel. Perhaps, it will be useful lest it affect one, “and reveal his wickedness” (cf. Ezekiel 16:57) in public. All who take hold and read it will return “and they shall not languish in sorrow any more” (Jeremiah 31:11). “The father to the children shall make known His truth” (cf. Isaiah 38:19), “The tender children” (cf. Genesis 33:13) “shall hear, and fear” (Deuteronomy 17:13, 19:20, 21:21). “And I pleaded with my lord at that time” (cf. Deuteronomy 3:23) “with all [my] might” (II Samuel 6:14, I Chronicles 13:8) “to allow me provide tidings (your name)” (II Samuel 18:22). But he refused, for in his eyes it was the vanity of youth. I pleaded with him persistently until I [lost] my voice. He told me take it and bring it where you wish and “do with it as seems good to you” (cf. Esther 3:11) only don’t put my name on it. “If it finds favor in the eyes of God” (var. cit.). 29

The facsimiles of the Venice edition of Sur me-Ra are courtesy of the Library of Congress.

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figure 10.4

1595/96, Venice, Sur me-Ra

In Hayyei Yehudah, Modena confirms Haber Tov’s remarks, stating: “I composed it in my youth, at the age of thirteen, and it was printed in [5]356 [1595/1596]. I did not want to have my name mentioned in it, so as not to begin with such an inconsequential work.”30 The text (fig. 10.4) follows in a single column in square letters. At the end of the volume is a pressmark (fig. 10.5) employed by the di Gara press. It consists of a peacock, standing on three rocks, facing left, with what appears to be a fish (worm) in its mouth, set within a shield. This printer’s device was first employed by R. Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi Shalit of Padua, who, together with R. Jacob ben R. Naphtali ha-Kohen, established a Hebrew press in Sabbioneta in the home of R. Tobias ben Eliezer Foa in 1551. It was subsequently used by other presses, among them that of Vintorin Rufinelli in Mantua, and, with slight modifications, by di Gara beginning in the late 1560s.31 Prague 1615—Sur me-Ra was first reprinted in Prague. That city, for centuries, was among the foremost cities of European Jewry. Its prominence may be 30 COHEN, Autobiography, p. 124. 31 AVRAHAM YAARI, Hebrew Printers’ Marks (Jerusalem, 1943), pp. 12, 132, no. 19 [Hebrew].

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figure 10.5 1595/96, Venice, Sur me-Ra

attributed to its large Jewish population—for many years, it had the largest number of Jews of any city in Europe—its distinguished rabbinic leadership, noted yeshivot, and central location. Hebrew printing took root in Prague early in the history of the holy craft, quickly making the city a center of Hebrew printing with a number of active printshops in the sixteenth century. Printing in Prague begins with an Ashkenazi rite prayer book published in 1512. Among the printers of that mahzor was Gershom ha-Kohen, whose descendants, known as the Gersonides, continued to print into the following century. From 1601, their firm was headed by Moses ben Joseph Bezalel Katz, who, in 1615, printed Sur me-Ra. Printed as a [10] ff. octavo edition, the text of the title page (fig. 10.6), also with a pillared frame, is identical to that of the Venetian edition, except for

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figure 10.6 1615 Prague, Sur me-Ra

details particular to this printing, here dated ‫( שע״ה‬375 = 1615), a reference to the Kaiser, the printer, Moses ben Bezalel Katz, and absent the Con licentia, the censor’s approval. The title page is followed by an introduction from R. Jacob ben Mattias Treves. He begins by noting his location and, further into the introduction, writes his text, to some extent echoing the first title page of Sur me-Ra, and then concludes by identifying himself and dating the work: “I returned, and I saw” (cf. Ecclesiastes 9:11) the good and praiseworthy improvements that were established anew in “a city and a mother in Israel” (II Samuel 20:19) … “a clear elegant language, providing reproof

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figure 10.7

1615 Prague, Sur me-Ra

in a concise pleasant manner with great love.” “As a man speaks to his friend” (cf. Exodus 33:11) as a man speaks to his friend concerning amusement (games of chance) and jest, one seeks to praise and one seeks to reproach … “Thus says the man” (Proverbs 30:1) occupied with the trials of the time, Jacob “the son of a brave man” (I Chronicles 11:22) ben Mattias Treves of Worms … “And it came to pass, because the midwives feared God, that he made them houses” (Exodus 1:21) at a goodly ‫( בשע״ה‬375 = 1615) time, “a time to cast ‫( להשלי״ך‬75 = 1615) away stones” (cf. Ecclesiastes 3:5) (fig. 10.7). The introduction is in rabbinic letters, followed by the text in a single column in square letters. The introduction has resulted in the misidentification of another edition of Sur me-Ra. A major library collection recorded a second 1615 Prague edition of Sur me-Ra, described as a Hebrew-Latin edition, which was also by Jacob ben Mattias Treves. As we shall see, the identifying information in Treves’s introduction misled the cataloguer.32 Leiden 1656—In 1656, Sur me-Ra was reprinted in Leiden by Johannes Gorgius Nisselius. An orientalist, Nisselius, poor and unable to obtain a post as a teacher, became a printer. First employed as an editor of Arabic and Ethiopic texts at the Elzevir press, he purchased, in 1655, type from John Elzevir and 32

The library in question was contacted and has since modified its catalogue.

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243

began to print under his own name. Nisselius published two Arabic-Ethiopic titles and then Sur me-Ra. The title page, with a pattern of florets between parts of the text, repeats the text of the first edition, adding that it “was printed previously in 1615 in Venice (sic.): now with new attractive letters, printed by the young Johannes Gorgius Nisselius,” in Leiden. The title page is misdated ‫( תנ״ו‬456 = 1696) instead of 1656, which Fuks ascribes to Nisselius’s unfamiliarity with Hebrew chronology, and causing Moritz Steinschneider to describe it as an “editio negligenitissime curate” (“a very slipshod edition”). Fuks describes the volume as follows: Contents: f. [1r]: title (verso blank): f. [2r]. introd. Of the author; f. [2v.– 3r]: introd. Of the first ed.; ff. [3v–11v]: fillings, dated at the end of f. 12v:33 Fuks gives the location of this printing of Sur me-Ra as BLO (Bodleian Library, Oxford). Steinschneider’s description of this edition begins “cura. Jo. Georg. Nessel. 8. Leydae [‫ ]לידה‬1656,” and Cowley’s entry reads “Leyden, 1696 (?1656), sm. 80”.34 It too is extremely rare; no additional copies are noted in bibliographies for other libraries. Fuks suggests that “the booklet cannot have been a great success,” noting that Nisselius printed one additional Hebrew title, a Hebrew Bible in octavo format in about 5,000 copies. Fuks concludes that “Nisselius’s attempt at Hebrew printing did not meet with success and caused his utter financial ruin.”35 Wittenburg 1665—A bilingual Hebrew-Latin edition of Sur me-Ra was printed in Wittenburg in 1665. Wittenburg is historically important because it was there, in 1517, that Martin Luther nailed his 95 theses to a church door beginning the Protestant Reformation. It is also known for the University of Wittenburg, which was founded in 1502. The city itself, however, is not significant in Jewish history. A small number of Hebrew books, primarily biblical volumes, were printed intermittently in Wittenburg from 1521 for professors at the university. In the seventeenth century, only three Hebrew books are recorded for Wittenburg, two editions of Psalms (1609, 1615) and then Sur me-Ra, which was printed by Johannis Haken.

33 L. FUKS and R. G. FUKS-MANSFELD, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), I, pp. 47–8, no. 53. 34 A. COWLEY, A Concise Catalogue of the Hebrew Printed Books in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1929; reprint University Press, 1972), p. 366; Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), no. 5745, col. 1351:24. 35 FUKS and FUKS-MANSFELD, Hebrew Typography, pp. 46–8.

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figure 10.8

chapter 10

1665, Wittenburg, Sur me-Ra

The 1665 edition of Sur me-Ra is physically a small octavo-format book, measuring 18 cm; otherwise, it is an expanded edition of Sur me-Ra, comprising [134] pp. and ending on quire Q3 followed by several index pages. Sur me-Ra has a Latin title page (fig. 10.8) with a Hebrew heading, giving the place of printing, printer’s name, and date, followed by considerable preliminary matter in Latin beginning with an introduction by August Pfeiffer. After this is a second Hebrew-Latin title page (fig. 10.9), lacking all of these particulars about

Sur me-Ra

245

figure 10.9 1665, Wittenburg, Sur me-Ra

the edition and with a somewhat dissimilar and briefer Latin text.36 This Sur me-Ra comprises facing Hebrew-Latin pages, followed by considerable back 36

The first title page states: Recede a malo, s. libellus rabbini doctissimi anonymi de lusu, ubi introducuntur duo interlocutores, quorum unus lusum multis modis commendat, alter eundem culpat & detestatur, & tandem untrinq; sancitur concordia, elegantissimus et jucundissimus lectu / antea non semel editus, nunc verò primum translatus & notis philologicis quamplurima seitu digna complectenibus illustratus à Augusto Pfeiffern, Lavvenburgo-Saxone. ‬The Latin portion of the second title page states: Recede a malo:

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matter beginning with material from R. Abraham ibn Ezra (1089–1164) and followed by discursive material from Pfeiffer, in Latin with some Hebrew, quoting from Talmudic tractates.37 This Wittenburg edition of Sur me-Ra has been incorrectly recorded in at least one major library as a second 1615 Prague Hebrew-Latin edition of that work. The reason for the error appears to be twofold. First, the library copy lacks the first title page, and the second title page, as noted above, lacks identifying information. Moreover, the introduction to the Prague edition is included, with its reference to Prague at the beginning and, at the end, there are two highlighted dates, although the first “at a goodly ‫( בשע״ה‬375 = 1615) time” is not highlighted here and a close reading indicates that the second date was set improperly, that is, the Prague edition concludes with the date “a time to cast ‫( להשלי״ך‬375 = 1615),” which here reads ‫להשלי״ך‬, the final khaf being emphasized as if to be included in the enumeration of the letters, which likely misled a reader looking at it too casually, as it results in a figure (395) too large for the Prague edition and too small for the Wittenburg edition (figs. 10.10, 10.11).

figure 10.10 1665, Wittenburg, Sur me-Ra

Libellus Rabbinicus quo introducuntur duo colloquentes inter se de lusu, quorum unus eum laudat & alter culpat: summa autem dictorum eò redit, quodnon sit melius homini, quam si illum fugiat: continens monita grata cuivis homini, nitido & eleganti stylo. 37 August Pfeiffer (1640–98) was a German Lutheran theologian, orientalist, writer and superintendent of the city of Lübeck. After his schooling at Hamburg’s Johanneum, Pfeiffer moved to the University of Wittenburg, receiving the Master’s Doctorate in 1649. In 1665, he was appointed Professor of Oriental Languages, and from 1671 was a priest in the Duchy Oels in Silesia, subsequently holding clerical positions in several locations. From 1684, Pfeiffer was Professor of Hebrew Language at the Theological Faculty of the University of Leipzig. Pfeiffer was regarded as a famous orientalist, and a significant, but controversial, advocate for the Lutheran orthodoxy. His extensive literary work was highly regarded (see http://www.bach-cantatas.com/Lib/Pfeiffer-August.htm).

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Sur me-Ra

figure 10.11

1683, Leipzig, Zahkan Melummad u-Misharet / Sur me-Ra

figure 10.12 1683, Leipzig, Zahkan Melummad u-Misharet / Sur me-Ra

Leipzig 1683—The next printing of Sur me-Ra is a bilingual Hebrew-German edition, printed in Leipzig in 1683 at the press of Friedrich Lanckischens Erben, under the title Zahkan Melummad u-Misharet. There are Hebrew and German title pages noting (figs. 10.12, 10.13) that it was first entitled Sur me-Ra, and they

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figure 10.13 1683, Leipzig, Zahkan Melummad u-Misharet / Sur me-Ra

refer to previous editions, among them the Prague and Venice 1615 printings, and the Wittenburg edition, which is the basis of this printing. It also states that it is well edited with marginal references from the Bible, Talmud, and other rabbinic works. The title pages also inform us that at the end are added many pleasing tales from the Talmud and other rabbinic works. It is the fourth edition—here with German translation by Shelumiel ben Zurishaddai (Numbers 1:6, 2:12, 7:36, 41, 10:19), that is, Friedrich Albrich Christian, who is the apostate Baruch ben Moses Prostitz—published in Leipzig by the printer Justin Brand.38 It is dated ‫תמג‬ 38 The Jewish Encylopedia, http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/4363-christianifriedrich-albrecht, describes Friedrich Albrecht Christiani as a “Jewish convert to Christianity; born in the middle of the seventeenth century; died at Prossnitz at the beginning of the eighteenth. He was baptized in 1674 at Strasburg, having formerly borne the name of Baruch as ḥazzan at Bruchsal. After having occupied for twenty years the

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figure 10.14 1698, Amsterdam, Talmid Zakhan Musari

(443 = 1683). The colophon dates completion of the work to 18 Menahem (Av) may the Kingdom of Gog fall ‫( תפול מלכות גוג‬443 = Tuesday, August 10, 1683). Next is a German title page, the introduction of August Pfeiffer, the introduction of Abraham Haver Tov, here in Hebrew and German, and the text (fig. 10.14) in two columns, the Hebrew in small rabbinic letters in the outer column and the German in Gothic letters in the inner column, all reading from left to right, followed by a foreword and the supplemental tales (historicher Anhang). Oxford 1698—Three reported bilingual editions of Sur me-Ra, Hebrew with Latin translation, quarto format, are recorded in bibliographic sources. The dates given are 1698, 1702, and 1767. These editions are listed, without further details, in Julius Fürst’s Bibliotheca Judaica, Benjacob’s Otzar ha-Sefarim, and chair of Semitic studies at the University of Leipsic, he retired to Prossnitz, where he returned to Judaism.”

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Vinograd’s Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, each likely repeating the entries in the previous work.39 That three editions of Sur me-Ra were printed in Oxford with this time frame seems highly unlikely, given that from the first Hebrew book reported for Oxford, Maimonides’s commentary on Mishnayot, with Latin, printed in 1655 and concluding with a Bible in 1790, only sixteen titles with Hebrew text are reported. One printing of Sur me-Ra seems reasonable, two less so, three unlikely. Amsterdam 1698—Another bilingual edition of Sur me-Ra, this a HebrewYiddish edition printed in Amsterdam as Talmid Zakhan Musari in 1698 at the press of Asher Anshel ben Eliezer Hazzan. Asher Anshel ben Eliezer Hazzan, together with Issachar Ber ben Abraham Eliezer of Minden, are the first Hebrew printers known to have published Talmudic tractates in Amsterdam in the eighteenth century.40 Asher Anshel is often referred to on the title pages of the books he printed as “known to all as Anshel Shochet” and in Dutch documents as Andries Eleazer Soget (he had worked as a shohet, that is, a ritual slaughterer). Herbert Z. Zafren, based on Moses Marx’s unpublished bibliographies, credits Asher Anshel and Issachar Ber with forty titles during the two decades in which their printing press was active, while Fuks enumerates thirtyseven works. The latter also notes that the partners were supported in their work by the financial patronage of twenty Mycanae, among them R. Eliah ben Eliezer of Amsterdam, named on the title page of Sur me-Ra.41 The text of the title page (fig. 10.15) of this edition, also in octavo format (40 ff.) set within a border of florets, states that it is a small work: Attractive and comely, drawing the hearts of man, of a dispute between two students, dear companions and colleagues, over games of chance, with sharp dialectics (pilpela harifta), with source references for the Torah, Prophets, Writings, and Talmud. With arguments and proofs brought by each to vanquish his fellow. The buyer should not be 39 BENJACOB, Otzar ha-Sefarim, p. 419, samekh 317 [Hebrew]; Julius Fürst, Bibliotheca Judaica: Bibliographisches Handbuch der Gesammten Jüdischen Literatur … II (1849–63; reprint Hildesheim, 1960), p. 384. VINOGRAD, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, II, pp. 14–15, nos. 6, 8, 15. 40 Concerning the Talmudic tractates printed by Asher Anshel and Issachar Ber, see MARVIN J. HELLER, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises Printed from 1700 to 1750 (Leiden, 1999), pp. 201–13. 41 FUKS and FUKS-MANSFELD, Hebrew Typography, II, pp. 394–411, nos. 514–550; HERBERT Z. ZAFREN, “Amsterdam: Center of Hebrew Printing in the Seventeenth Century,” JBA 35 (1977–78), pp. 47–55, here p. 51.

Sur me-Ra

251

figure 10.15

concerned about the price he pays for it because of the fair language and wisdom to be found in it. Below this text is a Yiddish translation based on that of Friedrich Christian Albrich taken from the 1683 Leipzig edition. The title page is dated “the Messiah ben David will come ‫( המשיח בן דויד יבא‬452)” with ‫ יבא‬lacking a vav ‫ו‬ (6). If spelled as ‫יבוא‬, the date of publication is (458) 1698, which is consistent with the colophon, which dates completion of the work to Sunday, 17 Elul the “Messiah will redeem us ‫( משיח יגאלנו‬458 = August 24, 1698).”

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figure 10.16

The title page is followed by the introduction (1b–2b) of the translator and financier, R. Eliah ben Eliezer of Amsterdam, the much reprinted introduction (3a–4b) of Abraham ben Solomon Haver Tov; the text (5a–34a, fig. 10.16); a story from R. Jacob ben Isaac Luzzatto’s Kaftor va-Ferah (34b–38a); the time that Shabbat begins for the year (38b–39a); Hebrew proverbs (39b); a chronological device for determining the date of the destruction of the Second Temple; and finally verse (40) in which the initial letters are an acrostic of Elijah.42 The text is in two columns, the Hebrew generally in the outer column and the Yiddish in the inner column, although in some instances they are on facing pages. In the following century, Sur me-Ra was reprinted in Frankfurt on the Main (1713) at the press of Anton Heinstat, in Feurth (1723), and Frankfurt on the Oder (1795), and it was also published as manuscript (Italy, 1790). It continued 42 FUKS and FUKS-MANSFELD, Hebrew Typography, II, p. 403, no. 533; ISAAC YUDLOV, Ginzei Yisrael: The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 222, no. 1402 [Hebrew with English appendix].

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to be published and republished in the following centuries in such varied locations as Nowydwor (1806) and Vilna (1899, 1903), the former with a lengthy biography of Modena. There are editions in translation, for example a French edition (Bruxelles, 1842), a German edition (Berlin, 1920), an English edition with translation by Hermann Gollancz (London, 1908; reprint, n.d.), and a facsimile of the first Vilna edition in Jerusalem (1971).43

IV

Sur me-Ra has proven to be an enduring work, frequently reprinted and translated into several languages. First printed in Venice in 1595, it appeared soon after in Prague in 1615, followed by editions in such varied locations as Leiden, Leipzig, Wittenburg, and Amsterdam in the seventeenth century, with further imprints well into the modern era. In addition to those confirmed printings, several editions are recorded in error and/or misdated. Among the latter are a second 1615 Venice edition and a bilingual Hebrew-Latin Prague printing (since corrected) that was in fact printed in Wittenburg in 1665. Other apparently erroneous or dubious entries include a Leipzig (1657) and three Oxford printings (1698, 1702, 1767). There are translations from the Hebrew original into Latin, German, Yiddish, French, and English. Perhaps most interesting is that several of these printings and translations were by and for Christian-Hebraists. All this was for a small, initially anonymous, tract written by a teenager! Before addressing the reasons for Sur me-Ra’s appeal, let me offer a few observations as to its publication. Lacking from the title page of the first editions is the name of a sponsor. Books printed in the sixteenth and ensuing centuries were generally vanity press publications financed by a sponsor or, in the absence of a benefactor, by the author or his family. When there is a patron, the author customarily acknowledges and thanks him, which is difficult here in the absence of an author. Could Modena himself have financed publication? It seems doubtful, given his straightened financial conditions, but feasible given that Sur me-Ra is a small work and publication costs were likely not too great. While it is frequently noted that Modena wrote Sur me-Ra at a young age, twelve or thirteen, the various ages given in Hayyei Yehudah, it is infrequently if ever mentioned that Sur me-Ra was not published until Modena was in his 43

The Vilna 1899 edition is often recorded as 1896. This is not an error, as there are two editions, apparently identical except for the variant dates on the title pages. Either the first printing was such a success that it was quickly reprinted, one title page was printed in error and corrected, or something else happened.

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mid-twenties. Why would a young man, barely a teenager, even one as precocious as Modena, choose to write a tract against gambling given all the possible subjects available to him? Even if he had written Sur me-Ra more than a decade earlier, why would Modena select it for one of his first publications? Is it possible, and this is at best no more than mere speculation, that given his subsequent gambling problems, Modena wrote it early on when already a gambler and credited it to the foresight of his youth? Modena began to “play games of chance one Hanukkah when he was twenty-three.”44 Perhaps Modena, quickly attracted to but unsuccessful at games of chance, later on an inveterate gambler, aware and frequently referring to the pitfalls and baleful consequences of gambling in his autobiography, noted not only its negative aspects but also found self-justifying arguments for engaging in games of chance all reflected in the give-and-take between Eldad and Medad. If correct, this suggests a conflicted personality, and would, if true, account for the subject matter of Sur me-Ra and perhaps also account for attributing a dialogue with justification for gambling to youthful foresight. However, this is no more than mere speculation on my part. Another issue to tackle is how Sur me-Ra came to be so well known. In the sixteenth century, books were published unbound and, when shipped, shipped loose, packed in barrels, and assembled at the point of destination. This is purposeful for a significant work, but was that procedure followed for a small pamphlet, and why would it be for an unknown work by an anonymous author? Perhaps Sur me-Ra was brought from Venice to Prague by a reader. Was there, indeed there must have been, sufficient interest to cause Moses Katz or an interested party to reset and reprint Sur me-Ra anew? Small books tended to be insubstantial, more often than not disappearing from the market never to be published again. I have noted elsewhere that such books are “more fragile and therefore more readily perishable, often printed in smaller numbers, and leaving less of a trace than their larger counterparts. These small books, monographs or pamphlets really, generally do not hold up well over time and tend to be quickly forgotten and lost to history.” Nevertheless, in a study of sixty-three small titles printed in the seventeenth century it was noted that several of the pamphlets did prove popular and were reprinted several times. Sur me-Ra, a small and relatively insubstantial work, falls into the latter category, that is, of “pamphlets [that] did prove popular and were reprinted several times.”45 44 COHEN, Autobiography, p. 58. 45 Concerning small seventeenth-century books, see MARVIN J. HELLER, “Sixteen Leaves or Less: Small Hebrew Works of the Seventeenth Century,” in Further Studies in the Making of

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Returning to our original query, how do we account for Sur me-Ra’s appeal? Why should, why did a small, anonymous booklet become what may well be the most popular tract against gambling? Why should it be frequently reprinted and why was it selected as the Hebrew work to be printed by non-Jewish printers? Are its small size and nature factors in the appeal of Sur me-Ra? I would suggest that inveterate gamblers and those opposed to the practice are not likely to be attracted to a large, serious tome that harangues and hectors the reader. Rather, the very style of Sur me-Ra, a dialogue between two friends, neither side overwhelming the other, and both sides in fact even demonstrating understanding of and some sympathy for the gambler’s position (plight), makes the pamphlet readable, even enjoyable, while finally reaching the desired goal. Indeed, as noted above, Max Waxman observes that for much of the book Modena is impartial and the arguments are equally balanced. Its small size prevents it from being too cumbersome; its easy, attractive style lacks the negatives that would make it off-putting, yet it concluding with arguments that support its contention that gambling is inherently wrong and harmful. Why did non-Jewish printers, particularly those who printed few Hebrew books, select Sur me-Ra from the myriad of available Hebrew works? Perhaps Johannes Gorgius Nisselius, who printed only two Hebrew books, may suggest an answer. In difficult financial straits, he likely selected a small work, popular and readable, for his entry into Hebrew printing. Other printers, even if financially more secure, may have selected Sur me-Ra for the same reasons. Let us end, as does Sur me-Ra, on a pleasant note, looking forward to further journeys and discourse: Eldad And may you be rewarded for the kindness through which you have permitted me to listen en passant to your pleasant words, and to your choice and eloquent language in the course of debate! Medad Let us continue our journey, so that we may come to the city, for the sun has set, and the day has waned. There will be many a day yet on which we shall discourse. the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 253–84. A related article concerning small books issued as a prospective is MARVIN J. HELLER, “Books not Printed, Dreams not Realized,” in Further Studies, pp. 285–303.

chapter 11

R. Nathan Nata ben Moses Hannover: The Life and Works of an Illustrious and Tragic Figure Save me, O God; for the waters have come up to my soul. I sink in deep mire (yeven mezulah), where there is no standing; I have come into deep waters, and the flood sweeps over me. I am weary of my crying; my throat is parched; my eyes fail while I wait for my God. Those who hate me without cause are more than the hairs of my head; those who would destroy me, who are my enemies wrongfully, are mighty. Psalms 69:2–4

∵ In 1683, R. Nathan Nata ben Moses Hannover, dayyan in Ungarisch Brod, was murdered while at prayers by a stray bullet fired by raiding Turkish troops.1 Thus was the untimely death of a multifaceted individual, author of highly valued and varied books, congregational rabbi and dayyan who recorded the tribulations of late-seventeenth-century Jewry. Hannover’s birthplace and early background is uncertain. Varied locations and accounts are given for Hannover’s origin and early life. Hananel Nepi and Samuel Ghirondi suggest that Hannover was from Cracow and, based on references in Yeven Mezulah, that he was a student of the kabbalist R. Hayyim ben Abraham ha-Kohen (Tur Bareket c. 1585–1655). Moritz Steinschneider demurs, writing “Nostrum cum Natan Cracoviensi confundit Ghirondi,” that is, Ghirondi is in error and Hannover is not to be confused with R. Nathan

1 The original version of this article was published on The Seforim Blog at http://seforim. blogspot.com on December 28, 2018. I would like to express my appreciation to Eli Genauer for reading the article and for his comments. Images are courtesy of the Library of Congress, the Jewish National and University Library, the Valmadonna Trust Library, Ozar ha-Hochmah, and Virtual Judaica.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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of Cracow. William B. Helmreich writes that Hannover was born in Ostrog, Volhynia, in the early twenties of the seventeenth century. According to Helmreich, Hannover’s parents left Germany at the end of the previous century, when the Jews were expelled from Germany. He suggests that they likely lived in Hannover, as it was common practice for Jews to take the name of the community in which they resided. He adds that Ostrog was a center of Torah studies and that after studying with his father, apparently a learned man who perished in the Chmielnicki massacres, Hannover studied in the Ostrog yeshiva headed by R. Samuel Edels (Maharsha, 1555–1631). He is also reported to have learned Kabbalah with R. Samson Ostropoler of Polonnoye (Volhynia), who died on July 22, 1648, as the head of his community, in the Chmielnicki massacres.2 Hannover married the daughter of R. Abraham of Zaslav, had two daughters—it is not known whether he had other children—and delivered sermons and discourses often based on kabbalistic works. Hannover’s residence in Zaslav, Volhynia, apparently peaceful and untroubled, came to an end with the Chmielnicki massacres of 1648–49 (tah ve-tat), which were witnessed and recorded by him in Yeven Mezulah. He subsequently wandered throughout Europe, traveling from southeastern Poland to Germany, Amsterdam, Venice, Livorno (Leghorn), and Moldavia. In Venice, Hannover studied Lurianic Kabbalah with Italian and Safed kabbalists then in Italy. For a time, Hannover served as rabbi in Livorno, before accepting several positions in Eastern Europe, the last as dayyan in Ungarisch Brod, Moravia, where, he was murdered by a stray bullet while at prayers, as noted above.3 In explaining these peregrinations, David B. Ruderman writes that the many migrations of Jewish intellectuals at this time “especially the large and conspicuous movements of persecuted or economically deprived Jews, constituted a vital dimension of early modern Jewish culture,” citing Hannover as one of many examples.4 This article, both historical and bibliographic in nature, will describe the books authored by Hannover and the presses that 2 Ḥananel Nepi and Mordecai Samuel Ghirondi, Toledot Gedolei Yisrael (Trieste, 1853), p. 270 [Hebrew]; Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), col. 2044; and William B. Helmreich, forward to Nathan Nata Hannover, Abyss of Despair (Yeven Mezulah), translated by Abraham J. Mesch (New York, 1950; reprint New Brunswick, NJ, 1983), pp. 13–15; Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature IV, translated by Bernard Martin (New York, 1975), pp. 122–23. 3 Hersh Goldwurm, ed., The Early Acharonim (Brooklyn, 1989), p. 194; Mordechai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel IV (Tel Aviv, 1986), cols. 1181–82 [Hebrew]. 4 David B. Ruderman, Early Modern Jewry: A New Cultural History (Princeton, NJ, 2011), pp. 41, 51.

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published them. We begin, however, with a brief background as to the events that preceded and caused Hannover’s itinerant life and that are described in detail in Yeven Mezulah.

I

Jewish life in sixteenth-century and the first half of seventeenth-century Poland was noticeably better than elsewhere in contemporary Christian Europe, resulting in considerable Jewish immigration to Poland. Hannover’s family, for example, relocated from Germany to Poland. The nature of Jewish life in Poland is reflected in the correspondence and responsa of the time. Bernard D. Weinryb quotes from R. Moses Isserles (Rema, 1530–90) and R. Hayyim ben Bezalel (c. 1520–88) to bring contemporary sources in support of this position. Two examples, the Rema and Hayyim ben Bezalel, respectively, write: In this country [Poland] there is no fierce hatred of us as in Germany. May it so continue until the advent of the Messiah. He also says: “You will be better off in this country … you have here peace of mind.” It is known that, thank God, His people is in this land not despised and despoiled. Therefore a non-Jew coming to the Jewish street has respect for the public and is afraid to behave like a villain against Jews, while in Germany every Jew is wronged and oppressed the day long.5 This is not to say that disabilities were not recognized and anti-Semitism was not present. Salo Wittmayer Baron writes, for example, that Jesuit colleges frequently became the centers of agitation and disturbances directed against the Jews. Jewish pedestrians passing the Jesuit college in Cracow were required to pay 4 groszy; if they were on horseback, they had to pay 6 groszy; and if passing with horse and buggy, they had to pay 12 groszy.6 Nevertheless, Jewish life in Poland at the time was still understood to be better than elsewhere. All of this changed in 1648 with the Chmielnicki massacres of 1648–49 (gezerot taḥ ve-tat ‫תט‬-‫ )תח‬led by Bogdan Chmielnicki (1595–1657), the head of a 5 Bernard D. Weinryb, The Jews of Poland: A Social and Economic History of the Jewish Community in Poland from 1100 to 1800 (Philadelphia, 1972), p. 166. 6 Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews XVI (Philadelphia, 1976), p. 98.

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Cossack and peasant uprising against Polish rule in the Ukraine in which the Cossacks and Tartars “acted with savage and unremitting cruelty against the Jews.” Chmielnicki is regarded as “one of the most sinister oppressors of the Jews of all generations.”7 The sources vary in their accounts of the number of victims. Among the sources quoted by Israel Zinberg, those who perished are estimated by R. Mordecai of Kremsier (Le-Korot ha-Gezerot) at 120,000 and R. Samuel Feivish Feitel (Tit ha-Yaven) at 670,000.8 In contrast, a contemporary writer, Shaul Stampfer, writes that “the number of Jewish lives lost and communities destroyed was immense. However, the impression of destruction was greater than the destruction itself,” suggesting that the true number “appears to be no more than 18,000–20,000 out of a population of about 40,000.”9 Jonathan Israel, while noting that the Chmielnicki massacres of 1648 were “a horrific episode which dwarfed every other Jewish tragedy between 1492 and the Nazi Holocaust,” concludes, in contrast to most other historians of the period, that it “was less a turning-point in the history of Polish Jewry than a brutal but relatively short interruption in its steady growth and expansion.” The traditional position that it was a “decisive turn for the worse” for Polish Jewry is, based on more recent research, to place “events in a misleading light.”10 In counterpoint, Simha Assaf quotes R. Shabbetai Sheftel Horowitz, son of R. Isaiah Horowitz (Ha-Shelah ha-Kadosh, c. 1565–1630), who writes concerning gezerot taḥ ve-tat that the “third Churban (destruction of the Temple) done in our days in the years taḥ ve-tat … truly was comparable to the first and second Churban.” Assaf notes that from that time on the Jews of Poland left to fill positions in the West, especially in Germany. In Poland, communities remained depleted, impoverished, and even intellectually in decline until the nineteenth century.11

7

Shmuel Ettinger, “Chmielnicki (Khmelnitski), Bogdan,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, vol. 4 (Detroit, 2007), pp. 654–56. 8 Zinberg, Jewish Literature, p. 122. 9 Shaul Stampfer, “What Actually Happened to the Jews of Ukraine in 1648?” Jewish History 17, no. 2 (2003), pp. 221–22. 10 Jonathan Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism 1550–1750 (London, 1998), p. 99. 11 Simha Assaf, “The Inner Life of Polish Jewry (Prior to the Period of the Haskalah” in Be-Ohole Ya⁠ʿaḳov: Peraḳim me-hHaye ha-Tarbut shel ha-Yehudim bi-Yeme ha-Benayim (Jerusalem, 1943), p. 80 [Hebrew].

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II

All of this is reflected in Hannover’s itinerant life and in his Yeven Mezulah, which was the chronicler of these events. Nevertheless, Hannover’s first published work, Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah, is quite different. Based on a sermon delivered in Cracow in 1646, it was published in Amsterdam in 1652 at the press of Samuel bar Moses ha-Levi and Reuben bar Eliakim. In format, it is a small quarto (40: 12 ff.).12 Samuel bar Moses ha-Levi was, together with Judah [Leib] ben Mordecai [Gimpel] of Posen, one of the first Ashkenazi printers in Amsterdam. After their partnership ended in 1651, Samuel bar Moses continued to publish for a brief period in partnership with Reuben bar Eliakim of Mainz. Among their publications is Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah. As the title page makes clear, Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah is a discourse on the festival of Sukkot, explaining Talmudic statements by way of esoteric allusions. The title page states that in the discourse are explained all of the hard-to-understand sayings and Talmudic adages, and the accounts in the Zohar related to Sukkot. In it are revealed deep esoterica, explained and made intelligible according to and based on the Talmud, Rashi, and Tosafot and; “set upon sockets of fine gold” (Song of Songs 5:15) … to satisfy the soul’s yearning. In it the seeker will find “good judgment and knowledge” (cf. Psalms 119:66), “the honeycomb” and “pleasant words” (Psalms 19:11, Proverbs 15:26, 16:24), for this is a treasured and desirable discourse. The title page is dated “to life and to peace ‫( ”ולשלום‬412 = 1652); the colophon dates completion of the work to the month Menahem (Av) Zion and Israel “And this is the Torah ‫( וזאת התורה אשר‬412 = July/August 1652) which Moses set before the people of Israel” (Deuteronomy 4:44). Hannover’s introduction (1b) follows. He emphasizes his youth and informs the reader that he has written discourses on the entire Torah and all the festivals, which are entitled Neta Sha⁠ʾashuʾim because the title contains his name. Lack of funds had prevented Hannover from publishing the entire work; therefore, at this time he printed this discourse only, which was delivered in Cracow in 1646. Hannover’s plaint that, due to a lack of funds, he had been unable to publish the entire book and at this time was printing one discourse only, which was really just a pamphlet, that is, Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah, is not unique. 12 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), I, p. 197, no. 275.

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figure 11.1

Indeed, what makes Hannover different from other authors with like difficulties is that in contrast to the other authors, who were printing small excerpts of their works in hopes of finding a patron to support publication of their larger tome, those authors are today unknown except for their small works. Hannover, in contrast, is relatively well known, if only because of his other published titles.13 Hannover entitled this discourse Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah because it is on the Sukkah and the arba⁠ʾah minim; it explains wondrous Midrashim and sayings in the Zohar and Talmud relating to Sukkot; and furthermore, it explains that the numerical value of Ta⁠ʾamei ‫( טעמי‬129) equals the numerical value of his name Nata ‫( נטע‬129). The text follows, and is set in two columns in rabbinic type 13 Concerning such small books published as a prospectus, see my “Books not Printed, Dreams not Realized,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 285–303.

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with leaders in square letters. Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah is a multifaceted work with kabbalistic and midrashic content. Within the text are several headings in which Hannover notes that, based on the prior section, he will now explain a passage from Midrash Rabbah, the Zohar, or another work, such as one of the commentaries of the Alshekh. At the end of Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah, after the colophon, is a tail-piece, the bear pressmark.14 Ta⁠ʾamei Sukkah has been reprinted once, in Podgorze (1902).

III

The following year, continuing his peripatetic movements, Hannover was in Venice where he published Yeven Mezulah, his detailed chronicle of the horrific experiences of Polish Jewry during the Chmielnicki massacres of 1648–49 (tah ve-tat) in which, according to contemporary sources, as many as several hundred thousand Jews were murdered and hundreds of communities destroyed.15 14 15

Concerning the varied usage of the bear pressmark, see my “The Bear Motif on EighteenthCentury Hebrew Books,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 102, no. 3 (2008), pp. 341–61, reprinted in Further Studies, pp. 57–76. Other contemporary works describing the horrors of tah ve-tat are R. Samuel Feivush ben Nathan Feitel’s Tit ha-Yaven (Venice, c. 1650), R. Meir ben Samuel of Shcherbreshin’s Zok ha-Ittim (Cracow, 1650), and R. Jacob ben ha-kodesh (“the holy,” suggesting that he was among the murdered) Simeon of Tomashov’s Ohel Ya’akov (Venice, 1662). The latter wrote: “‘Light became darkness’ (Job 18:6) for me, for they killed my wife and three sons, ‘and I lived in the land of Nod’ (cf. Genesis 4:16) until 1656. In that year arose grievous troubles, old and also new, and I came upon midat ha-din (‘strict justice’) and ‘disaster upon disaster’ (Ezekiel 7:26), plunder after plunder, until finally I encountered pestilence, sword, famine, and captivity and every day was worse than before.” Also to be noted are selihot commemorating tah ve-tat (1648–49) such as R. Gabriel ben Joshua Heschel Schlussburg’s Petah Teshuvah ([1651], Amsterdam) selihot and lamentation on the Jews massacred in tah

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This, the first edition of Yeven Mezulah, is based on first-person accounts taken from oral testimony and other contemporary works. It was printed at the Vendramin press in 1653, and is also in quarto format (40: 24 ff.). Founded in 1630 by Giovanni Vendramin, this press broke the monopoly enjoyed until then by Bragadin. For the first ten years, the press operated under the name of its founder, but after his death it became known by the names Commissaria Vendramina and Stamparia Vendramina. The press eventually joined with that of Bragadin and the combined presses continued to operate well into the eighteenth century.16 The title is from “[I sink in] deep mire (yeven mezulah), [where there is no standing; I have come into deep waters, and the flood sweeps over me]” (Psalms 69:3). The title page, which has an architectural frame and is dated “coming ‫( ביאת‬413 = 1653) of the Messiah,” states that it comes to relate the decrees and wars in the lands of Russia, Lithuania, and Poland. There is an introduction from Hannover, which begins: “I am the man who has seen affliction by the rod of his wrath” (Lamentations 3:1), when the Lord smote His people Israel, His firstborn. He cast down from Heaven to Earth His glory, the land of Poland, His delight. “Beautiful for situation, the joy of the whole earth” (Psalms 48:3) “The Lord has swallowed all the habitations of Jacob without pity” (Lamentations 2:2), “the lot of his inheritance” (Deuteronomy 32:9), “and remembered not his footstool in the day of his anger!” (Lamentations 2:1). All of this was foreseen by King David (may he rest in peace) when he prophesied the joining of the Kadarim (Tatars) and the Greeks to destroy Israel, His chosen people, in the year ‫( זא״ת‬408 = 1648). Hannover entitled the work Yeven Mezulah because the events that transpired in it are alluded to in Psalms. Also, yeven (yavanim—Greeks) refers to the Ukrainians, who belonged to the Greek Orthodox Church. Hannover writes that he has recorded both major and minor occurrences, all the decrees and persecutions, and their dates, so that families can calculate when their relatives perished. He also describes the customs of Polish Jewry and their religious devotion, which is based upon the pillars that support the world (ref. Avot 1:2,

16

ve-tat (written as a commentary on the Book of Lamentations) and R. Shabbetai ben Meir ha-Kohen (Shah)’s Selihot ve-Kinnot (Megillat Eifah, 1651, Amsterdam). David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909; reprint London, 1963), p. 372; Joshua Bloch, “Venetian Printers of Hebrew Books,” in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography (New York, 1976), p. 86.

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18), and he notes the high level of Torah scholarship, which is unmatched elsewhere. Yeven Mezulah has been described as “a complex work that recounts not only the cruel fate of Ukrainian Jewry, but also the socioeconomic and political factors that led up to the rebellion … it is noteworthy that he is able to give details of various political and military developments within the Polish camp.”17 17 Adam Teller, “Hannover, Natan Note,” in YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe 1 (New Haven, 2008), p. 656.

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The introduction concludes with a request that the book be purchased to enable him to publish Neta Sha⁠ʾashuʾim, a work that, as noted above, was never published. It then records in detail the tribulations that befell Eastern European Jewry, concluding with a description of the inner life of the Jews, how they lived in accordance with the pillars of Torah, divine service, charity, truth, justice, and peace, which are set forth in Avot. Yeven Mezulah is organized by community, describing what befell them, save for an intermediate section on Chmielnicki. Two examples from this section are as follows. The first is a description of what occurred in Nemirow, relating how Chmielnicki and his followers gained entry by the ruse of flying Polish flags and thus passing themselves off as a relief force: The people of the city were fully aware of this trickery, and nevertheless called to the Jews in the fortress: “Open the gate. This is a Polish army which has come to save you from the hands of your enemies … No sooner had the gates been opened than the Cossacks entered with drawn swords, and the townspeople too, armed with spears and scythes, and some only with clubs, and they killed the Jews in large numbers. Women and young girls were ravished, but some of the women and maidens jumped into the moat surrounding the fortress in order that the uncircumcised should not defile them … but the Ukrainians swam after them with their swords and their scythes, and killed them in the water. Some of the enemy shot with their guns into the water, and killed them till the water became red with the blood of the slain…. The number of the slain and drowned in the holy community of Nemirow was about six thousand. They perished by all sorts of terrible deaths…. May God avenge their blood. The second example concerns R. Samson Ostropoler of Polonnoye (Volhynia) and his community: Among them was a wise and understanding divinely inspired Kabbalist whose name was Our Teacher and Master Rabbi Samson of the holy community of Ostropole. An angel would appear to him every day to teach him the mysteries of the Torah…. He preached frequently in the synagogue and exhorted the people to repent so that the evil would not come to pass. Accordingly all the communities repented sincerely but it did not avail, for the evil decree had already been sealed. When the enemies and oppressors invaded the city, the abovementioned mystic and three hundred of the most prominent citizens, all dressed in shrouds, with prayer shawls over their heads, entered the

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synagogue and engaged in fervent prayer. When the enemies arrived they killed all of them upon the sacred ground of the synagogue, may God avenge their blood. Many hundreds who managed to survive were forced to change their faith and many hundreds were taken captive by the Tartars.18 A critical view of Yeven Mezulah is expressed by Edward Fram, who writes that Hannover, in describing the massacre of Jews in Tulczyn, copied from other works, particularly Zok ha-Ittim, at times paraphrased those works, and “in some instances he took events said to have happened elsewhere and wove them into his own tale of Tulczyn,” without acknowledging his debt, melding them into his own tale of the massacre in Tulczyn. Fram suggests that Hannover did so because Zok ha-Ittim was not compelling enough to emphasize Jewish martyrdom and “place 1648 in the tradition of past tragedies, [therefore] a more resolute image of martyrdom would be necessary.”19 Nevertheless, Yeven Mezulah is regarded as the classic and most important work on tah ve-tat and has been frequently reprinted as well as having been translated into Yiddish, French, German, Russian, Polish, and English.

IV

We next, in terms of Hannover’s publications, find him in Prague, where he published Safah Berurah, a popular four-language (Hebrew-German-Latin -Italian) glossary for conversation and a guidebook for travelers. Printed at the renowned press of the Benei Jacob Bak, which opened as early as 1605, Safah Berurah is a small-format book (80: [44] ff.). The title is from, “For then I will convert the peoples to a clear language (safah berurah)” (Zephaniah 3:9). The title page states: “Behold, and see” (Lamentations 1:12) this new thing that was not before. The holy tongue (Hebrew), Ashkenaz, Italian, and Latin spread out flawlessly. It is good for women and men, the aged and elderly, adolescents and young, teacher and businessmen and also before the uneducated, who travel through all lands, “And you shall teach them to your 18 Both translations are from Hannover, Abyss of Despair, pp. 51, 63–4, respectively. 19 Edward Fram, “Creating a Tale of Martyrdom in Tulczyn, 1648,” in Jewish History and Jewish Memory: Essays in Honor of Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, ed. Elisheva Carlebach, John M. Efron, and David N. Myers (Hannover, 1998), pp. 90–1.

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figure 11.4

figure 11.5

children, speaking of them, so that your days may be multiplied” (cf. Deuteronomy 11:19, 21), and in this merit may He send to our Messiah speedily in our day. Amen Selah. The Lord grant us the merit to come soon to the holy land ‫הקדושה‬ (420 = 1660). The introduction follows, in which Hannover repeats the description of the book from the title page and adds that it is based on the words in the

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Torah, the twenty-four books of the Bible, and some words from the six Sedorim (Mishnayot). He follows “after the reapers” (Ruth 2:7), gleaning every strange word in the sheaf: from concordances, Mirkevet ha-Mishneh, and commentaries.20 Safah Berurah is so entitled because from this straightforward work all four languages will be pure and clear. In the second paragraph, in a smaller font, Hannover explains the structure of the work, and that the Ashkenaz is not, with rare exception, that of the gentiles but of the Jews (Yiddish), but that the Latin is of the highest order, in order to be able to be spoken before kings and nobles. This is followed by a list of the twenty sheʾarim that make up Safah Berurah— that is, the divisions of the book, which is not alphabetic but organized by subject. This arrangement was apparently followed because Hannover believed that it would be more convenient for conversation to be able to locate words related by subject. The first two sheʾarim include terms dealing with the divine and Torah; the next three deal with earthly objects. The sixth through the ninth deal with fish, birds, animals, and humans before continuing with material objects such as clothing, jewelry, metal, arms, tools, and nations, including proper forms of address, business, arithmetic, the calendar, and grammar. The approximately 2,000 words comprising the text follow, in four columns, from right to left, of Hebrew, Ashkenaz, Italian, and Latin, all in square vocalized Hebrew letters. At the end of the book are errata by language and a colophon in which Hannover thanks Gariel Blanis and Jacob Szebrsziner for their assistance with the Italian and Latin, and notes that it was necessary to reduce the size of the glossary due to conditions in Poland, where there are no buyers.21 Safah Berurah has also been republished several times, beginning with an edition prepared by Jacob Koppel ben Wolf that included French at the press of Moses ben Abraham Mendes Coitinho (Amsterdam, 1701), and even an edition with Greek and Turkish (lacking place and date).22 Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon, Hannover’s last published title, is a collection of Lurianic kabbalistic prayers, particularly for Tikkun Hazot (midnight prayers). First printed in Prague in the year “The trees of the Lord have their fill; the cedars of Lebanon, which he has planted ‫( לבנון אשר נטע ישבעו עצי י׳י ארזי‬422 = 1662)” 20 Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (Cracow, 1534), by Asher Anshel of Cracow, is a concordance and glossary of the Bible. Published by Samuel, Asher, and Elyakim, sons of Hayyim Halicz, it was the first Yiddish book printed in Poland. Concerning Mirkevet ha-Mishneh, see Marvin J. Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus I (Leiden, 2004), pp. 216–17. 21 Shimeon Brisman, History and Guide to Judaic Dictionaries and Concordances (Hoboken, NJ, 2000), pp. 44–46. 22 Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim (Israel, n.d.), shin 2223 [Hebrew].

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figure 11.6

(Psalms 104:16), also at the press of Benei Jacob Bak. Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon is a small work set in octavo format (80: [38] ff.). The title is from “The Lord loves the gates of Zion (sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon) more than all the dwellings of Jacob” (Psalms 87:2). The following text and images are from the Amsterdam 1671 edition, which was published by Uri Phoebus ben Aaron ha-Levi in quarto format (40: 54 ff.). Similar but not identical to the earlier Prague printing, this edition is dated Rosh Hodesh Sivan 431 (Sunday, May 10, 1671). The title page has an architectural frame with an eagle at the apex, which surrounds the text.23 The text states: These are the words of Kabbalah according to the scribes and according to the texts, Sefer Etz Hayyim, those who taste it merit life, written by the foremost student of the Godly rav, R. Isaac Luria, that is, R. Hayyim Vital. After him rose up students of his students and wrote this work (Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon). The author sent his brother R. Mordecai Gumpricht ben Moses with many additional prayers and supplications, as can be seen. The title page is followed by the approbations reprinted from the first Prague edition, from R. Nahman ben Meir Kohen of Keremenec, R. Samuel ben Meir of Ostrow, and R. Israel ben Aaron Benzion of Satanow. They are followed by Hannover’s introduction, which concludes with a description of the seven sha⁠ʾarim comprising Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon; Tikkun Hazot based on R Hayyim Vital’s 23

“The Eagle Motif on 16th and 17th Century Hebrew Books,” Printing History, NS 17 (2015), pp. 16–40.

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figure 11.7

Etz ha-Hayyim; Tikkun ha-Nefesh, to be said after Tikkun Hazot with Yedid Nefesh; Tikkun ha-Tefillah according to Kabbalah; Tikkun Kriat ha-Torah; Tikkun Kriat Shema with the appropriate kavvanot; Tikkun shel Erev Rosh Hodesh; and Tikkun Malkhut on Rosh Ha-Shanah and Yom ha-Kippurim. The text is in a single column in rabbinic type, with headers, initial phrases, and some limited text in square letters. The volume concludes with an epilogue dating the conclusion of the work to “half of (15) Kislev, ‘And he shall judge the world ‫( תבל‬Tuesday, November 17, 1671) in righteousness’ (Psalms 9:9) and compassion.” Printing was supervised by Mordecai Gumpricht ben Moses, Hannover’s brother.24 Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon is primarily a compilation of existing prayers assembled into one work. Prayers such as Ribbono shel Olam, recited today prior to the removal of the Torah from the Ark by R. Jeremiah of Wertheim and the Yehi Ratzon after the priestly blessing are taken from Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon. This edition, as stated on the title page, is much expanded from the first edition (80 38 ff.). It contains additional prayers, piyyutim, and supplications, some of considerable length, among them prayers for someone incarcerated and for those who are ill, and it has verse for the dedication of a new Torah scroll in the synagogue.25 Gershom Scholem, in describing the influence of Kabbalah on Jewish life, writes that one of the areas in which it had the greatest influence was prayer. Among the most influential books in this sphere was Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon in which Lurianic doctrines “of man’s mission on earth, his connections with the 24 Fuks and Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, pp. 263–64, no. 32. 25 A. Z. Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy and Its Development (1932; reprint New York, 1995), pp. 55, 80, 259.

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power of the upper worlds, the transmigrations of his soul, and his striving to achieve tikkun were woven into prayers that could be appreciated and understood by everyone, or that at least could arouse everyone’s imagination and emotion.”26 The popularity of Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon is such that it has been described by Sylvie Anne Goldberg as “one of the most widely read books in the Jewish world.”27 Indeed, Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon was reprinted in Prague three times in the seventeenth century (1682, 1688, 1692), and three additional times within a decade, in Dyhernfurth ([1689]), Wilhermsdorf (1690), and Dessau (1698). The Bet Eked Sefarim enumerates fifty-four editions through 1917.28 Hannover’s life reflects the times in which he lived, both in the adversity and travail he faced but also in how he overcame them. Just as the Jews of mid-seventeenth-century Europe had their lives uprooted but survived to rebuild thriving communities, so too Hannover’s accomplishments stand out. Not only did he both live and survive to chronicle the struggles and turmoil of gezerot taḥ ve-tat in Yeven Mezulah, but he also wrote such varied books as Safah Berurah, a lexicography, and Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon, a liturgical work, all three important and much reprinted titles. In addition, Hannover was the author of Neta Sha⁠ʾashuʾim, which was noted above; Neṭa Neʾeman, a kabbalistic work; a discourse on Purim, extant in manuscript, and a commentary on Otiyyot deRabbi Akiva, no longer extant. In addition to the printed editions of his books, Hannover’s works were sufficiently popular that they were often copied by hand. Numerous manuscripts of his works are extant. KTIV, the International Collection of Digitized Hebrew Manuscripts, records twenty-six entries under Nathan Hannover, the most popular of which being by far Sha⁠ʾarei Ziyyon.29 Despite experiencing suffering and tragedy, Nathan Nata Hannover survived to live a life of meaning and leave us a legacy of value. Yeven Mezulah concludes that the Jews who escaped from the swords of their enemies were treated with kindness in Moravia, Austria, Bohemia, Italy, and especially Germany, and given food, drink, lodging, garments, and gifts “each according to his importance”:

26 Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (New York, 1973), p. 193. 27 Sylvie Anne Goldberg, Crossing the Jabbok: Illness and Death in Ashkenazi Judaism in Sixteenth- through Nineteenth-Century Prague (Berkeley, 1996), p. 88. 28 Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim, shin 2148. 29 I would like to thank Eli Genauer for bringing this to my attention. The web address for KTIV is http://web.nli.org.il/sites/nlis/en/manuscript.

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May their justice appear before God to shield them and all Israel wherever they are congregated, so that Israel may dwell in peace and tranquility in their habitations. May their merit be counted for us and for our children, that the Lord should hearken to our cries and gather our dispersed from the four corners of the earth, and send us our righteous Messiah, speedily in our day. Amen, Selah.

chapter 12

Offenbach Revisited: An Enigma Reexamined The most unusual, indeed a unique tractate, among the treatises issued during this period, and perhaps since the advent of printing, is a small enigmatic edition of Sukkah. The tractate, which is dated 1722, lacks both the place of printing and the name of the printer; it measures slightly more than 9.1 cm, which is approximately 3 5/8 inches—it fits comfortably into the palm of one’s hand—and is frequently described as either an octavo, duodecimo or sexto­ decimo edition. As we shall see, it is actually a sextodecimo (160).1 8. s. l. [F. a. O. seu Brl. 1722. [A. ‫בסכת‬, ff. 56. I scheda tegumenti expl. Opp.143D. locus fer­ tur F. a. O. seu Brl. et revera signum literarum contractarum FR. (i.e. Fredericus Rex) in tit. In libris F. a. O. impressis plerumque invenitur.2

∵ The “most unusual, indeed unique tractate,” generally accepted as a Frankfurt on the Oder or Berlin imprint as well as the first Hebrew presses in Offenbach have been addressed by me previously.3 This article, then, serves two purposes.4 1 Marvin J. Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises Printed from 1700 to 1750 (Leiden, 1999), p. 191. 2 Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), col. 272:1909. 3 Heller, Printing the Talmud, pp. 52–58, 98–109, 191–96. 4 The original version of this article was published in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (Mainz, 2012), pp. 219–281. I would like to express my appreciation to the following individuals who responded to my inquiries relating to unresolved issues in Offenbach, several of whom also read the arti­ cle and made valuable suggestions. They are R. Jerry Schwarzbard, Henry R. and Miriam Ripps Schnitzer Librarian for Special Collections, The Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary; Dr. Douglas Shantz, Professor, Western Religions, University of Calgary; Professor Dr. Hans Schneider, Department of Church History, Department of Evangelical Theology, Philipps University Marburg; Ms. Weiss, Klingspor-Museum Offenbach für internationale Buch- und Schriftkunst; Dr. Anjali Pujari, Leiterin der Abteilung Archiv- Haus der Stadtgeschichte,

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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It is a correction of the misidentification of the location and press of that unusual edition of tractate Sukkah and provides a closer look at the second of the two early Hebrew presses in Offenbach with an emphasis on its varied title pages and several of its non-Talmudic works.5 Offenbach is situated on the left bank of the Main River and is a suburb of Frankfurt, its larger neighbor. It is an old community referred to as early as 977 as part of the imperial forest of Dreieich. A mint was established there in 1467, and in 1486 it became part of the possessions of Count (later Prince) Isenburg-Birstein. The Isenburgs made it their residence in the midsixteenth century, retaining possession until the Congress of Vienna in 1815, when it was given to Austria. And a year later, it was given to the Grand Duchy of Hesse-Darmstadt. In 1685, the County of Isenburg-Offenbach was divided into Isenburg-Offenbach under Count John Philip and Isenburg-Birstein under Count Wolfgang Ernst. When the former died in 1718, Offenbach fell to Isenburg-Birstein. The community’s prosperity is generally attributed to an influx of French Huguenot craftsmen between 1698 and 1703.6 Jewish settlement is known as early as the mid-fourteenth century, Jews hav­ ing been martyred there during the Black Death (1348). Subsequent Jewish res­ idence in Offenbach was limited, the presence of only a small number of Jews being noted in the next two centuries. That changed in the mid-seventeenth century, when, on August 22, 1614, the Jews were expelled from Frankfurt at the time of the Fettmilch Uprising. Although the accounts of what occurred when the Jews fled to Offenbach vary, it appears that despite being fired upon they were given refuge and founded a small but growing community, so that by 1702 Offenbach had a Judenstrasse and in 1707 the community was officially recog­ nized. In the following year, letters of privilege were granted by the authorities and provisions were made for a second Judenstrasse.7 The Jewish population, which numbered 120 families in 1700, was augmented by additional settlers from Frankfurt after fire burned the Jewish district in that city in 1711. Jewish rights were confirmed in 1708, 1715, 1719, and, for the last time, in 1764. Offenbach, and Clemens P. Sidorko, research associate at the Institute for Jewish Studies of the University of Basel. 5 That the place of publication of the unusual edition of tractate Sukkah has been misidenti­ fied was first suggested to me by the late R. Chaim Elozer Reich, who noted that the embel­ lished FR also appeared on the Offenbach edition of Asefat Hakhamim. His observation was reinforced by a copy of Hiddushei Halakhot shown to me by R. Eli Amsel of Virtual Judaica. I am also indebted to R. Amsel for reading this article and for his helpful suggestions. 6 Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th Edition (New York, 1910–11), XX, p. 16; http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Isenburg-Birstein. 7 Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, vol. 15 (Detroit, 2007), pp. 386–87.

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Several printing houses were active in Offenbach in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Among them were the printshops of Konrad Neben (1609–10), Michael Schmidt (1611), and George Beatus (1612). In 1685, Bonaventura de Launoy, who belonged to a Huguenot printing family, estab­ lished a printshop in Offenbach. De Launoy began printing with a German edition of Pierre Jurieu’s (1637–1713) L’Accomplissement des prophéties, ou la Délivrance prochaine de l’Eglise (1686), an apocalyptic commentary foreseeing the imminent annihilation of “Babylon” and the redemption of the Church, thereby establishing what Hans Schneider describes as one of the foremost publishers of radical Pietist works. Another aspect of de Launoy’s print­ ing business was the publishing of obituaries.8 As we shall see, de Launoy is important to us because of his association with the second Hebrew printer in Offenbach, Israel ben Moses. Hebrew printing did not commence in Offenbach until the second decade of the eighteenth century, although its presses soon established a distinguished position for themselves among the small Hebrew printshops of that century.9 The first Hebrew press was established by Seligman ben Hertz Reis, a book­ dealer from a distinguished Frankfurt on the Main family, who had learned the printing trade in Amsterdam and had previously operated a Hebrew press in Homburg from 1711 until 1714 (Friedberg) or 1711–12 (Steinschneider). Reis subsequently relocated to Offenbach, securing permission to establish a Hebrew printing house and founding, together with his son Hertz, the first Hebrew press in that city.10 Reis, having had square Hebrew letters cast in Frankfurt and cursive (rab­ binic, Rashi) letters cast in Amsterdam, began printing Hebrew and Yiddish titles in 1714. In that year, Reis issued seven titles, which were primarily small Yiddish works, some of which were only a few pages—for example, Begedas ha-Zman, 120, 14 pages and Ma⁠ʾaseh Floris und Flankfoler, 12 pages. Seven titles were printed in 1715, five in 80, one in 120 format, and Joseph ben Abraham

8 Josef Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im Deutschen Sprachgebeit (Wiesbaden, 1963), pp. 349–50; Hans Schneider, German Radical Pietism (Lanham, MD, 2007), p. 7. 9 Concerning Hebrew printing in Offenbach through the nineteenth century, see Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography of the Following Cities in Central Europe … from its Beginning in the Year 1513 (Antwerp, 1935), pp. 101–04 [Hebrew] and Esther Alexander-Ihme, “Jüdischer Buchdruck in Offenbach am Main” in Zur Geschichte der Juden in Offenbach am Main III (Offenbach, 1994), pp. 1–22. 10 Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 97; EJ XIII, p. 1107; Steinschneider, CB, no. 9055.

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Gikatilla’s Sha⁠ʾarei Orah, recorded as 20 cm.11 Reis’s titles include prayer books, histories, medieval tales, and romances, such as Floris und Blanchfleur, Historie vom Rittur Siegmund und Magdalena, and Schöne Magelone (1714). His Hebrew titles include more serious works, such as the Agur, Yam Shel Shelomo on Bezah and Hullin, Minhagei Maharil, and at least three tractates, Bezah (1717), Rosh Ha-Shanah (1721), and Ta⁠ʾanit (1721), all of which were printed as double-paged quarto volumes. Ta⁠ʾanit was Reis’s final Offenbach title. Seligman Reis, and pre­ sumably Hertz as well, returned to Frankfurt, where the former died on the 20th of Shevat, 501 (February 6, 1741).12 The second Hebrew press in Offenbach, our primary concern, is that of Israel ben Moses ben Abraham Halle, active in Offenbach, although not con­ tinuously, from 1718/19 to c. 1738/43. Israel was the son of Moses ben Abraham Avinu, a colorful proselyte, also a printer, who had worked in several cities, most notably Amsterdam and Halle.13 Moses’s daughters, Elle and Gelle, are remembered today because of their entries in the colophons of a number of the books that they helped set, where they wrote that they should be forgiven any misprints, given their tender age, Elle writing in the Yiddish colophon to Tefilah le-Moshe (Dessau, 1696) that “the Yiddish letters I set with my own hand, I am Elle, the daughter of Moses from Holland, a mere nine years old, the sole girl among six children. So when an error you should find. Remember, this was set by one who is but a child.” Israel, too, worked in various locations with the family, helping to set the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud (1697–99), his name appearing together with that of Elle in the colophon of tractate Niddah and in a Polish and Ashkenaz rite mahzor (1700). Israel accompanied his father to Halle, where he went into business, failed, and was forced to leave that city “plötzlich aus Halle verschwunden” owing approximately a thousand thalers. We next find Israel in Offenbach associated with the press of Bonaventura de Launoy.14 It is unclear who initiated the association. Was it de Launoy, who, noting the success of 11 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993–95), pp. 9–10 [Hebrew]. 12 Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 102. 13 Concerning Moses ben Abraham, see my “Moses ben Abraham Avinu and his Printing-Presses,” European Judaism 31, n. 2 (1998), pp. 123–32; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 218–28. 14 Aron Freimann, “Israel ben Moses und die Druckerei in Neuwied,” Zeitschrift für hebraeische Bibliographie 15 (Berlin, 1911), p. 27. Avraham Yaari, “Converts in the Holy Work,” in Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem, 1958), p. 250 [Hebrew], gives Israel’s name as Israel ben Abraham Avinu but on title pages of his books, evident from the accompanying illustrations, it is clear that he called himself Israel ben Abraham.

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Seligman Reis’s Hebrew press, wished to enter that potentially lucrative mar­ ket? Did he, in order to do so, require a partner fluent in Hebrew? O did Israel, relocating and lacking a privilege to print, approach and persuade de Launoy to add a Hebrew section to his press? With de Launoy’s agreement, letters and ornamentation were ordered from Amsterdam, and, under Israel’s supervision, the printing of Hebrew titles was begun. Assisting at the press were Israel’s sons Abraham and Tobias and his daughter Rebecca as compositors, represent­ ing, together with Moses ben Abraham Avinu, three successive generations of proselytes who worked at the printer’s craft.15 R. Joseph ben R. Joshua Heschel ha-Kohen of Cracow was the corrector. Israel published Hebrew books in Offenbach from 1719 until after the death of de Launoy in 1724, his last publica­ tions at this time being dated 1725. He printed several additional titles from 1729, when he acquired the typographical material of the de Launoy press, and resumed printing Hebrew titles in his own right. In 1733, Israel ben Moses relo­ cated to Homburg, and from there, in 1735, to Neuwied, returning briefly to Offenbach in 1737. Lastly, he was employed as a setter in Jessnitz and Dessau.16 Israel began to publish Hebrew books at the de Launoy press with Anaf Etz Avot, a commentary on Pirkei Avot by R. Benjamin ben Yekutiel Wulff; Marot ha-Zoveʾot, a popular commentary on Neviʾim Rishonim (Early Prophets) by R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh (c. 1508–c. 1600); and Shevut Ya⁠ʾakov, volume II of the responsa of R. Jacob ben Joseph Reischer (Jacob Backofen, c. 1670–1733), volume I having been printed in Halle in 1710, all appearing in 1719. Although the books vary in format, Anaf Etz Avot is a quarto while Marot ha-Zoveʾot and Shevut Ya⁠ʾakov are folios and they share the same basic ornamentation on their respective title pages, an acorn set within leaves and flowers; the larger folio books have additional ornamentation on their title pages. The acorn ornament was also employed in the following years—for example on Yad Avi Shalom (see fig. 12.1) on the weekly Torah readings and Haftarot by R. Joseph Shalom; trac­ tate Sanhedrin (1721); and a Haggadah (1722) with the commentary Avodat haGefen by R. Judah Leib Wolff. Within the books, varied ornamentation appears, including, in Anaf Etz Avot and tractate Sanhedrin (1721), a cherub smoking a pipe within a floral arrangement (see fig. 12.2).17 15 Yaari, “Converts in the Holy Work,” p. 250. 16 Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 102. 17 This woodcut was employed by Israel in his later period on the title page of Olat Aharon (1733), novellae by R. Aaron Zelog ben Joel Feibush together with the acorn ornament and another elaborate head-piece. A woodcut of a horned Moses with the luhot (“tab­ lets” of the law) with identical floral border is included by Herbert C. Zafren in his “Dyhernfurth and Shabtai Bass: A Typographic Profile,” in Studies in Jewish Bibliography History and Literature (New York, 1971), ed. Charles Berlin, p. 572. This latter woodcut was

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figure 12.1 Yad Avi Shalom

figure 12.2 Cherub smoking a pipe

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Parenthetically, in his observations to a draft of this paper, Hans Schneider observes that he has never seen “a cherub smoking a pipe” and suggests that if the figure is an angel the instrument is a flute. He agrees, however, that the object in question does look like a clay pipe as in the self-portrait of Gerrit Dou. Schneider suggests that the figure might be an oriental man or boy, as was often painted in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, wearing a turbanlike cap with plumes, and that what appears to be an angel’s wings might be a fluttering cape. The reader may draw his or her own conclusions about the cherub ornamentation. On a very different title page, we see depictions of Moses and Aaron on the sides of a pillared arch, cherubim above, and in the center of the arch an oval with symbols of the zodiac and in the middle the Hebrew word ‫“( ארץ‬earth”). This title page too was employed with and without additional ornamentation, again depending on the book format. Among the titles with this frame are Zurat ha-Aretz (1720), a work on astronomy by R. Abraham bar Hiyya (11th–12th cen­ tury); Matteh Yehudah (1721, see fig. 12.3), an annotated Birkat ha-Mazon by R. Judah Leib Oppenheim; a Haggadah with the commentary Zera Yehudah by R. Judah Leib ben Simeon (1721); Ebronot (1722), on the calendar and related calculations, by R. Eliezer ben Jacob Beilin; and Shomer Emunah (1724), a kab­ balistic work by R. Moses ben Israel of Landsburg. In addition to the head- and tail-pieces that adorn most of Israel’s books, Zurat ha-Aretz is noteworthy for the large number of illustrations and diagrams in the book (see fig. 12.4). Yet other books have title pages with illustrations comprising material used as head- or tail-pieces elsewhere—for example, Zantzenet ha-Man (1723, see fig. 12.5), novellae on Talmudic tractates by R. Menahen Man. Not all the title pages of Israel’s publications had artistic frames. In contrast to the preceding books are Toharot Aharon (1722) on the laws of shehitah (ritual slaughter) by R. Aaron ben Moses Meir Perles and Siyumah haParshiot me-ha-Torah (1722, see fig. 12.7) on laws and customs related to reading the Torah by R. Moses Zekel Mink, both small book with borders of florets. One additional title page frame need be noted, of importance to us, as we shall see, for addressing the question of the enigmatic edition of tractate Sukkot. The frame appears on the title pages of Asefat Hakhamim (1722, see fig. 12.8), novellae from the geonim by R. Israel Isserel and of Hiddushei Halakhot (1723, also employed on the title pages of tractates Ta⁠ʾanit and Kiddushin (Zolkiew, 1693–94), respectively, printed by [Uri Phoebus ben Aaron ha-Levi], all testimony to the common source of typographical equipment by disparate presses. For examples of this figure on the tractates, see My Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises, pp. 293–97 and my The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2011), p. 1254.

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figure 12.3

Matteh Yehudah

figure 12.4

Zurat ha-Aretz

Offenbach Revisited: An Enigma Reexamined

figure 12.5 Zantzenet ha-Man

figure 12.6 Sendschreiben an

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figure 12.7 Siyumat ha-Parshiot seine hinterlassene me-ha-Torah

see fig. 12.9), novellae on tractates Bava Kamma, Bava Mezia, and Bava Batra by R. Abraham Joshua Heschel ben Jacob. The basic frame is identical for both works, but the accompanying employ of florets varies, and, of greater signifi­ cance, Asefat Hakhamim has an embellished FR under a crown at the bottom of the frame whereas Hiddushei Halakhot has a blank space under the crown.18 18 The Hebrew Bibliographic Project, The Bibliography of the Hebrew Book: A Bibliography of all Hebrew Books Printed Before 1960 (Jerusalem, 2002), has three entries for Asefat Hakhamim, two dated 1722, nos. 0139557, 0318337, the third, no. 0139558, 1723. In the descriptions of the first two editions, it is noted that the content is identical but that they are otherwise dissimilar. The notes to the second copy inform the reader that the letters

Offenbach Revisited: An Enigma Reexamined

figure 12.8 Asefat Hakhamim

283

figure 12.9 Hiddushei Halakhot

The preceding titles are meant as examples only of the variety of the books published by Israel and of the illustrations appearing on their title pages; they are not meant to be comprehensive. Finally, it is certain, although to what extent is not clear, that de Launoy shared typographic material with Israel ben Moses. Clemens P. Sidorko of the Institute for Jewish Studies at the University of Basel informed me in a per­ sonal communication that whereas the common title page of a de Launoy imprint has a woodcut frame of Christian saints and allegorical characters, two de Launoy titles, a collection made from separate printings by Heinrich Horchens’s (1695–99) Sendschreiben an seine hinterlassene (1699, see fig. 12.6) and Jan van Ruusbroec’s (Johannis Rusbrochii, c. 1293–1381) Schrifften, welche die höchsten Geheimnüsse der göttlichen Beschauung abhandeln, die Uebungen are larger and that the name of the father of the Hebrew printer, that is Moses, is omitted. The third edition varies in the date and has been set anew.

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eines christlichen und geistlichen Lebens lehren (1701) contain illustrations, the former with the bird sitting in a fruit basket, employed by Israel ben Moses with Zantzenet ha-Man, and the latter with like but not identical illustrations. Ornamentation, as opposed to title page frames, which are more closely identi­ fied with a specific printer, are not unique and are readily acquired by printers in various locations from a single supplier. The head-piece on Zantzenet haMan was also employed in Leipzig and in Hanau. Nevertheless, it is one thread showing a commonality between the imprints of de Launoy and of Israel in Offenbach.19 Another consideration is how the names of the two associates appear on the title pages of these books. No printer’s name is given on the title page of Anaf Etz Avot (1719), but, in contrast, on the title pages of Marot ha-Zoveʾot, Shevut Ya⁠ʾakov, Yad Avi Shalom, Iggeret Orhot Olam, Sefer Maharil (1720), Zurat ha-Aretz, the Haggadah, Matteh Yehudah, Menorat ha-Meʾor (1721), and yet other works printed from 1719 through 1721, all have one name only, that of Lord Bonaventura de Launoy. In 1722–24, however, the publisher is given in varied ways. Toharot Aharon, Zantzenet ha-Man, and Shomer Emunah (1724) give the publisher as Israel ben Moses at the press of Bonaventura de Launoy, the for­ mer in bold square letters, the latter in a smaller rabbinic font; the Haggadah with Avodat ha-Gefen and Asefat Hakhamim give both names in equal square letters; Emek Yehoshua and Siyumah ha-Parshiot me-ha-Torah give both names, here Israel is rabbinic letters and de Launoy, the second name, is in square letters; tractate Sanhedrin states that it was printed by the worker occupied in the holy work faithfully, Israel ben Moses, and in smaller rabbinic letters, at the press of Lord Bonaventura de Launoy; and Ebronot and Hiddushei Halakhot name Israel ben Moses only as the publisher. Tractates Bava Kama and Bava Mezia from the Jerusalem Talmud (1725) do not have a printer’s name on their title pages.20 What does all of this indicate? Clearly, and this was not in 19 The head-piece on Zantzenet ha-Man, Noah’s ark with accompanying cherubim, also appears in the book on 3a at the beginning of the text. It can also be found in prints from other cities. An example is in the commentary on Early Prophets, Perush al Neviim Rishonim (Leipzig, 1686), by Don Isaac ben Judah Abrabanel (1437–1508). Concerning this work, see my “A Tale of Two Cities: Leipzig, Hamburg, and Don Isaac Abrabanel,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (Mainz, 2010), pp. 153–61. Mr. Sidorko informs (reminds me) that this head-piece is also to be found on the title page of the Pseudo-Basle Zeʾena u-Reʾena (Hanau, 1622). Concerning that edition, see my The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book, pp. 420–21. 20 The title page of tractates Bava Kama and Bava Mezia of the Jerusalem Talmud (see fig. 12.13) states that it was “Printed in Offenbach WITH THE LETTERS OF AMSTERDAM IN THE YEAR 1725.” Large and small fonts are juxtaposed; Offenbach is set in a much smaller font than Amsterdam, so that the latter only is prominent. This was also done in

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question, de Launoy was the sole proprietor of the press. At some point, Israel may have become more independent, even prior to the demise of de Launoy, although their association seems to have remained intact as long as de Launoy was alive. We now turn our attention to that unusual and enigmatic miniature trac­ tate, which is commonly believed to have been a Berlin or Frankfurt on the Oder imprint, but which, as we shall see, was more likely printed in Offenbach. It is unusual, due to its size and format and the absence of the exegetical works that commonly accompany a Talmudic text.21 It is enigmatic in that it has been misidentified, a condition that will now hopefully be remedied, although, as we shall see, an unresolved question remains. It should be noted that, its diminutive size notwithstanding, the volume is attractively set and, due to the absence of commentaries, the letters are not unnecessarily small, both factors making the tractate quite readable. As noted above, this edition of tractate Sukkah measures slightly more than 9.1 cm (approximately 3 5/8 inches) and fits comfortably into the palm of one’s hand. It has been variously described as an octavo (Steinschneider), a duo­ decimo (Cowley), and a sextodecimo (Hebrew Bibliographic Project, Roest, Salomon, Zedner).22 Based on the leaves to a signature, Steinschneider would seem to be correct in describing the tractate as an octavo. In our tractate, each leaf with a signature is followed by seven unmarked leaves for a total of eight leaves, or sixteen pages to a quire, suggesting that our tractate is an octavo. However, the number of folds of a sheet also determines the position of both the watermark and chain-lines in the paper. The relationship between folds, format, watermark, and chain-lines is described in Esdaile’s Manual of Bibliography. It informs that in a folio “the watermark is in the middle of one

other locations, for example, in Hamburg by Thomas Ruhyn (Rose), because of the pres­ tige of Amsterdam imprints. 21 Small-format tractates were popular in the first half of the eighteenth century, and con­ tinue to be published to the present. Small does not, however, necessarily mean diminu­ tive and the octavo tractates of the eighteenth century were considerably larger than the edition of Sukkah under consideration. About fifty small-format tractates published between 1700 and 1750 are described in my Individual Treatises, noted above. 22 The Bibliography of the Hebrew Book, 0318744; Isaac Seligman Berend (Izak Cohen) Salomon, Reshimat Tamah (Hamburg, 1782), p. 56; A. E. Cowley, A Concise Catalogue of the Hebrew Printed Books in the Bodleian Library (1929, reprint Oxford, 1979), p. 683; and Meijer Marcus Roest, Catalogue der Hebraica und Judaica Rosenthalishen Bibliotek. Bearbetet von M. Roest. With Anhang by Leeser Rosenthal (Amsterdam, 1875; reprint Amsterdam, 1966), II, p. 1103 [Hebrew]; Steinschneider, CB, col. 272:1909; Joseph Zedner, Catalogue of the Hebrew Books in the British Museum (London, 1867; reprint Norwich, 1964), p. 743.

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leaf … and the chain-lines” are perpendicular. Skipping to an octavo, we find the following: Fold it yet again across the last folding made, and you have eight leaves or sixteen pages, the commonest format since about 1700, when paper was first made in quantity in sheets of dimensions to yield a fair-sized page in this folding, which is called octavo…. The chain-lines run perpendicularly again, as in folio. The watermark is now (when the binder’s shears allow it to be seen at all) in quarters in the top inner corner of either leaves 1, 4, 5 and 8 (the outer leaves of the quartette on either side of the sewing or of leaves 2, 3, 6 and 7 (the inner)…. Yet another fold brings the sheet to sex­ todecimo or sixteens, a gathering of 16 leaves or 32 pages; the chain-lines are again horizontal as in quarto, the shape is again squarish but small in proportion. The watermark is to be found near the top of the fore-edges and it is rare to find more than traces of it. The 160 has a fold at the foot of the leaf.23 Counting the leaves to a set assumes whole-sheet imposition, that is, that a full sheet was placed on a single form (set to print in the form, in a folio, a recto, pages 1 and 4, or verso, pages 2 and 3 of type. Additional pages will be set in other formats). However, an alternative is “half-sheet imposition,” in which a half-sheet was imposed in a single form, the paper then turned after one side had been printed, and the other side then printed from the same form, the sheet then being cut to produce two identical copies. The advantage of half-sheet imposition was that it would halve the number of pages the printer would have to keep in type at one time, and thus cut down the most expensive part of the printing process, stand­ ing type.24 This explains the number of leaves to a signature in our tractate. The chainlines in the volume run horizontally, and the watermark, which is in the form 23 Roy Stokes, Esdaile’s Manual of Bibliography (New York, 1967), pp. 239–40. Chain-lines occur when the pulp is laid on a frame made up of wires. The wires the pulp rests on leave two sets of lines known as “laid marks,” the thinner lines referred to as “wire lines,” the thicker lines, in the opposite direction, as “chain-lines.” See Stokes, p. 63; D. C. Greetham, Textual Scholarship: An Introduction (New York, 1992), p. 64. 24 Greetham, Textual Scholarship, pp. 127–28. Stokes also remarks that “sixteens are now habitually so imposed as to be cut in half and made up in half-sheets of eight leaves. These closely resemble octavos” (p. 243).

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of the ears and ball of a foolscap, is in the upper-right-hand corner, or “near the top of the fore-edge,” so that the volume is certainly a sextodecimo. The second feature, which is more prominent for students of the Talmud, of this unique edition of tractate Sukkah is the absence of the exegetical commentaries customarily printed with Talmudic tractates. Here, the text is printed alone without either Rashi or Tosafot. Unlike manuscript tractates, which were, more often than not, written without any commentaries, there are very few instances of printed treatises without those standard exegetes. The first printed tractate, save for the undated Sephardic tractates, is the Soncino edition of Berakhot (1483/84), printed with both Rashi and Tosafot, a format that has been followed to this day. In early Sephardic treatises, the text page includes Rashi, although Tosafot is absent. The three exceptions, in addition to this edition of Sukkah, that is, tractates printed without even Rashi, are an incunabular edition of Hullin, attributed to an unknown Spanish press, an edition of Niddah, printed in Prague in approximately 1608, and Bava Mezia, printed together with the Cracow Talmud of 1616–1620, the only tractate in that Talmud in that format.25 Several irregularities exist pertaining to the identification of the trac­ tate. It lacks the name and place of the printer and has an allusion, due to the embellished FR, assumed to be to an otherwise unidentified monarch. Steinschneider, based on the above entry in his Catalogue of the Bodleian Library, “locus fertur F. a. O. seu Brl. et revera signum literarum contractarum FR. (i.e. Fredericus Rex) in tit,” assigned it to Berlin or Frankfurt on the Oder, assuming FR stood for Frederick, King of Prussia, an assignment that has gen­ erally been accepted by bibliographers. The sole exception to Steinschneider’s conclusion is a somewhat cryptic entry in Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz’s Ma⁠ʾamar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud. Rabbinovicz concisely records this edition of Sukkah as a Halle imprint, and, without comment, references Steinschneider. The tractate does not share any characteristics with the tractates published in Halle by Israel’s father, all folios, in addition to this diminutive tractate, being much finer works. Moreover, Moses ben Abraham Avinu, the Hebrew printer in Halle, had ceased to print before the date of this tractate. The only other 25 Concerning Niddah, see my “Observations on a Little Known Edition of Tractate Niddah (Prague, c. 1608) and Its Relationship to the Talmudic Methodology of the Maharal of Prague,” The Torah U-Madda Journal 8 (1998–99), pp. 134–50, reprinted in Studies, pp. 298– 314. In the Cracow Talmud, Bava Mezia was printed in two forms, one with and one with­ out Rashi. Concerning the possible reasons for doing so, see the aforementioned article. Concerning the development of the Talmudic page, see my “Designing the Talmud: The Origins of the Printed Talmudic Page,” Tradition v. 29, n. 3 (1995), pp. 40–51, reprinted in Studies, pp. 92–105.

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figure 12.10 1722, Tractate Sukkah, Offenbach Courtesy of Shaul Heller

printer in Halle at this time, J. H. Michaelis, certainly would not have printed a Talmudic treatise.26 It now appears that our Sukkah was not printed in either Berlin or Frankfurt but in Offenbach. The frame on the title page of the tractate (see fig. 12.10) is identical to that of Asefat Hakhamim and Hiddushei Halakhot, both of which identify Israel as the printer and the place of publication as Offenbach. The lat­ ter book measures about 170:90 cm (6 3/4 : 3 1/2 inches) compared to Sukkah (9.1 : 6.7 cm – 3 1/2 – 2 3/4 inches). With the two placed next to each other, 26 Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz, Ma⁠ʾamar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions, ed. A. M. Habermann (Jerusalem, 1952), p. 101 [Hebrew]. Concerning the Halle tractates, see my Individual Treatises, pp. 59–74.

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figure 12.11 Tractate Sukkah

the frame on the title page of Sukkah appears to be considerably smaller than that of Hiddushei Halakhot, an optical illusion as the frames are of identical size, the difference in appearance resulting from the wider border with addi­ tional text and florets in Hiddushei Halakhot (Asefat Hakhamim, recorded as an octavo, was only seen in facsimile). We have noted that the decorative materi­ als employed by Israel were used by other presses, their likeness being due to their having been purchased from the same foundry. I would suggest, however, that this is not the case for title page frames, those most often being unique to a press unless copied or passed from one press to another. It is not the frame only that is alike. A comparison of the fonts in the tractate (see fig. 12.11) with the square fonts in Hiddushei Halakhot (see fig. 12.12) shows that the square letters too are alike (Sukkah does not have rabbinic letters). The identical paper also appears in at least one imprint of the second Offenbach printer, Seligman Reis. R. Eli Amsel informs us that the paper in tractate Ta⁠ʾanit printed by Seligman Reis “has the same paper, print on the horizontal not the vertical as Sukkah—different typefaces, printers, etc.” While the likeness of the letters and the paper are not conclusive, another printer could have pur­ chased the letters from the same foundry, as Reis and Israel did with paper from the same mill, we must conclude, when the evidence above is combined with the evidence of the frame, that Sukkah is an Offenbach imprint. Steinschneider attributed Sukkah to Berlin or Frankfurt on the Oder because he assumed that the embellished FR on the title page referred to Frederick of Prussia. Steinschneider was likely correct that the FR alludes to a mon­ arch, placed as it is under a crown. There is, however, no necessity that it was

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figure 12.12 Hiddushei Halakhot

Frederick of Prussia. Contemporary Europe was awash with royal Fredericks, there also being Fredericks in Denmark and Sweden, as well as Frederick Louis, Prince of Wales, and Frederick III, Duke of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg. The Swedish Frederick, monarch from 1720, was officially Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel from 1730. Consideration was given to the possibility that this Frederick might have been the FR alluded to on the title page. I was disabused of this inspiration by Mr. Anjali Pujari, city archivist, Offenbach, who, in response to my inquiry, informed me that there was no connection between Offenbach and Frederick of Sweden of Hessen-Kassel. Also, “the dynasty Hessen-Kassel had a branch line: Hessen-Kassel-Rumpenheim. Rumpenheim is a burb of Offenbach, but Frederick of Sweden is not part of this line.” We have noted that all three volumes that share this frame have, at the bottom, a shield with a crown. Both Sukkah and Asefat Hakhamim have the embellished FR in the shield, but Hiddushei Halakhot, printed the follow­ ing year, lacks the FR and the space in the shield is blank. At this time, there is no explanation for whom the FR stands for nor why it is absent from Hiddushei Halakhot. One question remains: why did Israel print such an unusual miniature trac­ tate? The title page states that it was “done as a small volume in order that a

291

Offenbach Revisited: An Enigma Reexamined

figure 12.13 Jerusalem Talmud

person should be able to carry it in his bosom, so that it should be fluent in the mouth of all Israel, to keep and to make a SUKKAH according to the law.” This is the customary language for small-format tractates. Sukkah varies from such tractates not only in its size but also by the absence of commentaries. The 1608 edition of Niddah, also printed without commentaries, was published in con­ formity with the Maharal of Prague’s (R. Judah Loew, 1525–1609) pedagogical theories, that is, emphasizing continual review of the basic text on a frequent basis as a principle of Torah learning. This, possibly, was why tractate Bava Mezia was published without commentaries as part of the 1616–20 Cracow Talmud, several staff members of the press having come from Prague and reflected the influence of the Maharal. Perhaps, and this is only conjecture,

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Israel’s corrector, R. Joseph ben R. Joshua Heschel ha-Kohen of Cracow, sug­ gested this format to Israel. We do not know why Israel published this small, attractive edition of trac­ tate Sukkah. Perhaps it reflects the influence of Joshua Heschel of Cracow and therefore the pedagogical theories of the Maharal. We also do not know for whom the embellished FR stands. What we do know, with a fair degree of cer­ tainty, is that Sukkah was not printed in Berlin or Frankfurt on the Oder but in Offenbach, and, with greater certitude, if that is true, that it reflects both the skill and aesthetic accomplishments of the Offenbach printer Israel ben Moses.

chapter 13

An Early-Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Press in Chieri: A Passing Phenomenon, a Brief Mirage Ma tu, chi eri? (And you, who were you?) Frederick Barbarossa (1122–1190)

…

A little-known private Hebrew press in Chieri published the works, primarily verse, of Joseph ben Gershon Concio of Asti, in the second half of the second decade of the seventeenth century. Hebrew printing in Chieri is recorded, albeit briefly, in several bibliographic sources, with little attention given to the details of that location’s publications. A small number of varied works, twelve only in total, small in format and foliation, the presswork poorly regarded, are recorded for the Chieri press and were printed from 1626 through 1632. Among Concio’s titles are works on Talmudic maxims, riddles, Purim, Megillat Esther, and ethics. This article is concerned with that press, a brief passing phenomenon, describing its varied publications, several in some detail, and addressing such issues as presswork and distribution that distinguish it from betterknown contemporary Hebrew printing presses. The article concludes that the content quality of Concio’s works, which were never reprinted, is often clever and worthwhile, and that the works deserve better than their production allowed. Also addressed is the purpose of the Chieri press, whether it was a vanity press or whether it served the local communities, printing what today is regarded as ephemera.

∵

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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I

Chieri is in the Piedmont region in northwestern Italy, approximately 9 miles (15 km) southeast of Turin, capital of the region, with, today, an approximate population of 36,000 people.1 An ancient community, Piedmont was, in Roman times, until 49 BCE, part of Gallia Transpadana, becoming, in Augustus’s division of Italy, part of Lombardy.2 The first mention of a Jew in Piedmont in a document is in Asti concerning the boundaries of a plot of land, while another refers to the passage of an elephant as a gift to the emperor Charlemagne (742– 814). Both episodes, however, were followed by centuries of silence.3 In the tenth century, Chieri became subject to the Bishop of Turin, and in the first half of the following century an encircling defensive wall was erected around the San Giorgio Hill (Castrum Sancti Georgi), which still constitutes the city nucleus. In the twelfth century, Chieri allied with the city of Asti in opposing the marquis William V of Montferrat, who was allied to the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (1122–1190). As a result, Barbarossa besieged the city, conquering it in January 1155, bringing considerable destruction and massacring a significant portion of the population. Barbarossa, when departing the city, according to popular legend that is today considered apocryphal, is reputed to have asked “Ma tu, chi eri?” (Italian for “And you, who were you?”) while looking back upon the ruins.4 Subsequently, the city gained its independence from the Bishop of Turin, eventually becoming the free Republic of Chieri. In the following centuries, Chieri experienced prosperity, plagues, epidemics, wars, and (from 1551 to 1562) French domination. An outbreak of Bubonic Plague in 1630 is still commemorated every September 12. In 1785, Chieri came under the control of the Duke of Aosta, and, in the late eighteenth century with the advent of Napoleon, came once again under French domination. A Jewish ghetto was formed in Chieri in 1723–24, the homes rented from aristocratic Christians, the Jews not allowed to own their residences. Active Jewish life had ceased by the mid-1930s.5 1 The illustrations in this article are courtesy of R. Eli Amsel of Virtual Judaica; Hebrewbooks. org; and Otzar Hahochma. 2 “Piedmont,” 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. XXI, pp. 587–88, online at www.archive.org. 3 Renata Segre, The Jews in Piedmont I (Jerusalem, 1986), p. ix. 4 “Chieri,” Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chieri. 5 “The Jewish Ghetto,” Chieri Tourismo, http://www.turismochieri.it/en/il-ghetto-ebraico/. Concerning Jewish life in Chieri, see also Sergio Olivetti, “La comunità israelitica di Chieri,” La Rassegna Mensile di Israel 24, no. 7 (1958), pp. 317–19. Cecil Roth, The History of the Jews of Italy (Philadelphia, 1946), p. 357, informs us that included in the ghetto at Chieri was the palace where Charles VIII of France had once lodged, part of which was used as a synagogue: “The spacious chambers and halls were turned into warrens of miserable humanity.”

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Jewish settlement in Chieri is mentioned more often than not in passing and then in association with other localities in Piedmont. A notable exception is the Italian journal La Rassegna mensile di Israel, which published several articles on aspects of Jewish life in Chieri. A Jewish presence in Chieri is known from documents dating from 1417, when resident Jewish physicians and bankers constituted the nucleus of a small Jewish settlement. Cecil Roth, also in passing, informs, in an article on Anglo-Jewish history, that “Master Sampson de Mirabeau, who in 1409 attended on the wife of ‘Dick’ Whittington, Mayor of London, is obviously the same as the physician Sansone di Mirebello whom we encounter at Chieri in North Italy in 1417.”6 Sergio Olivetti and others date “della vita ebraica chierese” (“Jewish life in Chieri”) somewhat later, to 1522, with an agreement between the municipality of Chieri and the Israelita Simon Segre, permitting them to engage in money lending. About sixty years later, on August 27, 1585, the Dukes of Saxony, feudal lords of Piedmont, accorded many privileges to the Jewish residents of their state.7

II

Printing, and Hebrew printing only, and that briefly, was done in Chieri at the press founded by Joseph ben Gershon Concio of Asti (d. c. 1628), and supported by the patronage of R. Abraham ben Isaac Menahem Fishkarel.8 All of the works published by the press, twelve in number, with one exception, are by Concio; the exception is R. Isaac Lattes’s Perush Ma⁠ʾamar she-be-Midrash Rabbah.9 Joseph Concio was an author, poet, and, according to Moritz Steinschneider,

6 Cecil Roth, “The Middle Period of Anglo-Jewish History (1290–1655) Reconsidered,” Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England 19 (1955–59), p. 2. Several documents in Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, refer to Abram Concio and loan-banking. Take, for example, II, p. 815:1670:2: “The Infanta grants Abram Concio and his nephew and heir Grazino Concio permission to move from San Salatore Montferrato to Asti to operate the loan-bank of Vita Pagieto…. Their introgio is set at 90 ducatoni and their annual censo at 15 ducatoni over and above the sum already paid by Pugieto.” 7 Olivetti, “La comunità israelitica di Chieri,” p. 317; Richard Gottheil and Ismar Elbogen, “Concio, Joseph b. Gershon: (Ḳontsyo),” Jewish Encyclopedia, IV (1906), p. 204. 8 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Italy, Spain-Portugal and the Turkey, from its Beginning and Formation about the Year 1470 (Tel Aviv, 1956), p. 85 [Hebrew]. 9 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 I (Jerusalem, 1993–95), II, p. 621 [Hebrew]. Both the National and University Library of Israel and Vinograd record a small number of items, dated [1844] and [1851], respectively, beyond the scope of this article.

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served as a Rosh Mesivta in Chieri.10 In addition to Concio’s published works, there is also verse extant in manuscript (see below). His publications are small books (booklets) both in format and foliation. Concio also wrote in Italian two such poems, Cinque Enimmi (1628) and Canto di Judit (1628), which were both printed in Asti at the press of Vergilio and Francesco Giangrandi.11 In this article, bibliographic in nature, we will note the works printed in Chieri, describing a small sample in greater detail, and then address the criticism and some oddities of Chieri publications, concluding with speculation as to the purpose of the Chieri press. Concio’s work and verse, varied and of interest, is, unfortunately, mainly known today because of their listing and brief descriptions in bibliographic sources and because of the poor quality of their production and distribution. The reader will quickly note that the reproductions in this article of pages from the Chieri imprints are not clear. That is not necessarily due to the quality of the reproductions, but rather, as shall be discussed below, due to the poor quality of the original imprints. The first recorded Chieri imprint is Ateret Zevi, a quarto sheet printed together with Zefirat ha-Tiferet in 1626. The former states that Ateret Zevi, an “adorning crown,” is in honor of three virtues, ‫“ צדקה‬charity,” ‫“ בקשה‬entreaty” (“prayer”), and ‫“ ידיעה‬awareness,” representing ‫ צבי‬Zevi, which are representative of three glorious crowns, followed by verse in three quatrains praising and elucidating each virtue. Zefirat ha-Tiferet, dated Zevi Aterah ‫צבי עטרה‬ (386 = 1626) comprises three versified discourses in the form of questions and answers. The following year saw the publication of Ot le-Tovah, a slightly larger work (40: [2], 16 ff.) in the year the good year (Ha-Shanah Tovah ‫השנה טובה‬, 387 = 1627), a collection of Talmudic maxims, riddles, and verse. The title page, with a frame of florets, states that it is “a sign (letter) for good (ot le-tovah)” (Psalms 86:17), a good face, “for Torah and for testimony” (Isaiah 8:20), in the order of the alef bet; its letters in letters by number, its letters being a token for good, their derivatives established and their concepts worthwhile in the language of notarikon (hermeneutic device based on single letters from words). 10 Moses (Moritz) Steinschneider, “Shirim le-R. Joseph Concio in Manuscript Previously Unknown,” Ha-Asif II (Warsaw, 1885), p. 225 [Hebrew]. Joseph Concio apparently was also a banker for he is listed in the index of Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, III, p. 2091 as “Concio, Joseph the son of Gershon, banker and printer in Chieri.” There are no entries in that work relating to his activities as a printer. 11 David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909; reprint London, 1963), p. 392; Gottheil and Elbogen, “Concio,” p. 204.

An Early-Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Press in Chieri

figure 13.1

297

Ateret Zevi

Next to the letters are two maxims, upright in scale, written to instruct that the entry is appealing to those who understand…. “This, too, is for the best” (cf. Ta⁠ʾanit 21a, Sanhedrin 108b, 109a), for in it will be found the voice of song in conundrums to understand the meaning of aggadot. The verso of the title page has a dedication to R. Judah ben Abraham Segre of Chieri, followed by the introduction, which concludes with verse using the words “ot” and “tovah” in every line. The text follows in a single column, which comprises the subject letters in square letters and the accompanying maxims in small rabbinic type. Notarikon, noted on the title page, is the 30th of the 32 hermeneutic rules in the Baraita of 32 Rules for interpreting the Torah. It

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figure 13.2

Zefirat ha-Tiferet

is a device based on the interpretation of single letters from words either by interpreting each letter individually or by breaking the word into components. From 12f. are twenty-two versified riddles, also in a small font, followed by their solutions. An example is: 16: “with your eyes shall you behold” (Psalms 91:8) and also you should know, facing towards you, for my name, much revealed, the fountain of life instructed, and light of all light, in the world my remembrance, so an olah.

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299

figure 13.3

Verse 16 on the letter ayin is in the word olam (world) and from it goes out instruction for life and light as is explained there. One other work is credited to the Chieri press in 1627, Besamin Rosh (40: [4] ff.), verse for Purim concerning the miracles that were done in the days of Ahashverus. Printed without a title page, Besamin Rosh is dated “let its spices flow out. Let my beloved come into his garden ‫( יזלו בשמיו יבא דודי‬387 = 1627)” (Song of Songs 4:16). At the end is praise for the printer’s craft.12 Concio passed away, unexpectedly, in c. 1628, the work of the press being taken over by his sons, Abraham and Gershon, Abraham’s name being given 12

National and University Library of Israel, Catalogue number 000162951.

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figure 13.4

figure 13.5

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301

figure 13.6

as the printer on the title page of the later works examined.13 Five titles are recorded for the press in 1628, Arba⁠ʾah Roshim (160: 4 ff.), versified explanations in the form of riddles on (a) the four new years in the Jewish calendar, (b) the head of a lamb eaten on Rosh Ha-Shanah, (c) on the shofar, which is from the head of a ram, and (d) on the first mishnah in tractate Rosh Ha-Shanah, which is on the four new years;14 Divrei Esther (80: [36] ff.), a commentary on the Book of Esther; Ma⁠ʾagel Tov ([6] ff.), an ethical work; Mekom Binah, (4 ff.), on 13 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 621. 14 The four new years are 1 Tishrei, beginning the calendar year; 15 Shevat, new year for trees, used to determine tithes for fruit; 1 Nissan, first calendar month, new year for dating festivals and reign of monarchs; and 1 Elul, new year for tithing cattle.

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the verse “But where shall wisdom be found?” (Job 28:12); and Solet le-Minhah (120: 4 ff.), on the order of the afternoon prayers (Minhah), this without a title page. After the order of the prayers, there are three verses of explanations.15 Divrei Esther is described on the title page as literal and midrashic explanations designed to increase the “‘joy of many generations’ (Isaiah 60:15) of our God” and also that it comprises both literal and esoteric explanations of the Book of Esther. It was printed as a quarto volume (40: [36] pp.) in 1628/29. The title page has a border of florets, which was reused for most of the Chieri imprints. Divrei Esther is dated on the title page as “Gracious words, Hadassah ‫דברי חן‬ ‫( מהדסה‬388 = 1628)”; on the verso of the title page, which has a dedication to R. Daniel ben Joseph Calbo of Turin, as “‘[But when Pharaoh saw] that there was respite, (Exodus 8:11)” in the year “‘comforting spirits (winds) ‫נעמה הרוחה‬ (389 = 1689)’”; and in the colophon as “‫[( השפח‬5]388 = 1628) which is a sign for the table ‫[( השלחן‬5]388 = 1628),” referring to the table (diagram) that appears above the date, which is displayed below.16 The title page is followed by the dedication, noted above, and then Concio’s introduction in which he states that he considered three things, to clarify what it is, why it is, and how it is. Based on these three concepts, he entitled it Divrei Esther so as not to mask its subject matter from our eyes. Next are three pages of verse, and then the commentary on Megillat Esther (pp. 7–31). Concio’s twopart commentary, in facing columns, comprises the literal interpretation of the Megillah and, in greater length, the midrashic, esoteric (allegorical) commentary. Both are set in rabbinic letters, but the briefer literal commentary is in a larger font. After the text is some concluding verse and then, from page 33 onward, a section on the seudat mitzvah (the “festive meal”) on Purim entitled “This is the table that is before the Lord” (Ezekiel 41:22) comprising text and verse. 15 16

National and University Library of Israel Catalogue number 000162957. Dates on Hebrew title pages can be for the full or abbreviated era, that is, whether or not the millennium is included in the calculation, normally distinguished after the date by the letters ‫לפ״ק‬, or less frequently ‫לפ״ג‬. Dates given in the abbreviated form (‫ )לפ״ק‬omit the first digit, which represents thousands (millennium). For example, the Hebrew date 388 is the abbreviated form of 5388. Conversely, the full form (‫ )לפ״ג‬includes the thousands. In computing a Hebrew date, it is important to know whether a date is for the full or abbreviated era in order to determine whether a five is to be counted as five thousand or is to be included in the calculation of the date other than thousands. The current millennium began in 1240, so that all subsequent secular dates are derived by adding that number to the Hebrew date—for example, 388 plus 1240 equals 1628. In the first two dates in this example, the ‫ לפ״ק‬is understood. In the colophon date, the necessary ‫ לפ״ג‬has been omitted.

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303

figure 13.7

Divrei Esther concludes with a table (chart) that states in its header that when the Temple was in our midst sacrifices were brought for Purim. Now in the absence of the Temple the table (for the festive Purim meal) atones in place of the offerings. Also published in 1628 is the ethical work Ma⁠ʾagel Tov (40: [12] pp.). The title page states that it is Ma⁠ʾagel Tov On the principles of ethical behavior, desirable, based on “good principles” (Proverbs 4:2), to discern the way of dialectics in a manner that is straightforward and pleasing, on the written Torah and on the Oral Torah. To explain sayings in verse, to clear a level path

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figure 13.8

To clarify that which is concealed. by Joseph ben the distinguished R. Gershom Concio Printed by his son, Abraham Here, CHIERI, which is in the province of PIEDMONT in the tenth month, which is the month of Shevat in the year “it will be a happy augury [siman] to illuminate a good path (ma⁠ʾagal tov) ‫יהיה סימן טוב בה יאיר מעגל טוב‬ (388 = 1628)” (Proverbs 2:9). In Chieri con Licenza de Superio

An Early-Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Press in Chieri

305

figure 13.9

The title page is followed by Concio’s introduction, which concludes with a dedication to Gershom, the son of his second brother, R. Abraham Padova of Bosito. Below that are several lines of verse emphasizing the word “tov” (“good”), beginning “‘tov (good) will come here, and receive the good’ (cf. Menahot 53b), rejoicing will be heard, the sound of Ma⁠ʾagel tov.” The text comprises seventeen brief verses, the majority in quatrains, set in large square letters and a few longer, several with prefatory remarks of varying length, in rabbinic letters. An example of the verse, number seven, alludes to the giving of the Torah on Mount Sinai as a wedding between God and Israel.

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figure 13.10

figure 13.11

An Early-Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Press in Chieri

At all times By your friend Acquire truth (Proverbs 23:23) An honor for your head

one should strive to be beloved as your own soul (cf. Deut. 13:27). and it will be

Two tablets of stone Heavens above Two lovers And forever

a covenant before and below two witnesses and the groom’s groomsman.

307

Two works are recorded for the following year, 1629, the first being Concio’s Ma⁠ʾareh Hayyim (40: [8] ff.), parables and verse in honor of the groom Samuel Hayyim of Bosito, son of his second brother, R. Abraham Padova. The second title printed that year is R. Isaac ben Joshua Lattes’s Perush Ma⁠ʾamar she-beMidrash Rabbah (80: [5] ff.) on parashah Mi-Ketz, dated “so speaks the mouth of Isaac ‫( נאם פי יצחק‬389 = 1629).” Perush Ma’amar is the only book published by the press not by Concio, “printed in order to show people and nobles, according to my limited ability, how deep how sweet, how lasting, and also how ‘enduring, grown mighty in power’ (Job 21:7) are the words of our early sages” and dated “so speaks the mouth of Isaac ‫( נאם פי יצחק‬389 = 1629).” Lattes was, likely, a member of the famed Italian family of that name. It is not clear why he published Perush Ma⁠ʾamar she-be-Midrash Rabbah, his only known work, at Concio’s press. The title page locates Chieri in Piedmont and is dated “so speaks the mouth of Isaac ‫( נאם פי יצחק‬389 = 1629).” A page of brief verse follows from the printer and is followed by the text set in a single column in rabbinic type, which is headed by a date of the discourse given publicly on Shabbat, Rosh Hodesh Hanukkah, and an introductory paragraph in square letters. It explains the subject of the discourse, stating: “He puts an end (kez) to darkness, and searches out all perfection” (Job 28:3) (as is brought in the Yalkut). A time is given for the world, how many years He made it in darkness; what is the reason “He puts an end to darkness?” The entire time that the evil urge is in the world so are “darkness, and the shadow of death” (ibid.). When the evil urge is uprooted from the world “light, and gladness” (Esther 8:16) are in the world, “darkness, and the shadow of death” pass from the world. Another explanation, “He puts an end to darkness,” a time was given to Joseph, how many years in his mother’s house; since he reached the end “that Pharaoh

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dreamed, and it came to pass at the end of two full years” (Genesis 41:1), and I intend to explain and begin so. After a brief hiatus, one additional work was published by the Concio press, Helek le-Shevah (40: [2] ff.). It is verse in honor of the celebration of Lag b’Omer in the synagogue of Asti. The verse is in seven parts in honor of the seven circumferences with the Sefer Torah and the words of creation. Helek le-Shevah was the last title published by the press. As noted above, there is also verse extant in manuscript. Moses (Moritz) Steinschneider described a collection of verse in manuscript, previously unknown, by Concio in an article in Ha-Asif. He writes that although Concio’s other small works are known, this notebook ‫ מחברת‬was unknown until now. He describes it as a small work of sixty-three leaves written by the author himself and consisting of varied verse. Steinschneider lists a number of the verses on various individuals or by the graves of individuals whose names appear at the head of the verse, all written from 1606 through 1629 (sic.). He cites several examples, among them: f. 8 1614 by the grave of Rachel Rokki, the widow of Abraham Concio. 11 ‫ )?( … אל‬Provencal ‫( בקוני‬Coni?). At the end of the doors I found ‫ר‬:‫ה‬ ‫ צביון‬and do not know its meaning. 16b ‫( בשלמ״ה‬1617) by R. Solomon Shamia Seforno. 26b Verse for a wedding. For the wedding of Judah Padova ben Abraham of Bostia, a second brother (cousin) of the author, with Tamar bat Eliakim of Sangioni.17 In evaluating Concio’s works, Steinschneider, rather critically, writes that “the literary belletrist Joseph Concio, not without talent and wit (nicht ohne Talent und Wortwitz), but having become inferior to the phrase, ‘where thoughts are absent, a word sets in (wo Gedanken fehlen, stellt ein Wort sich ein).’” Furthermore, he adds that Concio’s Hebrew verses are mostly opportunist poems (“sind meist Gelegenheistsgedichte”).18

17 18

Steinschneider, “Shirim le-R. Joseph Concio,” pp. 225–27. Moritz Steinschneider, “Die Italiensche Litteratur der Juden,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums 43 (Berlin, 1893), p. 320.

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309

III

The books (booklets) published in Chieri, indeed the entire phenomenon of Hebrew printing in Chieri, stand out from normal printing practice in Seicento Italy, as well as from the preceding centuries. The Concio press and the manner in which its books were published, if not unique, is certainly not customary. The following observations and comments, mainly speculative, are only offered here as my own observations and conclusions. The Concio press at Chieri was a vanity press. Self-published books, not uncommon at any time, were in some ways more prevalent in the early days of printing than today. Excluding necessary works such as prayer books or tomes such as the Talmud, authors of new works often had to bear the cost of their publications, unless they had a patron. Indeed, many authors of large works without the means to pay for printing and without a patron often chose to print a small condensation or sample of their work in hopes that what was in fact a prospectus would subsequently find a backer.19 These small self-published works vary from Concio’s efforts, however, in that they were published at established print-houses, in contrast to Concio opening his own press. Why did Concio open his own printshop, with the concomitant expenses, rather than have his works printed at a known press? Perhaps he did so because Chieri is distant from the better-known Italian presses in seventeenth-century Italy, such as those in Venice, Padua, and, somewhat later, in Verona. Also he had several small books (booklets) to publish that might have complicated or added to the expenses of dealing with a somewhat distant press. That Concio printed his own works might seem praiseworthy, except that several important difficulties can be attributed to his self-publication. A printing press necessitates typographical equipment, which was not necessarily inexpensive. In addition to the printing press, the Concio press required a variety of fonts, both square letters and rabbinic (Rashi) type in several sizes. From the quality of the Chieri imprints it would seem, again speculative, that Concio did not purchase his fonts from a type foundry but rather from a press that was replacing its worn letters with new type, doing so by selling the used and perhaps discarded type to Concio.

19 Concerning such works, see my ““Books not Printed, Dreams not Realized,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 285–303.

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The quality of the books printed in seventeenth-century Italy is not highly regarded.20 David Amram, in his history of Hebrew printing in Italy, writes that “a century of such persecution so debased the taste of Jewish booklovers that in the seventeenth century we find the presses of Italy putting out books that at an earlier day would have been thrown aside as waste paper and buried in the Genizah of some synagogue.” He cites as examples the “Thrones of the House of David” (Kisot le-Veit David, 1646), which was printed “at the press of Francesco dei Rossi by three Polish printers from Cracow,” and “A Token for Good” (Ot le-Tova), which was printed in Chieri (1627), stating: “Compare the poor battered types and the tasteless borders” of those works “with the noble works” of the earlier printers of Hebrew books in Italy.21 Note that Amram cites as an example the almost incidental press in Chieri rather than books published by the major presses in Venice. A related problem in self-printing is distributing the finished works. Even successful but smaller presses required a distributor for their books. Meir Parenzo, for example, who printed a few books on his own account from 1546 to 1549 at the printshop of Carlo Quirino, distributed his books through the Bomberg press, with which he had previously been associated. How then did the Chieri press distribute its books? Moreover, how did it publicize its publications if it was not associated with a larger press that issued catalogues and listings of their books?22 Given the above, it not unlikely that only a small number of copies of each title were printed. Why print large numbers of booklets that likely were not going to be widely distributed? Finally, Concio’s books have never been reprinted.

20 I have written elsewhere, concerning this issue, on the almost contemporary press of Francesco de’ Rossi (1645–52). See my “Hebrew Printing in Verona: Resumed, but Briefly,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch, forthcoming. The following quotes are from that article. 21 Amram, Hebrew Books, p. 392. It is not only seventeenth-century Hebrew books that are viewed unfavorably. Charles Henry E. Carmichael, Veronese Typography, XVth–XIXth Century, with Some Account of the Private Press of the Giuliari Family (London, 1874; reprint 2012), p. 21, writes that “the Seventeenth Century, or Seicento, a period of transition leading to decay, is most markedly a period of typographical abasement. Types, paper, form, all is bad, says Giuliari; and as this downfall in printing was universal in Italy, it is not remarkable that we find Verona sharing in the general degradation.” Parenthetically, my opinion of the quality of the Verona imprints is more favorable than the quality of the Chieri titles. 22 Concerning the marketing of Hebrew books through book publishers, booksellers, and auction catalogues, see my “The Hebrew Book-Trade as Reflected in Book Catalogues,” Quaerendo 26, n. 4 (1996), pp. 245–57; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 241–56.

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311

Concio’s titles, small-format works, mostly of only a few pages, printed by a private press somewhat distant from the center of Hebrew printing in Italy, again likely in small numbers and poorly done to boot, cannot have been well distributed or well known, and, as noted immediately above, have not been reprinted. Nevertheless, there are copies of his imprints in several libraries and the Concio titles are recorded in bibliographic works. What is unfortunate is that the content quality of Joseph ben Gershon Concio’s works is often clever and worthwhile, deserving better than their production allowed. Another possibility, more speculative than above, one admittedly suggested without tangible supporting evidence, is that the Chieri press might not have been established with the primary activity or its sole purpose, even if it was Concio’s primary purpose, of printing Concio’s works. Indeed, an important reason for establishing a press in Chieri might have been to also provide a Hebrew printshop for the local Jewish community. Apart from the cost of the press and typographic equipment, there is the ongoing expense of staff, such as a compositor(s) and pressman, neither positions likely filled by Concio or his sons. There is also the small size and limited number of Concio’s works printed in Chieri. All of this information is sufficient to suggest, in my opinion, that the press had another raison d’être for its being established. I have suggested elsewhere, with considerably more supporting evidence, that a Hebrew press that published Hebrew books, both larger and in greater number than those printed in Chieri, nevertheless existed to provide the local community with what are normally considered ephemera, works generally quickly disposed of but nonetheless required by individuals and commercial enterprises in every community.23 Such items might have consisted of account books, calendars, posters, and any of the other mundane needs of a community. What these items have in common is that they are disposed of, often quickly, after being used, leaving no trace. Concio’s works, even if primary to him, would have then been either a secondary, albeit important, purpose of the press, but not its primary activity, or, even if a primary activity, one financially justified only by its more extensive commercial activity. In either case, the press’s existence was brief, a passing phenomenon, its publications, to their author, likely little more than a mirage. We might conclude, then, with Frederick Barbarossa’s alleged remark, Ma tu, chi eri? (“And you, who were you?”). 23

“Observations on the Worker to Book Production Ratio in an Eighteenth-Century Hebrew Printing House,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1998), pp. 217–221; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book, pp. 257–65.

Chapter 14

Hamburg: A Varied Early Hebrew Press

Figure 14.1 Hamburg coat of arms Note: Hamburg has a coat of arms, which is regulated by law. There are three forms, the greater arms (Großes Landeswappen), shown above, represented by a castle with three towers; then three peacock feathers and six banners of the arms above; and a mantling with two lions rampant on the sides.

Hamburg, located on the Elbe River in northern Germany, is the country’s second largest city after Berlin as well as the country’s largest port and commercial center.1 The city, since 1937, has also included the towns of Altona and Wandsbeck.2 It is not to be confused with Bad Homburg vor der Höhe (483.34 km / 383.33 miles distant) nor with Homburg, Saarland (637.47 km / 396.1 miles distant).3 Our Hamburg, on the right bank of the northern arm of the Elbe River, is 75 miles from its mouth at Cuxhaven and 178 miles northwest from Berlin by rail. In 1965, the city had about 1,850,000 inhabitants, but since then the population has been slowly decreasing. That population is more than three-fourths Protestant, the remainder being predominantly Roman Catholic, though the city does include a small Muslim community. Various numbers have been given for the relatively small Jewish community there.4 1 I would like to express my appreciation to Eli Genauer for reading the article and for his corrective comments. 2 Concerning Hebrew printing in Wandsbeck, see Marvin J. Heller, “Israel ben Abraham, his Hebrew Printing-Press in Wandsbeck, and the Books He Published,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 169–93. 3 Concerning Bad Homburg vor der Höhe, see Marvin J. Heller, “Early Hebrew Printing in Bad Homburg vor der Höhe,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch (forthcoming). 4 According to Helmuth Thomsen and Christopher Angus McIntosh, “Hamburg,” in Encyclopædia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/place/Hamburg-Germany, updated in 2018, Hamburg’s Jewish community, numbering 27,000 in 1933, now numbers only about 1,000. In contrast, the Jewish population in Hamburg in 2004, as given by Beit Hatfutsot,

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg (Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg) has a colorful history. It traces its origins to Charlemagne, who erected a fortress there in 808 on land to fend off Slavic tribes. More than three hundred years later, in 1189, Frederick I Barbarossa is reputed to have given Hamburg the title of Free Imperial City within the Holy Roman Empire. The city, with tax-free access to the Lower River Elbe, became an important trading center in Europe. Under King Valdemar II, the Danes took control of Hamburg several times until finally defeated in 1227. Not long afterwards, in 1241, Hamburg and Lübeck became allies, resulting in a commercial and defensive partnership between coastal cities in Northern Europe, which came to be known as the League of Hanseatic Cities, with Hamburg’s accession to the Hanse in 1321. An interesting note in medieval Hamburg history is a law passed by the Senate of Hamburg to protect the city’s swans. Anyone beating to death, insulting, shooting, or eating a swan would be severely punished, it being said that Hamburg would be free and Hanseatic as long as swans lived on the Alster, a tributary of the Elbe. Indeed, swans are still protected and cared for by Hamburg’s city government. Less positive aspects of Hamburg history are the great fire, on August 5, 1284, that destroyed all but one residential house in Hamburg. In 1350, the Black Death killed more than 6,000 people: roughly half of the city’s population. In addition, there was occasional pirate pillaging. With all of this, Hamburg continued to grow and expand its trade routes globally.5 Jewish settlement in Hamburg begins at the end of the sixteenth century, when the first Sephardic Jews, conversos (or Marranos—Jews or their descendants forcibly converted to Catholicism in Spain and Portugal in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, many of whom practiced Judaism secretly) arrived from Amsterdam, establishing a Portuguese-Jewish community. Several of these newcomers were financiers, including founders of the Bank of Hamburg in 1619, shipbuilders, and importers of such products as sugar, coffee, and tobacco from the Spanish and Portuguese colonies. There were also weavers and goldsmiths. Jews from this community served the kingdoms of Sweden, Poland, and Portugal as their ambassadors in Hamburg.6 Among the important https://dbs.bh.org.il/place/hamburg, numbered approximately 3,000 and had one synagogue, the Hohe Weide Synagogue, and one kindergarten, the Ronald Lauder Jewish Kindergarten. Also, kosher food was sold by one man, Shlomo Almagor, a native of Israel. According to Zvi Avneri and Stefan Rohrbacher, “Hamburg,” Encyclopaedia Judaica (2007), vol. 8, pp. 295–97, the Jewish community of Hamburg, which includes a “distinctive element” of several hundred Iranian Jews, formed in the last decades, increased, due to the immigration of Jews from the former Soviet Union, from 1,344 in 1989, to 5,019 in 2003. 5 https://www.hamburg.com/residents/about/11853158/history/. 6 Avneri and Rohrbacher, “Hamburg,” pp. 295–96.

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Jewish merchants in Amsterdam and Hamburg were members of the Curiel family. Jacob and Moses Curiel served the Portuguese monarchy, the former as its agent, from 1644 to 1664, for which reason João IV of Portugal made Moses Curiel knight of the royal household (caveleiro fidalgo), a title granted next to his eldest son Moses (Jeronimo) da Costa, who subsequently served as the Portuguese agent in the Netherlands until 1697.7 Ashkenaz, that is, German Jews, were initally admitted into Wandsbeck in about 1600, Altona in 1611, both under Danish rule, and in about 1627 began to settle in Hamburg. Additional Jews, fleeing the Chmielnicki massacres of 1648–49 (tah-ve-tat) in the Ukraine and Poland came to Hamburg, where local Jews provided them with aid and assistance. Most soon left for Amsterdam; however, due to opposition from the Christian clergy, many were expelled from Hamburg in 1649. Some did remain, staying in the homes of Spanish-Portuguese Jews. Several years later, however, a number of those expelled returned to Hamburg, their numbers supplemented by refugees from Vilna in 1656. Most of the Ashkenazim were officially Danish subjects, members of the Jewish communities of either Altona or Wandsbeck. Others, known as Tudescos, were recorded as servants in Hamburg’s Spanish-Portuguese households, thereby having legal status in the city. In 1671, the Ashkenazi congregations of Altona, Hamburg, and Wandsbeck joined together, becoming known as the “Three Communities.”8 In 1697, the annual tax levied against the Jews was raised to 6,000 marks by the city. As a consequence, the majority of the wealthy Hamburg Jews left Hamburg for Altona and Amsterdam.9 Printing in Hamburg began as early as the incunabula period. Among the first recorded works there are titles published by Johann and Thomas Borchard, beginning with Jacobus de Voragine’s (1228–98) Laudes beate Marie virginis. Robert Proctor’s index of the early printed books in the British Museum records a “14 Nov. 1491. Laudes b. uirginis. [Mary.] fo. *9940 …,” the asterisk indicating that there is also a copy in the Bodleian Library and also “n.d. Hane: 7 Mariam Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation: Conversos and Community in Early Modern Amsterdam (Bloomington, IN, 1997), p. 37. Other prominent Jews cited by Avneri and Rohrbacher (p. 296) in the Sephardic community include Rodrigo de Castro (1550–1627), physician and author; R. Joseph Solomon Delmedigo (1622–25 in Hamburg), physician and lexicographer; Benjamin Mussafia (1609–72), grammarian and writer; Moses Gideon Abudiente (1602–88), rabbi and writer; Abraham de Fonseca (d. 1651); and Joseph Ẓarefati (d. 1680), poet. Concerning Mussafia, see Marvin J. Heller “Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia: A Study in Contrasts,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (Mainz, 2014), pp. 208–18. 8 Avneri and Rohrbacher, EJ, vol. 8, p. 296. 9 “Hamburg,” Beit Hatfutsot: The Museum of The Jewish People. https://dbs.bh.org.il/place/ hamburg.

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collect super indulgentiis Fo.” but in an accompanying appendix “[Possibly 16th cent., but the larger type (only words) looks as if it might be press 1, type 3. The other (text) type is very small, in the spirit of Koln…. This book may have been printed in Hamburg.”10 1 After a somewhat lengthy introduction, we turn to the subject of this article, the printing of Hebrew books in Hamburg in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Printing Hebrew books in Hamburg was a somewhat later occurrence, beginning almost a century after the publication of Laudes beate Marie virginis. Nevertheless, the Hebrew books published there are of interest, given their variety and that several works preceded the first settlements of Jews in that city. It should be noted that none of the printers in the period discussed in this article were Jewish but rather Christians employing Jewish pressmen. The Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book records forty-two titles with Hebrew letters from 1581 to 1698, this out of a total of 174 titles published in Hamburg through 1862.11 These figures do not consider a number of non-Hebrew letter books printed for the Jewish community and not addressed in this article.12 We will only describe several of the diverse Hebrew titles, reflecting on the interests of the community and the Hebrew book market. The first entry in the Thesaurus is for a Hamishah Homshei Torah (Pentateuch), 1581, described by Moritz Steinschneider as:

10 Robert Proctor, An Index to the Early Printed Books in the British Museum: From the Invention of Printing to the Year 1500. With Notes of those in the Bodleian Library (London, 1898; reprint Mansfield Centre, n. d.), p. 210, nos. 3206–07. 11 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993–95), p. 159 [Hebrew]. 12 The National and University Library records a number of such works. Two examples are Grabbuch für den Friedhof in Altona (alphabetisch) bezüglich Duplikat der Grabbücher usw, that is, an alphabetical grave book for the cemetery in Altona (1621) and Hamburg, Kaiserliche und verschiedene auswärtige Verordnungen wegen der Juden; auch Intervention, that is, Hamburg, Imperial and various foreign ordinances for the Jews; also interventions (1641).

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Pentateuchus f. Hamb. 1581 [Stud. El. Hutteri. Le L Wf. II p. 388. Masch I. p. 68; forsan pro 1587 scil. ex. Bibl. N 276.]13 Ch. B. Friedberg informs us that Elias Hutter, to whom this title is credited, had attractive square letters cast for Hamishah Homshei Torah, followed in 1586 by Psalms and, in 1587, a Bible entitled Biblia Sacra—Derekh ha-Kodesh. In the following years, Hutter published additional books of the Bible until 1598 when he relocated to Nuremburg, where he continued to publish biblical works.14 In contrast to the above, the first Hamburg imprint recorded by Aron Freimann was an edition of Psalms (1536), “apud F. Rhodum … worin auch hebräische Wörter,” that is, with Hebrew words. Freimann’s next titles were also an edition of Psalms, Sive liber Psalmorum (1586), and Derekh ha-Kodesh (1587), which were both authored by Elias Hutter and which were both notable, as the Hebrew text is set in solid and hollow outline letters, which is described below. Two editions of Psalms (1601, 1602) are recorded, which Freimann describes, respectively, as fict. and spur. He gives more credence to a Megillat Esther (1608), a Psalms (1614), and a Megillat Ruth with Psalms (1617), all of which had Latin text.15 It is Elias Hutter (1553–c. 1605–09) with whom the printing of substantial Hebrew works in Hamburg begins with his editions of the Bible. Hutter was a German biblical scholar who published several Hebrew Bibles and edited several polyglot Bibles. He was a linguist, a student of Oriental languages, who studied at Jena and then afterwards became a professor of Hebrew at Leipzig. He also instructed the elector Augustus of Saxony in Hebrew in 1579. George Müller writes that Hutter “gave his life with self-sacrificing-industry to the issuing of Holy scriptures (sic.).”16

13 Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), col. 43, no. 254. Steinschneider’s reference, Le L Wf, is to Johann Christoph Wolf’s Bibliotheca Hebræa, which states “1581 idem. Hebr. Eliæ Hutteri fol. Hamburgi 1581.” 14 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography of the Following Cities in Central Europe: Altona, Augsberg, Berlin, Cologne, Frankfurt M., Frankfurt O., Fürth, Hamburg, Hanau, Heddernheim, Homburg, Ichenhausen, Neuwied, Wandsbeck, and Wilhermsdorf. Offenbach, Prague, Sulzbach, Thannhausen from its Beginning in the Year 1513 (Antwerp, 1935), pp. 51–52 [Hebrew]. 15 Aron Freimann, “A Gazetteer of Hebrew Printing” (New York, 1946; reprint in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography, New York, 1976), p. 36. 16 George Müller, “Hutter, Elias,” in New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, V, edited by Philip Schaff, Samuel Macauley Jackson, and Lefferts A. Loetscher (Grand Rapids, MI, 1977), p. 422. http://www.ccel.org/s/schaff/encyc/encyc13/.

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Hutter’s first titles appear to be editions of Daniel and Psalms printed in 1586 by Iohannem Saxonem (Johann Sachs), the latter with the heading Sēfer tĕhillĵm Sive Liber Psalmorvm: eleganti, nova, utili, maximeque necessaria typorum forma, qua primo statim intuitu, singularum vocum literae Radicales a Servilibus discernuntur, that is, it is a book of Psalms, elegant, new, useful and one in which, at first glance, the radicals (roots) of each of the words can readily be discerned, that is, distinguished. These were possibly issued as a prospective volume for the Biblia Sacra—Derekh ha-Kodesh published the following year in 1587. Derekh ha-Kodesh is so entitled from “The Way of Holiness (derekh hakodesh); the unclean shall not pass over it; and he shall be to them a guide, and fools shall not err in it” (Isaiah 35:8). David Sandler Berkowitz informs us that three versions of the 1587 title page have been noted and that the subsequent editions, 1588 and 1503, are apparently reissues, being published with the “1587 stock with new title-page” and modification to the front matter. This “stock” was also used for Hutter’s polyglot of 1596. Berkowitz suggests that based on “good bibliographic suspicion the edition was not a publishing success.”17 The Biblia Sacra, printed as a folio (20: 1527 ff.), is designed for a didactic purpose, to enable students to read the Bible in the original, which Hutter believed to be of great importance. Difficulties for students in learning the Bible in the original Hebrew is eased by highlighting the roots of words. The Hebrew text is set between the solid and hollow (outline) letters (above with extract), the former being the root (radical) or stem of a word, the latter being the prefixes and suffixes. Additional works by Hutter printed in Hamburg are his Cubus alphabeticus sanctae ebraeae linguae vel Lexici ebraici novum compendium tetragōnon …, also intended to be a Hebrew instructional book, which was printed by David Wolder (1588)—in those instances when a root letter does not appear in a word, it is printed above it in small letters—;18 Knabe, die nötigsten vier Hauptsprachen Ebraisch, Griechisch, Lateinisch, Deutsch … lesen lernen kan … angestellet durch Eliam Hutherum—that is, a New ABC book or Künstlich New ABC Buch darauß ein junger, from which a young boy can learn to read the four main languages necessary for the educated adult Jewish individual: Hebrew, 17 David Sandler Berkowitz, In Remembrance of Creation: Evolution of Art and Scholarship in the Medieval and Renaissance Bible (Waltham, MA, 1968), pp. 99–100. Whether a success or not, the Hutter Bible remains in demand. A copy was recently sold at auction by Kestenbaum and Company on Tuesday, November 12, 2012 (Fine Judaica: Printed Books, Manuscripts and Works of Graphic and Ceremonial Art from Various Owners: Auction 17 lot 79). The estimate was $3,000–$5,000; the price realized was $5,000. 18 Berkowitz, In Remembrance of Creation, pp. 99–100.

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Biblia Sacra—Derekh ha-Kodesh Courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

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figure 14.5 Künstlich New ABC Buch Courtesy of the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek

Greek, Latin, and German (Ernst Jandeck, 1593, right); and Opus quadripartitum Scripta Sacra (1596), a polyglot Bible in Hebrew and three other languages. Hutter subsequently relocated to Nuremberg, where he would continue to publish works, including a polyglot (hexaglot) Bible in Hebrew, Aramaic (Chaldaice), Greek, Latin, German (Gothic), and Sclavonice (Italice or Gallice), together with a twelve-language Christian Bible. 2 Printing resumed after a brief hiatus with Jacob Rebenlini, who primarily published Latin but also printed several Hebrew works from 1629 to 1647. Among the titles printed in the first years in which Rebenlini’s press was active are Benjamin Mussafia’s (1606–1675) Zekher Rav and Rav Hai ben Sherira Gaon of Pumbedita’s (939–1038) Musar Haskel be-Melizah, both in 1638, as well as an edition of Psalms. This was followed by several small works and then, in 1640, by Mussafia’s Mei Zahav on the therapeutic properties of gold. Mussafia was an individual of broad education and great erudition. In addition to his Talmudic scholarship, he was a philologist competent in Latin, Greek, and Arabic, a skill that is reflected in his works. The titles printed in Hamburg are described here in a brief manner, as they, together with his other works, among them his most important work, Musaf he-Arukh (Amsterdam, 1635), a supplement to the Arukh of R. Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome (1035–c. 1110), are addressed in greater detail elsewhere in an article on Mussafia.19 19

Concerning Mussafia and his various works, see Marvin J. Heller, “Benjamin ben Immanuel Mussafia: A Study in Contrasts,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (Mainz, 2014), pp. 208–18.

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figure 14.6 1638, Zekher Rav Courtesy of the National and University Library of Israel

Zekher Rav is a versified philological work praising creation, in which all roots are used once. It was first published in Amsterdam (1635) in a single column in vocalized Hebrew. This edition, printed in 1638, in contrast to the previous edition, has a linear Latin translation. The text is divided into seven parts, reflecting the seven days of creation. Mussafia cleverly wrote this versified praise of creation in such a manner that all of the three-letter roots of biblical Hebrew words and most of their derivatives appear only one time. Zekher Rav has been reprinted at least fourteen times, including in translations and a Karaite adaptation. Mei Zahav (Mezahab epistola) is on the therapeutic properties of gold and on alchemy. It provides a synopsis of how gold is addressed in the Bible as well as of how those biblical passages are addressed by medieval rabbinic authorities. In a review of earlier sources, Mussafia asserts that the Hellenistic Alexandrian alchemists were not Egyptians but Jews, their works having been falsely attributed to the Egyptians. The third title printed by Jacob Rebenlini noted above is Rav Hai ben Sherira Gaon of Pumbedita’s (939–1038) Musar Haskel be-Melizah. Rav Hai Gaon, last of the prominent geonim, was the head of the Talmudic academy in Pumbedita. Musar Haskel is an ethical versified work. First printed in Fano by Gershom Soncino (1504), this is the ninth edition of Musar Haskel, here too with accompanying Latin.20 3 After Jacob Rebenlini’s death, his son, Georgi, inherited the press, acquiring new typographical equipment and adding to the staff, among them R. David Teble ben Benjamin Zev Wolf of Posen. Among his first works was an edition of R. Menahem Azariah da Fano’s Asarah Ma’amarot.21 20 Vinograd, Thesaurus I, p. 78. 21 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 52.

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1663, Menahem Azariah da Fano, Asarah Ma’amarot Courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

Menahem Azariah da Fano (Rama of Fano, 1548–1620), scion of a distinguished and wealthy family, was a philanthropist and published many important works of contemporary scholars. A scholar in his own right, Fano studied under R. Ishmael Hanina of Valmontone and became a disciple of R. Moses Cordovero (Ramak), reputedly offering 1,000 ducats to Cordovero’s widow to copy the manuscript of Cordovero’s Or Yakar. Under the influence of R. Israel Sarug, he later also became a student of the teachings of R. Isaac Luria (Ari). Gershom Scholem writes that for many years Fano was considered the most

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prominent kabbalist of Italy.22 Author of several highly regarded works, Fano’s best known kabbalistic title is the above-mentioned Asarah Ma’amarot.23 Asarah Ma’amarot derives, to a large extent, from discourses delivered by Fano on festivals. The Ma’amorot are divided into ma’amorim, which are further divided into chapters. That work comprises ten kabbalistic discourses, of which the first three were first printed in Venice (1597) and a fourth printed with the title Yonat Elem in Amsterdam (1648). This edition, printed as a quarto (40: [11], 32 pp.), comprises Ma’amarot Hamishei ve-Shishe, that is, parts five and six of the Asarah Ma’amarot. Work began on this edition of Asarah Ma’amarot on the day that it says two times “it was good” (Genesis 1:10–12), 18 Heshvan, “For the day of vengeance is in my heart, and the year of my redeemed has come [‫( כי ֹיום נקם בלבי ושנת גאולי בא]ה‬423 = Tuesday, October 31, 1662)” (Isaiah 63:4). This version, edited by David Teble, consists of Ma’amar five, Olam Katan, and Ma’amar six, Tzivos HaShem (Lord of Hosts). A popular work, Asarah Ma’amarot has been reprinted several times. The text is preceded by and concludes with several tail-pieces, which are shown below. Georgi Rebenlini also published a small-format octavo (80: 297 ff.) Hamishah Homshei Torah with Targum Onkelos, Haftarot and Megillot that one could carry in his pocket in the year “I have made a covenant with you and with Israel ‫( כרתי אתך ברית ואת ישראל‬423 = 1663)” (Exodus 34:27). This was followed by R. David ben Isaac Cohen de Lara’s Keter Kehunnah in the year “A recollection of your abundant ‫( זכר רב‬429 = 1669) [goodness will they utter]” (Psalms 145:7). 22 23

Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (New York, 1974), p. 76. Hayyim Yosef David Azulai’s (Hida) Shem ha-Gedolim (Shem ha-Gedolim ha-Shalem) with additions by Menachem Mendel Krengel (Jerusalem, 1979), pp. 135–36 [Hebrew]. Hersh Goldwurm, The Early Acharonim: Biographical Sketches of the Prominent Early Rabbinic Sages and Leaders from the Fifteenth–Seventeenth Centuries (New York, 1989), pp. 125–27.

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figure 14.9

De Lara’s birthplace is uncertain, being attributed to Lisbon, Amsterdam, or Hamburg. He studied in Amsterdam under R. Isaac Uziel (d. 1622), subsequently being appointed hakham of the Spanish-Portuguese congregation in Hamburg at an annual salary of 300 marks. De Lara was an accomplished philologist, lexicographer, translator, and authority on classical literature. He corresponded with scholars in the field, most notably Johannes Buxtorf.24 An interesting aside is whereas the influence of the false messiah Shabbetai Zevi was considerable in Hamburg, particularly in the Sephardic community before his apostasy, de Lara was an outspoken opponent of Shabbetai Zevi’s. John Freely informs that de Lara, already aged at the time, demonstrated his contempt for the Shabbetaians by walking out of the synagogue whenever 24 History and Guide to Judaic Dictionaries and Concordances (Hoboken, NJ, 2000), pp. 18–19; Meyer Kayserling, Biblioteca Espanola-Portugueza-Judaica (1890; reprint with Prolegomena by Y. H. Yerushalmi, New York, 1971), p. 56; Steinschneider, CB, cols. 875–76, no. 4823.

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figure 14.10 1668, Keter Kehunnah, David Cohen de Lara, Hamburg Courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

a prayer for King Shabbetai was read. Shabbetai Zevi’s followers attempted to prevent de Lara from doing so, and one, a prominent physician, insulted the aged rabbi and would have assaulted him were he not restrained by his fellow congregants.25 De Lara was a prolific writer; Vanunu records eleven titles, and the most important work was his Keter Kehunnah, the result of forty years of labor.26 Published as a folio (20: [2], 68 ff.) at de Lara’s own expense, Keter Kehunnah is a lexicography of Talmudic terms that do not appear in the Arukh of R. Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome (he-Arukh, 1035–c. 1110). The title page, dated “A recollection of your abundant ‫( זכר רב‬429 = 1669) [goodness will they utter]” (Psalms 145:7), has both Hebrew and Latin text. It is headed by the phrase “[Many are the sorrows of the wicked]; but loving kindness shall surround him who trusts in the Lord” (Psalms 32:10). The text states that it comprises numerous additions on the Arukh and all who came after him until the present, as the reader can see. The Latin text follows, entitled Lexicon Thalmudico-Rabbinicum. The text is ordered alphabetically in two columns in rabbinic type, excepting initial headers and words, which are in square letters. Keter Kehunnah not only comprises words not in the Arukh, but also a comparison of Hebrew terms with words in Semitic or European languages. It demonstrates de Lara’s familiarity with both Greek and Roman classics, and with the works of the Church Fathers and other Christian philologists. Although de Lara completed his work through the letter resh, Keter Kehunnah is through the letter yod only. Despite being highly regarded, Keter Kehunnah has never been republished.

25 26

John Freely, The Lost Messiah: In Search of the Mystical Rabbi Sabbatai Sevi (Woodstock, NY, 2001), p. 105. Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei ve-Ḥakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizraḥ I (Jerusalem, 2006), pp. 428–29 [Hebrew].

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figure 14.11

4 Keter Kehunnah was the last title published by Rebenlini; at some point, his typographical equipment came into the possession of Thomas Rose, who was a Christian bookseller, who published Hebrew books from 1686 to 1709. Rose was joined by his son Johann, who printed Hebrew titles together with his father in 1709, and afterwards separately in 1711, and from 1715 to 1721. Most of the books published by Rose were reprints of earlier editions.

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Before turning to Rose’s publications, a second unrelated Asarah Ma’amarot, this by R. Abraham ben Benjamin Ze’ev Lipschitz of Brisk, printed in 1680 needs to be noted. This Asarah Ma’amarot is recorded as a Hamburg imprint in several bibliographies: those of the Thesaurus, albeit in brackets, the National and University Library of Israel, and Steinschneider, who describes this Asarah Ma’amarot as “[Hamb.? Ca.1680].” Ch. B. Friedberg records it in his History of Hebrew Typography … Central Europe under Hamburg in 1686 but in his Bet Eked Sefarim as a Frankfurt on the Main 1680 imprint.27 If, as most bibliographies suggest, this Asarah Ma’amarot was a 1680 Hamburg imprint, then the identity of the publisher is unclear if not problematic, Rebenlini having already ceased to print and Rose having not yet begun to print. The volume, more of a pamphlet than a book, is small octavo (80: [12] ff.); the title page informs us that the volume comprises Midrashim and Talmud on the asarah ma’amarot (“ten sayings”) of creation and that Abraham ben Benjamin Ze’ev was also the author of Hesed Avraham and Berit Avraham. There is an approbation from the Av Bet Din of the community of Altona and the community of Hamburg. At the beginning of his presswork, Rose acquired additional fonts and decorative material, including a Benveniste-like frame which he employed on several title pages, which are noted below. Steinschneider describes the use of this writing as “cum Frontisp. ad instar Benveniste (Leo cum stella etc.).” The frame comprises an ornamental shield at the apex of the title-page frame. In the shield is a lion rampant facing a tower, and above the lion and the tower there is a star.28 1680, Abraham ben Benjamin Ze’ev, Asarah Ma’amarot Courtesy of Otzar Hahochma

Rose too would print diverse titles, such as the Bible with commentaries, as well as liturgical, ethical, halakhic, and kabbalistic works and responsa. His first title, printed in 1686, was R. Israel Samuel ben Solomon Rofe’s (Calahorra, 1560–1640) Yismach Yisrael. His name, Calahorra, and title, Rofe (doctor) 27 National and University Library of Israel, record number 001089035; Steinschneider, CB, col. 670, no. 4192:2; Vinograd, Thesaurus II, p. 159, no. 27; and Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 52; idem. Bet Eked Sefarim, ayin 1217 [Hebrew]. 28 Friedberg, Central Europe, pp. 51–3; Steinschneider, CB, cols. 3089–90 nos. 9504–05. Concerning the widespread use of the Benveniste pressmark, see Marvin J. Heller ““The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and its Later Influence,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 19 (1994), pp. 3–20; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 18–32.

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notwithstanding, Israel Solomon was neither a resident of Calahorra nor a doctor, but rather lived in Cracow where he maintained his own bet midrash, although he did not have an official rabbinic position. This edition of Yismach Yisrael, a small-format book, also more a pamphlet really, is in octavo format (80), consisting of only eight foliated leaves. First printed in Cracow (1626, 80: 144 ff.) Yismach Yisrael is an alphabetic lexicon of the Shulhan Arukh and has been reprinted several times with commentaries and supplements. This printing is a fragment of Calahorra’s introduction. Although he lists other works that he wrote, none have been published. The reason that printing of Yismach Yisrael was not completed is unclear.29 A fuller small-format duodecimo edition (120 96, 234 ff.) of Yismach Yisrael on Orah Hayyim and Yoreh De’ah with the commentary of R. Moses Jekuhtiel Kaufman Katz was printed in Berlin in 1699–1700.30 During the following year, two folio works, Perush Nevi’im Rishonim with the commentary of Don Isaac Abrabanel, and Zera Baruch by R. Berechiah Berakh ben Isaac Eisik Shapira were published. The Abrabanel’s commentary, a folio (20: [2], 112, 71 ff.), is accompanied by the super-commentary of R. Jacob ben Abraham Fidanque (Rif, d. 1701). There are two title pages, one with the ornamental shield at the apex, the other in Latin. In the same year that Rose published Abrabanel’s commentary, another edition of that commentary was published in Leipzig by Mauritium Georgium Weidmannum and edited by F. A. Christiani, an apostate. The Hamburg edition was printed without the biblical text, in contrast to the Leipzig edition, which does include the biblical text.31 Berechiah Berakh ben Isaac Eisik Shapira’s Zera Baruch comprises discourses on the weekly Torah readings and the Megillot. Berechiah was a student of R. Nathan Spira (Shapira, c. 1585–1633, Megalleh Amukkot), father-in-law of R. Yom Tov Lipmann Heller, and served as dayyan on the bet din of R. Joshua Heshel of Cracow. He was also the head preacher in Cracow, his sermons being published in Zera Berakh.32 29 Richard Gottheil and Meyer Kayserling, “CALAHOR(R)A,” Jewish Encyclopedia vol. 3 (1906), p. 485; “Calahorra, Israel Samuel ben Solomon,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 4 (2007), p. 350; National and University Library of Israel, cat. no. 000164496. 30 Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sefarim (Jerusalem, n.d.), yod, 1090 [Hebrew]; Vinograd, Thesaurus II, p. 111. 31 Concerning the two concurrent editions of the Abrabanel’s Perush Nevi’im Rishonim, see Marvin J. Heller, “A Tale of Two Cities: Leipzig, Hamburg, and Don Isaac Abrabanel,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2010), pp. 153–61; reprinted in Further Studies, pp. 153–68. 32 “Berechiah Berakh ben Isaac Eisik,” Encyclopaedia Judaica vol. 3 (2007), p. 407; Goldwurm, Early Acharonim, p. 171.

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This edition was published in the year “the people whom you have redeemed

‫( עם זו גאלת‬447 = 1687)” (Exodus 15:13). The title page credits publication of this

edition to R. (Samuel) Zinvel (ben Jacob) of Gloga Rabbati, the head compositor according to Friedberg, and his partner Gamliel (Eliakim) of Lissa.33 Zera Berakh was published previously (Cracow, 1646, Amsterdam, 1662) as noted on the title page, which describes this edition as part two and describes also the first part of the work. The references are to the earlier editions and in the text each weekly Torah reading is in two parts, for example, Vayikra Shenei (second part) followed by Seder Vayikra. The additional discourses are not simply additional homilies but reflect Shapira’s changed position on Kabbalah, as described by Gershom Scholem, who writes that there are:

striking differences … between the first, which appeared before the great massacre (tah-ve-tat, 1648–49) and the second part … Whereas the first part expresses appreciation of the homilies of R. Nathan Shapira (the author’s teacher), which are built ‘upon the principles of kabbalah (sic), publicly proclaimed,’ there is a complete about-face in the second part. It is true that R. Berakyah holds the dialecticians and Talmudic casuists responsible for the terrible visitation, yet at the same time he criticizes the public interest in kabbalah in a manner which provides an instructive complement to the enthusiastic effusions of Jacob Temereles? R. Barakhya writes: “The very name kabbalah [“tradition”] indicates that it was transmitted individually and it must not be revealed [publicly]…. But now there have appeared presumptuous men who abuse the crown [of heavenly wisdom], turning it into a spade with which to feed themselves.”34 There is an introduction, which is preceded and followed by attractive headand tail-pieces (above). Berechiah was also the author of El Male Rahamim, an elegy commemorating the martyr’s death of Mattathias Calahorra who, after a dispute with a Dominican, was tortured and burned at the stake in Cracow in 1663, which was introduced into the Cracow liturgy. These titles were followed, in 1688, by two very different works, both from each other and those printed in the previous year. They are R. Elijah ben Moses 33 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 52. 34 Gershom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah 1626–1676 (Princeton, 1973), pp. 86–7; see also Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature VI, translated by Bernard Martin (New York, 1975), pp. 138–39.

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figure 14.12c 1687, Zera Baruch Courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

Vidas’s (16th century), Reshit Hokhmah Kazar and R. Joseph ben Mordecai Ginsberg’s (17th–18th centuries) Leket Yosef, both octavo editions, the former “80: 128 should say 127ff.” and the latter “80: [62] ff.” Reshit Hokhmah is a popular ethical work—thirty-five editions are recorded in the Bet Eked Sefarim—based on the Zohar. This abridgement of Reshit Hokhmah is by R. Jacob ben Mordecai Poggetti from Asti, Piedmont. It too is a popular work, eighteen editions of the Reshit Hokhmah Kazar being listed.35 Here, too, R. (Samuel) Zinvel (ben Jacob) is credited with publication of the work. Leket Yosef by R. Joseph ben Mordecai Ginsberg, Av Bet Din and Rosh Mesivta in Brisk, comprises homilies and literal interpretations, both of which are arranged alphabetically. The title page states that it is “sayings, introductions, and wondrous Midrashim, from renowned books, with the addition of his own insights.” The title page is followed by a listing of the contents organized by subject, which lists the headings. For example, under alef are Adam (the first man), Abraham, Aaron, Esther, the land of Israel, the four judicial deaths, and the Patriarchs and Matriarchs. Next is the text, set in a single column; entries are in 35 Friedberg, Bet Eked Sefarim, resh 92 [Hebrew].

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square letters; and references to sources and additional entries are in rabbinic letters. Examples of the text are as follows: 2. Adam was judged on erev Shabbat. This is a difficulty, for judgments are not rendered on erev Shabbat, for perhaps an argument will be brought to convict and an overnight delay of the court proceedings is required and murder does not push off Shabbat. This depends on whether murder does push off Shabbat, see entry Shabbat no. 4. 3. Adam was not fit to be a High Priest for he was responsible for death and was equivalent to a murderer, but it is impossible, for it was a death without sin. If so he was fit to be High Priest. 6. Abraham married Hagar. Abraham was a Kohen Gadol and a Kohen is prohibited [from marrying] a handmaid. However, he married her prior to being appointed K. G. (Siftei Kohen). Similarly, how did Moses marry Zipporah, see entry Moses 10, also concerning the killing of Cain, see entry Cain 6. How did Moses marry Zipporah and she was a gioress (convert) and a Kohen Gadol is prohibited from (marrying) a gioress? One can say that he was tongue-tied (stuttered) and therefore handicapped. After he (Moses) was healed, she was prohibited to him. However, because she was permitted to him before he was healed and that was prior to Matan Torah (giving of the Torah) she was permitted to him after Matan Torah. The colophon dates completion of the work to Friday “Now therefore write this poem for you, and teach it to the people of Israel ‫כתבו לכם השירה הזאת ולמדה‬ ‫( את בני ישראל‬448 = 1668)” (Deuteronomy 31:19). This is the first edition of Leket Yosef. It has been reprinted three times: in Prague (1689), in Frankfurt on the Main (1703), and in Salonika (1709).36 The press would publish several additional titles in the seventeenth century, among them R. Meir ha-Kohen Popper’s Or Zaddikim, kabbalistic customs and practices based on the teachings of R. Isaac Luria (ha-Ari); R. Mordecai ha-Kohen from Safed’s Siftei Kohen, a kabbalistic commentary on the Torah (1690); R. Judah Leib Pukhovitser’s Divrei Hakhamim (1692), a two-part volume comprising ethical discourses and halakhic novellae with kabbalistic content; R. David ben Samuel ha-Levi’s Turei Zahav, novellae and pilpulim (1692); the responsa of R. Mordecai Ziskind (Maharam Ziskind, 1696), as well as several other works. We will conclude by looking at only two of these varied titles, that is, Turei Zahav and Divrei Hakhamim. 36 Friedberg, Bet Eked Sefarim, lamed 764 [Hebrew].

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figure 14.13 1686, Leket Yosef Courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

Turei Zahav is a commentary and a series of novellae on Shulhan Arukh Hoshen Mishpat by R. David ben Samuel ha-Levi (Taz, 1586–1667). The Taz was a student of his eldest brother, R. Isaac ha-Levi, and of R. Joel Sirkes (Bah, 1561– 1640), who took him for a son-in-law. He resided with the Bah for several years, afterwards establishing a bet midrash in Cracow. The Taz later served as rabbi in Putalicze (Galicia), Posen, and Ostrog. He found refuge during the Chmielnicki pogroms (tah-ve-tat) in Ulick, composing a selihah recounting the miraculous

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escape of Jews to that location. Two of his sons, Mordecai and Solomon, were murdered in rioting in Lvov in 1664. Another son, Isaiah, and a nephew and stepson, R. Aryeh Leib, were sent to investigate reports about the false messiah Shabbetai Zevi. Warmly received, the false messiah gave them a letter for the Taz but by the time they returned to Poland Shabbetai Zevi had apostasized. The Taz’s piety is attested to by the report of R. Joseph Saul Nathanson (1810– 1875) that, when his grave was accidentally opened, it was revealed that neither his body nor his clothes had decomposed. The Taz’s purpose in writing Turei Zahav was like that of R. Joseph Caro (1488–1575) in composing the Shulhan Arukh, for the Taz saw that due to the confusion of the times the Torah was becoming several Torahs, this due to the many new halakhic works that had appeared, so that what this one built that one tore down. It is entitled Turei Zahav to emphasize its importance and that its purpose includes clarifying issues in the Tur as well as in the Shulhan Arukh. Only the section on Yoreh De’ah was printed in the Taz’s lifetime (Lublin, 1646); the remainder of Turei Zahav was published posthumously. This volume, printed in quarto format (40: 98 ff.), consists of the commentary Turei Zahav, only without the text of the Shulhan Arukh, in contrast to the volume on Yoreh De’ah, which was printed with the text of that work. Turei Zahav, an essential commentary on the Shulhan Arukh, has been the subject of super-commentaries, among them the Peri Megadim of R. Joseph ben Meir Teomim (c. 1727–92) and is printed with almost every edition of the Shulhan Arukh.37 The Taz also wrote Divrei David (Dyhernfurth, 1689,), a super-commentary on Rashi; Haggahot ve-Hiddushim (Halle, 1710), and Zahav Mezukkak (Dyhernfurth, 1725), both supplements to the Turei Zahav. Other works, including responsa, are no longer extant. Our final title is R. Judah Leib ben Joseph Pukhovitser’s (Puchowitze, c. 1630–after 1700) Divrei Hakhamim, a two-part work of ethical discourses and halakhic novellae with kabbalistic content. Pukhovitser was born in Pinsk and studied there under R. Naphtali ben Isaac Katz (1639–44). He suffered greatly during the unrest of the mid-century, and his suffering is described in the introduction to Keneh Hokhmah (Frankfurt on the Main, 1681–88). There, he informs us that on 29 Kislev 420 (Sunday, December 14, 1659), in Bykhov, where he was rabbi, almost three hundred Jews were massacred, among them 37

Shmuel Ashkenazi, “David ben Samuel Ha-Levi,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 5, pp. 469–70; S. M. Chones, Toledot ha-Posekim (Warsaw, 1910; reprint Israel, n.d.), pp. 266–70 [Hebrew]; Goldwurm, Early Acharonim, pp. 174–76; Chaim Tchernowitz, Toledoth ha-Poskim, III (New York, 1946), pp. 139–46 [Hebrew].

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figure 14.14 1692, Turei Zahav Courtesy of HebrewBooks.org

men great in Torah and awe. Pukhovitser, together with his wife and a daughter, survived without being defiled. An hour before he slumbered fitfully, two holy souls appeared to him, R. Uri Shraga Weiss of Shklov and his son-in-law R. Phineas ben Menahem, father of my father-in-law, and revealed to him that they came to deliver them and told him how to escape. Nevertheless, his daughter Sarah, ten only, was ill and could not get away. He attributes his deliverance to the fact that he gave classes in reproof and ethics, so that he determined to further emphasize those subjects. Pukhovitser, who served as rabbi in Pinsk, as well as other locations, was an adherent of Lurianic Kabbalah, and this is reflected in his works. He left Pinsk

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for Eretz Israel, residing in Jerusalem in his old age. Divrei Hakhamim is a folio (20: 66, 50 ff.); the title page has the architectural frame employed by Rose on his books printed in that format (see above Zera Baruch) and states that it is divided into two parts. The title of the first part is Da’at Hokhmah which is divided into four she’arim, Sha’ar ha-Shabbat, Sha’ar ha-Teshuvah, Sha’ar ha-Avodah, and Sha’ar ha-Yedi’ot. The title of the second part is Mekor Hokhmah, laws pertaining to and necessary for our generation, elucidated in the Shulhan Arukh Orah Hayyim and with annotations with simanim (markers) providing “good judgment and knowledge” (Psalms 119:66) to their words. After each and every siman, all the halakhic novellae found in works of awe, the Zohar, the writings of the Ari (R. Isaac Luria), and the Shelah (R. Isaac Horowitz) and other such works, and words of reproof and admonishment pertaining to each and every siman … found in the poskim and responsa written after the Shulhan Arukh…. These novellae are entitled Solet Belulah. The text of the title page provides some information about Pukhovitser and mentions his two previous works, Keneh Hokhmah and Derekh Hokhmah. It is dated “The words of wise men are heard in quiet ‫( בנחת‬452 = 1692) [more than the shouting of him who rules among fools]” (Ecclesiastes 9:17). The beginning of Mekor Hokhmah is dated “I will cause you to ride upon the high places of the earth ‫( במתי ארץ‬453 = 1693)” (Amos 4:13). The title page is followed by the simanim for Da’at Hakhamim, the introduction to Divrei Hakhamim, approbations, and additional introductory material. The text of Da’at Hokhmah is set in two columns and consists of ethical discourses. It concludes with Perek Shirah and Seder ha-Vidui’in. Mekor Hokhmah begins with a brief introductory paragraph in which it is explained that Mekor Hokhmah contains those halakhot that require further elucidation, which are accompanied by Solet Belulah, the dinnim from halakhic and ethical sources from after the Shulhan Arukh. The works that are named are the same kabbalistic texts noted on the title page. This paragraph is followed by an apologia by Pukhovitser, a list of the simanim, and the text of Mekor Hokhmah in two columns comprising Mekor Hokhmah in square letters and Solet Belulah in rabbinic letters. It addresses in detail such basic subjects on daily conduct as rising in the morning, blessings, zitzit, tefillin, and prayer. This is the only edition of Divrei Hakhamim.38 38 Hayyim Michael, Or ha-Hayyim (Frankfurt on the Main, 1891; reprint, Jerusalem, 1965), p. 464, no. 1016; Avraham Yaari, “Korban Todah, Books Written after the Author Was

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5 There was a brief hiatus in printing after the publication of Mekor Hokhmah from 1698 until 1703, when printing at the Rose press resumed with the support of Abraham ben Solomon ha-Levi of Amsterdam.39 In retrospect, the books published in our period, that is the late sixteenth century through the seventeenth century, though not numerous, were diverse, generally attractive, and well-done, representing a large spectrum of Jewish literature. There are Bibles, biblical commentaries, and halakhic, ethical, kabbalistic, and philological titles. Some works, such as Turei Zahav, have become basic and essential contributions to their field, whereas others, for example Divrei Hakhamim, their intrinsic value notwithstanding, have not been republished. Early printing in Hamburg is of interest in that the first Hebrew imprints, for example, Biblia Sacra—Derekh ha-Kodesh, were not designed for a Jewish readership, whereas later works were for a primarily if not exclusively Jewish market. It is also interesting that a young Jewish community such as that of Hamburg should quickly become home to Jewish presses that published such valuable and interesting works.

figure 14.15 Delivered from Distress,” in Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem, 1958), pp. 102–03 [Hebrew]. 39 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 53.

Chapter 15

Hebrew Printing in Verona Resumed, but Briefly Verona is widely remembered by many people as home to the feuding Montagues and Capulets, immortalized in Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet. Less appreciated is that Verona had a thriving Jewish community, one that numbered about four hundred at the end of the sixteenth century, growing to about nine hundred at the end of the eighteenth century. Another aspect of Jewish life in Verona was the printing of Hebrew books, intermittently, from the sixteenth century. The first press to publish Hebrew books in that city was that of Francesco dalle Donne, followed by the press of Francesco de’ Rossi (1645–52). This article is concerned with the continuation, or the renewal, of the printing of Hebrew books by the de’ Rossi press, describing the titles it published and the evaluation of the physical quality of its books, an evaluation that for some critics, perhaps unfairly, was not always favorable.

∵ Verona is widely remembered by many people as home to the feuding Montagues and Capulets, immortalized in Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet.1 That play is one of three by Shakespeare set in Verona; the others are The Two Gentlemen of Verona and The Taming of the Shrew. Nevertheless, even apart from Shakespeare’s plays, Verona is a distinguished city that is worthy of mention. It is an ancient city, one rich in history and tradition. Its hoary origins date back to the Gaulish tribe known as the Cenomani. In 89 BCE, it became a Roman colonia, and a few decades later it became a municipium. Verona today is one of the richest Italian cities when it comes to Roman remains. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Verona was the site of Guelf and Ghibelline 1 The original version of this article was published in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2017), pp. 155– 69. I would like to thank my son-in-law, R. Moses Tepfer, for his assistance and research in the National and University Library of Israel; R. Eli Amsel of Virtual Judaica; and R. Yitzhak Wilhelm and R. Zalman Levine, reading room librarians at the Chabad-Lubavitch Library, for their assistance and the illustrations in this article. I would also like to thank Eli Genauer for reading an earlier draft of this article.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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strife, and in 1404–1405 the city was conquered by Venice, becoming a wealthy and active part of the Venetian Republic until its overthrow by Napoleon in 1797. Verona was subsequently ceded to the Austrians with the rest of Venetia, finally becoming part of Italy in the nineteenth century. The history of Jewish residence in Verona is lengthy, albeit discontinuous, Jews having resided there, reportedly, as early as the Roman period and with greater surety from the early Middle Ages. Initially, the Jews lived on “conspicuously friendly terms with their neighbors and engaged in all branches of commerce without opposition.” This did not last, however, for the Jews were expelled from Verona in the tenth century at the behest of the bishop of the local see.2 A Jewish presence was reestablished in the twelfth century, with a Talmudic academy headed by the Tosafist R. Eliezer ben Samuel (13th cent.), but this period too was followed by an expulsion. The Jewish community numbered about four hundred at the end of the sixteenth century, growing to about nine hundred at the end of the eighteenth century. At the very end of the sixteenth century, in 1599, Agostino Valieri, Bishop of Verona, attempted to segregate the Jews in a ghetto but, in the absence of a suitable location, forced them to wear a yellow cap. In 1604, however, a ghetto was established in Verona that was called Sotto i Tetti (Under the Roofs) after a threatened expulsion. When the plague broke out in Verona in 1630, the Jews remained immune, enraging Christians to such an extent that they cast the garments of those infected by the plague into the ghetto, thereby spreading it there too.3 Nevertheless, Verona Jewry were able to secure charge of the keys to the ghetto, which were subsequently celebrated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by a festival. Banking during this period declined in importance for the Jews of Verona, whose primary livelihood was from trade and crafts, as well as from the lease of the tobacco monopoly.4 Another aspect of Jewish life in Verona is the printing of Hebrew books, intermittently, from the sixteenth century. The first press to publish Hebrew books in that city was that of Francesco dalle Donne, a printer from the late sixteenth into the early seventeenth century, one that published only a small number of Hebrew and Yiddish works from 1592 to 1595, and one who is addressed in a previous article.5 This article is concerned with the continuation, or the renewal, 2 Cecil Roth, The History of the Jews of Italy (Philadelphia, 1946), p. 69. 3 http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/Verona; http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/797. 4 Shlomo Simonsohn, “Verona,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, 20, pp. 513–23, http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/14681-verona. 5 Marvin J. Heller, “A Little-Known Chapter in Hebrew Printing: Francesco dalle Donne and the Beginning of Hebrew Printing in Verona in the Sixteenth Century,” The Papers of the

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of the printing of Hebrew books by the second press to publish Hebrew titles in Verona, that of Francesco de’ Rossi (1645–52).6 Printing in Italy in the seventeenth century is not as highly regarded by some critics as is printing from earlier periods. Charles Henry E. Carmichael in his work on printing in Verona, emphasizing the earlier period, writes the following about our century: The Seventeenth Century, or Seicento, a period of transition leading to decay, is most markedly a period of typographical abasement. Types, paper, form, all is bad, says Giuliari; and as this downfall in printing was universal in Italy, it is not remarkable that we find Verona sharing in the general degradation. The number of printers in Verona during the 17th Century was so small that they could not form an Art or Guild of their own, but were attached to the Art of the Borozzieri, who appear to have been what might be described as haberdashers of small wares!7 David Amram, in his history of Hebrew printing in Italy, concurs, writing that “a century of such persecution so debased the taste of Jewish booklovers that in the seventeenth century we find the presses of Italy putting out books that at an earlier day would have been thrown aside as waste paper and buried in the Genizah of some synagogue.” He cites as examples the “Thrones of the House of David” (Kisot le-Veit David, 1646, below), which was printed “at the press of Francesco dei Rossi by three Polish printers from Cracow,” and “A Token for Good” (Ot le-Tova), which was printed in Chieri (1627), and he states that one should “compare the poor battered types and the tasteless borders” of those works “with the noble works” of the earlier printers of Hebrew books in Italy.8 Nevertheless, many of the books printed by Francesco de’ Rossi do not appear to be so inferior to earlier Hebrew works, though there are, alas, exceptions (but this may be just my opinion). The reader can make his or her own decision by viewing the accompanying illustrations, which, while not allowing Bibliographical Society of America 94, no. 3 (2000), pp. 333–46; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 151–64. 6 Francesco de’ Rossi, the seventeenth-century printer of Hebrew books, is not to be confused with Francesco de’ Rossi (1510–63), the noted Florentine painter, who painted several noteworthy works in Rome. 7 Charles Henry E. Carmichael, Veronese Typography, XVth–XIXth Century, with Some Account of the Private Press of the Giuliari Family (London, 1874; reprint 2012), p. 21. 8 David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909; reprint London, 1963), p. 392.

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a judgment to be made about the paper, will permit the reader to render a decision on the type and typography of the volumes. Francesco de’ Rossi opened his press in approximately 1642, about fifty years after the closing of the Francesco dalle Donne press. De’ Rossi’s varied first titles, which were printed in 1642, were Ezechiele di Castro’s (afterwards Petrus à) Il Colostro, discorso aggiunto alla Ricoglitrice di Scipion Mercurio … (1642), the first Italian book on obstetrics, which also covered caesarean births; Giulio Varrini’s Scvola del volgo, cioe’ scielta de’ più leggiadri e spiritosi detti, aforismi, e proverbi …, which is on witty sayings and aphorisms taken from several languages; and Girolamo Franchi di Conestaggio’s Dell’vnione del regno di Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia, which is on the union of the Kingdom of Portugal to the Crown of Castile. Not long after, in 1645, de’ Rossi began printing Hebrew books; he would continue to do so until 1652, publishing more than twenty Hebrew titles.9 De’ Rossi did so encouraged by R. Samuel ben Abraham Aboab (1610–94) and R. Jacob ben Samuel Hagiz (1620–74), the former a highly regarded scholar and rabbi in Verona until about 1650, the latter also a highly regarded scholar and the primary Jewish figure in the press. Both Aboab and Hagiz were prominent opponents of the false messiah Shabbetai Zevi. R. Jacob ben Samuel Hagiz, born in Fez, was the scion of a rabbinic family of the exiles from Spain; he traveled in his youth to Italy, Verona being but one of several locations in which Hagiz was active, another being Livorno. Author of several works printed in Verona, noted below, Hagiz was also the author of several well-regarded works, among them Ez ha-Hayyim, a commentary on the Mishnah, begun in Verona and completed in Livorno (1652–56). In 1667, Hagiz went up to Jerusalem where, together with his brother, he founded the yeshivah Beit Ya’akov and was supported by the Vega brothers of Livorno. In 1673, Hagiz was in Constantinople, having gone there to publish his Lehem ha-Panim on the Shulhan Arukh, where he passed away.10 Elisheva Carlebach credits Hagiz as being “solely responsible for the establishment of a printing press in 9 Different enumerations of the books printed in Verona are given by Meir Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” Sinai 34 (1954), p. 1721 [Hebrew]; Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Italy, Spain-Portugal and the Turkey, from its Beginning and Formation about the Year 1470 (Tel Aviv, 1956), pp. 84–85 [Hebrew]; and Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 (Jerusalem, 1993– 95), I, p. 460 [Hebrew], who credits de’ Rossi with twenty-four titles, several of which were printed together. 10 Mordecai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel (Tel Aviv, 1986), III, cols. 859–62 [Hebrew].

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Verona, having brought and transported the type himself.” She describes the books published in Verona as having a distinctive style, that is, “a small pocket size format, to make the works widely available and less cumbersome to carry.”11 That de’ Rossi, a non-Jewish Italian printer, would print Hebrew books is not only understandable but not even surprising. Indeed, Francesco de’ Rossi was not unusual in doing so; the publication of Hebrew books by non-Jewish Italian presses is a subject that has been frequently addressed. Jews were, from the mid-sixteenth century, prohibited from owning a press in Italy, so that Jewish printers needed a gentile associate to publish Hebrew books. As Zipora Baruchson notes, Christian printers published Hebrew books in association with Jewish partners. They did so for “the Hebrew books sector, being unique, was rather attractive to investors, being more limited and not so wildly competitive as the Italian book sector.”12 De’ Rossi’s name appears on the Hebrew title pages of the books printed at his press in Italian as “in Verona per Francesco Rossi,” followed by “Con Licencia de Superiori” or a slightly abbreviated version of that statement, referring to the censor’s approval of the book. The printers are referred to on the title pages in Hebrew as “The partners.” Avraham Yaari notes that the names of the partners are not given in any book. However, he comments on the fact that, for R. Solomon ben Isaac Marino’s Tikkun Olam (1652), below, the sponsor is given as R. Abraham Hai Ortona and that he dedicates the book to R. Solomon Meldola, concluding that Ortona is one of the partners. Yaari also suggests that from three devices on other works one might surmise the names of the printers, that is, in the cornice at the apex of Seder Ma’amadot and of Psalms is an erect lion facing left holding a flag, Likkutei ha-Ma’asim has a depiction of Noah’s ark and a dove flying with an olive in its mouth, and Bet Yisrael has a depiction of water being poured from a laver, these devices suggesting, respectively, the names Judah or Aryeh, Noah, and Levi. 11

Elisheva Carlebach, The Pursuit of Heresy: Rabbi Moses Hagiz and the Sabbatian Controversy (New York, 1990), p. 21. Numerous Talmudic tractates, albeit printed somewhat later, were also in small format. Marvin J. Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises Printed from 1700 to 1750 (Leiden, 1999), p. 3, maintains that “about fifty percent of the individual treatises issued during the first half of the eighteenth century were smallformat editions, generally between 16 and 20 cm, rather than the larger folio-size volumes associated with complete Talmud editions. In the small-format volumes, a standard page (amud) was often printed over two pages (double pages), enabling the printer to use a larger font than would have been possible by adhering to the standard composition.” The title pages of these tractates frequently state that they were “prepared in a small volume so that a person can carry it in his coat pocket, and look into it also when he is on the way.” 12 Zipora Baruchson, “Money and Culture: Financing Methods in the Hebrew Printing Shops in Cinquecento Italy,” La Bibliofilia 92 (1990), p. 25.

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Figure 15.1 a, b, c Typographic devices

The last device, the depiction of water being poured from a laver, was also employed by the Vendramin press in Venice on the title pages of several of their books at this time.13 That press, established in 1630 by Giovanni Vendramin, printed a wide variety of books well into the eighteenth century. Its relationship to the de’ Rossi press does not appear to have been explored, but the shared use of this device, and perhaps other typographic material as well, is a desideratum. Another possibility is that “The partners” simply refers to the principals of the press, the owner, and publisher, at least in name, of the Hebrew books, Francesco de’ Rossi, and the actual mover or manager of the press, as noted above, Jacob Hagiz, or even possibly Abraham Aboab, who was operative in the founding of the press and whose departure from Verona resulted in the closing of the press.14 Fourteen individuals are known to have been employed in printing the Hebrew books, among them, as noted in the colophon of several books, are the compositors Jacob ben Naphtali Zevi; Abraham ben Naphtali Zevi; and Naphtali Zevi ben Jacob.15 13

14 15

Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks (Jerusalem, 1943), p. 146, no. 64 [Hebrew]. Among the titles printed by the Vendramin press in which the laver device appears are R. Isaac ben Abraham Hayyim Jesurun’s Panim Hadashot (1651), R. Hiyya Rofe’s Ma’aseh Hiyya (1652), R. Nathan Nata ben Moses Hannover’s Yeven Mezulah (1653), and R. Nathan Nata ben Reuben David Spira’s Tuv ha-Aretz (1655). This is also suggested in the National and University Library of Israel Catalogue entry for Likkutei ha-Ma’asim, cat. no. 000145079. The other workers, compositors, and editors, as recorded by Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” p. 174, are Abraham Hai ben David Ortona, Elijah ben Joseph Parnort, Judah ben Samuel Bassan, Joseph ben Zion Hayyim Zevi, Jacob

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Title page, Ein Yisrael, 1645

These compositors are from the same family, and, in one instance, it is a father, Jacob, and his son, Naphtali Zevi, named after the progenitor of the family. Several of the workers were students in R. Samuel Aboab’s yeshivah, but at least one, Jacob ben Naphtali Zevi, was an experienced craftsman, having worked previously in Lublin.16 ben Isaac Gometz, Meir Mordecai Moses, Moses Simeon ben Shabbetai Basiliah, Naphtali Zevi ben Jacob, and Simeon ben Michael Sangoioni. 16 Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” p. 173, quoting Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), col. 2932: 8389c.

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Figure 15.3

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Title page, Ein Yisrael, 1649/50

The press printed a wide variety of books, several of the titles being smaller works printed together. Even accounting for a reduced number of works, describing all of them would be lengthy, perhaps tedious. Instead, a more detailed description will be given of several works that are indicative of the types of books published in Verona at this time; other titles will be noted only in passing. Several important parts of the standard Jewish library were not published by the de’ Rossi press. For example, the Talmud, a prohibited work, and more surprisingly no halakhic titles are among the Verona imprints. We do find, however, several liturgical works. The prayer books served the several communities comprising Italian Jewry—that is, Roma (the Roman rite), which

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Figure 15.4

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Title page, Kisot le-Veit David

was followed by Italian Jews; Sefarad, the rite of Sephardim; and Ashkenaz, the rite of German Jewry (1648). There was also a possible reprint of the Italian rite in Roma in 1650, with Avot, Psalms, and parshiot to be read on Shabbat Minhah and on Mondays and Thursdays. A Ma’amadot (1648) was published, that is, supplicatory prayers recited by mystically inclined groups in the morning, which comprise verses from the Bible, the Mishnah and the Gemara, aggadot,

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and korbanot (animal sacrifices) and which were recited by groups known as anshei ma’amad. Apart from those more general works, de’ Rossi began, when he entered the Hebrew book market in 1645, with Ein Yisrael (Ein Ya’akov) on tractate Berakhot (40: 66 pp.). Ein Yisrael (Ein Ya’akov) is a popular collection of aggadah in the Babylonian Talmud and, to a lesser extent, the Jerusalem Talmud; the title is from “the fountain of Jacob (ein Ya’akov) shall be upon a land of grain and wine” (Deuteronomy 33:28). Compiled by R. Jacob ben Solomon ibn Habib (c. 1445–c. 1515), it was first printed in Salonika (1515); this is the sixteenth printing of Ein Ya’akov, and there are several editions under the title Ein Yisrael.17 Ibn Habib, born in Zamora, Castile, went, in 1492, after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, first to Portugal and, after the forced baptism of Jewish children in that land, found refuge in Salonika in 1501. There, initially head of a yeshivah, and leader of that city’s Jewish community, Ibn Habib apparently withdrew from communal affairs to work on Ein Ya’akov.18 Ibn Habib’s objective was to collect the aggadot scattered throughout the Talmud into a unified work and to put them alongside traditional interpretations and his own insights. Ein Ya’akov was among the titles proscribed and burned together with the Talmud after the Pope’s bull of August 1553 and subsequently placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum. The Council of Trent, which permitted the publication of the Talmud in 1564, and certain other works as well, did so by imposing onerous conditions, primarily concerning the expurgation of passages believed to be inimical to Christianity and the substitution of acceptable terms for objectionable ones. Among the other conditions imposed was the prohibition of Hebrew books under their original names. The Talmud, for example, could not be reprinted as such, but could be reissued only if that name were omitted, it now being called shas. Ein Ya’akov was reissued as Ein Yisrael, the second volume of the work being entitled Bet Yisrael. The title page states that the text includes Rashi, Tosafot, material omitted by Ibn Habib and appended by R. Leone (Judah Aryeh) ben Isaac Modena (1571– 1648). Modena, perhaps the most renowned of Renaissance Italian rabbis, was the author of a supplement to the Ein Ya’akov entitled Beit Yehudah (Venice, 1635).19 There is an introduction from Hagiz, in which he notes Modena’s 17 Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book I, p. 114. 18 Margalioth, Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel, 3:862–62; Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, translated by Bernard Martin (New York, 1975), 5:26–27. 19 Modena had earlier published Beit Lehem Yehudah (Venice, 1625), a concordance on the aggadot in Ein Yisrael (Ein Ya’akov). Beit Yehudah, his supplement to the Ein Ya’akov, is now an integral part of that work and is printed with all editions of the Ein Ya’akov. In

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additions and emphasizes the value of this small edition, which lies in its portability and its moderate price. The only tractate from the Ein Ya’akov known to have been printed at this time is Berakhot. Modena apparently objected to the publication of this Ein Ya’akov with the supplements from Beit Yehudah, as is evident from a conciliatory letter from Aboab to an irate Modena.20 Meir Benayahu notes that, while we lack Modena’s stated reasons for objecting to this edition of Ein Ya’akov, it likely was due to the fact that it, in contrast to Modena’s larger folio edition, was less expensive and therefore cut into the sales of Beit Yehudah.21 A complete Ein Yisrael would be published in the year “we will be glad and rejoice ‫( נגילה ונשמחה‬409 = 1649/50)” (Isaiah 25:9, Psalms 118:24, Song of Songs 1:4) in two volumes (160: 489; 528 ff.), apparently with the difficulties having been resolved. The title page of the second volume—the first title page of the first volume was not seen—has an architectural border with water being poured from a laver, which I noted above. In 1646, the press published R. Judah Asahel ben David Eliezer Del Bene’s (c. 1615?-78) Kisot le-Veit David (40: [4], 5–7, 5–95, [3] ff.), an anti-philosophical work in support of traditional Jewish teachings. Del Bene, who came from a socially and culturally prominent family in Ferrara, served as rabbi in that city. The title is from “[For thrones of judgment were set there,] the thrones of the house of David (kisot le-veit David)” (Psalms 122:5). At the top of the title page is the verse “Your throne is established of old; You are from everlasting” (Psalms 93:2). The title page is dated with the verse “Your throne is established,” concluding with the final word ‫( אתה‬406) enlarged, resulting in the date 1646. Nevertheless, many bibliographers assign a later date, between 1649 and 1651, perhaps, because, as Del Bene writes in the introduction, publication was delayed considerably due to problems in finding printers who understood his play on words and who would not correct what that they did not understand and assumed was faulty. The preliminary matter comprises the censor’s approval and a page of verse, the first letter of each line forming an acrostic of Judah Asahel Del Bene (‫)מהטוב‬. Verse in praise of the book from R. Menahem Shalhani of Ancova is followed by a page with the heading “My riddle for the reader” and a page of verse from R. David Hayyim, the author’s son. Kisot le-Veit David is divided into seven batim, which are subdivided into fifty sha’arim. The subject matter

20 21

contrast to this quarto edition of the Ein Ya’akov, Modena’s Beit Yehudah was printed as a folio. Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” pp. 186–87. Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” p. 157.

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encompasses creation, the heavens and the planets, the elements, the immortality of the soul, resurrection, articles of faith, and Islam, which Del Bene believes is inferior to Christianity. Although opposed to philosophy, Greek wisdom, and the sciences, which foster skepticism, his opposition is not complete. Considerable use is made of Maimonides’s Moreh Nevukhim, and Del Bene speaks highly of Christian scholarship. Study of the Zohar is advocated, but otherwise no mention is made of it. Del Bene emphasizes the preeminence and use of the Hebrew language, advocating its use. The style of Kisot le-Veit David is intricate and complex with obscure wordplay. This is the only edition of Kisot le-Veit David, Del Bene’s only published work. In it, Del Bene refers to another work, Yehudah Mehokeki. Mordecai Ghirondi and Hananel Nepi report seeing several responsa by Del Bene in manuscript.22 A number of Del Bene’s Sabbath sermons were recorded, together with those of other preachers, after the conclusion of the Sabbath, in Yessodato be-harerei Kodesh (in manuscript) by R. Israel ben Abraham Kohen. In 1647, a very different type of work was published, R. Samson ben Isaac of Chinon’s (c. 1260–c. 1330) Sefer Keritut, which was actually published together with R. Jacob Hagiz’s Tehillat Hokhmah (80: [4], 161, 72, 136 ff., irregular foliation); both of these works are on Talmudic methodology. Samson ben Isaac of Chinon, France (c. 1260–c. 1330), born in Chinon, was a resident of Rouen and resettled in Marseille after the expulsion of the Jews from France in 1306. He was a contemporary of R. Perez ha-Kohen, the teacher of R. Nissim ben Reuben Gerondi (Ran), who, as reported by R. Isaac ben Sheshet, refers to Samson as the greatest rabbinical authority of his time. Samson was also a correspondent of R. Solomon ibn Aderet (Rashba). Sefer Keritut, written at the close of the period of the Ba’alei Tosafot and first published in the sixteenth century (Constantinople, 1515, and Cremona, 1557), is a comprehensive summation of methodological principles and is concerned with the hermeneutic (interpretive) rules of Talmud study. Tehillat Hokhmah, the accompanying work by Hagiz, is a supplement (complementary work) to Sefer Keritut. There is one title page only, stating that it is Sefer Keritut by the sage R. Samson of Chinon with Tehillat Hokhmah, composed of many rules omitted by the author [R. Samson] and I have gathered them, I the youth, Jacob Hagiz, from the Talmud, Rashi, Tosafot, and from what is brought in Halikhot Olam by R. Yeshu’ah ben Joseph ha-Levi (15th century), and have culled from the best (lit. clean fine flour), and from She’erit Yosef [Adrianople, 1554 by R. Solomon ibn Verga, 22

Ḥananel Nepi and Mordecai Samuel Ghirondi, Toledot Gedolei Yisrael (Trieste, 1853).

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d. c. 1559], and from the principles of R. Joseph Caro, and from Yavin Shemu’ah [R. Nissim Solomon ben Abraham Algazi, Venice, 1639). I have brought them in a good order near to the gates in a small volume with the principles of Kal va-Homer (from the minor premise (kal) to the major) and other rules from the leading earlier and later sages. This edition of Sefer Keritut follows the Cremona (1557) edition, except that the editor’s introduction is omitted, notes are incomplete, and where given are in an abbreviated fashion. In addition, the index accompanying that edition is not printed here. Samson’s introduction is reprinted, and there is an introduction from Hagiz. Sefer Keritut concludes (161b) with a list of the simanim prepared by Hagiz. Tehillat Hokhmah follows immediately. It does not have a separate title page but does have its own foliation. It begins with Hagiz’s introduction and, after the text of Tehillat Hokhmah, adds a kuntres, Orah Mishor, for students on learning. Tehillat Hokhmah concludes with an index of the sixty-three kellalim that comprise the text of the book. Sefer Keritut is divided into five parts, which are further subdivided. They are (a) middot, the Thirteen Rules of R. Ishmael; (b) Beit Mikdash, analogy and a fortiori conclusions; (c) Netivat Olam, the Thirty-Two Rules of R. Eliezer ben Yose ha-Gelili; (d) Yimot Olam, sha’arim (“portals”) on the history of the Tannaim (Mishnaic sages) and Amoraim (Talmudic sages) and the rules for deciding between conflicting positions; and (e) Leshon Limmudim, sha’arim on additional hermeneutic rules, Mishnaic and Talmudic methods and terminology, and halakhic decisions. Samson not only provides methodological rules, but also digresses into detailed discussions. Sefer Keritut is considered to be stylistically difficult and occasionally unclear, and within the text there are lacunae. It has been suggested, however, that this is due to the book being based on Samson’s first draft. An example of an entry, albeit one of the smaller ones, is: Kellal 19. The tanna repeats a matter to inform us, according to Rashi’s explanation, that the tanna is occupied with this. It was not otherwise necessary for him to make known to us that one who removes an object from one domain to another domain is liable in only this manner. Ch. 1 (Shabbat 5b).23

23 Marvin J. Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus, vol. 1 (Leiden, 2004), pp. 444–45.

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Another work published in 1647 is R. Leon Modena’s Sod Yesharim (120: 5, [3]; [1], 11–12, [1] ff.), a collection of segulot (treasured secrets and nostrums) and riddles. The title is from “[I will praise the Lord with my whole heart], in the assembly of the upright be-sod yesharim [and in the congregation]” (Psalms 111:1), here to be understood as secrets (sod) of the upright. First printed in Venice (1595, reprint 1599), this edition has two title pages, one for each part of the book, both with the same border and crown with cherubim. The first title page states that it is: Sod Yesharim A treasure of precious vessels (cf. Hosea 13:15) comprised of one hundred segulot (“nostrums”), “hidden riches” (Isaiah 45:3), wondrous remedies, awesome words, “the work of the Lord; for it is an awesome thing” (Exodus 34:10), Who placed in the power of nature for the benefit of the human species, at a time of gaiety and joy. Sod Yesharim, as the title page states, contains one hundred segulot for various purposes. Each segulah begins with a header in rabbinic letters followed by a brief text in square letters. Examples are how to grow one’s signet on the pit of a peach; a cure for forgetfulness; how to darken the hair of the head or beard; guess a number; a coin; handle a snake; and stop bedwetting. Examples are: 6 to light a candle that will cause all who see it to slumber Take the root of almonds and the oil of nuts sand make a candle and all who see it will slumber. 13 to make an egg rise in the air Go in the morning before the sun shines and take dew and put it into the egg and fill it. Afterwards close very well and place it in the sun and you will see it rise in the air. The second title page, with the same frame and coronet, states that this, the second part, has in it pleasant riddles for all who look into it. There are fifty riddles, which are followed by the explanations. Examples followed by answers are: 28: Your father is my father, your grandfather my husband, I am your sister and you are my son? 35: What is not found raw and not eaten cooked? 37: What has a neck without a head, abdomen without a body, and legs without thighs?

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28: the daughters of Lot say to their children. 35: ashes. 37: a flask.24 The year 1647 was a productive one for the de’ Rossi press. In addition to the works already noted is a multi-part collection of Midrashim published that year, Hibbur Ma’asiot ve-ha-Midrashot ve-ha-Haggadot (160: [56] pp.), a varied compilation of several works containing Midrashim and tales. The title page states that it is the fourth edition and that it was printed due to the wish of the wise and insightful late R. Joseph Shallit ben Eliezer Richietti, resident of Safed. Added to this edition are two works, Ma’aseh Yerushalmi and Ma’aseh Rabbi Bostanai, and “more,” with the “more” being Midrash Aseret ha-Diburot. Here too, the printers are given as ‘The partners.” Richietti (17th century), originally from Mantua, settled in Safed after 1659, and from 1674 to 1676 was an emissary of Safed in Italy. Among Richietti’s other works are Hokhmat ha-Mishkan and Mesapperet Yahasuta de-Zaddikei de-Ara de-Yisrael.25 The following year, 1648, saw the publication of an edition of Avot, this together with Ma’amadot noted above, accompanied by Psalms, Shabbat Minhah and weekday Torah readings, Birkhat ha-Shahar, prepared by Hagiz, the prayer books noted above, and a second compilation of small works entitled Likkutei ha-Ma’asim (160: 48 [ff.]). This collection comprises Divrei ha-Yamim shel Moshe Rabbenu, Ben Sira, Ma’aseh Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, and Eldad haDani; all these Midrashim had been printed much earlier, the last three titles in Likkutei ha-Ma’asim were included in a larger collection entitled Likkutim ve-ha-Hibburim (Constantinople, 1519). Both of these collections are of popular classic early Midrashic works. In 1650, a Mishnayot with Hagiz’s commentary, noted above, was begun. Seder Zera’im was printed in Verona, but the work was completed in Livorno at the press of Jedidiah ben Isaac Gabbai. There was enough demand for Ez ha-Hayyim so that Zera’im was reprinted by Gabbai.26 Two additional books, relatively larger, printed at the de’ Rossi press will be the last works described. They are R. Nissim Solomon ben Abraham Algazi’s 24 Heller, Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, pp. 856–57. 25 Abraham David, “Richietti, Joseph Shallit ben Eliezer,” Encyclopaedia Judaica 17, p. 288; Avraham Yaari, Sheluhei Eretz Yisrael (Jerusalem, 1951; reprint Jerusalem, 1997), II, p. 414 [Hebrew]. 26 Concerning the Gabbai press, see Marvin J. Heller, “Jedidiah ben Isaac Gabbai and the First Decade of Hebrew Printing in Livorno,” Los Muestros part I, no. 33 (1998), pp. 40–41; part II, no. 34 (1999), pp. 28–30; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book, pp. 165–77.

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Figure 15.5 Text page Kisot le-Veit David

Razuf Ahavah, novellae on the homiletic passages in Tosafot, and R. Solomon ben Isaac Marino’s Tikkun Olam, a commentary on Isaiah. R. Nissim Solomon ben Abraham Algazi (c. 1610–c. 1683) is considered a great gaon, a prince of the Torah, known for his piety as well as his great learning. Born in Borsa, Algazi initially studied with his father and afterwards studied in the yeshivot of the poet R. Joseph Ganso and in Gallipoli at the yeshivot of R. Joseph Sasson and R. Meir de Boton. Algazi, in 1635, went to Jerusalem but returned to Turkey, possibly to print his books in Izmir, where he served as rabbi and founded a bet midrash which had many renowned students. An early and undeviating opponent of the false messiah Shabbetai Zevi, Algazi

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Figure 15.6 Title page Sefer Keritut

was forced to flee Izmir. He returned to Jerusalem, although the dates of his stay there are unclear.27 Razuf Ahavah (40: 152 ff. irregular foliation), printed in 1649, has an accompanying title, Appiryon Shelomoh, both words taken from “King Solomon (Shelomoh) made himself a palanquin (appiryon) from the wood of Lebanon. He made its pillars of silver, its back of gold, its seat of purple, its interior inlaid with love (razuf ahavah) by the daughters of Jerusalem” (Song of Songs 3:9–10). The title page informs us that Razuf Ahavah is

27 Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei veHakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizrah III (Jerusalem, 2006), pp. 1745–48 [Hebrew].

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Figure 15.7 Title page Sod Yesharim

built upon ammudei shesh (“pillars of marble,” Song of Songs 5:15 also, of six [shesh] pillars): justice (din); peace (shalom); truth (emet); Torah; avodah (Divine service); gemilut hasadim (lovingkindness), “built with turrets” (Song of Songs 4:4). I entitled this work Razuf Ahavah in that it is a continuation and joined to the work Ahavat Olam (Constantinople, 1642–43) that I wrote. At this time, when I prepared a second edition I called it Appiryon Shelomoh, adding explanations of many verses and sayings relevant to Torah, huppa (“wedding”), milah (“hospitality”), and on some of the language of the Rambam. There is an introduction from Algazi, in which he explains his methodology. The text comprises Razuf Ahavah and Appiryon Shelomoh on facing pages. The

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Figure 15.8 Text pages (riddles and solutions) Sod Yesharim

volume concludes with an addendum for Yavin Shemu’ah (Venice, 1639), an earlier work of Algazi’s. Our final title, R. Solomon ben Isaac Marino’s (d. 1670) Tikkun Olam (40: 60, 60–67, 69–191, [1] ff.) is, as noted above, a commentary on the book of Isaiah. Printed in 1652, it is the last Hebrew book published by the de’ Rossi press. Marino served as rabbi in Padua, where he was the sole rabbinic figure to survive the devastating plague commemorated in his Tefilah le-Zman shelo Tavo ha-Mageifa (Venice, 1630). A graduate of the University of Padua, Marino wrote critically “of those he had seen who ‘desired to learn and understand philosophy without prior learning of our holy Torah.’”

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Figure 15.9 Title page Likkutei ha-Ma’asim

At the top of the title page, within a separate frame of florets, is the verse “To perfect the world (le-takken olam) through the Almighty’s sovereignty” (Aleinu prayer), from which the title of the book is taken. The concise text states that it is a commentary on Isaiah written by Marino to honor the Lord and that the sponsor was R. Abraham Hai Ortona. It is dated “O house ‫( בית‬412 = 1652) of Jacob, come, and let us walk in the light of the Lord” (Isaiah 2:5). Tikkun Olam is dedicated to Marino’s teacher, R. Solomon Meldola, and below it is an introduction from Ortona (2a), who also wrote the dedication. Next are two pages of verse; the initial letters of the first poem form an acrostic of Marino’s name, the second, by the anonyomous editor, possibly Ortona or the worker

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Figure 15.10

named at the end, R. Moses Simeon ben Shabbetai Basilea, begins “To perfect the world through the Almighty’s sovereignty,” and in bold letters includes the names Marina (sic) and Solomon. There is an introduction from Marino, who entitled the work Tikkun Olam as the intent was to indicate the restoration of the world as it was prior to the sin of Adam. The text comprises verses from Isaiah in square unvocalized Hebrew followed by Marino’s commentary in rabbinic type. Tikkun Olam is the last Hebrew book printed by the Francesco de’ Rossi press. Meir Benayahu and Ch. B. Friedberg concur that it was Aboab’s departure in 1650 to accept a position as rabbi in Venice that resulted in the press closing. He was not only responsible for the founding of the press, but students from his yeshivah worked in the printshop. With Aboab’s leaving, Hagiz could

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not continue in Verona for long and even his Ez Hayyim had to be completed in Livorno. Subsequently, Hebrew printing in Verona ceased for a century.28 What of the books printed by the press and the quality of the typography? There is a pattern in the design of several of the larger title pages. The text is surrounded by a row of florets and at the top of the title page in most of the books a small row of florets sets apart either the book title or a verse indicative of the title. The quality of the typography is uneven, at best. Several authors complain about errors in their books—for example, Kisot le-Veit David is replete with errors; Judah Asahel Del Bene, the author, complains bitterly about the quality of the work.29 As noted above, much of the printing-house staff came from Aboab’s yeshivah and were not necessarily skilled craftsmen. With the caveat as to the workmen’s inexperience, an examination of the title and text pages reproduced here does not appear to support the opinion, noted above, as to the great deterioration of seventeenth-century print work. What were the books printed at the de’ Rossi press? There were books on Talmudic exegesis, R. Samson ben Isaac of Chinon’s (c. 1260–c. 1330) Sefer Keritut together with R. Jacob Hagiz’s Tehillat Hokhmah, as well as Razuf Ahavah, novellae, and Ein Yisrael, Talmudic aggadot, and the first part of Hagiz’s Ez Hayyim on Mishnayot—all this despite the fact that the Talmud was a banned book that was not to be printed and learned, save for the highly censored Basle Talmud. No halakhic titles were published by the press, but there is a philosophical or, more correctly, an anti-philosophical work, Kisot le-Veit David, and a biblical commentary, Tikkun Olam, on Isaiah. What perhaps stands out the most is the proportion of popular works, whether nostrums and riddles, such as Leone (Judah Aryeh) Modena’s Sod Yesharim, and collections of Midrashim and tales, such as Likkutei ha-Ma’asim and Hibbur Ma’asiot ve-ha-Midrashot ve-haHaggadot. Added to this are prayer books for each of the diverse communities that comprise Italian Jewry: not bad for a short-lived Hebrew press. Finally, what of Francesco de’ Rossi? He printed Italian books regularly, if not in great number, contemporary with the publication of the Hebrew titles. De’ Rossi continued to publish, again not a great number of works, after the Hebrew press closed, apparently as late as 1657, but it seems that he ceased publishing soon thereafter. Whether he subsequently continued to print in Verona or elsewhere, or whether, having lost a lucrative part of his business with the closing of the Hebrew part of his press, he ceased to publish right away is not evident. 28 29

Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” p. 194; Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 85. Benayahu, “Concerning the Printing and Distribution of Books in Italy,” p. 173.

Chapter 16

On the Identity of the First Printers in Slavuta There is a mystique to books printed in Slavuta.1 They are especially valued in Hasidic circles, more so than other contemporaneous books. The attraction of Slavuta imprints can be attributed to their high quality, to the origin of the press, its Hasidic background, and, most importantly, to its tragic demise, beginning with a dispute with the Romm press in Vilna and ending at the hands of the anti-Semitic Russian government. Slavuta is today located in Ukraine. Originally part of Poland, Slavuta was annexed by Russia after the second partition of Poland (1793), becoming part of the province of Volhynia. The publication of Hebrew books in Slavuta dates from 1791, when it was still part of Poland. Almost three hundred books, including Talmudic tractates numbered as individual titles, were printed in the four-and-a-half decades that a Hebrew press was active in Slavuta.2 The printer’s name is absent from the title pages of the first Slavuta imprints, and afterwards, when names do appear on the title pages, confusion reigns as to the identity and number of printers active in that location. There is speculation that the names of the printers that do appear on many of the subsequent Slavuta imprints are meant to obfuscate rather than reveal their true identity. A number of suggestions have been made as to the identity of the unnamed printer or printers. Despite, or perhaps due to, the confusion as to the identity of that first printer(s), there have been several suggestions as to his (their) identity. Several bibliographers have determined, correctly, that the Slavuta press was in fact established by R. Moses Shapira (c. 1760–1839). What has not been done, however, is a critical review the history of the press, the various proposals, and, by analyzing their merits and demerits, a clear determination that Moses Shapira was indeed the founder of the Slavuta press. What follows, then, is not so much 1 The original version of this article was published in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2011), pp. 269–81. I would like to thank R. Jerry Schwarzbard, the Henry R. and Miriam Ripps Schnitzer Librarian for Special Collections, The Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary, for reading this article and for his comments. 2 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Part I Indexes, Books and Authors, Bibles, Prayers and Talmud, Subjects and Printers, Chronology and Languages, Honorees and Institutes; Part II Places of Print Sorted by Hebrew Names of Places where Printed including Author, Subject, Place, and Year Printed, Name of Printer, Number of Pages and Format, with Annotations and Bibliographical References (Jerusalem, 1993–95), II, pp. 490–96 [Hebrew].

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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the unraveling of a bibliographic mystery as an attempt to make order out of the confusion, address in detail the early history of the Slavuta press, and conclusively prove that Moses Shapira was the first printer in Slavuta. Twenty books, dated from 1791 through 1798, are recorded for Slavuta, all lacking the name of the printer. Printing began in 1791 with a Pentateuch, followed, in 1792, by Reishit Hohkmah, the kabbalistic ethical work of R. Elijah ben Moses de-Vidas (16th century), Rav Yeivi (below), the Hasidic homilies of R. Jacob Joseph ben Judah Leib of Ostrog (1738–91), and the testament of R. Naphtali ben Isaac Katz (1645–1719). The books printed in 1793 are the renowned anonymous ethical Orhot Zaddikim, Zohar Hadash, and Seder haYom of R. Moses ben Judah ibn Makhir, Oneg Shabbat of R. Reuben Hoeshke ben Hoeshke Katz (d. 1673), Shulhan Arukh Ha-Ari of R. Isaac Luria (ha-Ari ha-Kodesh, 1534–72), and Tikkunei Zohar and Tiferet Yisrael of R. Judah ben Bezalel Loew (Maharal, c. 1525–1609). The remainder of the titles, printed without the name of the printer, include important Hasidic works, such the first part of the Tanya (Likkutei Amarim) of R. Shneur Zalman of Liady (Ba’al ha-Tanya, Alter Rebbe, 1745–1813), Noam Elimelech of R. Elimelech of Lyzhansk (1717–87), Yismah Lev and Me’or Einayim of R. Menahem Nahum Twersky of Chernobyl (1730–98), Kedushat Levi of R. Levi Isaac of Berdichev (1740–1810), and halakhic works such as Torat haBayit from R. Solomon ben Abraham Adret (Rashba, c. 1235–1310). The title pages of these first imprints give the place, date of publication, the latter in a chronogram, and the domain in Hebrew. In one case only, Rav Yeivi (see figure 16.1), a relatively large folio work (33 cm) printed on bluish paper, is the text of the title pages given in Polish as well as in Hebrew. All of these titles have approbations (hacomas) from prominent rabbis, which, as we shall see, are of considerable importance in resolving the identity of the printer(s).3 Although the name of the printer(s) is absent, the title pages state clearly that they were printed in Slavuta, and identify the person(s) who brought the book to press, that is, the patron(s) responsible for its publication. For example, Reishit Hohkmah was brought to press by R. Issachar Ber ben Zevi Hirsch of Korets; Rav Yeivi by R. Eliakim Gaetz, R. Judah Leib, and R. Pinehas; Zohar Hadash by R. Ezekiel ben Phinehas, Moses Shapira’s half-brother; and Noam Elimelech by R. Israel Abraham ben Meshullam Zussman, brother of the author, together with R. Samuel ben Nathan Nuta.

3 In addition to the titles noted above, several additional books are attributed to the Slavuta press in this period that are questionable, it being uncertain whether they were actually printed in Slavuta. We will not be concerned with those works here.

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In 1799, the text of the title pages begin to include the names of two printers. The Zohar and a Pentateuch printed that year are attributed to Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Jacob ben Moses.4 In 1801–02, a number of large and important works, such as the Arba’ah Turim, ha-Maggid (a Bible), Shulhan Arukh, and the tractates from the first Slavuta Talmud (1801–06) were printed. Here, too, the title pages identify the printers as Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Jacob ben Moses. Based on the evidence of these early imprints, many bibliographers have attempted to determine the true identity of the printer of the first Slavuta titles. In the 1932 edition of History of Hebrew Typography in Poland, Ch. Friedberg writes that “in 1792 … a Hebrew printing-press was established in Slavuta by, it would seem, the partners Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach.” Friedberg expresses some wonder at the omission of the partners’ names from the title pages of these books, given the high quality of their work. This notwithstanding, Friedberg observes that after Moses Shapira began to print, and he dates the Shapira press from 1808, the press of Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach, whose books fared badly in comparison, was unable to compete with the Shapira press and some time afterwards ceased to print.5 Two important reviews of History of Hebrew Typography in Poland appeared shortly after the publication of that book, both in Kiryat Sefer, by the noted bibliographers Abraham Yaari and Isaac Rivkind. Yaari, in the first review, enumerates more than a hundred titles issued by small printing presses, omitted by Friedberg, noting that addressing the lacunae in major cities would require a separate work. Among the books listed by Yaari are twenty-three titles printed in Slavuta from 1806 to 1836. Rivkind, in a long, detailed, and critical review of Friedberg’s book, discusses the chapter on Slavuta, remarking on what he considers to be the inadequate treatment of the controversy with the Vilna

4 One additional work, lacking the name of the printer, and of uncertain origin, is another part of the Tanya. The title page, which lacks the name of the printer, gives the place of printing as Slavuta. The 1799 Slavuta edition of the Tanya is listed by Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sepharim (Tel Aviv, 1951), tof 565 [Hebrew]. This edition is noted as doubtful in the Thesaurus, p. 491, no. 23, and is recorded in Joshua Mondshein, Torat Habad: Bibliography of Habad Hasiduth Books I—Lekutei Amoraim, Sefer ha-Tanya, its Editions, Translations and Commentaries (1796– 1981) (Brooklyn, 1981), p. 36 [Hebrew], as a Zolkiew imprint. Concerning the confusion as to the place of printing, see Mondshein, Torat Habad, p. 36, n. 2. The title page of the 1799 Tanya states that it contains the third part of that work, which was not previously printed in Slavuta, but, somewhat lower on the title page, in smaller letters, printed in Zolkiew. 5 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Poland from its Beginning in the Year 1534 and its Development to the Present (Antwerp, 1932), p. 77 [Hebrew].

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printers. Neither reviewer, however, challenges Friedberg’s sequence of events concerning the establishment of the Slavuta press.6 A detailed review of the first books published in Slavuta was undertaken by Haim Liberman, who challenges the accepted order of events. Liberman, who is primarily interested in identifying the printer of the first edition of the Tanya, suggests that the printer of the first Slavuta imprints, that is, those books issued prior to 1798, intentionally omitted his name, in order to cloud his identity. Formal authorization to print had not yet been secured from the Russian government, and in the absence of such consent it was politic to be circumspect. Nevertheless, there can be no question as to the identity of that printer, for a considerable body of evidence points to Moses Shapira as the one who established the first Hebrew printshop in Slavuta. This evidence comprises Russian archival material, Hasidic tradition, approbations, and other documents.7 Liberman notes that Russian records, although of dubious reliability, date the opening of the Shapira press to 1790. Hasidic tradition attributes the printing of the first edition of the Tanya to Moses Shapira. The Shapira press was selected by Shneur Zalman as an act of gratitude to Shapira’s father, the zaddik R. Phinehas ben Abraham of Korets (1726–91), from whom the Ba’al ha-Tanya had benefited greatly. Another reason, given in an account of the family by a descendant, attributes the patronage of Shneur Zalman to the quality of the work of the Shapira press, as well as to the fact that no works of the Haskalah (Enlightenment, Reform) were printed in Slavuta. Indeed, the first rebbe of Lubavitch reputedly traveled to Slavuta to meet with Moses Shapira a number of times, discouraging him from printing such works.8 Zikaron ha-Zaddikim informs us that Shapira became wealthy as a result of this patronage. Further evidence of a connection between Shapira and Shneur Zalman can be seen from the detour made by Shapira when he traveled to St. Petersburg to obtain a license to print, for Shapira is reputed to have stopped at Liady to meet with the Ba’al ha-Tanya, who counseled him on how to best proceed to obtain the desired permit.9

6 I. Rivkind, “Contributions to the History of Hebrew Printing in Poland,” Kiryat Sefer (KS) XI (1934), pp. 100–01 [Hebrew]; Abraham Yaari, “Review of History of Hebrew Printing in Poland,” KS IX (1933), pp. 437–38 [Hebrew]. 7 Haim Liberman, “Hebrew Printing in Slavuta,” KS 27 (1951); reprint in Ohel RHL (Brooklyn, 1980), I, pp. 199–202 [Hebrew]. 8 Chava Shapira, “The Brothers Slavuta,” ha-Shelo’ah 30 (1914), p. 542 [Hebrew]. 9 Liberman, “Hebrew Printing in Slavuta,” pp. 199–200.

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Evidence as to the identity of the anonymous printer can be found in the approbations in the Slavuta imprints from this period. Although the name of the printer is absent from the title pages, these approbations, which often mention different individuals, allude, in a number of instances, to the identity of the printer. Liberman informs us that the approbation of R. Jacob Samson of Shepetovka (d. 1801), Av Beit Din of Slavuta, to Noam Elimelekh (1794) states that it is given to the distinguished Moses, the son of the holy Phinehas. Jacob Samson continues: “I have also seen books that were printed previously [by him] and all that he has done is very good.” Not all approbations are so explicit. In Abraham ben Mordecai’s Hesed le Avraham (1794), the name of the printer is mentioned in a cryptic manner, that is, as “the son of Phinehas,” leaving no doubt in the knowledgeable reader’s mind that it is Moses Shapira, the son of Phinehas ben Abraham of Korets, who is the recipient of the approbation. No approbation makes mention of Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach. Another conclusion as to the early printer in Slavuta was drawn by Gershom Scholem, who ascribes the Slavuta press to Phinehas [ben Abraham of Korets] Shapira, presumably also based on the approbations. Scholem describes the Zohar Hadash and Tikkunei Zohar as “Slobuta [‘Slawita’], Pinchas Shapira, 5593 [1793]. [1], 121 Bl. 40. Slobuta [‘Slawita’], Pinchas Shapira, 5553 [1793].”10 Clearly, Phinehas Shapira, who died in 1791, was not the printer of either the Zohar Hadash or Tikkunei Zohar. The approbations to other books, for example, Moses ben Judah ibn Makhir’s Seder ha-Yom and to Torat ha-Bayit, do not comment on the identity of the printer. Nevertheless, the approbation to the latter work refers to the approbation to Hesed le-Avraham, thus inferring the same printer issued both works. It should also be noted that typographical material is shared by these works, further suggesting that they were issued by the same printshop. Despite the array of evidence marshaled by Liberman that the printer of the first edition of the Tanya was Moses Shapira, he concludes with the caveat that it is also possible that the printshop of Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach—initially the second partner was Jacob ben Moses—was also open at an early date, for when R. Shneur Zalman wanted to have the Talmud and the Arba’ah Turim published in 1801, the press he turned to was that of the two partners. They printed a number of important works, for example, the

10 Gershom (Gerhard) Scholem, Bibliographia Kabbalistica; Verzeichnis der gedruckten … (Leipzig, 1927), pp. 176, n. 7 and 178, n. 12.

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Zohar (1798 and 1809), Arba’ah Turim (1801), Ein Ya’akov (1806 and 1812), and Hilkhot Rav Alfas (1807–10).11 This sequence of events was subsequently accepted by Friedberg, for in the second enlarged edition of his History of Hebrew Typography in Poland he begins the chapter on Slavuta by stating: “In the city of Slavuta in the province of Volhynia, which, at that time, was under the rule of Duke Hieronomous Yevstai Sangushka … a Hebrew press was established in 1791, with the permission of the aforementioned duke, by the rabbi of the community, Moses Shapira.”12 Liberman suggests that the absence of the name of the printer on books printed before official authorization for a Hebrew press in Slavuta had been granted by the Russian government is not without difficulties. Slavuta did not, as noted earlier, become part of Russia until 1793. This is reflected on the title pages of the first books, where the authority acknowledged, and for some time afterwards as well, is that of the Polish duke Yevstai Sangushka, to whom the town of Slavuta belonged as part of his feudal estates. It would seem, then, that prior to 1793 Russian authorization should not have been required. Moses Shapira opened his press and issued titles prior to 1793, and his name is absent from those books as well. There is no evidence that acquiring authorization was an issue for the Slavuta printer in the dissolving Polish kingdom. Furthermore, why, if the printer had to conceal his identity, is the place and date of printing stated on the title page, which would make identification of the press a simple matter? Also, as noted above, many title pages, while not mentioning Moses Shapira or any other printer, do identify the individuals who brought the work to press. For example, on the title pages of Reishit Hohkmah (1792) and Zohar Hadash (1793), respectively, the names of R. Issachar Ber ben Zevi Hirsch of Korets and R. Ezekiel ben Phinehas, the latter Moses Shapira’s half-brother, appear prominently. Why are their names, and especially that of a Shapira, mentioned on the title page of Zohar Hadash if the intent was obfuscation? Indeed, a work based on Russian archives that discusses the first decade of printing in Slavuta in passing only, The Drama of Slavuta, by Saul Moiseyevich Ginsburg, provides another view of contemporary events that addresses our 11

For further discussion of the selection of Slavuta to print the Tanya, see Shalom Dov Ber ha-Levi Wolpe, in Kfar Habad 692 (1995), pp. 36–37. 12 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography in Poland from its Beginning in the Year 1534 and its Development to the Present…. Second Edition, Enlarged, Improved and Revised from the Sources (Tel Aviv, 1950), p. 104 [Hebrew]. Unless otherwise noted, all further references to the History of Hebrew Typography in Poland will be to this edition.

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concerns, although it does not explain the absence of the printer’s name from the title pages. Ginsburg writes that Tsarina Catherine II, through a separate command of the year 1783, permitted the opening of printing presses without special permission. The Hasidim made broad use of the Tsarist command that was valid for fifteen years. Many towns in Volhynia and Podolia, containing Jewish populations, belonged in those days to the feudal lords (Poritzim). The feudal lord (Poritz) would collect “tax” (rental fees) for the ground on which their houses stood…. Many of the new Jewish printing houses were opened in that time with the permission of the feudal lords. In 1792 he [Moses Shapira] opened, with the permission of Count Sangushka, a Jewish printing press in Slavuta. Later, when the laws concerning printing establishments in Russia were changed, he also obtained special permission for his printing press from the Gubernator of Volhynia in December, 1819.13 Catherine II, Tsarina of Russia from 1762, daughter of Christian Augustus, prince of Anhalt-Zerbst, and wife of Czar Peter III, succeeded her husband, who reigned a mere six months. His brutal and erratic manner, coupled with his unpopular policies, resulted in an army coup, perhaps organized by his wife, in which Peter was killed in 1762. A student of the French Enlightenment, Catherine supported liberal and book arts, although after the French Revolution she became increasingly conservative. She issued an ukase (“decree”), dated January 27, 1783, permitting the establishment of printshops without official license, a situation that lasted for about fifteen years. Catherine supported a system of local government which strengthened the authority of the local aristocracy, and, in the Charter to the Nobility of 1785, Catherine increased the control of landlords over peasants and serfs. Catherine was succeeded by her son, Paul I (1754–1801), known as the Mad Czar, who reigned briefly, until he was assassinated in 1801. In the short time that he ruled, Paul attempted to undo much of what his mother had instituted. Nevertheless, one of his first acts, on February 16, 1797, was to confirm one of

13

Saul Moiseyevich Ginsburg, The Drama of Slavuta, translated by Ephraim H. Prombaum (Lanham, MD, 1991), pp. 28–30.

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Catherine’s last ukases, that which ordered unauthorized presses closed and established a bureau of censorship.14 Many Hasidic presses had opened in Volhynia and Podolia during the period when controls were relatively lax. Taxes and rental fees for the properties where the presses was located were paid to the local lord, Count Sangushka, in Slavuta. Liberman, among others, informs us that a large number of Hebrew printing-houses, beginning with Oleksinetz in 1767, existed in the region.15 While the majority printed a very small number of works, were active for a brief period of time, and were not contemporaneous, their very existence attests to the relatively hospitable climate that allowed them to flourish. It is during this period that the Slavuta press was established, presumably by Moses Shapira. When the laws concerning printing-houses changed, and that would be around 1798, Moses Shapira applied for permission for his press from the governor of Volhynia. When the laws were again revised in 1819, Moses Shapira requested and received special permission from the gubernator of Volhynia to continue operating his press.16 This political situation conforms with Ginsburg’s account of events. If Moses Shapira was the printer of the first books in Slavuta, and it appears that he was, there was no need for him to conceal his identity from the Russian authorities. Before we seek other reasons for the omission of his name from the title pages of the first Slavuta imprints, there is the printing press attributed to the partners Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach to consider, as well as an additional and more recent suggestion concerning other proprietors of the Slavuta press in its first decade of its existence.17 The names of the printers appear, beginning in 1799, on the title pages of the books printed in Slavuta. In that year, as mentioned above, two titles, a Zohar and a Pentateuch, were published; the names of the printers are given as Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Jacob ben Moses. Six titles are credited to the press in 1801, the Arba’ah Turim, ha-Maggid (a Bible), and four Talmudic treatises (including an Order of Mishnayot). These tractates are part of the first Slavuta 14 Enyclopedia Britannica, V, pp. 526–28 and XXIII, pp. 901–03. See also K. Waliszewski, Paul the First of Russia, the Son of Catherine the Great (London, 1913; reprint Hamden, UK, 1969), pp. 113–14. 15 Haim Liberman, “Fabrication and Truth Concerning the Hasidic Presses,” Ohel RHL [Hebrew]. (Brooklyn, 1984), III, pp. 19–20. 16 Ginsburg, The Drama of Slavuta, pp. 30–31; Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971–72), III, p. 650. 17 For an anecdotal account of the founding of the Slavuta press by Moses Shapira, see B. Faigon, “Ha-Rav of Liady and the Printer from Slavuta,” in Marbeh Seforim, Marbeh Hachmah (Tel Aviv, n.d.), pp. 219–26.

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Talmud, which was completed in 1806. The printers’ names, as given on the title pages of these works, are Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach. Printing the Talmud was the primary occupation of the Slavuta press during those years, although other, important works were also issued. For example, in 1802, in addition to nine tractates, a Shulhan Arukh and a prayer book, Seder ha-Yom, were published, and in the following year Orhot Zaddikim and three tractates appeared. The year 1804 was an especially productive one, for, in addition to seven tractates, a Zohar and a large prayer book, Siddur mi-ha-Ari Kol Ya’acov, were printed. The prayer book was arranged by R. Jacob Koppel Lipshitz, the author of Sha’arie Gan Eden and an important kabbalist. Thirteen tractates were printed in 1805, in addition to a Pentateuch, selihot, Avodat haKodesh of the Rashba, Porat Yosef, and the novellae of R. Joseph ben Benjamin Samegah (d. 1629). In 1806, the year that this Talmud edition was completed, the press also issued an Ein Ya’akov. These titles indicate that the Slavuta press was not only able to undertake a major project such as an edition of the Talmud, but was able to simultaneously print other significant works. The title pages of that Talmud, a large folio edition, inform us that it was printed R. Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach. The monarch mentioned on the title page is Alexander I, who became czar after the assassination of his father, Paul I, in 1801. Initially reform-minded, Alexander eventually became reactionary, and, after the Napoleonic Wars, attempted to form a world order, the Holy Alliance (Grand Alliance), based on Christian principles. This Talmud has seven approbations with twelve signatures (four rabbis at the klaus in Ostrog) prohibiting the printing of a rival edition for twenty-five years. None of the approbations mention the printers, who are given on the title pages as Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach.18 The approbation of the Kedushat Levi is granted to Mordecai ben Baruch and Shalom Shakhna ben Noah, to bring “to the press in Slavuta, the most excellent and praiseworthy in the land, the Babylonian Talmud, based on the example of the Amsterdam and Vienna editions, and also the work of Rabbenu 18 Among the signatories are R. Aryeh Leib ben Shalom ha-Levi, Av Beit Din (head of the rabbinical court) of Voltschek; R. Benjamin ben Aaron Broda, Av Beit Din of Grodno (d. 1818); R. Jacob Samson of Shepetova, currently in Tiberias (d. 1801), who had been Av Beit Din of Slavuta; R. Judah Leib Aeurbach, Av Beit Din of Tarshin; R. Levi Isaac, Av Beit Din of Berdichev; R. Bezalel ben Meir Margolius of Zwahil and Ostrog; R. Asher Zevi ben David of Ostrog; R. Judah ben Zevi Hirsch of Ostrog; R. Judah Leib ben Abraham Abele of Kormenetz; R. Joel ha-Kohen ben Nahmun Katz of Byehov; R. Israel Jacob ben Moses Judah; and R. Jacob ben Nathan.

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Ya’akov ba’al ha-Turim with the [commentaries of Beit Yosef, and Darkhei Moshe and the annotations of R. Leib Henlish].” Liberman writes that R. Shneur Zalman of Liady was involved in the publication of this Talmud, although his name is not explicitly mentioned. He adduces this from the above statement in the approbation of the Kedushat Levi, that the work was brought to press by R. Mordecai ben Baruch and R. Shalom Shakhna ben Noah, the first the brother of Shneur Zalman of Liady and the second, Shalom Shakhna, Shneur Zalman’s son-in-law and the father of R. Menahem Mendel Schneersohn, the third rebbe of Lubavitch (Tzemah Tzedek 1789–1866). Furthermore, in the printed version of his approbation to the second Slavuta Talmud (1808–13), the Ba’al ha-Tanya writes that the two had acted on his behalf as his representatives.19 As we shall see, there are difficulties with this approbation, not least of which is the date of death of Shalom Shakhna, who, albeit mentioned in the past tense, appears to have died several years before the printing of this Talmud.20 The following year, 1807, the press turned its attention to another large work, Hilkhot Rav Alfas, which was completed in 1810, and it also reissued ha-Maggid. Here too, the printers’ names on the title pages are Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach. In 1808, the testament of R. Shabbetai ben Isaiah Horowitz was published and work began on the second Slavuta Talmud, which was completed in 1813. In the first year of printing, four tractates and Seder Zera’im were printed, followed, in 1809, by a Zohar, Pentateuch, and the first two parts of Lekutei ma-Haran of Rav Nahum of Bratslav (1772–1810). In 1810, a Passover Haggadah, Metzah Aaron, and seven tractates were published, followed by, in 1811, four tractates and an Ein Ya’akov. In 1812 the Ein Ya’akov was completed and seven additional tractates and Seder Tohorot were printed. The second Slavuta Talmud is generally attributed to Moses Shapira by Friedberg, Rabbinovicz, and Vinograd.21 Nevertheless, it is Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach whose names appear on the title pages of almost all the tractates in this Talmud (figs. 16.2a full page and 16.2b extract). Among the seven approbations accompanying this Talmud are approbations from Shneur Zalman of Liady, Aryeh Leib ben Shalom ha-Levi, R. Benjamin ben 19 Liberman, “Hebrew Printing in Slavuta,” p. 201. 20 Yitzhak Alfasi, Encyclopedia Li-Hassidut: Individuals (Jerusalem, 2004), pp. 894–95 [Hebrew], dates Shakhna’s death to prior to 1800. Hayyim Meir Heilman, Beit Rabbi (Berdichev, 1900; reprint, Ashdod, n.d.), p. 117 [Hebrew], suggests 1800 or earlier but references the approbation in an accompanying footnote. 21 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 77; Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions, ed. A. M. Habermann (Jerusalem, 1952), p. 129; and Vinograd, Thesaurus, II, p. 492.

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Figure 16.2a

Figure 16.2b

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Figure 16.3

Aaron Broda, and the Kedushat Levi.22 All of these rabbinic authorities, except for Shneur Zalman of Liady, who, as we have seen, was instrumental in the previous Talmud being brought to press, had granted approbations to the previous Slavuta Talmud, which was completed only two years earlier. The approbations given to the printers of the previous edition assigned them the exclusive rights to print the Talmud for a period of twenty-five years. Furthermore, the approbations granted to this second Slavuta Talmud are not new approbations but rather are reprints of the approbations granted to the printers of the previous Talmud. If, as many bibliographers believe, the second Talmud was printed by Moses Shapira, an explanation for approving a second Talmud edition by another printer within such a short time frame, and in the same location, prior to the expiration of the first approbation is required. The approbation granted by Shneur Zalman of Liady, as printed with tractate Berakhot includes the following paragraph (fig. 16.3): The proprietor of the press in the holy congregation of Slavuta, who vowed in his heart to again print the Babylonian Talmud and Arba’ah Turim at his praiseworthy press, which superior to all the presses in these lands, in the manner that it was printed there recently by my representatives, one is my brother, the distinguished, the noble, our teacher, Mordecai [may his light shine], and one of the people, and … the late [Shalom Shakhna], as is known to all, that I have written and sealed that they are my representatives…. to again print the Babylonian Talmud and Arba’ah Turim for a period of twenty-five years from the beginning of the above printing. 22

The other approbations were from Aryeh Leib ben Shalom, Av Beit Din of Voltschek, Judah Leib Aeurbach, Av Beit Din of Vishnitz, and Joseph, Av Beit Din of Kosentin.

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Figure 16.4

This approbation does not mention the name of Moses Shapira. However, the same approbation, as printed in the collected letters of Shneur Zalman of Liady (fig. 16.4), specifically mentions Shapira by name and omits that of Shalom Shakhna, stating: The Lord desired for His righteousness’s sake that the Torah be made great [Isaiah 42:21] and aroused a spirit of philanthropy in the princes of His people [Psalms 113:8], he is ha-Rav … the well-known, the distinguished in Torah and fear of the Lord, His treasure, the son of the holy, the honorable … Moses, Av Beit Din of the Congregation Slavuta, who vowed in his heart to the Lord to again print the Babylonian Talmud and Arba’ah Turim at his praiseworthy press … on all other printers and on all Israel, that they should not print the Talmud or the [Arba’ah Turim] for a period of twenty-five years from the beginning of the above printing,

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and now all the rights and privileges from the approbations of the above geonim are assigned to the honorable rav, mentioned above. This is the correct rendering of the text of the approbation, which, in the author’s handwriting, mentions Moses Shapira’s name rather than the reputed proprietors of the press.23 Until recently, bibliographers accepted the statements on the title pages of the first Talmud and other contemporary imprints that Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach were the printers of the books printed in Slavuta at this time. Samuel Weiner, in his catalogue of the Friedland Collection, ascribes the 1804–05 Zohar to “the partners: Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach.”24 Similarly, Gershom Scholem, in Bibliographia Kabbalistica, attributes the 1804–05 and 1809–10 editions of the Zohar to the partners; the 1815 edition of that work is credited to Moses Shapira. More recently, the Thesaurus, which attributes the first imprints to [Moses Shapira], attributes the first two editions of the Zohar, and such other works as the Siddur mi-haAri Kol Ya’akov, selihot, and Ein Ya’akov, to Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach.25 Liberman was not unaware of the confusion concerning the identity of the Slavuta printer. He arrives at different conclusions for two different works, Hesed le-Avraham (1794) and Hilkhot Rav Alfas (1807–10). He observes that Hesed le-Avraham has an approbation from R. [Jacob] Samson Av Beit Din of Slavuta, which was unquestionably given to Moses Shapira but printed without Shapira’s name. He attributes this to the printers’ being circumspect. Liberman adduces that Moses Shapira was printing in Slavuta in 1800, for in that year a compromise was arrived at between Shapira and the printer in Minkovtsy, Ezekiel ben Shevach, over the right to publish the Prophets and Writings, which were printed in Minkovtsy in 1800 and in Slavuta in 1801 (haMaggid).26 He writes concerning Hilkhot Rav Alfas, after noting that Moses Shapira was already printing in 1800, that the title pages mention the names of 23 Igrois Koidesh Admur Hazoken, Admur Ha-Emtza’ee, Admur HaTzemach Tzedek (sic) (Brooklyn, 1987), pp. 133–34 and, for a facsimile of the manuscript copy, p. 389. 24 Samuel Weiner, Kehilat Moshe (Jerusalem, 1969), II, p. 409, n. 3394A [Hebrew]. Weiner does not suggest a printer for works lacking the name of the printer, such as Yismah Lev (1798) from Menahem Nahum Twersky of Chernobyl (II, p. 625, n. 5085). 25 Scholem, Bibliographia Kabbalistica, p. 170, nos. 18, 21, and 25; Vinograd, Thesaurus, pp. 491–92, nos. 53, 75, and 76. 26 Liberman, “Hebrew Printing in Slavuta”, pp. 201–02. The compromise is printed at the beginning of the Book of Joshua in the Minkovtsy edition. Printing in Minkovtsy, Podolia, dates from 1796 when Ezekiel ben Shevach and two partners, Joseph ben Isaac and Moses ben Joseph printed Benjamin ben Aaron’s Amtachat Benjamin on Megillat Kohelet. The

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the two partners whereas the approbation from Judah Leib Aeurbach, printed with the second part of that work (1808), is given to Moses Av Beit Din of the Congregation Slavuta. Liberman concludes: “What is Moses Shapira’s name doing here? Wasn’t it [Hilkhot Rav Alfas] printed at the press of the partners? This matter requires consideration.”27 Friedberg, who initially suggested that the two printshops were in competition, had modified his position by the time that the History of Hebrew Typography in Poland was reissued in 1950. In the enlarged and revised edition of that work, Friedberg suggests that there was a business relationship between Moses Shapira and Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach. He writes that in about 1801 new typographical material was acquired and that management of the press was handed over to the two partners, whose names subsequently appeared on the title pages as the printers. As before, Moses Shapira continued to conceal his participation in the partnership. Friedberg concludes that there can be no question, however, as to Shapira’s involvement with the press. During the printing of the second Talmud, but prior to its completion, Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach withdrew from the press, leaving Moses Shapira as the sole proprietor. From this time on, Shapira’s name appears on the title page of Slavuta imprints.28 Whether Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach were proprietors or pseudonyms is not entirely resolved. What seems certain, however, whatever their true identity or role, is that they were not the primary proprietors of the press that bears their name. In 1813, the last year of publication of the second Talmud edition, tractates Hullin, Bekhorot, Arakhin, Keritot, Temurah, and Me’ilah were printed. All of these treatises, as did the earlier tractates, name Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach as the printers, with the exception of Bekhorot, which names Moses Shapira as the printer of the tractate. Why Moses Shapira placed his name on one tractate only is not clear. Furthermore, it is Moses Shapira’s name that appears on the title pages of subsequent works and on the title pages of the third Slavuta Talmud (1817–22, figs. 16.5a full page and extract 16.5b). On the final and incomplete Talmud (1835), beyond the scope of this article, the name of Moses Shapira’s son appears as “printed by the son of the Rav of Slavuta, the honorable Samuel Abraham Shapira.”

Prophets and Writings were the last works printed by Ezekiel ben Shevach in Minkovtsy. Concerning this press, see Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, pp. 121–22. 27 Liberman, “Hebrew Printing in Slavuta”, p. 202. 28 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, pp. 104–05.

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Figure 16.5b

Figure 16.5a

Perhaps the answer as to the identity of the proprietor of the Slavuta press is to be found in the approbation given by Shneur Zalman to Moses Shapira for the second Slavuta Talmud “to again (emphasis added) print the Babylonian Talmud,” suggesting a continuity between the two Talmud editions. It informs us how the Talmud could be reprinted in spite of restrictive approbations within such a short time frame in the same location, and suggests that we have been dealing with a single press, despite the different names on the title pages of the Slavuta imprints. The question has been raised, however, as to whether Moses Shapira was the sole proprietor of the Slavuta press. Writing on the bicentennial of the publication of the first edition of the Tanya, R. Shalom Ber Levin concludes that, based on a study of the approbations accompanying that work, in addition to Moses Shapira there were silent partners in the press. After briefly reviewing the uncertainty surrounding the identity of the printer of the first Slavuta

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imprints, the solutions offered by Friedberg and Liberman, Levin writes that Moses Shapira, even in the first years of the press, that is, from 1791 to 1798, did not direct the press by himself, for he was the rav of the community; rather, he had unnamed partners and directors.29 Levin finds an allusion to these silent partners in the approbation given to the Tanya by Meshullam Zusal of Anapoli, where he states that “the Lord aroused the spirit of the partners … Shalom Shakhna and Mordecai ben Samuel ha-Levi … to bring this work to press,” a phrase “customarily understood to refer to the printers rather than the representatives of the author.” Levin then comments that Shalom Shakhna “was not only a representative of Rabbenu ha-Zaken [Schneur Zalman] in printing the Tanya, but also a partner in its printing or in directing the press.” He observes that Schneur Zalman used similar language in referring to Shalom Shakhna and Mordecai ben Samuel in the introduction to the Tanya. We have already observed a like reference to Shalom Shakhna (and Mordecai ben Baruch) in the approbation issued by the Kedushat Levi to the first Slavuta Talmud. Levin finds further evidence, albeit circumstantial, in the fact that both men were occupied with printing for a considerable period of time, particularly in the publication of the works of Schneur Zalman. Mordecai ben Samuel was also involved in printing in a number of cities from 1806 to 1826, among them Shklov, where he printed, perhaps intermittently, from about 1806 to 1814; Kopys, where he was partners with Israel Jaffe; and Sudilkov, where the Rav Shulkan Arukh was published in 1826.30 Shalom Shakhna was involved in the publication of the Arba’ah Turim and the Talmud in Slavuta, as noted above, as well as the Tanya. The involvement of Shalom Shakhna and Mordecai ben Samuel Horowitz with the Slavuta press cannot be questioned. The argument that they were silent partners, that is, proprietors in the press, is not compelling. Levin notes that Shakhna and Horowitz’s primary purpose was the publication of the works of Schneur Zalman. As we have seen, Liberman determined that the printer of the first Slavuta imprints was Moses Shapira based on approbations granted to him for works in which there was no other reference to the 29 Shalom Dov Ber Levin, “Two Hundred Years Since the First Printing of the Tanya in Slavuta.” Kfar Habad 693 (1996), p. 52 [Hebrew]. 30 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, pp. 135–36, writes that Mordecai ben Samuel Horowitz opened his press in Shklov after printing in Kopys until 1810. Levin, “Two Hundred Years,” p. 52, however, based on Mondshein (Torat Habad, p. 55), notes that Mordecai ben Samuel, together with Isaac ben Samuel, printed an edition of the Tanya in Shklov in 1806 and that he was still active in Kopys as late as 1816, when the prayer book of Schneur Zalman was printed.

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printer. Furthermore, with the exception of the approbation of the Kedushat Levi to the first Talmud and the Arba’ah Turim, admittedly major works, the only books for which a relationship to these partners can be made are works written by the Ba’al ha-Tanya. In the case of the Kedushat Levi, the reference can also be understood, as Liberman does, to reflect the interest and approval of Schneur Zalman. We might inquire as to why their names are also absent from the books printed in Slavuta and when their involvement ceased. As noted above, at least two early Slavuta imprints, Reishit Hohkmah (1792) and Zohar Hadash (1793), state on their title pages that they were brought to press, respectively, by Issachar Ber ben Zevi Hirsch of Korets and Ezekiel ben Phinehas, Moses Shapira’s half-brother. On the title page of a slightly later work, Siddur mi-ha-Ari Kol Ya’akov (1804), the names of R. Aaron of Mezhirech and Issachar Ber ben Zevi Hirsch of Korets are mentioned as having brought the subject work to press. Following this mention is a comment as to the expenditure of their money to publish the book, a phrase reserved for the sponsors of a work. Were Issachar Ber and Ezekiel ben Phinehas early partners in the press, or, more likely, was their responsibility or participation limited to financing publications printed in Slavuta by Moses Shapira? Ezekiel ben Phinehas printed several kabbalistic books at presses owned by printers known for their piety. He was not, however, the proprietor of these presses. Yet a cautionary note is in order. The sponsor of Me’or Einayim (1798) is referred to on the title page in a more customary manner—that is, “at the command and expense” of Elijah ben Zev Wolf. In short, he was a sponsor only, likely without further involvement in the volume’s publication. Shalom Shakhna and Mordecai ben Samuel, in contrast, were involved in the publication of the works of Schneur Zalman, taking great interest and care in their printing, reflecting their responsibility to the Ba’al ha-Tanya. This did not necessitate, however, their being proprietors. Nevertheless, whatever the involvement of Shalom Shakhna and Mordecai ben Samuel in the Slavuta press, and Dov Baer ben Israel Segal and Dov Baer ben Pesach as well, it is evident that it was Moses Shapira who managed and bore primary responsibility for that printshop. He was the printer of the Slavuta books issued from 1791 to 1798 and managed the press later, giving it over to his sons when he retired. Turning to Moses Shapira, we find that he was a scion of the Spira (Spiro, Shapira) family, whose members shared a reputation for piety, charity, and good works. He was the descendant of a long line of Talmudic scholars, among them R. Nathan Nata ben Samson Spira (d. 1577), rabbi of Grodno and author of Mebo Shearim, which is on the classical work on shehitah; Sha’arei Dura (Cracow, 1574); and Imrei Shefer, a super-commentary on the Torah commentary of Rashi (Cracow/Lublin, 1597). R. Spira’s grandson, R. Nathan Nata ben

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Solomon Spira (1585–1633), Rabbi of Cracow, wrote both Talmudic and kabbalistic books, including two distinct works entitled Megalleh Amukkot, one containing two hundred and fifty-two explanations of Moses’s prayer in the verse in Deuteronomy 3:23 (Cracow, 1637), and the other being a Torah commentary (Lemberg, 1795). Among this Spira’s students was the famed R. Shabbetai b. Meir Kohen (Shakh, 1622–63).31 Moses Shapira’s grandfather was R. Abraham Abba Shapira ben Phinehas of Shklov, a Lithuanian Talmudic scholar. Forced to flee Lithuania as the result of a false accusation, Abraham Abba resettled in Miropol, Volhynia. Although he came from a mitnagid (opponents of Hasidism) environment, Abraham Abba met the Ba’al Shem Tov and was sufficiently impressed to urge his son to join the new movement.32 Abraham Abba’s son, Moses Shapira’s father, was the zaddik R. Phinehas ben Abraham of Korets (1726–91).33 Born in Shklov, Phinehas resided, at various times, in Korets, Ostrog, and Shepetovka, but is known as the Koretser from his long residence there.34 His signature on his correspondence includes the family name Shapira, an unusual usage for the time, done because he cherished the name, tracing it back to Speyer in the Middle Ages.35 Phinehas was, in addition to his Talmudic scholarship, well versed in grammar and philosophy, and a student of the Zohar. Although deeply influenced by the Ba’al Shem Tov, whom he credited with changing his life, subsequently devoting himself

31 Yet another Spira (Shapira) of the same name, Nathan Nata ben Reuben David Tebele Spira (d. 1666), grandson of the second Nathan Nata, was a renowned kabbalist. He served as rabbi of a number of Polish communities before settling in the Land of Israel, where he became rabbi of the Ashkenaz community. This Spira died in Italy, having gone there to raise funds for the community in Israel, which was in dire financial straits. 32 Milton Aron, Ideas and Ideals of the Hassidim (New York, 1969), p. 63. 33 Korets was not only a center of Hasidut, but was, perhaps for that reason, also home to four Hebrew printshops, some associated with presses in Shklov, Nowy Dwor, and Ostraha. The Thesaurus records 135 titles attributed to Korets between the years 1776 and 1824 (pp. 599–602). Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, pp. 73–75, discusses Hebrew printing in Korets. 34 Korets, currently in Ukraine, but previously part of Poland, was one of the oldest Jewish communities in that land, dating back to the thirteenth century. Between 1766 and 1819, four Hebrew presses in Korets, a number of them associated with presses in Shklov, Nowy Dwor, and Ostrog, printed almost one hundred books, primarily works of Kabbalah and Hasidus, which were an important factor in the spread of Hasidism. Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971–72), X, cols. 1202–03. 35 Isaac Rafael, On Hasidus and Hasidim (Jerusalem, 1991), p. 75, n. 23. Another distinguished family that traced its origins to Speyer is the Soncino family of printers, who traced their ancestry to the thirteenth-century Tosafist R. Moses of Speyer.

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to mystical studies, Phinehas did not regard himself as a student of the founder of the Hasidic movement.36 Moses Shapira was born about 1760/62 to Treina bat Jonah, the first wife of Phinehas, who died in the forest, where she had fled to escape from a plague ravaging the city.37 From his youth, Moses Shapira demonstrated a proficiency in graphic arts, so that his father, who believed that a person should be selfsupporting and who adhered to the injunction that a man should teach his son a craft (ref. Kiddushin 82a), had him instructed in—or Moses Shapira, sharing that belief, taught himself—the engravers’ craft. The letters that he engraved “excelled in their beauty and clarity. Jews used to say that ‘the Holy Presence rested on them.’”38 Moses Shapira, and his sons after him, was the primary employer in Slavuta, engaging both Jewish and non-Jewish workers. It seems that they were highly regarded by all, and when charges were later brought against the Shapiras they were neither initiated nor supported by their employees. The Shapiras printed works of an orthodox nature only, of Hasidic, ethical, or halakhic content, with the total and intentional exclusion of haskalah titles. His reputation for piety, humility, and charity, together with the quality of his press work, gained Moses Shapira’s printshop a positive reputation in religious circles. This must certainly have been a factor in Shneur Zalman of Liady’s selection of the Slavuta press, in addition to any sense of gratitude to Phinehas of Korets, as the printshop for the first edition of the Tanya. In addition, Moses Shapira was also the rav and Av Beit Din in Slavuta. There was, as noted above, a second rav in the community, R. Jacob Samson of Shepetovka, and it seems that Shapira served in that capacity infrequently. Friedberg suggests that it was because of his position as rav in Slavuta that Moses Shapira did not place his name on the title pages of the Slavuta imprints.39 In conclusion, Moses Shapira was a skilled craftsman and was, through that craft, self-supporting. He was known for his piety, integrity, and humility. Descended from a distinguished rabbinic family, Shapira would not have done 36 Rafael, On Hasidus and Hasidim, p. 76. 37 Hayyim Shapira, “A Genealogical Manuscript of the Descendants of Rabbi Phinehas of Korets and Rabbi Zusha of Anapoli,” Siftei Zaddikim III (1991), pp. 89–90. Shapira further informs us that Phinehas was earlier engaged to a Zlota, but broke off that engagement. His first marriage to Hannah of Hemmelnick ended in divorce when her brothers attempted to trick Phinehas into violating the stringencies he observed in regard to Passover. 38 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 104; Ginsburg, The Drama of Slavuta, pp. 29–30; Shapira, “The Brothers Slavuta,” p. 542. 39 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, p. 104.

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anything to sully his or his family’s reputation. Given the responsibilities of his rabbinic position and the potential conflict, no matter how unlikely, between those duties and his chosen craft, it seems likely that Moses Shapira intentionally separated his professional activities and rabbinic duties to avoid any suggestion of impropriety. There is no reference in any source for the two partners whose names appear on the title pages of early Slavuta imprints, suggesting that they are pseudonyms. There are, however, allusions and references in the approbations to Moses Shapira. Together with what we know of his personality, we have credible support for the position that for the period under consideration Moses Shapira was not only the first printer in Slavuta but was the only printer in Slavuta.

Part 3 Christian-Hebraism

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Christian interest in and study of Jewish texts is the subject of the two articles comprising this section. The motivation for such Christian studies varies. Some Christians studied Jewish texts to learn about the sources related to early Christianity. However, as Elisheva Carlebach informs, “some of the Christian talmudists were animated by polemical anti-Jewish motives.”1 The first article, “Hebrew printing in Altdorf: A Brief Christian-Hebraist Phenomenon,” discusses the output of the university in that location, which was a center of Christian-Hebraism. The Altona Jewish-related works are often polemics. There are varying enumerations of the titles printed in Altdorf; the National and University Library of Israel lists thirty-eight titles printed in Altdorf through 1765, these being mainly Latin works with varying amounts of Hebrew. However, in the seventeenth century, our subject period, ten titles only are recorded. In addition, there are a number of works, not in most enumerations, that pertain to the works of Christian-Hebraists. Among the prominent Christian-Hebraists associated with Altona are Theodricus Hackspan, a Lutheran theologian and Orientalist, and Christoph Wagenseil, the most prominent Christian-Hebraist in Altdorf and who translated the Mishnaic tractate Sotah into Latin. Wagenseil was, according to Frank E. Manuel, among the Christian-Hebraists who used their learning to cast aspersions on Talmudic texts and other Jewish writings.2 Another translator of Mishnayot, this of Avodah Zarah and Tamid into Latin, also with annotations, was by the Christian-Hebraist Gustavo Peringero, a student of Johann Christoph Wagenseil. These works, as well as others, are discussed in the chapter. Notably, the first Hebrew title printed in Altdorf was R. Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen’s Sefer Nizzahon (Liber Nizachon Rabbi Lipmanni), a Jewish polemic, published in 1644. Such works were published so that they might be refuted. In contrast to the above, the second article, “Christian-Hebraism in England: William Wotten and the First Translation of the Mishnah into English,” concerns one individual only, William Wotten, a Protestant victor, a prodigy and a polymath. Today he is primarily remembered for his collection and translation of Welsh works. Wotten made the first translation into English of Mishnayot, tractates Shabbat and Eruvin. The article reproduces examples of Wotten’s 1 Elisheva Carlebach, “The Status of the Talmud in Early Modern Europe” in Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, eds. Sharon Lieberman Mintz and Gabriel M. Goldstein (New York: Yeshiva University Museum, 2005), pp. 85–86. 2 Frank E. Manuel, The Broken Staff: Judaism through Christian Eyes (Cambridge, MA, 1992), var. cit.

Part 3

translation, commentary, and accompanying illustrations. Wotten’s view of these Jewish works was positive, as he writes at the conclusion of his preface: “I have endeavor’d to assign the Grounds upon which these Masters went in all these Constitutions; and where they are rational, as many of them are, I have given my Judgment in their Favor.”

Chapter 17

Hebrew Printing in Altdorf: A Brief Christian-Hebraist Phenomenon Altdorf is remembered in Jewish history, if it is recalled at all, for the small number of Hebrew and Hebrew-Latin books printed there beginning in the seventeenth century.1 Our Altdorf (lit. “old village”), Altdorf bei Nürnberg, Bavaria, is one of several communities so named, with others located elsewhere in Germany, France, Switzerland, and Poland—there is even one Altdorf in the United States.2 Again, our Altdorf, with the name to distinguish it from other Altdorfs, is Altdorf bei Nürnberg, that is, Altdorf near Nuremberg, a small Franconian town in southeastern Germany, 25 kilometers (15.53 miles) east of Nuremberg, in the district Nürnberger Land. First mentioned in 1129, Altdorf was conquered by the Free Imperial City of Nuremberg in 1504. In 1578, an academy was founded in the city, becoming a university in 1622, one that lasted until 1809. Its most prominent student was the polymath Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716), a discoverer of differential and integral calculus. The university is important to us because it was a center of Christian-Hebraism. An instructor in Hebrew at the university was R. Issachar Behr ben Judah Moses Perlhefter, whom we shall meet, albeit briefly, below. Also active in Altdorf was the renowned Christian-Hebraist Johann Christoph Wagenseil, whom we shall also meet, but in much greater detail, further on in the article, as well as his predecessor at the University of Altdorf, Theodor (Theodricus) Hackspan.

1 The original version of this article was published on The Seforim Blog, http://seforim. blogspot.com, on May 5, 2019. I am indebted to Eli Genauer for reading the text and for his comments, several of which are noted below. I would also like to thank Moshe N. Rosenfeld for his comments to the posted article; R. Jerry Schwarzbard, the Henry R. and Miriam Ripps Schnitzer Librarian for Special Collections at the Jewish Theological Seminary, for his assistance. Images are courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak; the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek; the Library of Congress; the Hathi Trust; Hebrewbooks.org; and R. Eli Amsel of Virtual Judaica. 2 The other Altdorfs are (1) Germany: Altdorf, Lower Bavaria, Landshut, Bavaria; Altdorf, Böblingen; Altdorf, Esslingen; Altdorf, Rhineland-Palatinate, Südliche Weinstraße; and Weingarten (Württemberg); (2) Switzerland: Altdorf, Jura or Bassecourt; Altdorf, Schaffhausen; and Altdorf, Uri; (3) France: Altdorf, “Bas-Rhin”; (4) Poland: Stara Wieś, PszczynaStara Wieś; and Silesian Voivodeship; (5) and the United States: Altdorf, Wisconsin.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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Jewish settlement in Altdorf is not recorded; indeed, Altdorf apparently had no Jewish community in the seventeenth century, which makes the publication of Hebrew books in Altdorf of unusual interest. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Christian-Hebraists, particularly in Protestant lands, studied and published Hebrew works for their own purposes. These works primarily consisted of philological and biblical titles and translations of rabbinic works, and they also often consisted of theological titles accompanied by glosses contesting the Jewish authors’ positions, which were included to better understand the sources of Christian theology and refute Jewish understanding of those works. Parenthetically, Christian-Hebraists often relied on both Jewish apostates and knowledgeable Jews for assistance with Hebrew, attempting to convert the latter to their beliefs.3 In Altdorf, in contrast, the Jewish-related works are often polemics, including works that Jews might circulate in manuscript but were unable to print on their own behalf. The first Hebrew title printed in Altdorf was R. Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen’s Sefer Nizzahon (Liber Nizachon Rabbi Lipmanni), which was published in 1644.4 It was preceded and followed by Hebrew-Latin works, again, polemics, primarily comprising the latter rather than the former, which were published in the seventeenth century, our subject period. Together with those bilingual titles and three works published in the 1760s, only sixteen works are recorded in a Hebrew bibliography for this period in Altdorf.5 A different enumeration of the titles printed in Altdorf, by the National and University Library of Israel (NULI), lists thirty-eight titles for Altdorf through 1765, again mainly Latin works with varying amounts of Hebrew, albeit dealing with Hebrew subjects, among them Kabbalah. However, for our period of interest, that is, the seventeenth century, ten titles only are recorded by the NULI. In addition, there are a number of works not in either enumeration, 3 An unanticipated result of the Christian-Hebraists’ efforts, suggested by Eli Genauer in a private correspondence, is that readers of the Christian-Hebraists’ works might possibly have been influenced in another direction. He suggested that “even though the Christian scholars published these books to show the errors of Judaism, there might have been some people who said “‘Hey, the Jews have some pretty good points.’” 4 Aron Freimann, “A Gazetteer of Hebrew Printing” (1946; reprint in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography, New York, 1976), p. 268; Moshe N. Rosenfeld, Hebrew Printing from its Beginning until 1948. A Gazetteer of Printing, the First Books and Their Dates with Photographed Title-Pages and Bibliographical Notes (Jerusalem, 1992), p. 64, no. 618 [Hebrew]. 5 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993–95), p. 23 [Hebrew]. Vinograd notes three additional works, a Mishnayot, printed in 1860, Toldot Jeshu, in a collection of Wagenseil’s works (below), and an undated edition of Hochmah u-Minhag shel Talmidim.

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printed in Altdorf, that pertain to our subject, the works of Christian-Hebraists. Altdorf does not merit an entry in Ch. B. Friedberg’s multi-volume History of Hebrew Typography, and in terms of Hebrew printing it might be described as a cul-de-sac, inasmuch as its publications are of little import to or lasting influence in the history of Hebrew typography. Nevertheless, its publications are of interest, as they are concerned with Jews, Judaism, and the study of Jewish texts by Christian-Hebraists. This article, bibliographic in nature, is concerned with those seventeenthcentury titles published by Christian-Hebraists in Altdorf. In addition to the Hebrew titles, a small number of the Christian-Hebraists’ Latin works will be noted as examples of their areas of interest and output, beginning with titles by Theodricus Hackspan. This will be followed in greater detail by a discussion of the first printed edition of the Sefer Nizzahon, translations of Mishnayot, and additional titles published by Wagenseil, among them Tela Ignea Satanae, his most famous collection of polemical works. 1 Hackspan (1607–59), a noted Lutheran theologian and Orientalist, studied under renowned individuals in those fields, namely Daniel Schwenter (1585–1636) and Georg Calixtus (1586–1656). From 1636, Hackspan was at the University of Altdorf, where he held the chair of Hebrew, was the first to publicly teach Oriental languages, and, from 1654, was Professor of Theology while retaining the chair of Oriental languages. It is said that “his close application to study and to the duties of his professorships so impaired his health that he died in the fifty-second year of his age. Hackspan is said to have been the best scholar of his day in Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic.”6 A prolific author, his works include titles printed as early as 1628 through 1633 in Jenae and from 1636 in Altdorf, with minimal Hebrew, beginning with Observationes Philologicae Ex Sacro Potissimum Penu Depromtae, with several coauthors. This was followed, in 1637, by a title with somewhat more Hebrew, De Necessitate Sacrae Philologiae in Theologia, which was on comparative theology. Hackspan also wrote works not related to Judaism, one of which was Fides et leges Mohammaedis exhibitae ex Alkorani manuscripto duplici (1647), which deals with Islam and which is therefore well beyond the scope of this article. 6 John McClintock and James Strong, “Hackspan, Theodor,” in Cyclopedia of Biblical, Theological and Ecclesiastical Literature (New York, 1870). Available at: https://www.biblicalcyclopedia. com/H/hackspan-theodor.html.

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Figure 17.1

Assertio passionis Dominicae adversus Judaeos & Turcas. The first title in our series published in Altdorf by Theodricus Hackspan is his Assertio passionis Dominicae adversus Judaeos & Turcas (Assertive Passion of the Lord against the Jews and the Turks), a small quarto (40: 24 pp.) Latin polemic with varying amounts of Hebrew that was published in 1642. Assertio passionis is primarily in Latin with very limited Hebrew and slightly more Arabic text. Several Hebrew sources are referenced, among them “‫ שלחן ערוך‬tractatu ‫ ארוך חיים‬Hilcot ‫תשעה באב ושער תעניות‬.” There are only two full Hebrew passages, both set in rabbinic letters, as well as several brief lines in square letters. The passages, from Ta’anit 5b–6a and Yoma 39b, respectively, with Latin translation and commentary are as follows: He replied: Let me tell you a parable—To what may this be compared? To a man who was journeying in the desert; he was hungry, weary and thirsty, and he lighted upon a tree the fruits of which were sweet, its shade pleasant, and a stream of water flowing beneath it; he ate of its fruits, drank of the water, and rested under its shade. When he was about to continue his journey, he said: “Tree, O Tree, with what shall I bless thee? Shall I say to thee, ‘May thy fruits be sweet’? They are sweet already; that thy shade be

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Figure 17.2

pleasant? It is already pleasant; that a stream of water may flow beneath thee? Lo, a stream of water flows already beneath thee; therefore [I say], ‘May it be [God’s] will that all the shoots taken from thee be like unto thee.’ So also with you. With what shall I bless you? With [the knowledge of the Torah?] You already possess [knowledge of the Torah]. With riches? You have riches already. With children? You have children already. Hence [I say], ‘May it be [God’s] will that your offspring be like unto you.’” Our Rabbis taught: during the last forty years before the destruction of the Temple the lot [For the Lord] did not come up in the right hand; nor

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Figure 17.3 Hilcot

did the crimson-colored strap become white; nor did the westernmost light shine; and the doors of the Hekal would open by themselves.7 Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri duo. This is another Hackspan title published in Altdorf (1660). Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri duo: quibus accessit ejusdem Exercitatio de Cabbala Judaica is a translation of two miscellaneous sacred books (17 cm: 5, 453, [33] pp.). It was printed by Georgii Hagen, Typis & Sumptibus Universitatis Typographi together with Johannum Tauberum, Bibliopolam. Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri duo is a Latin introductory work comprising introductions to the Bible and Kabbalah, and the latter section, from page 282 7 Translations are from The Soncino Talmud (Brooklyn, NY, 1990).

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Figure 17.4

to page 453, is entitled “Cabbalae Judaicae brevis expositio.” Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri duo has two lead title pages (above) and, in the Kabbalistic section, a diagram of the tree of life, which enumerates and displays the sephirot (“emanations”). Here too the text is primarily in Latin with varying amounts, but generally small amounts, of Hebrew, including quotes from the Talmud and other varied Hebrew sources. For example (p. 417) “CXXXII. Nostra aetate quoque familia in scriptus eorum occurrunt (“In our time in the writings of these men, too, was met by the family”) Kimchi in Obadiam scripsit” followed by seven lines of Hebrew beginning with “‫ארץ אדום אינה היום לבני אדום כי האומות נתבלבלו רובם‬ ‫“( … הם בין אמונת בנוצרים‬Today, the sons of Edom, because the nations were confused, are mostly Christians”)…. Terra Idumea hodie non est filiorum Edom:

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Figure 17.5

nam populi confusi sunt” (“Edom today is the rule [that is the example] for the people were mixed up”). Theologiae Talmudicae Specimen. Yet another work by Theodricus Hackspan is Theologiae Talmudicae Specimen, certis de causis abruptum: ac si omninò res ita ferat, suo tempore continuandum (undated, 154 pp.), which is also printed by Georgii Hagen. The text of Theologiae Talmudicae Specimen is almost entirely in Hebrew, except for Latin headers and marginal references. Despite the fact that Theologiae Talmudicae Specimen is almost entirely in Hebrew, in contrast to the other Hackspan titles noted here, it is set to read from left to write as if in Roman letters.

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Figure 17.6

Figure 17.7

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2 Sefer Nizzahon. The first Jewish title in our series published in Altdorf is R. Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen’s (d. 1459) Sefer Nizzahon (1644). This, the first printed edition of Nizzahon, was published in quarto format (40: [14], 512, 24 pp.). It is a polemic defense of Judaism and refutation of Christianity, here with a Latin translation by Theodricus Hackspan. It was published so that Christians might be able to attempt to refute its arguments. Muelhausen was one of the leading rabbinic figures of his time and a dayyan in Prague. His name, Muelhausen, likely derives from an earlier family residence in Muelhausen, Alsace.8 He studied under R. Meir ben Baruch ha-Levi (c. 1320–90), Sar Shalom of Neustadt (14th cent.), and R. Samson ben Eleazar. In 1389, Muelhausen was one of a number of Jews incarcerated after an apostate named Peter accused them of defaming Christianity. In addition to his great rabbinic erudition, Muelhausen knew Latin and was familiar with Christian literature, making him a formidable polemicist. He was a prolific writer; his other works are on halakhah, philosophy, aggadah, piyyutim, and Kabbalah. In preparing Nizzahon, Muelhausen utilized earlier Jewish polemical works, including an earlier thirteenth-century Sefer Nizzahon Yashan (Nizzahon Vetus), with which this work is not to be confused. The effectiveness of Muelhausen’s Nizzahon may be gauged by the appearance of additional Latin editions and bitter attempts at refutations. In a disputation in which Muelhausen represented the Jews, he is reported to have been completely effective in his arguments, with the result that eighty Jews were martyred but Muelhausen miraculously survived.9 Soon afterwards, in 1390, Muelhausen wrote Sefer Nizzahon for other Jews who had to respond to challenges from Christians. Nizzahon was copied but remained in manuscript until the publication of this edition, as the Church prohibited Jewish possession of a copy. Christian scholars attempted to print Nizzahon for many years but were unable to obtain a manuscript. In 1644, Theodricus Hackspan was successful in getting a copy. He had looked for a Nizzahon for a long time without success 8 Moshe N. Rosenfeld suggests that “R. Yom Tov Lipmann Muhlhausen most likely did not stem from the town M. in Alsace as stated. I believe his origin to be of the town with the same name located 30 miles northeast of Erfurt.” 9 Israel Moses Ta-Shma, “Muelhausen, Yom Tov Lipmann,” Encyclopaedia Judaica (EJ) 14 (Jerusalem, 2007), pp. 555–59.

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Figure 17.8

until he was informed that a rabbi in the neighboring small city of Schnaittach had a copy but would not show it to anyone. Hackspan, together with some friends, paid an unwelcome visit to the rabbi, as if to engage him in a dispute. In the heat of the debate, the rabbi took out his hidden manuscript of Nizzahon to look into it. Hackspan immediately seized the book from the rabbi’s hands, ran off with it to his carriage, and returned with it to Altdorf. Then, with a few of his students, they immediately copied the book and soon after printed the editio princeps of Sefer Nizzahon. Ora Limor and Israel Jacob Yuval Shoulson write that Hackspan printed Lippman’s text with care, not making any deliberate changes or alterations. Nevertheless, due to the poor knowledge of Hebrew of his “scribes … the book is full of mistakes, especially minor errors.” Meyer

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Figure 17.9

Waxman remarks that in his Latin introduction Hackman “attempts to refute Lippman in a dignified manner. Others, however, were not so generous.”10 10 Ora Limor and Israel Jacob Yuval, “Skepticism and Conversion: Jews, Christians, and Doubters in Sefer Nizzahon,” in Hebraica Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe, ed. Allison P. Coudert and Jeffrey S. Shoulson

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Nizzahon has an engraved Hebrew title page (above) followed by a Latin title page (right), which begins with the words “Liber Nizachon rabbi Lipmanni.”11 Next is a dedication to Dn. Johan-Jodoco from Hackspan, introductions, a table of contents, and the Hebrew text set in a single column in rabbinic letters with marginal biblical references. Nizzahon is divided by the day of the week, further organized by books of the Bible, and subdivided into 354 sections, which is representative of the lunar year. These sections, not in order in the book, are refutations of Christian arguments (66 sections), explanations of dubious actions by the righteous in the Bible (39), explanations of difficult verses (41), reasons for precepts (34), refutations of the arguments of skeptics (55), against heretics and Karaites (47), and concluding with sixteen Jewish principles (48) to be read on Shabbat. Muelhausen refutes the Christian concepts of the messiah, the immaculate conception, and original sin. The Latin portion of the volume, printed in Nuremberg, begins on page 211 and is paginated from right to left.12 Nizzahon was printed by Wolfgang Endter (1593–1659), a member of the well-known Nuremberg publishing family. The Hebrew title page states that it was printed in Altdorf, while the Latin title page gives Nuremberg as the place of publication. Nizzahon was reprinted in Altdorf in 1681 as part of Wagenseil’s (Philadelphia, 2004), p. 166; Meyer Waxman, A History of Jewish Literature II (1933; reprint Cranbury, UK, 1960), p. 51. 11 Eli Genauer, in a separate correspondence, brought the following to my attention concerning the text at the bottom of the title page of Sefer Nizzahon: “I was curious about the script written at the bottom starting with ‘Suma Avuka Zu Lamah’ … continuing on to the other side start from top line 7th word … B’Sefer HaNitzzahon … I think the author is using this as an example of Jewish title pages and didn’t realize it was printed by a Christian. It is actually a Gemara in Megillah 24b, which goes like this: ‫ית ְמ ַמ ּ ׁ ֵש ׁש ּ ַבצָ ּהֳ ַריִ ם‬ ָ ִ‫ כט) "וְ הָ י‬,‫ כל ימי הייתי מצטער על מקרא זה (דברים כח‬:‫אמר ר' יוסי‬ ‫ וכי מה אכפת לֵ יה [=לו] לעיוור בין אפלה לאורה? עד שבא‬."‫ּ ַכ ֲא ׁ ֶשר יְ ַמ ּ ׁ ֵש ׁש הָ ִע ֵוּר ּ ָב ֲאפֵ לָ ה‬ ‫ פעם אחת הייתי מהלך באישון לילה ואפלה וראיתי סומא שהיה מהלך בדרך‬.‫מעשה לידי‬ ‫ בני אדם‬,‫בידי‬ ִ ‫ כל זמן שאבוקה‬,‫ אבוקה זו למה לך? אמר לי‬,‫ בני‬,‫ אמרתי לו‬.‫ואבוקה בידו‬ .‫רואין אותי ומצילין אותי מן הפחתין ומן הקוצין ומן הברקנין‬ Fascinating. I’m not sure what they were trying to point out, but I would not be surprised if it had Christian implications.” The above text (Megillah 24b) states: “R. Jose said: I was long perplexed by this verse, ‘And thou shalt grope at noonday as the blind gropeth in darkness.’ Now what difference [I asked] does it make to a blind man whether it is dark or light? [Nor did I find the answer] until the following incident occurred. I was once walking on a pitch black night when I saw a blind man walking in the road with a torch in his hand. I said to him, My son, why do you carry this torch? He replied: As long as I have this torch in my hand, people see me and save me from the holes and the thorns and briars.” 12 J. Rosenthal, “Anti-Christian Polemics from its Beginnings to the End of the 18th Century,” Areshet II (Jerusalem, 1960), p. 148, no. 70 [Hebrew]; Waxman, Jewish Literature, pp. 545–51.

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Tela Ignea Satanae (below). The first Jewish edition of Nizzahon was published by Solomon Proops in Amsterdam (1709). 3 Kushya belo Zot o Nuremberger o Regensburger. Another work with Hebrew attributed to the Altdorf press was Kushya belo Zot o Nuremberger o Regensburger, a relatively small work (19 cm. 24 pp.), printed in 1670. This very rare work was described in an auction catalogue, the entry stating: Kushya belo Zot o Nuremberger o Regensburger A composition regarding Talmudic disputation and the ‘chilukim’ method of the Ashkenazim by Leonard Appoltus, supervised by Prof. Johanne Andre Michael Nagelio. Altdorf, [c. 1670]. In Latin with segments in Hebrew. 24 p. 19 cm. Good condition. ‘Blo Zot’, Nurenburger’ and ‘Regensburger’ are different types of questions that it was usual to ask in the ‘chilukim’ method.

Figure 17.10

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Very rare. Not in the Jerusalem National Library. o.b. $300 $400/70013 From the sale results sheet, it appears that this item did not sell. 4 In 1674, Christoph Wagenseil (1633–1705), Professor of Oriental Languages at the University of Altdorf from 1667, succeeded Hackspan, becoming the most prominent Christian-Hebraist in Altdorf. Wagenseil learned his Hebrew from Enoch Levi, a Viennese Jew, and Jewish Studies from R. Samuel Issachar Behr ben Judah Moses Eybeschuetz Perlhefter (d. after 1701), a Prague scholar, kabbalist, and instructor of Hebrew at the University of Altdorf. Perlhefter was the author of Ohel Yissakhar, Ma’aseh Ḥoshen u-Ketoret, and Ba’er Heitev; he also served as rabbi in Mantua, leaving there over a dispute concerning the pseudo-Messiah Mordecai of Eisenstadt, a follower of Shabbetai Zevi, whom he had initially supported. He subsequently returned to Prague, where he held the position of dayyan. Perlhefter’s wife, Bella, taught Wagenseil’s daughter dance and music.14 Elisheva Carlebach elaborates on the connection, writing that Wagenseil, as did other Christian-Hebraists, often pressured the Jews who assisted him to convert. In this context, Wagenseil, unable to influence Perlhefter, who was residing at the time in Altdorf, turned to Bella, then in Schnaittach, inviting her to join his household for a family celebration. Bella responded, in literate Hebrew, that she had a small child, whom she could not leave, “and if I carry him with me the cold is great, the snow is high, and a tiny child cannot tolerate the cold, for he or she has not been out of the house from the day of his or her birth and is not accustomed to the cold [Mrs. Perlhefter changed genders in mid-sentence].”15 13

Judaica Jerusalem, Rare Books, Manuscripts, Documents, and Jewish Arts (Jerusalem, 1993), no. 4. 14 Louis Isaac Rabinowitz, “Perlhefter, Issachar Behr ben Judah Moses,” EJ 20, p. 777. Concerning the personal life of Bella Perlhefter and letters to Wagenseil, see Elisheva Carlebach “Introduction to The Letters of Bella Perlhefter,” Early Modern Jewries I (Middletown, CT, 2004), pp. 149–57: https://fordham.bepress.com/emw/emw2004/. 15 Elisheva Carlebach, Divided Souls: Converts from Judaism in Germany, 1500–1750 (New Haven, 2001), pp. 204–05. Carlebach continues that Wagenseil subsequently invited her again, this time writing to Samuel Issachar Behr, to which she responded that “you have further written to me about coming to your place, to teach dance to the only, wonderful daughter of your master the great scholar, whose name escapes me, May God watch over her, it is puzzling to me that you add, and to teach her to play the zither, for you know that

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Wagenseil traveled widely as a youth, serving as a private tutor, and while in North Africa Wagenseil acquired Hebrew manuscripts. Although “tarred” as an anti-Semite, together with other German Hebraists in the nineteenth century, Wagenseil was an accomplished Hebraist and, despite his opposition to Jewish beliefs, often defended Judaism against its more virulent enemies and their baseless charges. David Malkiel reports that Wagenseil had cordial relations with Jewish contemporaries.16 Assessments of Wagenseil vary, from Heinrich Graetz, who says that “he was a good-hearted man, and kindly disposed towards the Jews,” to Frank E. Manuel, for whom he was one of three Christian-Hebraists, with Schickard and Eisenmenger, who “used their learning to cast a glaring light on those texts in the Talmud and later Jewish writings that were either blasphemous or full of hatred for Christians.” Wagenseil confuted Christian charges that the Talmud was blasphemous, senseless, and jumbled, arguing that in it were matters of morality, wisdom, and medical advice; he also opposed blood libels. Furthermore, he maintained that Catholic censors had distorted the Talmudic text, particularly that of Avodah Zarah.17 Wagenseil is credited with assembling the first comprehensive study of Jewish observances and ceremonies made by a Christian. Jonathan I. Israel notes that Wagenseil considered much of what he found superstitious and absurd, and that his motivation was to bring Jews to Christianity. Nevertheless, “for all that an unmistakable admiration for Jewish life and Jewish life-style insistently creeps through.” He quotes Wagenseil, who wrote in the forward to the apostate Friedrich Albrecht Christiani’s Der Jüden Glaube und Aberglaube (Leipzig, 1705), that they show far more care, zeal, and constancy in all this (their religious duties) than Christians do in practicing their true faith, and that, furthermore, they are far less given to vice; rather they possess many beautiful virtues, especially compassion, charity, moderation, chastity, and so forth.18 from the day of my mother’s death, I took an oath not to play any musical instrument, and now how can I violate my oath? But it is possible that sometime I will come to teach her to dance.” 16 David Malkiel, “Christian Hebraism in a Contemporary Key: The Search for Hebrew Epitaph Poetry in Seventeenth-Century Italy,” Jewish Quarterly Review 96, no. 1 (2006), pp. 126, 136. 17 Frank E. Manuel, The Broken Staff: Judaism through Christian Eyes (Cambridge, MA, 1992), var. cit. 18 Jonathan I. Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism 1550–1750 (Portland, 1998), pp. 189–90.

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Figure 17.11

Sotah (about the suspected adulterous woman) has numerous illustrations, several being full-page illustrations, and a detailed attractive copper-plate title page of the sotah (the wife accused of adultery) being taken by the priests to be tested. The volume opens with a full-page depiction of the sotah being taken to be tested by the priests. The verso has verses in Latin from Psalms and the Christian Bible. The title page in red and black begins: Hoc est: liber mischnicus de uxore adulterii suspecta (“this book is a work concerning a woman suspected of adulterous behavior”). Reading from left to right, the volume begins with considerable

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Figure 17.12

prefatory material, including several indices, one of which is in Hebrew, correctiones Lipmannianae (10–81), corrections to Hackspan’s edition of the Sefer Nizzahon based on two other manuscripts he was able to obtain, and the text, which has separate pagination. Within the text, the Mishnah is always in the left margin in square unvocalized Hebrew and the translation is always in the right column, accompanied by an extensive Latin commentary with occasional Hebrew, with excerpts from the gemara, including most of the aggadah in the Ein Ya’akov, on this tractate. The volume has numerous illustrations, several being full-page. Among them are depictions of the priests wearing talit and tefillin with their straps for the head and arm, magen davids, halizah shoes, coins, and an undressed

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Figure 17.13

Figure 17.14

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Figure 17.15

Figure 17.16

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Figure 17.17

woman with skull and cross. Negaim was the next tractate translated by Wagenseil, which he did in order to prove that the Talmud contained valuable and interesting material on medicine.19 Tractates Avodah Zarah and Tamid. Another translation of Mishnayot tractates, this of Avodah Zarah and Tamid, and it was prepared by the ChristianHebraist Gustavo Peringero (Gustav von Lilienbad Peringer, 1651–1705), a student of Johann Christoph Wagenseil. Peringero (1633–1705) was Professor of Oriental Languages at Uppsala (1681–1695) and afterwards a librarian at Stockholm. Charles XI, King of Sweden, who reputedly had an extraordinary interest in Jews and even more so in Karaites, sent Peringero to Poland to learn about the latter and perhaps to attempt to convert the Karaites to Christianity, 19 Elisheva Carlebach, “The Status of the Talmud in Early Modern Europe,” in Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, ed. Sharon Liberman Mintz and Gabriel M. Goldstein (New York, 2005), pp. 87–89; Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews V (Philadelphia, 1956), pp. 185–87.

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Figure 17.18

for, as Graetz notes, they did not have “the accretion of traditions, and were said to bear great resemblance to the Protestants,” nor were they “entangled in the web of the Talmud.”20 This edition of Mishnayot of tractates Avodah Zarah and Tamid in Hebrew with accompanying Latin translation and annotations by Peringero was published in 1680 by Johannes Henricus Schönnerstadt in a small octavo format (80: [7], 78 pp.). The title page of this volume is, except for a Hebrew header, entirely in Latin. It states that it comprises two codices, primarily about idolatry and secondarily about sacrifices in the time of the Temple. The title page is followed by a dedication to Dominae (Mistress) Ulricae Eleonorae, wife of Charles XI, a preface in Latin with occasional Hebrew, and then the text.

20 Graetz, History of the Jews V, pp. 182–83. Concerning Peringero’s mission, Graetz writes: “Whether Peringer even partially fulfilled the wish of his king is not known; probably he altogether failed in his mission.” Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), col. 270, no. 1876.

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Reading from left to right, the Mishnayot are in the left column and the integrated translation and glosses are in the right column. Avodah Zarah concludes on page 43 and Tamid begins immediately after on the following page. Peringero’s translation of Avodah Zarah was inserted by Wilhelm Surenhuis (1666–1729) in his Versio Latina Mischnae (1698–1703). In addition to these tractates, Peringero also translated Abraham Zacuto’s Sefer Yuhasin, portions of Maimonides’s Mishneh Torah (Uppsala, 1692), and several other works into Latin. He was also the author of Dissertatio de Tephillin sive Phylacteriis (Uppsala, 1690).21 In addition to tractates Avodah Zarah and Tamid, the printer, Johannes Henricus Schönnerstadt, also published separate editions of Shekalim and Sukkah at this time, which also had Latin but were not translated by Peringero. 5 Returning to Wagenseil, we come to two very different works. The first, although chronologically the later of the two, and not an Altdorf publication, is Belehrung der Judisch-Teutschen Red-und Schreibart (An Instruction Book in the Method of Speaking and Writing Judeo-German, Koenigsberg, 1699). This is, as the title suggests, a Yiddish grammar with a “loose Yiddish version (with German translation) of Hilkhot Derekh Eretz,” a rabbinic work on ethical behavior. Also included is a Yiddish account (with German translation) of the Fettmilch uprising in 1614 in Frankfurt on the Main, as well as selections from Tractate Yevamot on levirate marriage as well as the entire Tractate Negaim on leprosy with notes—this in order to aid in teaching Hebrew.22 The second publication is Wagenseil’s most famous collection of Jewish polemical literature, Tela Ignea Satanae, in which Wagenseil includes, among other subjects, his responses to Sefer Nizzahon. Wagenseil traveled widely through Spain and into Africa to collect these manuscripts.23 Tela Ignea Satanae. Published in 1681 by Wagenseil in quarto format (40: [2], 635, [12]; 60; 260; [2], 100; 45; 480, [1] pp.), Tela Ignea Satanae, perhaps

21 Graetz, History of the Jews V, pp. 182–83; Steinschneider, CB, col. 270, no. 1876. 22 Christian Hebraism: The Study of Jewish Culture by Christian Scholars in Medieval and Early Modern Times (Cambridge, MA, 1986), p. 40, no. 61. 23 The Jewish Life of Christ Being the SEPHER TOLDOTH JESHU, or Book of the Generation of Jesus, translated by G. W. Foote and J. M. Wheeler (n.p., 2018), p. 6.

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Figure 17.19a

Wagenseil’s best-known work, comprises six polemical anti-Christian works, almost all not previously printed. The first title page, printed in red and black, has the full title of Tela Ignea Satanae. Hoc est: Arcani, et horribles Judaeorum adversus Christum Deum, et Christianam Religionem Libri (Flaming Arrows of Satan; that is, the Secret and Horrible Books of the Jews against God and the Christian Religion). After the verse, the title page states: John Christopher Wagenseil thrusts these forward into the light, bringing them together and entrusting them, dug out from the hiding places of Europe and Africa, to the faith of Christian Theologians, that they

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Figure 17.19b

may more rightly consider those things, which are able to aid the conversion of that wretched Jewish race. Added are: Latin Interpretations, and Two Confutations. Augustine Justianus Bishop at Nebiensis in the Forward Preface of Victoria Porchetus. I know how unwillingly that most stubborn (Jewish) race admits us into the most secret parts of their literature. I have tried by all means, however great the task, with toil, sleeplessness, expense, with willing helpers finally, to penetrate the secrets of the Hebrews.24 24 “WAGENSEIL’S LATIN INTRODUCTORY MATERIAL TO HIS TELA IGNEA SATANAE (THE FIERY DARTS OF SATAN), PUBLISHED IN 1681, Translated into

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The facing page has a full front-piece portrait of Wagenseil. In two volumes, the work begins with a Latin introduction, which is followed by the six books, each with its own title page with Hebrew headers and Latin text, a Latin introduction (refutation), and then the text in two columns comprising facing Hebrew and Latin. That these books were not previously printed but rather circulated among Jews in manuscript only, or where printed were done so by Christian-Hebraists with Latin translation and refutation, is due to their polemic and inflammatory content. As a result, these books today exist with variant texts. Tela Ignea Satanae, as noted above, comprises independent books, listed below, as well as several described afterwards in somewhat greater detail: Nizzahon, polemic in defense of Judaism by R. Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen. Printed previously in Altdorf/Nuremberg, 1644 (see above); Nizzahon, anonymous polemic in defense of Judaism; Vikku’ah Rabbenu Yehiel mi-Paris, record of the disputation between R. Jehiel of Paris and Nicholas (dispute over the Talmud in Paris in 1240, below, 1681); Vikku’ah ha-Ramban im broder Paulus, record of the disputation between the Ramban (Moses ben Nahman, Nahmanides) and the apostate Pablo Christiani in 1263 before King James of Aragon; Hizzuk Emunah, anti-Christian polemic by the Karaite scholar, Isaac ben Abraham Troki; and Jeshu, a negative and, from a Christian perspective, highly blasphemous account of the life of Jesus.25,26 Vikku’ah Rabbenu Yehiel im Nicholas Jehiel ben Joseph of Paris. This is a record of the disputation held in Paris on Monday, June 25, 1240, attributed to R. Jehiel ben Joseph of Paris. Jehiel, one of the leading Ba’alei Tosafot, was a student of R. Judah ben Isaac (Sir Leon), whom he succeeded as rosh yeshivah in Paris. Among Jehiel’s students was his son-in-law, R. Isaac of Corbeil (Sefer Mitzvot Katan, Semak). Jehiel was the author of Tosafot quoted by many rabbis and English,” Translated by Wade Blocker ([email protected]). Dates of Translation: 2000– 12–21 through 2001–03–09. 25 Malkiel, “Christian Hebraism,” pp. 126, 136; Manuel, The Broken Staff, pp. 76, 150–51. 26 Toledot Jeshu, for all its condemnation in Christian sources, is also not well received by Jewish chroniclers. Graetz, vol. v pp. 185–86, describes it as an “insipid compilation of the magical miracles of Jesus (Toldoth Jesho) with which a Jew, who had been persecuted by Christians, tried to revenge himself on the founder of Christianity.” Manuel, p. 150, in even stronger language, describes it as “the most scandalous of all” of the works in Tela ignea Satanae, “a scurrilous account … a gross parody that outraged Christians.”

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Figure 17.20

are included in those Tosafot known as “our Tosafot.” He is also frequently referenced in the Torah commentary Da’at Zekenim. Because of his prominence, Jehiel was selected as a primary representative of the Jewish community in the disputation over the Talmud resulting from the charges leveled against it by the apostate Nicholas Donin. The record of that disputation, generally known as Vikku’ah Rabbenu Yeh iel mi-Paris, is the third work in Wagenseil’s Tela Ignea Satanae (above, 1681). The Vikku’ah follows the same pattern as the other works in Tela Ignea Satanae, that is, it has a bilingual Hebrew-Latin title page followed by a Latin preface and the text in two columns in facing Hebrew and Latin. Donin’s denunciation of the Talmud included thirty-five charges which primarily stated that Jewish emphasis on the Oral Law was in itself a blasphemy against the holiness of the Scriptures recognized by Jew and Christian alike; that the Talmud overtly fostered anti-Christian attitudes and contained blasphemous statements offensive to Christianity; and that the Talmud was irrational and morally and intellectually offensive. The trial was presided over by the Queen Mother Blanche, who was in an advanced stage of pregnancy. The judges were high Church dignitaries, such as the Archbishop of Sens, the Bishop of Paris, and the Chaplain to King Louis IX, none of whom knew Hebrew. Jehiel, although the primary Jewish spokesman, was assisted by R. Moses ben Jacob of Coucy (Semag), R. Judah ben David of Melun, and R. Samuel ben Solomon of Chateau-Thierry (all 13th cent.). Although Jehiel defended the Talmud, noting, inter alia, that Donin was the real heretic, who was justifiably excommunicated by the Jewish community fifteen years before the debate. His arguments were to no avail, for the matter had been predetermined from the outset. Even before the court’s formal

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Figure 17.21

Figure 17.22

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decision was rendered, it had been decided to burn the condemned books. In June 1242, twenty-four wagonloads of Hebrew books, containing thousands of volumes, were seized and burned in Paris. Jehiel remained for some time in Paris, teaching students from memory. In 1260, Jehiel went up to Eretz Israel, effectively ending the period of the Ba’alei Tosafot.27 Hizzuk Emunah. Anti-Christian polemic by the Karaite scholar Isaac ben Abraham Troki (c. 1533–c. 1594). Hizzuk Emunah is the fifth work in Wagenseil’s Tela Ignea Satanae (below, 1681). Troki is known by his birthplace, Troki (Trakai), capital of Lithuania until 1323 and home to the most important Karaite community in Lithuania. He was, from the age of twenty, the secretaryrecorder of the Karaite General Assembly, which met there in 1553. Author of a work on shehitah and religious poetry, Troki became the foremost Karaite scholar in Eastern Europe, serving as dayyan to both Karaite and rabbinic Jews. He studied Bible and Hebrew Studies under the Karaite scholar Zephaniah ben Mordecai, and had Christian teachers for Latin and Polish literature. Engaging in dialogues with Christian clergymen of different persuasions, Troki became fluent in Polish and Latin and familiar with their theology and arguments against Judaism. It was those conversations that prompted Troki to write Hizzuk Emunah. Written in the last year of his life, Hizzuk Emunah was completed by Troki’s student, Joseph ben Mordecai Malinovski. Wagenseil obtained a copy of the manuscript in 1665 on a trip to Ceuta, North Africa. He translated Hizzuk Emunah into Latin, in which form it was widely used not only by Christian missionaries but also by opponents of Christianity, such as atheists and French philosophes, with Voltaire being among the latter group. Hizzuk Emunah follows the same format as the other polemic works in Tela Ignea Satanae, that is, it has its own Hebrew-Latin title page, a Latin introduction, and then the text in two facing Hebrew and Latin columns. The book, in quarto format, is in two parts comprising ninety-nine chapters. In the first chapter, Troki begins by questioning the authenticity of the Christian messiah, arguing against his pedigree, acts, the time in which he lived, and the fact that he did not fulfill the promises expected of the Messiah. As an example of the first argument, Troki writes that he cannot be of Davidic descent due to the concept of the virgin birth and that, even apart from that, the relationship of Joseph to David is wanting in proof. He also notes contradictions in the Christian Bible on that and other subjects, and compares 27 J. D. Eisenstein, ed., Otzar Vikkuhim (Israel, 1969), pp. 82–86 [Hebrew]; Mordecai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel III (Tel Aviv, 1986), cols. 843–85 [Hebrew].

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the Hebrew Bible and the Gospels. Most of Troki’s arguments are based on biblical texts, which accounts for their effectiveness against Christian arguments. Nevertheless, he also utilizes rabbinic sources, so that Hizzuk Emunah has been accepted by rabbinic authorities, and this is perhaps unique for a Karaite work.28 Hizzuk Emunah is considered one of the most effective polemical works. Although circulated widely in manuscript, Hizzuk Emunah was not printed by and for Jews until the Amsterdam edition of 1705. It has been frequently reprinted, translated into Yiddish (Amsterdam, 1717), English (London, 1851), German (Sohran, 1865), and Spanish (1621), and is extant in manuscript. Wagenseil would publish several additional Hebrew-Latin collections and works, among them Exercitationes sex varii argumenti (1697); Denunciatio Christiana de Blasphemiis Judæorum in Jesum Christum (1703); and Disputatio Circularis de Judæis (1705) as well as several titles published elsewhere. As might be expected, Wagenseil’s influence in this field was considerable, his students also becoming Christian-Hebraists, one of which was Peringero (mentioned above). And our final Altdorf imprints were the first imprints by a student of Wagenseil. Jesus in Talmude. Our final works are Jesus in Talmude and Der Jüdische Theriak. The former is a dissertation submitted at the University of Altdorf by Rudolf Martin Meelführer (Rudolfo Martino Meelführero, 1670–1729) in 1699 and described by Peter Schäfer as “the first book solely devoted to Jesus in the Talmudic literature,” while the latter is a refutation by R. Solomon Ẓevi Hirsch Aufhausen (Openhausen, Ufenhausen, of Aufhausen) in Yiddish of an antiJewish work. Meelführer was also a Christian-Hebraist, teaching in Altdorf and afterwards as an adjunct in philosophy at Wittenberg. The dissertation is important as it was the first study fully devoted to the subject. Meelführer, in contrast to Wagenseil, was almost immediately forgotten.29 Here too the work is primarily in Latin, but it includes examples of the Talmudic text in Hebrew from early editions of the Talmud, as the later editions available to Meelführer were censored and omitted many of the passages he refers to. Meelführer appears to primarily rely on secondary sources for Talmudic entries, notably R. Gedaliah ben Joseph ibn Yahya’s (1515–87) Shalshelet ha-Kabbalah (Venice, 1586).30 An 28 Gershon D. Hundert, Yivo Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe (New Haven, 2008), p. 1906; Isaac ben Abraham Troki, Hizzuk Emunah or Faith Strengthened, translated by Moses Mocatta, introduction by Trude Weiss-Rosmarin (New York, 1970), v–xii. 29 Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud (Princeton, NJ, 2007), pp. 3–4. 30 Shalshelet ha-Kabbalah (Chain of Tradition), a popular and much reprinted mixture of history and tales, is a chronicle of Jewish history from the creation to the time of the

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example of the text brought by Meelführer is Sanhedrin 42a (below), which was censored from most editions of the Talmud: On the eve of the Passover, Yeshu was hanged. For forty days before the execution took place, a herald went forth and cried, “He is going forth to be stoned because he has practiced sorcery and enticed Israel to apostasy. Anyone who can say anything in his favor, let him come forward and plead on his behalf.” But since nothing was brought forward in his favor, he was hanged on the eve of the Passover! – Ulla retorted: “Do you suppose that he was one for whom a defence could be made? Was he not a Mesith [enticer], concerning whom Scripture says, ‘Neither shalt author. Parenthetically, the work was completed on the day of the bar mitzvah of Ibn Yahya’s eldest son, his firstborn, Joseph, to whom the book is addressed.

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Figure 17.24

thou spare, neither shalt thou conceal him?’” With Yeshu, however, it was different, for he was connected with the government [or royalty, i.e., influential]. Der Jüdische Theriak (the Jewish Medicine) by Solomon Ẓevi Hirsch Aufhausen is a point-by-point refutation of Jüdischer Abgestreifter Schlangenbalg (The Jewish Serpent’s Skin Stripped) by the apostate Samuel Friedrich Brenz of

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Ettingen. Converted to Christianity in 1610, Brenz wrote Jüdischer Abgestreifter Schlangenbalg (Hanau, 1614) in “the thirteenth year after my rebirth.”31 Der Jüdische Theriak, first printed in Hanau in 1615, was reprinted in Altdorf in 1680 by Henricum Meyer, Academiae Typographu, as a small quarto (40: 36, [1] ff.), the text in old Yiddish set in Vaybertaytsh, a type generally but not exclusively reserved for Yiddish books, so named because these works were most often read by the less educated and by women.32 Given that it is a Jewish refutation of Christian anti-Jewish polemics, its publication in Altdorf was likely done for the same purpose as Nizzahon, so that Christians might be able to attempt to refute its arguments.33 In Jüdischer Abgestreifter Schlangenbalg, Brenz collected all of the accusations made against Jews, accusing them of making derogatory and blasphemous remarks against the founders of Christianity and the Church, fostering animosity, and stating that the Talmud permits Jews to cheat Christians. Israel Zinberg notes that there is scant information about Aufhausen and that what is known is surmised from remarks in Der Jüdische Theriak. Zinberg conjectures that Aufhausen (b. c. 1565–60) was an itinerant who, driven from his home by “evil Jews,” traveled widely, broadening his worldview and culture. He was knowledgeable about German, knew Luther’s translation of the Bible, and was familiar with the works of Flavius Josephus, Buxtorf the Elder, Pica della Mirandola, and Johannes von Reuchlin, among others. Furthermore, Aufhausen “displays great knowledge of Talmudic literature, and that he wrote elegant Hebrew is attested to by the poem written in the well-known azharotmeter on the front page of the Teryak.” Zinberg infers from Aufhausen’s remarks that he was a shohet and mohel (ritual slaughterer and circumciser), but these 31 Gotthard Deutsch and S. Mannheimer, “Brenz, Samuel Friedrich,” Jewish Encyclopedia, edited by Isidore Singer (New York, 1901–06), p. 370; Carlebach, Divided Souls, p. 90. 32 The title page gives the place of printing in Hebrew as Hanau, 1615, based on the Hebrew text, ‫( שלמ״ה‬375 = 1615) and right below the Hebrew, in Latin letters, is Altdorf MDCLXXX (1680). This title page is, then, a copy of the original with the place and date of the second edition noted below the Hebrew. Der Jüdische Theriak was translated into Latin by J. Wülder (Wilfer, 1681) and reprinted again in 1737 by Zussman ben Isaac Roedelsheim who, according to Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, translated by Bernard Martin, IV (New York, 1975), p. 165, further Yiddishized the language of the work somewhat, and in places changed “purely German words into more Yiddish terms.” Der Jüdische Theriak was translated into English by Morris M. Faierstein as Yudisher Theriak: An Early Modern Yiddish Defense of Judaism (Detroit, 2016). 33 After writing the above, my supposition found support in Faierstein’s introduction (p. 27), where he writes: “The work would be useful to Christian Hebraists and help them to formulate counter-arguments to the Jewish objections raised by Zalman Zevi against the missionary works that were being produced with the intention of convincing Jews to convert to Christianity.”

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Figure 17.25

professions did not provide well for Aufhausen, his wife, and six children “who were not always well fed.”34 Morris M. Faierstein writes that Der Jüdische Theriak is unique because it is the only Jewish response in Yiddish to anti-Jewish polemics by Christians and Jewish apostates in early modern Germany and the only such work printed in 34 Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, pp. 165–66.

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Figure 17.26

Germany.35 Zinberg quotes Aufhausen that Der Jüdische Theriak is an antidote to the venomous bite of the anti-Jewish snake, that is, Brenz’s work. Aufhausen describes Brenz as “a terrible usurer,” and if one added together all the horses on which he loaned money one could put in the field a regiment of riders, which is what brought him to baptism, noting that the Jews hated him for his ugly deeds, “pushing him way with both hands.” Brenz is a “frightful ignoramus and a petty, good for nothing creature, his diatribe lacks any system or order.”36 In his introduction, Aufhausen informs us of how he came to write Der Jüdische Theriak. Benz’s book was 35 Faierstein, Yudisher Theriak, pp. ix–xi. 36 Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, p. 166, quoting Der Jüdische Theriak.

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placed before me, and worthy people waved it under my nose. As a result I called the aforementioned apostate a liar, as I continue to do the present. On Monday, the seventh of Ab, he [Benz] he rode up to my door in a violent manner and threatened me and wanted to kill me. He publicly confirmed the wickedness of his book in front of Jews and Christians, said that it was all true and just and wanted to continue persecuting Jews. However, I sanctified the name of God in response to his desecration of God’s name and called him a liar to his face and swore to write a book against his lies …37 Der Jüdische Theriak comprises seven chapters, each addressing a specific group of accusations. Aufhausen cites numerous examples from the Talmud to show that Jews are commanded to show mercy and friendliness to nonJews, and those few laws that are not friendly are directed against pagans, not Christians.38 Der Jüdische Theriak is also directed towards women, for, as Carlebach notes, Christian missionaries had introduced Yiddish into their conversion material to make them accessible to women. Aufhausen refutes their claims, writing for “common Jews and Jewesses.”39 In the final chapters of Der Jüdische Theriak, Aufhausen includes an appeal for tolerance, advocating equal treatment for all, both Jews and Christians: I have shown above that [tractate] Baba Kamma and [tractate] Avodah Zarah write: “A heathen who studies Torah and studies the law of Moses is as good as the high priest.” Thus anyone who studies the Law and does not ridicule it, he is an honest person and is highly honored. It is the same whether Christian or Jew. I had this book printed in Yiddish in the Hebrew alphabet so that someone will know how to respond to Christians in conducive circumstances, and also to understand from this and keep in mind what a great sin it is to deceive Christians, with words or deeds.40 The study of Jewish texts by Christian-Hebraists proved to be a passing phenomenon. By the mid-eighteenth century, the interest of Christian-Hebraists 37 Faierstein, Yudisher Theriak, p. 38. 38 Waxman, Jewish Literature, pp. 557–59; Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, p. 166, quoting Der Jüdische Theriak. 39 Carlebach, Divided Souls, p. 185. 40 Faierstein, Yudisher Theriak, pp. 140, 144.

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in rabbinic literature and studies had diminished.41 In Altdorf, in contrast to other locations where, as noted above, Hebrew works, primarily philological and biblical titles and translations of rabbinic works (often theological titles accompanied by glosses contesting the Jewish authors’ positions), were studied by Christian-Hebraists for their own purposes to better understand the sources of Christian theology and to refute Jewish understanding of those works, the emphasis of those studies here was primarily for polemical purposes. Wagenseil, although his objective was not always antithetical to Jewish texts, is remembered today as being among the leading exponents of the Christian-Hebraist movement. His works, several described here, as well as those of his contemporaries in Altdorf, represent an attempt by Christian-Hebraist scholars to understand and refute Jewish beliefs. Despite being, from several perspectives, among those of history, a failed and futile effort, this attempt was nevertheless an interesting intellectual endeavor. 41 Concerning the diminished interest by Christian-Hebraists in rabbinic literature and studies in the eighteenth century, see Elisheva Carlebach, “The Status of the Talmud in Early Modern Europe,” in Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, ed. Sharon Liberman Mintz and Gabriel M. Goldstein (New York, 2005), pp. 85–88; and Jam-Wim Wesselius, “The First Talmud Translation into Dutch: Jacob Fundam’s Schatkamer der Talmud (1737),” Studia Rosenthaliana 33, no. 1 (1999), p. 60.

Chapter 18

Christian-Hebraism in England: William Wotton and the First Translation of the Mishnah into English

And if we consider that the Observations of this Fourth Commandment in the Decalogue, was guarded in the Pentateuch by more secondary Laws, than any other single Command (if you will except the Prohibition of worshipping strange Gods), it will not be unpleasant in so curious a Man as your self, to observe what Contrivances these Wise Men had to make it in very many Instances of none Effect, by their Traditions. For if these Constitutions be nicely examin’d, there are none of them but what have something which may be plausibly alledged in their Justification. William Wotton, Preface to Shabbat and Eruvin

∵ Christian-Hebraism, the serious gentile scholarship of Jewish sources, is an unusual flower, with both sweet and bitter buds.1 Its primary flowering was not 1 The original version of this article was published in Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 20 (2015), pp. 219–38. It was a preliminary presentation of material from my Printing the Talmud: A History of the Printed Editions of the Talmud from the Mid-17th Century to the End of the 18th Century and the Presses that Published Them (Leiden, 2019), which is

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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of long duration, flourishing for only a few centuries. The lengthier Christian study of Jewish texts has a convoluted history, ranging from the reading of Hebrew books for the purpose of refuting the tenets of Judaism, to the investigation of those same works by Christian-Hebraists to better understand their religion’s roots. At times, the Christian review of Jewish books—and perhaps it is unfair to attribute this to Hebraists—resulted in attacks that were vicious and at times often physical (i.e., the burning of Jewish books). In contrast, many Christian scholars produced bilingual Latin and Hebrew works of merit. Christian-Hebraism has been well studied and is outside the scope of this article.2 What have generally received less attention are the studies of early Hebraists in England, particularly as they relate to non-biblical Hebrew works. This article will begin with a brief overview of Christian-Hebraism and translations of the Mishnah, primarily into Latin, in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, and then move on to briefly discuss such works in here expanded and modified. I would like to thank Eli Genauer for reading this article and for his suggestions, and my son-in-law R. Moshe Tepfer for his assistance and research in the National and University Library of Israel. Illustrations for Shabbat and Eruvin are courtesy of the National and University Library of Israel. 2 To note a brief number of the works addressing the activities of Christian Hebraism, see Allison P. Coudert and Jeffrey S. Shoulson, eds., Hebraica Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia, 2004); Jerome Friedman, The Most Ancient Testimony: Sixteenth-Century Christian-Hebraica in the Age of Renaissance Nostalgia (Athens, OH, 1983); Aaron L. Katchen, “Christian Hebraism from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment,” in Christian Hebraism: The Study of Jewish Culture by Christian Scholars in Medieval and Modern Times, ed. Charles Berlin and Aaron L. Katchen (Cambridge, MA, 1986), pp. 9–13; and Frank E. Manuel, The Broken Staff: Judaism through Christian Eyes (Cambridge, MA, 1992). In addition, there are several studies about particular Christian-Hebraists. Concerning the censorship of Hebrew books, particularly the Talmud, in the medieval period, see Robert Chazan, “Christian Condemnation, Censorship, and Exploitation of the Talmud,” in Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, ed. Sharon Liberman Mintz and Gabriel M. Goldstein (New York, 2005), pp. 53–59; idem., Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973); Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century (New York, 1966); idem., “Popes, Jews, and Inquisition,” in Essays on the Occasion of the Seventieth Anniversary of Dropsie University (Philadelphia, 1979), pp. 151–85; Marvin J. Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Earliest Printed Editions of the Talmud (Brooklyn, NY, 1992), pp. 201–15; and Judah M. Rosenthal, “The Talmud on Trial,” Jewish Quarterly Review, 47 (1956), pp. 58–76, 145–69. Concerning the burning and censorship of the Talmud in the sixteenth century, see Heller, Printing the Talmud, pp. 217–28; Kenneth R. Stow, “The Burning of the Talmud in 1553,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 34 (1972), pp. 435–59; and Avraham Yaari, “Burning the Talmud in Italy”, in Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem, 1958), pp. 198–234 [Hebrew], and for censorship of the Talmud, see William Popper, The Censorship of Hebrew Books (New York, 1968); and Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, The Censor, the Editor, and the Text: The Catholic Church and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon in the Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia, 2007).

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England before examining the life and background of William Wotton, whose translation of two tractates of the Mishnah is our main subject. Finally, this article will look at his translation of those two tractates and conclude with a brief summary. 1 Protestants evinced considerable interest in the study of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). As a result, books were written, as were grammars, lexicographic works, and translations of Hebrew texts, among them translations of Mishnaic tractates, which were printed with commentaries. Hebrew was considered to be of significance to students of theology, and related texts were therefore of importance.3 Fuks and Fuks-Mansfeld note that when Hebrew texts were published, however, they were published with the explicit understanding that the university faculty members who prepared these works did so to “repudiate the fallacies of Jewish law.” Examples of prominent professors of Hebrew unambiguously so informed by the theological faculties of their universities are Constantin L’Empereur (1619–48) at Leiden and Johannes Leusden (1653–99) at Utrecht.4 A somewhat more sanguine view is expressed by Aaron L. Katchen, who writes that the basic works of rabbinic Judaism, the Mishnah and Talmud, got a new hearing. Despite still being the subject of abuse, new editions of the Mishnah, with extracts of the Talmud, “often served to dispel illusions. Most often, to be sure, these works were produced for the greater glory of the Christian Republic of Letters…. However there was also a blunting of prejudice that sometimes came to the fore in such studies. For

3 Christian Hebraism was not only a seventeenth- and eighteenth-century phenomenon, but had considerable earlier antecedents. Those scholars who expressed an interest in rabbinic subjects, for whatever reason, did not prepare translations of the Talmud. Concerning Christian Hebraism in the sixteenth century, see Friedman, The Most Ancient Testimony; and Cecil Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance (New York, 1959), pp. 137–64. Friedman (pp. 1–2) notes the controversial nature of Hebrew studies—for example, the Reuchlin-Dominican controversy, the Luther-Sabbatarian conflict, as well as the battles between the Hebraists of Basle and those of Wittenberg as to the proper use of Jewish sources and the optimum approach to rabbinic material. Apart from Hebraists with an interest in Hebrew texts, there were Christian scholars and clergymen who studied biblical Hebrew—for example, those who translated the Bible into English, most notably the King James Bible (1611) and its predecessors. 4 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 I (Leiden, 1984–87), p. 14.

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these studies reflect a mixture of Christian Purposes and a new vision of either rationalism or Enlightenment.”5 Elisheva Carlebach observes that “some of the Christian Talmudists were animated by polemical anti-Jewish motives.” She cites Johannes Leusden as an example for whom “Jewish adherence to the Talmud proved that Jews were in a perpetual state of disobedience to God, having abandoned the Bible for the Talmud.” Carlebach, however, also observes that Aramaic lexicons and grammars, particularly from the Buxtorfs, “provided welcome tools for serious students of Talmud.”6 Christian interests in the Talmud were varied; their interest in the developing new relationship between states and their legal systems is exemplified by L’Empereur’s translation of Bava Kamma (Leiden, 1637) dealing with civil law, whereas others, such as John Lightfoot, searched the Talmud for insight into the Christian Bible. Hugo Grotius cited the Talmud as proof that God had bestowed laws applicable to mankind in addition to those specifically applicable to Jews, viewing the Talmud as a natural evolution of biblical law for contemporary society. The study of Jewish sources centered primarily on Bible and grammar. Nevertheless, a number of Hebraists addressed rabbinic texts, translating several tractates of the Mishnah into Latin. We have already noted Constantin L’Empereur and Johannes Leusden. Among the many others are such scholars as Johannes Cocceius (1603–69), who wrote Duo Tituli Thalmvdici Sanhedrin et Maccoth (Amsterdam, 1629); Johann Christoph Wagenseil (1633–1705), who wrote Sota: Hoc est: liber mischnicus de uxore adulterii suspecta (Altdorf, 1674); Gustavo Peringero (Gustav von Lilienbad Peringer, 1651–1705), who wrote Duo Codices Talmudici Avoda Sara et Tamid (Altdorf, 1690); and Wilhelm Surenhuis (Surenhuys, Surenhuysen, Gulielmus Surenhusius, 1698–1703), who wrote Sive Legum Mischnicarum, Liber qui inscribitur (Amsterdam, 1698–1703), to name but a few. That there were Christian-Hebraists at this time in England is not in dispute. What is little known is that there were such Hebraists in the medieval period. Judith Olszowy-Schlanger informs of a unique Hebrew-Latin-Old-French dictionary written in thirteenth-century England by Christian scholars. She describes it as an exceptional work, one that did not follow the patristic tradition of Christian Hebraism but instead utilized Jewish rabbinic and medieval sources to understand the text of the Hebrew Bible. She notes that twenty-six 5 Katchen, “Christian Hebraism from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment,” p. 11. 6 Elisheva Carlebach, “The Status of the Talmud in Early Modern Europe,” in Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein, ed. Sharon Liberman Mintz and Gabriel M. Goldstein (New York, 2005), pp. 85–86.

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bilingual Hebrew-Latin manuscripts are known today; they were produced in England from the mid-twelfth through the late thirteenth centuries explicitly for the use of Christian-Hebraists. There is substantial evidence that these English Christian scholars possessed and studied Hebrew books, that is, the Bible, Rashi, and grammars. This is in contrast to the low opinion of modern historiography as to the knowledge of the Hebrew language and grammar of medieval Christian scholars, which is exemplified by Roger Bacon’s (c. 1214– 94) remark in his Opus Tertium that, among his contemporaries, “fewer than four … knew Hebrew grammar well enough to teach it.” Olszowy-Schlanger writes that it is something of an irony that most of the Christian scholars who did master the Hebrew language and were able to study Hebrew texts are not known to us by name, “while Roger Bacon … and his Franciscan milieu came to be acclaimed ‘the Christian Hebraists of the Middle Ages’ par excellence, despite the lack of evidence that they achieved any proficiency in Hebrew.”7 That there were a fair number of Hebraists in England in the seventeenth century is also well known.8 Of interest is Hugh Broughton (1549–1612), who not only mastered Hebrew but also studied Jewish classical works, including Seder Olam, adopting that title for one of his own chronological works; among his titles is The Familie of David (Familia Davidis, Amsterdam, 1605), a treatise on the lineage of King David printed in bilingual Hebrew-English and Hebrew-Latin editions. 7 Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, “A School of Christian Hebraists in Thirteenth-Century England: A Unique Hebrew-Latin-French and English Dictionary and its Sources,” European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 2 (2008), pp. 249–51. See also Raphael Loewe, “The Mediaeval Christian Hebraists of England: Herbert of Bosham and Earlier Scholars,” Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England 17 (1951–52), pp. 225–49; idem., “The Mediaeval Christian Hebraists of England: The Superscriptio Lincolniensis,” Hebrew Union College Annual 28 (1957), pp. 205–52; and C. Phillipp E. Nothaft, “Robert of Leicester’s Treatise on the Hebrew Computus and the Study of Jewish Knowledge in Medieval England,” Jewish Historical Studies 45, pp. 63–78. 8 The interest in Jewish studies can be appreciated from a list of Christian-Hebraists of note in London and Cambridge in the Jewish Encyclopedia in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with the caveat that there were certainly many more not worthy of mention, this despite the absence of a formal Jewish community. Those worthy of mention are: London—William Bedwell (1561–1632), John Dove (c. 1746), John Gill (1697–1771), Hilaric Prache (b. 1614–79), Thomas Smith (b. 1638–1710), William Wotton (1666–1720), Elisabeth Tanfeld (d. 1639), Paulus Fagius (Buchlin) (1504–49), W. H. Lowe, Henry More (1614–87), Robert Sheringham (1602–78, Cambridge), and Franc Taylor (d. 1660). Not really germane to our subject but of interest is that inserted into unsold copies of the famed London Polygot Bible (1653–57) in 1660 were two dedications, one to Oliver Cromwell and the other to Charles II, inserted by Royalist scholars “marooned in Cromwell’s London or revolutionary Oxford” (Peter N. Miller, “The ‘Antiquarianization’ of Biblical Scholarship and the London Polyglot Bible (1653–57),” Journal of the History of Ideas 62, no. 3 (2001), pp. 469–70.

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The first published translation of a Mishnaic tractate in London, this of Yoma into Latin, Joma: Codex Talmudicus, in quo agitur de sacrificiis (London, 1648) with annotations, was by Robert Sheringham (1602–78). It is one of only a few books printed in London with Hebrew letters, London being devoid of Jews at the time. Sheringham was a proctor of Cambridge University, but, due to his adherence to the Royalist cause, was ejected from his fellowship at Caius College soon after. He retired to London, and then to Holland, where he taught Hebrew and Arabic at Rotterdam and in other towns. On the restoration of the monarchy in 1660, Sheringham was restored to his fellowship, thereafter leading a studious and retired life and being “esteemed ‘a most excellent linguist, as also admirably well versed in the original antiquities of the English nation.’”9 Joma was preceded by Robert Wakefield’s Oratio de laudibus et utilitate trium linguarum Arabice Chaldaice et Hebraice (1524), a woodblock book with a few Hebrew words, and, in 1643, the first book with a significant amount of Hebrew letters, a Psalms with Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and English.10 Two other translations of Mishnayot in England at this time, these by Jews, need to be noted. The first was prepared by R. Jacob ben Joseph Abendana (1630–85), hakham of the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue in London, who published, together with his brother Isaac, R. Solomon ibn Melekh’s Bible commentary, Mikhlol Yofi, with a super-commentary, Lekket Shikhah (1660–61) with approbations from Christian-Hebraists, among them Johannes Buxtorf. Abendana, under commission from Christian-Hebraists, translated the Mishnah into Spanish (c. 1660). It was later used by several Christian-Hebraists, among them William Surenhusius. Never published, it is no longer extant. The second was prepared by R. Isaac Abendana, who translated the Mishnah into

9 Thompson Cooper, “Sheringham, Robert,” in Dictionary of National Biography (London: 1885–1900), http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Sheringham,_Robert_%28DNB00%29. 10 Aron Freimann, “A Gazetteer of Hebrew Printing” (1946; reprint in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography, New York, 1976), p. 46; Cecil Roth, Magna Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica: A Bibliographical Guide to Anglo-Jewish History (London, 1937), p. 361, no. 2. Roth, in that work, in the section on Christian Hebrew Scholarship (B 14), representing works “in the Mocatta Library with a few others of outstanding importance,” records 113 titles from 1558 through 1837 under that heading, 67 of them through 1749. Wotton is not represented in the listing; Isaac Benjacob, Otzar ha-Sefarim (Vilna, 1880), p. 574, no. 459, records a 1596 Shir al ha-Otiyot by R. Sa’adiah ben Joseph (Gaon?) [Hebrew]. Additional works of possible Jewish interest but without Hebrew were printed—for example, an English translation of the Travels of Benjamin of Tudela (1625), but Hebrew printing in London by and for Jews begins only in the first decade of the eighteenth century.

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Latin for Cambridge scholars between 1662 and 1675. Also never published, the manuscript is now in the University Library of Cambridge.11 2 William Wotton (1666–1727) and his Shabbat and Eruvin, addressed here, gives us insight into the background and perspective of a Christian-Hebraist and into what kind of person William Wotton was. In addition, its being in English rather than in Latin (as are almost all of the other contemporary translations of Mishnayot) makes it more accessible to most readers of this article. Wotton, an erudite person of considerable accomplishments, indeed a prodigy and a polymath, has been described by Alexander Chalmers as “an English divine of uncommon parts and learning … and well skilled in Oriental Languages.” In a letter dated September 16, 1671, from Sir Philip Skippon to Mr. John Ray, we read about Wotton’s background: I shall somewhat surprise you with what I have seen in a little boy, William Wotton, five years old the last month, the son of Mr. Wotton, minister of this parish, who hath instructed his child within the last three quarters of a year in the reading of the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, which he can read almost as well as English; and that tongue he could read at four years and three months old as well as most lads of twice his age.12 Chalmers continues, concerning Wotton’s memory, that he is “never forgetting anything.”13 Wotton was admitted to Catherine Hall, Cambridge, several 11 Harm den Boer, “Abendana, Jacob ben Joseph,” Encyclopaedia Judaica (EJ), ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik I (Detroit, 2007), p. 251; Cecil Roth, “Abendana, Isaac,” EJ I, p. 250. Concerning this translation see, J. W. Wesselius, “‘I Don’t Know whether He Will Stay for Long’: Isaac Abendana’s Early Years in England and his Latin Translation of the Mishnah,” Studia Rosenthaliana 22, no. 2 (1988), pp. 85–96. See also David S. Katz, “The Abendana Brothers and the Christian Hebraists of Seventeenth-Century England,” Journal of Ecclesiastical Hebrew 40, no. 1 (1989), pp. 28–52. 12 Alexander Chalmers, The General Biographical Dictionary Containing an Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of the Most Eminent Persons in Every Nation, Particularly the British and Irish, from the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time XXXII (London, 1817), p. 306. Wotton’s skill as a linguist is also noted in George Godfrey Cunningham’s A History of England in the Lives of Englishmen 4 (London, 1853), p. 241, where it states that “he died in 1726, leaving behind him no competitor, perhaps, in variety of acquisitions as a linguist.” 13 Chalmers, General Biographical Dictionary, p. 310.

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months prior to his tenth birthday, where the masters of the college praised his learning and skill in languages. He received his BA when he was almost twelve-and-a-half years old and his MA in 1683 when he was seventeen, and he commenced his divinity degree in 1691. In the same year, Wotton received the sinecure of Llandrillo in Denbigshire. He was appointed curate in Brimpton on September 20, 1686, having been nominated by Richard Worrell, Vicar of the same, and, afterwards, Vicar ad Vicariam perpetuam in Lacock from October 3, 1693.14 Among Wotton’s positions and achievements was that he was a scholar of St. John’s College, Cambridge, a Fellow of the Royal Society, and a prebend of Salisbury. In 1694, Wotton published Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning, in which he addressed the branches of literature, arts, and sciences as extended by both the ancients and moderns. It is a defense of the moderns, for which Jonathan Swift attacked and satirized Wotton in his Tale of a Tub and Battle of the Books (1704).15 Wotton described Tale of a Tub as having “a good deal of wild wit” but that on the whole it was “the profanest piece of ribaldry” since Rabelais. Among Wotton’s other titles is a History of Rome (1701), and he is also remembered for his collection and translation of Welsh works. In 1714, Wotton relocated to Carmarthen, Wales, where he learned to speak and write Welsh, writing Legis Wallicae, which was largely printed in 1727, the finished work not being published until 1730 after his death by his son-in-law.16 Given the above, much was expected of Wotton. His personal life, however, and the circumstances that resulted in relocations and Wotton’s not fully achieving the positions and successes anticipated of him can be attributed to his personal failings, for he had feet of clay. The antiquary Abraham de la Pryme described Wotton in his diary as “a most excellent preacher, but a drunken whoring soul.” Such comments were repeated over the years: William Cole, rector of a neighboring parish, wrote that Wotton was “known in the learned World for his ingenious writings in the country where he inhabited for his Levities and Imprudencies.”17 While all of this reflects poorly on his personal life, it does not detract from his many intellectual and literary accomplishments, among them the 14 CCEd, the Clergy of the Church of England database, http://db.theclergydatabase.org.uk/ jsp/search/index.jsp. 15 Berlin and Katchen, Christian Hebraism, p. 55, no. 108. 16 David Stoker, “William Wotton’s Exile and Redemption: An Account of the Genesis and Publication of Leges Wallicae,” Y Llyfr yng Nghymru/Welsh Book Studies 7 (2006), pp. 7–106, a detailed work on Legis Wallicae, as the book is known, with considerable detail as to Wotton’s life. 17 Quoted in Stoker, “William Wotton’s Exile,” p. 12.

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Figure 18.1

translation of tractates Shabbat and Eruvin. Indeed, while living in Carmarthen, and having become reformed, now a model clergyman, visiting the sick and resuming his studies, Wotton undertook this work, in 1714, to give young divinity students a basic understanding of Jewish learning in order to “show of what authority it was and what use it might be made of within Christian teaching.”18 3 We turn now to that second translation of Mishnayot with a London imprint, the very first in English. This is the edition of Shabbat and Eruvin: … Translated into English, with Annotations by W. Wotton. Shabbat and Eruvin is part two of a two-volume work entitled Miscellaneous Discourses relating to the traditions and usages of the Scribes and Pharisees (1718). Part one, Texts relating to the religious observation of one day in seven, with annotations, begins with a dedication to William, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, followed by a lengthy preface ([i], ii-l) in which Wotton relates how he came to write this work. Four years previously, a “very ingenious Gentleman, whose Curiosity had led him to make Enquiries into things not relating to his Profession, (which is the Law of the England) had a long discourse with me concerning the Reasons of Christians not observing the Sabbath which is enjoined by the fourth Commandment.” This gentleman remarked that whereas the Catholic Church “unanimously” denied the Mosaic Sabbath, in their Church, regularly, every Sunday, “the Mosaic Sabbath is expressly commanded to be remembered.” 18

Stoker, “William Wotton’s Exile,” p. 24.

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Figure 18.2

Wotton set about responding to his friend, resolving to do so as soon as he had leisure, reviewing all the pertinent texts, which resulted in this work. The text of the first volume comprises, as the title informs us, discourses on the nature, authority, and usefulness of the Mishnah; on the contents of all the titles of the Mishnah; on the recital of the Shema, on phylacteries, and on the schedules of gates and doorposts; and text relating to the religious observance of one day in seven. It is the second volume ([16], [1] folded leaf, 279, [25] pp.), comprising the Hebrew and the English translation of the Mishnah of two tractates that is of interest to us. The text of the title page begins as follows: SHABBATH AND ERUVIN Two Titles of the MISNA or CODE Of the Traditional Laws, Which were observed by the Scribes and Pharisees … … Printed by W. Bowyer, for Tim. Goodwin at the Queens-Head against St. Dunstan’s Church in Fleetstreet. 1718.19 19 William Bowyer the Elder (1663–1737) was a leading printer in late-seventeenth, earlyeighteenth-century England. He was nominated as one of the twenty printers allowed

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The volume begins with a dedication, also the preface, to Thomas Kilpin of the Middle Temple, Esq., indicative of Wotton’s positive view towards his subject matter and its rabbinic authors. There are critical remarks about Judaism, to be expected, consistent with Wotton’s beliefs and position as a Protestant clergyman. He writes: “You will wonder possibly, Sir, that I should prefix your Name to two Hebrew Tracts, when your Studies have all along lain in so different a Road. But when you see that they are Decrees and Constitutions of eminent Lawyers, upon a Subject of no less Importance than one of the Ten Commandments, your Wonder, I hope, will cease…. They are part of the Text of the Talmud, which was the true authentic Law of the Pharisees.” He refers to the authors as those inspired Writers and notes that You will see there is an incredible Minuteness in Things seemingly the most trivial, which frequently appears very impertinent; and yet you will also observe that these Masters had constant Rules by which they proceeded, which were subservient still to one main End, which was to teach Men how to evade the Law, when they seemed most solicitous to observe it…. For if these Constitutions be nicely examin’d, there are none of them but what have something which may be plausibly alledged in their Justification. Whether the Jews, that live among us in these Western Parts of Europe, are pleased to see that these their Mysteries have been laid open to Christians, in this and the last Age, I know not. They will by this means, however, appear not to have been such a weak, stupid Nation, as learned Men have described them to be. Their Blindness has not been intellectual, but moral. Their Hearts have been harden’d, and not their Heads.20

20

by the Star Chamber. His son, also a William Bowyer (1699–1777), worked together with his father. The Boyer press was considered among the most learned of contemporary presses. Their activities are recorded in a four-volume work, The Bowyer Ledgers, ed. Keith Maslen and John Lancaster (London, 1991) (see p. xxvi). See the entry in the online 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica at https://www.studylight.org/encyclopedias/bri/w/william -bowyer.html?hilite=Bowyer. The observant reader will have noted that, in contrast to modern English usage, all nouns are capitalized in Wotton’s text, for example, “the poor Man reaches forth his Hand into the House” (emphasis added). David Crystal (The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language, 1996, p. 67) explains that from the beginning of the eighteenth century, under Continental influence, all nouns considered important were capitalized, a practice extended to encompass all or most nouns. He suggests that it was either done for aesthetic reasons or “perhaps because printers were uncertain about which nouns to capitalize, and so capitalized them all.” By the end of the eighteenth century, grammarians were

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Wotton observes that a difficulty under which he has labored is that “no Christian has commented upon these titles, that I have seen” and that the Jewish commentators are obscure because they wrote for a Jewish readership, assuming a knowledgeable public, but were thereby unfamiliar to strangers. Wotton’s remark that “no Christian has commented upon these titles, that I have seen” is surprising, given, as noted above, the attention of Christian-Hebraists in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries to rabbinic works. It is reported that in Wales, despite having a “great deal of leisure, he had a few books; but being of too active a genius to be idle, he drew up at the request of Brown Willis Esq.; who afterwards published them, the memoirs of the Cathedral Church of St. David in 1717, and of Landaff in 1719; and here he wrote his Miscellaneous Discourses.”21 Wotton, fluent in Latin, the language of the translations, and a prodigious scholar, was certainly aware of the European Hebraists’ translations of and commentaries on several tractates of Mishnayot; indeed, even in Wales, distant from the centers of English Hebraists, he is known to have made use of the works of several of them, such as William Guise and William Surenhuis even, recording them and others in an appendix to the volume. In addition, he particularly mentions Edward Pococke, John Lightfoot, and John Selden, referring to them in the text, thereby, as Ruderman remarks, “situating himself in a living tradition of Christian scholars, proudly regarding his own scholarship a direct continuation of all of theirs.”22 Wotton’s remarks, then, most likely are addressed to these particular tractates only and the subject of the Jewish observance of the Sabbath, this despite the existence of Latin translations of both Shabbat and Eruvin by Sebastian Schmidt (Leipzig, 1661), for how else can they be understood? Towards the conclusion of the preface, Wotton expresses a positive view of rabbinic activity, noting the rationality of the Mishnah, for “I have endeavor’d to assign the Grounds upon which these Masters went in all these Constitutions; and where they are rational, as many of them are, I have given my Judgment in their Favor.” displeased by the lack of order and discipline so that the nouns that took a capital were dramatically reduced. 21 Bayle, Pierre, A General Dictionary, Historical and Critical, in Which a New and Accurate TRANSLATION of that of the Celebrated MR. BAYLE …, By the Reverend Mr. John Peter Bernard; the Reverend Mr. Thomas Birch; Mr. John Lockman; and other hands (London, 1746), p. 207. 22 David B. Ruderman, “The Study of the Mishnah and the Quest for Christian Identity in Early Eighteenth-Century England: Completing a Narrative Initiated by Richard Popkin,” in The Legacies of Richard Popkin, ed. Jeremy D. Popkin (Dordrecht: Springer, 2008), p. 137.

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There are two pages of foldouts illustrating various Sabbath activities, which are described in a section entitled “An Explication of the Two Figures.” An example of this text is, TAB. I Fig. V. Here are two Balconies in the same house, with the Street underneath. One Man in one Balcony holds forth a Stick to another Man in the Second, who reaches out his Hand to take it from him. Shabbath, XI. 2. TAB. II Fig. V. We have here a House broken through to one of its Corners, by which means part of the Wall on both Sides is fallen down. This Breach then could not be mistaken for a Door. Eruvin, IX. 3 Each volume begins with a brief description of the contents of the various chapters. For example, the first chapter of Shabbat is described as: REMOVALS, what, and how many Eighteen Constitutions chiefly Sabbatical, which were decided according to the Shammaeans. Other Constitutions wherein the Houses of Shammai and Hillel differ’d. Of giving Cloths to Dyers, Fullers and other Artificers, on the Sabbath Eve, when the Work could not be finished that Day. Of employing Gentiles to work for one on the Sabbath. Of baking and roasting the Evening before. Of Dressing the Paschal Lamb on the Sabbath Eve.

Figure 18.3

Figure 18.4

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Figure 18.5

The text follows, in parallel Hebrew and English columns, accompanied by Wotton’s extensive commentary. Below is Wotton’s translation of the first Mishnah in Shabbat followed by a modern translation of the same text, that of Mesorah Publications (ArtScroll). Wotton Removals upon the Sabbath-Day are two, which within [a Place] are four; and two [likewise] which without [a Place] are four. How so: If a poor Man stands without, and the Master of the House within; the poor Man reaches forth his Hand into the House, and puts something into the Hand of the Master of the House, Or takes something out of his Hand, and carries it away; the poor Man [then] Is guilty, and the Master free. If the Master puts his Hand out of the House, and gives [something] to the poor Man, or takes something from him, and draws his Hand in again; he is guilty, and the poor Man is free. If a poor Man reaches his Hand into a House, and the Master takes something out of it, or puts something into it, and the poor Man then goes off, they are both free. If the Master puts His Hand out, and the poor Man takes [something] out of his Hand, or puts any thing into it, and the Master draws his Hand in again, they are both free. Mesorah Publications (ArtScroll) The [types of] transfers on the Sabbath are two which are [in reality] four within, and two which are [in reality] four outside. How is this so? The poor man is standing outside, and the householder inside: If the poor man extended his hand inside and placed [an object] into the householder’s hand, or if he took [an object] from it and brought [that object] out—the poor man is liable and the householder is exempt;

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if the householder extended his hand outside and placed [an object] into the poor man’s hand, or if he took [an object] out of it and brought the [that object] in—the householder is liable and the poor man is exempt; if the poor man extended his hand inside and the householder took [an object] from it, or placed [an object] into it and he [the poor man] brought [that object] out—both are exempt; if the householder extended his hand outside and the poor man took [an object] from it, or placed [an object] into it and he [the householder] brought [that object] in—both are exempt.2324 Wotton’s translation of the Mishnah is accompanied by a detailed commentary. In preparing it, he utilized Jewish sources, referencing such authorities as Moses Maimonides (Rambam, c. 1135–1204) and Obadiah Bertinoro

23 Mishnayot Seder Mo‘ed ‘im Perush Yad Avraham (Brooklyn, NY, 1979). Another example of the variations in the translation of this Mishnah can be seen from Soncino Publications, which states: “The carryings out of the Sabbath are two which are four within, and two which are four without. How so? The poor man stands without and the master of the house within: [i] if the poor man stretches his hand within and places [an article] into the hand of the master of the house, or [ii] if he takes [an article] from it and carries it out, the poor man is liable, and the master of the house is exempt. [again] [i] if the master of the house stretches his hand without and places [an object] in the poor man’s hand, or [ii] takes [an object] there from and carries it in, the master is liable, while the poor man is exempt. [iii] if the poor man stretches his hand within and the master takes [an object] from it, or places [an object] therein and he carries it out, both are exempt; [iv] if the master stretches his hand without and the poor man takes [an object] from it, or places [an article] therein and he carries it inside, both are exempt” (Soncino Talmud, 1973). 24 A comparison of the first line of several translations of the same Mishnah (Shabbat 6:6) over time is provided at http://onthemainline.blogspot.com/search?q=wotton. The entries are: 1718. Women may go out with a Piece of Money ty’d to a Sore. (Wotton); 1843. Women may go out with a coin fastened on a swelling in their feet. (Raphall & de Sola); 1878. A woman may go out with a coin on a sore foot. (Barclay); 1896. Women may go out with a coin fastened to a swelling on their feet. (Rodkinson); 1927. One may go out [on the Sabbath] with a sela on a corn. (Oesterley); 1933. They may go out with the sela that is put on a bunion. (Danby); 1935ish. She may go forth with the sela on a zinith [“callus”]. (Soncino); 1963. A woman may go out with a sela upon a corn. (Blackman) 1982. She may go out with the sela that is on the wound [on the sole of her foot]. (ArtScroll); 1991. She goes out with a sela coin on a bunion. (Neusner); 1996. [A woman] may go out on the Sabbath with a sela that is bound upon a tzinis. (ArtScroll); 1999. A woman may go out with a sela on a bunion. (Haberman). These entries are followed at Onthemainline by more complete translations of the Mishnah.

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Figure 18.6

(c. 1445–c. 1515). Below is an example of Wotton’s commentary on Shabbat, and facing it is a reproduction of the text and commentary on Eruvin. MISNA. Shabbath. 3 This Law was made capital afterwards upon a Man’s gathering sticks on the Sabbath, (Numb. Xv. 32–36.) who was stoned for that Offense, because he did it presumptuously, as appears by what went before (V. 30.31.). i.e. he knew that he gather’d those Sticks on the Sabbath, and that such Work was then forbidden, and yet notwithstanding that his Knowledge, he was resolved to do it, let the Event be what it would. For whereas Sins of Ignorance, even in Sabbatical Cases, were expiable by Sacrifice, as appears in the Words foregoing (Numb. xv. 27, 28, 29), whatsoever was done presumptuously was threaten’d with Excision. But the Soul that doth ought presumptuously, whether he be born in the Land or a Stranger, the same reproacheth the Lord: and that Soul shall be cut off from

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among his People: because he hath despised the Word of the Lord, and hath broken his Commandments; that Soul shall be utterly cut off; his Iniquity shall be upon him. (V. 30, 31.). And then Immediately after this Commitiation comes the Account of the unfortunate Man that gather’d Sticks, wherin the Lord was Consulted, either because they did not know how fat the Excision threaten’d (V. 30.) might extend; or, as it seems to me very probable, those Penalties threaten’d against Sins of Presumption in general were given at frist upon that Account. The Laws of Atonement in case of Sins of Ignorance committed by the Priest, by the Congregation, by a Ruler, or by One of the People of the Land, were at large set down before in the fourth Chapter of Leviticus. The punishment for presumptuous Sins in general is not there mention’d. The first flagrant Instance (probably) that happen’d in the Wilderness was this of the Man that gather’d Sticks. At the end of the volume is “A list of those Learned Men who have translated the Mishna into Latin,” arranged by seder (“order”), an addendum with contents of the second volume, errata, and the final leaf reportedly being an advertisement, although lacking in the examined copy. The “list of those Learned Men” for Seder Mo’ed is reproduced below, and is indicative of the interrelationship between and dependence of the commentaries of the Christian-Hebraists addressed in the previous chapter. Seder Moëd, Order of Stated Feasts. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Shabbath, The Sabbath. Sebastianus Schmidius. Eruvin, Sabbatic Mixtures. Idem. Pesachim, Paschal Laws. Surenhusius. Shekalim, Shekels. Johan. Henr. Ottho, Johannes Wulferus.* Joma, The Day of Expiation. Robertus Sheringhamius. Succa, Feast of Tabernacles. Surenhusius. Jom-Tob, Feast-Day. Idem. Rosh Hashanah, Beginning of the Year. Henricus Houtingius. Taanith, Fasts. Daniel Lundius. Megillah, The Roll. Surenhusius. Moëd Katan, Lesser Stated Feast-Days. Idem. Chagigah, Solemn Feasts. Surenhusius, Job. Henr. Hottingerus.*

There are also numerous varied head- and tail-pieces, examples of which are below.

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4 By the mid-eighteenth century, the interest of Christian-Hebraists in rabbinic literature and studies had diminished. Observations as to the end of this period of Christian attentiveness to Jewish studies are noted by both Carlebach and J. W. Wesselius, the former writing that by the second-half of the eighteenth century interest in the Talmud by Christians had waned but that “the preservation and study of the Talmud by Christian scholars in any measure might be regarded as one of the small miracles of the modern period.” The latter comments, in a similar vein, that “for some time in the sixteenth century, and even more in the seventeenth century, a strong possibility had existed that the scholarly study of traditional Jewish literature would gain a permanent place in the universities of Europe. By the end of the first half of the eighteenth century, however, the attention of theologians and Hebraists had shifted away from rabbinic literature to other ways of studying the Old Testament.25 Given the above, one might say that Wotton had come somewhat late to the study of rabbinic (Talmudic) literature. Nevertheless, it was still a period when such studies were valued. How was Shabbat and Eruvin viewed by Wotton’s contemporaries? What, in retrospect, almost three centuries after its publication, was the impact of Miscellaneous Discourses relating to the traditions and usages of the Scribes and Pharisees? Among Wotton’s immediate and near contemporaries, both Bayle and Chalmers quote Jean Le Clerc’s Bibliothèque ancienne et moderne (Amsterdam, 1714–30), where we are told that great advantage may be made by reading the writings of the Rabbis; and that the public is highly obliged to Mr. Selden, for instance, and to Dr. John Lightfoot, for the assistances which they have drawn thence, and communicated to those who study the holy scripture. Those who do not read their works, which are not adapted to the capacity of every person, will be greatly obliged to Dr. Wotton for the introduction which he has given them into that kind of learning.26

25

Carlebach, “The Status of the Talmud,” pp. 85–88; Wesselius, “‘I Don’t Know whether He Will Stay for Long,’” p. 60. 26 Bayle, General Dictionary, p. 207; Chalmers, General Biographical Dictionary, p. 309.

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Figure 18.7a, b, c

Figure 18.8

Simon Ockley (1678–1720) a British Orientalist, distinguished Cambridge professor, and Adams Professor of Arabic and Vicar of Swavesey, endorsed Wotton’s efforts in an unambiguous and warm letter dated March 15, 1717, which Wotton had made great efforts to obtain. In the letter, Ockley emphasizes the importance of Hebrew learning for Christians. Indeed, Ruderman observes that Ockley stated bluntly that “Christians needed Jews and their religious traditions to understand themselves.”27 A modern perspective is also positive. Ruderman considers Wotton’s greatest achievement in enhancing Jewish learning in England to be in Shabbat and Eruvin, which includes a lengthy excursus on the value of rabbinic studies for Christians. Wotton, when examining these texts, was pleasantly surprised to find the Mishnah to be a most substantial work, notwithstanding the negativity of many learned men. He insists on its reliability. Wotton made substantial use of his predecessors, among them William Guise, William Surenhuis, and John Lightfoot.28 Wotton’s translations of Shabbat and Eruvin are recorded in Erich Bischoff’s Thalmud- Übersetzungen, a bibliography of translations of the Talmud, as,

27

Ruderman, “The Study of the Mishnah,” p. 139. Ruderman considers the letter sufficiently important to reproduce it in the article. 28 David B. Ruderman, Connecting the Covenants: Judaism and the Search for Christian Identity in Eighteenth-Century England (Philadelphia, 2007), pp. 77–81.

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respectively, the third and second translations of those tractates.29 All of this is evidence that Wotton’s work is known and remembered positively today. None of this, however, suggests that Miscellaneous Discourses relating to the traditions and usages of the Scribes and Pharisees was influential or reflected in the work of later scholars. Indeed, Shabbat and Eruvin was not reissued until 2010, and it does not appear to be seriously referenced in later works. How does one account for this relative neglect? I would suggest three possibilities. First, as noted above, is the waning interest in such studies in the mid-eighteenth century, not long after Miscellaneous Discourses was published; second, Wotton’s translation is in English, at a time when the scholarly language of Hebraists was Latin; and third, perhaps most importantly, Wotton was not writing for scholars, as suggested by Le Clerc, but “to give young divinity students a basic understanding of Jewish learning,” who, might not have been as interested in the subject as Wotton thought they might be. All this notwithstanding, Wotton’s achievement is not to be underestimated. A truly erudite scholar undertakes to translate and publish with commentary two lengthy and complex tractates. His translations, allowing for linguistic changes over the centuries, are consistent with accepted Jewish translations, and his commentary is erudite, utilizing accepted Jewish sources. Not a mean accomplishment for a Christian clergyman in Carmarthen, Wales.

29

Erich Bischoff, Kritische Geschichte der Thalmud—Übersetzungen aller Zeiten und Zungen (Frankfurt on the Main, 1899), pp. 37–38.

Part 4 Book Varia

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The final section in this collection of essays, Book Varia, is comprised of seven varied unrelated articles, sharing only that they describe different aspects and subjects of early Hebrew imprints. It begins with “Concise and Succinct: Sixteenth Century Editions of Medieval Halakhic Compendiums,” which, as its name informs, is a compendium of mostly early halakhic works, concise but dissimilar, written in the middle ages but first printed in the sixteenth century. It begins R. Eleazer ben Judah’s (Roke’ah, c. 1165–c. 1238) Sefer ha-Roke’ah and concludes with R. Meir Jacob ibn Me’iri’s Shulhan ha-Panim (Misa de El Almah) a Ladino (Judeo-Spanish) translation and abridgment of the Shulhan Arukh. These works were primarily written by prominent rishonim (early rabbinic sages). What they have in common is that centuries after they were composed they remain highly regarded and are the basis of subsequent works of Jewish law. “Concise and Succinct” is followed by Unicums, Fragments, and Other Hebrew Book Rarities.” This article, as noted in the introduction, “describes a small number of varied examples of rare Hebrew books, several extant as unicums, single extant copies, some as fragments only, and others in limited numbers.” Next is “Who Can Discern His Errors? Misdates, Errors, Deceptions, and Other Variations in and about Hebrew Books, Intentional and Otherwise: Revisited,” which addresses textual changes, as well as other errors, intentional and unintentional, that may be found in Hebrew books. Among the changes discussed are those resulting from the expurgation of the Talmud; the expurgation of other Hebrew works; internal censorship, that is, of Hebrew books by Jews; accusations of plagiarism and forgery; misidentification of the place of printing; and confusion due to mispronunciations. Other articles address the dispute between the printers in eighteenth century Amsterdam and the Two Frankfurts over the printing of the Talmud and their related approbations. This is followed by “Adversity and Authorship: As Revealed in the Introductions of Early Hebrew Books” which discusses, the contents of the frontmatter of books, often bypassed or overlooked by readers. The contents of these introductions are not always related to the subject matter of the books, often containing the author’s recounting of fascinating incidents and encounters experienced. To cite but one example, in Torah Or, R. Joseph ben David ibn Yahya’s (1494–1539) ethical and philosophical work on eschatology, he recounts his family’s travail, including attempts to force them to apostatize, first in Portugal and afterwards in Castile, including his grandfather being condemned to be burned at the stake, but being spared due to the intervention of Duke Alverez of Braganza. The final two articles describe early commentaries on Megillat Esther and the first printed editions of the Haggadah. In both cases the editions and

Part 4

their commentaries are rich, varied, and attest to the diverse and wide-ranging approaches to these works by commentators, and the skills of early printers of Hebrew books. As noted above, this section brings together varied unrelated articles, except perhaps the final two, which are each examples of a subject genre. The others share and describe different aspects and subjects of early Hebrew imprints, unrelated except for their being insights into the diverse world of the early Hebrew book, the many subjects it encompasses, and the experiences of its authors. The final result, not only of this section but the totality of all these articles, is a rich and satisfying excursion into the early Hebrew book world.

Chapter 19

Concise and Succinct: Sixteenth-Century Editions of Medieval Halakhic Compendiums Then Joseph commanded to fill their sacks with grain, and to restore every man’s money into his sack, and to give them provision for the way (zeidah la-derekh); and thus did he to them. Genesis 42:25

…

And the people of Israel did so; and Joseph gave them wagons, according to the commandment of Pharaoh, and gave them provision for the way (zeidah la-derekh). Genesis 45:21

…

And our elders and all the inhabitants of our country spoke to us, saying, Take provisions (zeidah la-derekh) with you for the journey, and go to meet them, and say to them, ‘We are your servants; therefore now make a covenant with us.’ Joshua 9:11

∵

We are accustomed to thinking of concise, succinct, popular halakhic digests, such as R. Abraham Danzig’s (Danziger, 1748–1820) Hayyei Adam on Oraḥ Ḥayyim with an addendum entitled Nishmat Adam (Vilna, 1810) and Hokhmat Adam with an addendum called Binat Adam (1814–15) and R. Solomon ben Joseph Ganzfried’s (1801–66) Kizzur Shulhan Arukh (Uzhgorod, 1864), as a somewhat modern phenomenon.1 Early halakhic works that readily come 1 The original version of this article was published in Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 20 (2015), pp. 219–38. I would like to express my appreciation to Eli Genauer for reading the article and for his suggestions.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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to mind, and there are certainly exceptions, after the closing of the Talmud are, more often than not, weighty tomes; for example, R. Jacob ben Asher’s (c. 1270–1340) Arba’ah Turim (Piove di Sacco, 1475) and R. Moses ben Maimon’s (Maimonides, Rambam, 1135–1204) Mishneh Torah (Rome, c. 1475) and, of course, albeit somewhat later, R. Joseph Caro’s (1488–1575) Shulhan Arukh (Venice, 1564–65), although, in fact, that work too was actually prepared as an abridgement of Caro’s magnum opus, the Beit Yosef on the Arba’ah Turim, beginning with Oraḥ Ḥayyim (Venice, 1550).2 In contrast, R. Menahem ben Aaron ibn Zerah’s (c. 1310–85) Zeidah laDerekh, aptly named, is a medieval work prepared for Jewish nobles and aristocrats who lacked time to devote to learning in depth; its intent is to provide them with concise halakhic provisions for their way. Zeidah la-Derekh is not widely known today and, when mentioned, may appear to many as a singular work. This certainly is not the case. This article is intended to make clear that succinct halakhic works were neither rare nor unusual but, indeed, were a common and widespread phenomenon. The article will describe several such varied works, which were primarily written in the Middle Ages and all of which were printed in the sixteenth century, thus attesting to their consistent popularity over the centuries, although today most are less well-known than they ever were.3 The halakhic digests described here, despite their many similarities, are not alike, not in style and not necessarily in content. Furthermore, not only are they dissimilar, but, despite their being described as concise, succinct digests, that should not be understood to mean that these works are overly brief or of limited content, several being substantial works, albeit not comparable to well-known medieval works such as the Arba’ah Turim and the Mishneh Torah. The books are varied, some being general halakhic compendiums, others enumerations of the taryag (613) mitzvot, and yet others on specific branches of halakhah, such as issur ve-heter (dietary laws, prohibited and permitted foods), liturgy, 2 The format and foliation of these editions of the above works are Hayyei Adam with Nishmat Adam, 20: 3, 68, [1], 42, 13 ff.; Hokhmat Adam with Binat Adam, 20: [4], 99, [1], 52 ff.; Kizzur Shulhan Arukh, 80: [4], 144 ff.; Arba’ah Turim, 20: 138, 108, 70, 155 ff.; Mishneh Torah, 20: [352] ff.; Shulhan Arukh, 40: 136 [10], 131 [1], 79, 165 [1] ff.; and Beit Yosef, Tur Oraḥ Ḥayyim, 20: 24, 494 [1] ff. 3 The core descriptions of the titles mentioned in this article are taken from my The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2004); S. M. Chones, Toledot ha-Posekim (Warsaw, 1910; reprint Jerusalem, n.d.) [Hebrew]; Chaim Tchernowitz, Toledoth ha-Poskim (New York, 1946) [Hebrew]; and Solomon Zucrow, Sifrut ha-Halakhah (New York, 1932) [Hebrew].

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and halakhot specific to women; there are texts in Yiddish (Judeo-German) and Ladino, the last a translation and abridgment of the Shulhan Arukh. Only a small number of these titles are described here, the emphasis being on general halakhic rather than specific subject works, space limitations and concern for the readers’ patience being limiting factors.4 The books described here, then, are the more general works, mostly, but not always, in chronological order of their printing.5 The reader should note the recurring emphasis in the introductions of the need for a succinct halakhic work for those who, due to the exigencies of daily life, are unable to study a more detailed work. We begin with the Sefer ha-Roke’ah. 4 Among the popular specialized texts not addressed in this article are David ben Joseph Abudraham’s (14th cent.) classic work on Jewish liturgy Sefer Abudraham (Constantinople, 1513; Fez, 1517; and Venice, 1546, 1566), first printed in Lisbon in 1489; R. Bahya ben Asher ben Hlava’s (13th cent.) Shulhan shel Arba (Constantinople and Mantua, 1514; Venice, 1546; Cracow, 1579; and Lublin and in Prague, 1596) on the laws concerning meals; R. Solomon ben Abraham ibn Adret’s (Rashba, c. 1235–c. 1310) Torat ha-Bayit (ha-Kazer) compendium on dietary laws (Cremona, 1565); R. Isaac ben Meir of Dueren’s (late 13th cent.) Sha’arei Dura on forbidden foods and the koshering process (Cracow, 1534; Venice, 1547; Constantinople, 1553; Venice, 1564; Lublin, 1574; and Basle and Lublin, 1599); R. Moses ben Israel Isserles’s (Rema, c. 1530–1572) Torat ha-Hattat (Cracow, 1569, 1577; and 1590) expanding upon Sha’arei Dura with additions according to the customs of Polish and German Jewry, and abbreviated laws of Niddah; R. Jonah ben Abraham Gerondi’s (Rabbenu Yonah, c. 1200–1263, this attribution is uncertain) Issur ve-Hetter (Ferrara, 1555); R. Samuel ben Isaac ha-Sardi, Ha-Terumot (Salonika, 1596), halakhic code dealing with monetary matters; [R. Aaron of Barcelona], Sefer ha-Hinnukh (Venice, 1523), the taryag (613) mitzvot according to their occurrence in the Torah; R. David ben Solomon Vital, Keter Torah (Constantinople, 1536), versified summary of the 613 commandments; R. Eliezer ben Samuel of Metz (c. 1115–c. 1198), Sefer Yere’im (Venice, 1566), an enumeration of the taryag (613) mitzvot, according to the Halakhot Gedolot; R. Menahem ben Moses ha-Bavli, Ta’amei Mitzvot (Lublin, 1570–71), annotations on and explanations of the precepts; and R. Benjamin Aaron ben Abraham Slonik (Solnik, c. 1550–c. 1619), Mitzvot ha-Nashim (Ein Schon Frauen Buchlein, Cracow 1577) compendium in Yiddish on the mitzvot specific to women. 5 Among the general halakhic compendiums not addressed in this article are R. Asher ben Jehiel (Rosh) / R. Jacob ben Asher (Tur), Kizzur Piskei ha-Rosh (Constantinople, 1515), summary of the halakhic rulings in the Piskei ha-Rosh prepared by his son, R. Jacob ben Asher (Ba’al ha-Turim); Anonymous, Kol Bo (Constantinople, 1519), halakhic digest of ritual and civil laws for the entire year; R. Abraham ben Nathan ha-Yarhi (c. 1155–1215), Sefer ha-Manhig (Constantinople, 1519, 40: 130 ff.) laws and customs on prayers, synagogue, Sabbath, and festivals; Elijah ben Moses Bashyazi (Bashyatchi, c. 1420–90), Adderet Eliyah (Constantinople, 1531), Karaite halakhic compendium; R. Ishmael ha-Kohen Tanuji (16th cent.), Sefer haZikkaron, (Ferrara, 1555) concise halakhic work providing a précis of the halakhah based on earlier authorities; R. Samson ben Zadok (13th cent.), Sefer Tashbez (Cremona, 1556), halakhic work based on the customs of R. Meir of Rothenburg (Maharam) by his student R. Samson ben Zadok.

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R. Eleazer ben Judah’s (Roke’ah, c. 1165–c. 1238) Sefer ha-Roke’ah (Fano, 1505, 20, 110 ff.; reprinted Venice, 1549 and Cremona, 1557), concerned with minhagim (“customs”) and including considerable ethical material, is among the better-known general halakhic titles. Its author, a member of the renowned Kalonymus family, was a student of his father, R. Judah ben Kalonymus, R. Judah he-Hasid, and other prominent halakhists, such as R. Moses haKohen and R. Eliezer of Metz. A scholar and kabbalist, Eleazer was one of the Hasidei Ashkenaz, whose qualities are reflected in many of his books. A prolific writer, more than fifty works are credited to Eleazer, including piyyutim (liturgical poetry), many of a mystical nature, commentaries on the Torah, Megillot (Yayyin ha-Rekah), a Haggadah, and works of a kabbalisitic nature. Many of Eleazer’s writings remain in manuscript. Eleazer personally suffered from the persecution of the Jews. While working on his Torah commentary, two crusaders entered his home on 22 Kislev 4957 (Friday, November 15, 1196), murdered his wife, Dulcina, his daughters, Belat and Hannah, his son, Jacob, and his son’s teacher. Eleazer was severely wounded. A week later, a perpetrator was apprehended and executed. The condition of Jewish life at the time of the Crusades, emphasized by Eleazer’s personal tragedy, are reflected in the somber worldview and manner in which the correct service of the Creator is given in the Sefer ha-Roke’ah. The Fano edition of Sefer ha-Roke’ah was printed by the renowned Gershom Soncino; it is the first Hebrew book with a title page.6 The text of that title page is spare: it is really only a title label, devoid of ornamentation, that provides no more than the most basic information—the title, author, and the name of the editor, R. Judah of Pesaro, who performed his task “with great care.” Further information is given in the colophon, that is, the date of completion, erev Pesah 265 (Wednesday, March 29, 1505), and the place, Fano. The editor of the third Cremona edition, perhaps to extol his own work, wrote: “The first printer ‘has profaned the consecrated thing of the Lord’ (Leviticus 19:8) and ‘a ruin, a ruin’” (Ezekiel 21:32), throughout the land. ‘That which is crooked cannot be made straight’” (Ecclesiastes 1: 15).7 6 The first printed book with a regular title page was a fifty-five-year calendar, 1475–1530, calculated by the German astronomer Johannes Müller of Königsberg (Regiomontanus). It was published in simultaneous Latin and Italian editions by Erhard Ratdolt in Venice in 1476, and it was followed by a German edition in 1478. Concerning the development of the title page, see E. P. Goldschmidt, The Printed Book of the Renaissance (Cambridge, 1950), p. 63; Douglas McMurtie, The Book, The Story of Printing and Bookmaking (New York, 1989), pp. 560–62; and Margaret M. Smith, The Title Page: Its Early Development, 1460–1510 (London, 2000), p. 43. 7 The editor of the third Cremona edition’s comments should be understood in context. Alfred W. Pollard “Collectors and Collecting,” in Fine Books (London, 1912; reprint New York,

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In the introduction, Eleazer begins by stating his purpose in writing ha-Roke’ah: “I laid to my heart” (Ecclesiastes 9:1) the vanities of this world, which are “vain and false” (Shevu’ot 20b); this world is transitory and the days of man limited, “the workmen are indolent” (Avot 2:15) due to their many troubles and distress, lacking the heart of a man, for by the gentiles there is no Torah. I said to myself “not everyone has the privilege” (Berakhot 5a) to have (to know) the heart for the study of halakhot, to sift fine flour. I will write a book “so that he who reads it may run” (Habakkuk 2:1) to “find acceptable words” (Ecclesiastes 12:10), to know how to fulfill the mitzvot as our God, may His name be blessed, commanded. He continues on to inform the reader that Ha-Roke’ah is so entitled because the numerical value of Roke’ah (‫ = רקח‬308, the “Perfumer”), the family name, equals the numerical value of his personal name, Eleazer (‫ = אלעזר‬308). Sefer ha-Roke’ah is not a detailed or casuistic work, but rather gives the halakhah in a direct manner. It is primarily based on Talmudic sources, referencing the Jerusalem as well as the Babylonian Talmud. Use is also made of Midrashic sources, and the book reflects the influence of Kabbalah. It is intended for the average person rather than for scholars; it is obvious in its approach, which is practical rather than theoretical. Sefer ha-Roke’ah begins with a discussion of the love and fear of God, prayer, and humility (Hilkhot Hassidut), followed by the text, which is divided into 497 sections, beginning with a chapter on repentance (29 sections). The remainder of the book deals with the laws encompassing Jewish life, such as prayer, Sabbath, festivals, mourning, and dietary laws. Written in a clear and lucid style, ha-Roke’ah is a popular and much reprinted work. The ethical portions have also frequently been reprinted apart from the complete Sefer ha-Roke’ah. Amudei Golah, or Sefer Mitzvot Katan (Semak) is R. Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil (d. 1280) of the Ba’alei Tosafot’s concise halakhic compendium. It was first printed in Constantinople (1510, 40: 146 ff.; reprinted in Cremona, 1556; and Cracow, 1596) by [David and Samuel] ibn Nahmias. Isaac ben Joseph, the sonin-law and student of R. Jehiel of Paris and pupil of R. Samuel of Evreux, was known for his outstanding piety. Among Isaac’s students are eminent Tosafists,

1964), p. 14, discussing early presses, writes that “editors, an assertive and depreciatory race, always vaunting their own accuracy and zeal and insisting on the incredible blunders by which previous editions had been deformed past recognition.”

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C. 1510, Amudei Golah (Semak), Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil, Constantinople

who induced him to write an abridgment of R. Moses ben Jacob of Coucy’s (13th cent.) Sefer Mitzvot Gadol (Semag). Amudei Golah is, therefore, also known as Sefer Mitzvot Katan (Semak) to distinguish it from that work. Indeed, according to the title page, “Sefer Amudei Golah, called Sefer Mitzvot Katan, is small in quantity and great in value.” Isaac states his purpose in writing this book in the introduction:

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Because of our iniquities, the Torah is forgotten. I saw that many do not know well the reasons for the mitzvot we are obligated to perform. I wrote those commandments that are incumbent upon us today in seven pillars corresponding to the seven days of the week. I requested every man to read one pillar daily in order that “that it may be well for him” (cf. Genesis 12:13) for there are many commandments that a person is not obligated to fulfill until they come to his hand. When one reads and takes to heart to perform them, the Holy One, blessed be He, considers it as if he had fulfilled the precept…. as it says in Sifrei, and remember and do them, from here remembering is as doing. At times, a mitzvah will come to one’s hand and he will not know how to fulfill it. Therefore, everyone should take to heart for “if not now, when?” Avot 1:14 The seven pillars, each related to at least one of the ten commandments, described in the author’s introduction, are: (1) service of the heart; (2) matters dependent upon individual action and time; (3) laws related to speech, for example, vows and prayers; (4) laws related to one’s hands, that is, manual labor; (5) dietary laws; (6) financial matters, which include laws of homicide, most often resulting from monetary transactions; and (7) the laws of Shabbat and milah. R. Perez ben Elijah of Corbeil (d. c. 1295), a student of Isaac of Corbeil, wrote annotations to the Amudei Golah, printed with subsequent editions, here interspersed with the text. Amudei Golah is built upon the Sefer Mitzvot Gadol of R. Moses ben Jacob of Coucy. However, although it follows the enumeration and details of commandments in that work, it does not adhere to the Semag’s organization nor does it contain its detailed, involved halakhic discussions. There is no necessity or basis, from either the Torah or the Talmud, in the structure followed by the Semak. Intended to be a popular work, Isaac included aggadic and ethical material.8 As a result, Amudei Golah proved to be a popular work, combining contemporary halakhah for a large audience, with parables and similar matter of interest. It also found favor with other codifiers, who often quote from Amudei Golah. The index of the commandments, which is found at the beginning of this edition, was included in a number of prayer books to be recited daily in lieu of tehinnot (“supplications”) and psalms. Isaac of Corbeil had multiple copies made and distributed at his own expense. He requested additional copies be made, which should be available to the public.9 8 Meyer Waxman, A History of Jewish Literature (1933; reprint Cranbury, 1960), II, pp. 127–29. 9 Ephraim Urbach, Ba’alei ha-Tosafot (Jerusalem, 1980), II, pp. 571–75 [Hebrew].

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Sefer ha-Terumah, by the Tosafist R. Baruch ben Isaac (late 12th to early 13th cent.), is a popular halakhic code, well distributed in manuscript, and frequently quoted by later rishonim (early sages). R. Baruch ben Isaac was known as Baruch of Worms, after his birthplace, and, perhaps, although this latter identification has been seriously challenged, known as Baruch of Regensberg, after his place of residence. Baruch spent considerable time in France—he was the foremost student of R. Isaac ben Samuel the Elder of Dampierre and later of R. Judah of Paris, and a colleague of R. Sampson of Sens—so that when he speaks of Germany he does not do so as a resident of that land. Baruch later immigrated to Eretz Israel, where he died. First printed by Daniel Bomberg (Venice, 1523, 20: 139 ff.), this edition has a spare title page with a brief text which states: “All who look into it ‘will find rest’ (cf. Jeremiah 6:16) ‘and will go out with a high hand’ (cf. Exodus 14:8)” and the date 5283 (1523). The colophon dates completion of work to Friday, 26 Nissan 5283 (April 21, 1523).10 The title page is followed by a detailed digest of its contents, in effect a synopsis and the essence of the halakhot covered in the book’s twelve subject areas, in 254 chapters (paragraphs) of varying length. The purpose of this comprehensive listing is to enable the reader to study concepts prior to learning them in greater detail and to review them afterwards. Baruch places great emphasis on this preliminary abstract, referring to it in the colophon. Sefer ha-Terumah is an important Ashkenazic code from the time of the Ba’alei Tosafot. It varies from contemporary halakhic codes in that the material is not arranged according to the order of tractates of the Talmud but rather by subject matter, which, within the halakhah, is then presented by tractate order. The contents are: Hilkhot Shehitah (1–8); Treifus (9–25); issur ve-heter (26–79); hallah (80–85); niddah (86–109); gittin (110–132); halizah (133); avodah zarah (134–60); tayyin nesach (161–88); Sefer Torah (189–202); tephillin (203–213); and Shabbat (214–54), the last divided into nine subheadings. These contents encompass religious and family law, but do not include civil law or communal customs. Baruch did not base Sefer ha-Terumah on his own understanding of the halakhah, but rather on the rulings of his teachers, particularly R. Isaac ben Samuel. He quotes his sources, mostly naming French sages, particularly R. Samuel ben Meir (Rashbam), R. Jacob ben Meir (Rabbenu Tam), and R. Isaac ben Meir (Ribam). No Sephardic sages are mentioned. In the concluding 10 26 Nissan 5283 (April 21, 1523) was not a Friday but a Saturday. Perhaps the non-Jewish compositors altered the date in consideration of the sensitivity of the book’s Jewish readers (purchasers). More likely, this being the colophon and there being no necessity, in any case, to spell out the date, the 26 is simply a typesetting error.

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figure 19.2 1526, Agur, Jacob Barukh ben Judah Landau, Rimini

paragraph, Baruch states that he entitled this work Sefer ha-Terumah because it represents the best teachings of his time. Sefer ha-Terumah was also a well-distributed manuscript work, frequently quoted by later rishonim. Its popularity was not because of novellae or profundity, but rather due to its direct and concise summary of the halakhah and it having been written in a clear and lucid style. Entire sections were copied by R. Simhah ben Samuel of Vitry in the Mahzor Vitry. Baruch also wrote tosafot to

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tractate Zevahim, normally printed with the Talmud, and on a number of other tractates, which are no longer extant.11 Our next work, Sefer Ha-Agur is a concise halakhic compendium by R. Jacob Baruch ben Judah Landau (15th cent.). A member of a prominent rabbinic German family, Landau, as did many other Jews in the fifteenth century, relocated to Italy. After about ten years in Italy, he settled in Pavia (1480) and afterwards in Naples (1487), where he worked for a time as a proofreader at the press of Joseph Gunzenhausen. Among the works printed at that press in 1490, by Azriel ben Joseph Gunzenhausen, is Landau’s ha-Agur. This, the second printing (Rimini, Italy, 1526, 40: 102 ff.; reprinted, Venice, 1549), was published by Gershom Soncino, the preeminent pioneer of Hebrew printing. The title page, with an architectural frame, is dated from “the third year of our lord Pope Clement VII (Giulio de’ Medici, 1478–1534, pope from 1523 to 1534),” that is, 1526. The text of the title page describes ha-Agur’s subject matter as Hilkhot tefilah, zitzit, and tefillin, blessings, the laws of Shabbat and festivals, the laws of [ritual] slaughter, issur ve-hetter, the scouring of utensils, the laws of niddah, tevillah, mikva’ot, Sefer Torah, mezfzot, and eruvin. The text is followed with a table of its contents, and the book is completed with Sefer Hazon, which is also by Landau. Hazon is a small book of Talmudic conundrums. It does not, in this edition, have a separate title page, but its presence is noted on the title page of the Agur. In the introduction, we are informed as to the source of the title and Landau’s purposes in writing the Agur. It begins: “The words of Agur the son of Jakeh” (Proverbs 30:1), to his distinguished pupil, R. Ezra ben David Ovadiah ha-Rofeh of the house of Leon…. “His soul longs” (Genesis 34:8) with a great desire to cleave to the sages all the day to plow ‫יחרוש‬, to seek ‫“ ידרוש‬to spread ‫ יפרוש‬his wings” (Deuteronomy 32:11) to “frequent the shade of wisdom” (Ecclesiastes 7:12)…. And when I saw that his intentions were good and he was prepared to accept the wisdom of the Torah, with his good nature and clear intelligence, striving greatly to find the correct path. He cleared the path ‫ יסקל מסילות סלולות‬for him to go to “a city of habitation” (Psalms 107: 4, 7, 36)…. “He sought me daily to know” (cf. Isaiah 58:2) “the entrance to the city” (cf. II Samuel 17:17) 11 Urbach, Ba’alei ha-Tosafot, I, pp. 345–56.

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the city of his intention “to enlighten his eyes” (cf. Ezra 9:8) to arrive at his “desired haven” (Psalms 107:30) … This was the primary reason that I aroused myself when I saw my distinguished student putting forth his hands for the fruit “of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil” (cf. Genesis 2:17), which are the commandments explained in the Talmud.” His student’s time for Talmud was limited, however, by his studies of physics and metaphysics, necessitating this more concise work to instruct him in his Jewish studies. Ha-Agur is a distillation of halakhah, primarily in Oraḥ Ḥayyim and to a lesser extent from the other parts of the Arba’ah Turim. Although Landau makes use of a large number of sources, he relies primarily on the Tur of R. Jacob ben Asher, also following the arrangement of that work. Mention is made of the opinions of later decisors and their rulings subsequent to the Tur, among them R. Israel Isserlein, R. Jacob Weil, R. Joseph Colon, and Jacob Landau’s father, R. Judah Landau. Ha-Agur reflects the Ashkenaz tradition in halakhah and minhag. Landau also integrates kabbalistic content into the text, quoting from the Zohar, one, if not the first, to do so in a halakhic work, and he provides a summary of the halakhah, all in a concise manner. An example of the conundrums in Hazon is: If a person does one mitzvah more than the required measure he forfeits the reward [for performing the mitzvah] and is not considered to have performed the mitzvah. Explanation: Terumah requires a first offering in which the remainder is recognizable. If one makes the entire heap terumah he has not fulfilled the mitzvah. There is water in which it is permissible to toval (“immerse”) one’s entire body and unfit for netilat yadai’im, and specifically in a utensil. Explanation: The thermal springs of Tiberias. If they are in their place, it is permissible to toval one’s hands in them, but it is prohibited to do so in a utensil (O. H. 160; Hullin 106a). The incunable edition of the Agur was the second Hebrew book published in the lifetime of its author, the first being R. Judah ben Jehiel’s (Messer Leon) Nofet Zufim (Mantua, before 1480), and the first book to contain rabbinic haskomot (“approbations”). These approbations were from R. Judah Messer Leon, R. Jacob ben David Provenzalo, R. Ben Zion ben Raphael, R. Isaac ben Samuel

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Hayyim, R. Solomon Hayyim ben Jehiel Raphael ha-Kohen, and R. Nethaniel ben Levi of Jerusalem, and they were reprinted with this edition.12 Messer Leon writes that he has examined ha-Agur, and that “it is a work that gives forth pleasant words…. and therefore I have set my signature unto these nectars of the honeycomb, these words of beauty.” No other works by Landau are known.13 Piskei Halakhot is a halakhic work from the Italian kabbalist R. Menahem ben Benjamin Recanati (late 13th–early 14th centuries). Published by the Company of Silk Weavers, Piskei Halakhot (Bologna, 1538, 40: [12] 62 ff.) is the sole halakhic work known to have been written by Recanati. Little is known about him, although it is reported that Recanati was originally an ignorant person who became, miraculously, wise and understanding. Recanati is better known for his kabbalistic works, Perush al ha-Torah (Venice, 1523), Ta’amei haMitzvot, and Perush ha-Tefillot (Constantinople, 1544). The title page, with a brief text and no ornamentation, notes the kabbalistic background of the author, mentions “Piskei Halakhot from the kabbalist, Rabbenu Menahem of Recanati.” The volume begins with a twelve-page table of contents, which is followed by 601 concise halakhic decisions without discussion. For example: Those days that people are accustomed to fast, for example, between the ten days of repentance [between Rosh Ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur] even though they did not accept the fast upon themselves the day before, they may fast, for in such an instance prior acceptance is not necessary. (177). The Halakhah is like Rav Sheshet who says that even to wash before Tishah be-Av and to put aside is forbidden. (186). This is not an original work, but rather is based on a large number of earlier authorities, primarily German and French decisors, most importantly R. Eliezer ben Samuel of Metz (c. 1115–c. 98), author of Sefer Yere’im. Recanati also relies on many other Ba’alei Tosafot, such as R. Eliezer ben Joel ha-Levi of Bonn (Ravyah, 1140–1225) and Rabbenu Tam (c. 1110–1171), the latest being R. Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg (Maharam, c. 1215–93). Sephardic authorities are quoted, including Alfasi and Maimonides, but to a lesser extent. A number of 12 Concerning this edition of Messer Leon’s Nofet Zufim, see Joshua Bloch, “First Hebrew Book Printed during the Lifetime of its Author,” Bulletin of the New York Public Library 39, no. 2 (1935), pp. 95–96; reprinted in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography (New York, 1976), pp. 143–44. 13 Moses Herschler, Ha-Agur ha-Shalem (Jerusalem, 1960), pp. 5–14 [Hebrew].

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Recanati’s sources would be unknown if not for their being referenced in Piskei Halakhot. With one exception, references to Rashba are not to R. Solomon ben Abraham Adret (c. 1235–c. 1310), but to R. Simeon ben Abraham. Recanati, who frequently quotes the Ramban (R. Moses ben Nahman, Nahmanides, 1194– 1270) in his Torah commentary, makes no mention of him here. References within a halakhah are made without consideration of their chronological order, and much of the material lacks apparent order, suggesting that the work was prepared by Recanati for his personal use as an outline for a later expanded work, or, that this brief work was sufficient for someone who did not wish to devote considerable time to halakhah but preferred to turn to other studies, such as Kabbalah. Later editions of Piskei Halakhot are censored, missing entire entries, primarily those with material pertaining to non-Jews. Among the objectionable material are the sections yayin nesekh (“gentile wine”) and the laws of avodah zarah (“idol worship”). An example of the former is: 251: There are those who say that a gentile who pours out wine of a Jew, even intentionally knowing that it is wine, it is not considered as yayin nesekh for it (the wine) gets lost and that is not the way of a libation as it says in the chapter Ein Ma’amidim “it is like pouring water into clay” [Avodah Zarah 33a] and since it is not a libation what is in the utensil is permissible. However, from utensil to utensil everyone forbids it … and there are those who forbid it in any case. The title page of the 1820 edition of Piskei Halakhot, printed in Poland/Russia, gives the date as 1538 and the place of publication as Bologna. Most likely, this unexpurgated edition was backdated to avoid problems with the censor.14 Shibbolei ha-Leket is a halakhic compendium by the Italian sage R. Zedekiah (ha-Rofei) ben Abraham (c. 1230–c. 1300) of the Anav family.15 Although 14

15

Concerning further examples of the backdating of books, see my “Who Can Discern His Errors? Misdates, Errors, and Deceptions in and about Hebrew Books, Intentional and Otherwise,” Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 12 (2011), pp. 284– 87; and, to be reprinted, Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, forthcoming). Anav (Anau) is an ancient Italian family, which was mostly resident in Rome. According to family tradition, the Anavs are descended from one of four aristocratic families of Jerusalem brought by Titus to Rome from Jerusalem after the destruction of the Temple. In addition to the members of the family noted here, other prominent members include R. Nathan ben Jehiel (Ba’al he-Arukh, 1035–c. 1110), author of the lexicon the Arukh, and several liturgical poets. See Attilio Milano, “Anau,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed., vol. 2. (Detroit, 2007), p. 136.

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figure 19.3 1546, Shibbolei ha-Leket, Zedekiah (ha-Rofei) ben Abraham, Venice Courtesy of the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak

it is known that Zedekiah was a student of R. Judah ben Benjamin, R. Meir ben Moses, R. Avigdor Katz, R. Jacob of Wuerzburg, and, perhaps, R. Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg, little else is known of his life. Nevertheless, it is clear, from Shibbolei ha-Leket, that, at least when he wrote this work, he was a resident of Rome and that he was alive when the Talmud was burned in Paris in 1242. Also, we know from the appellation, ha-rofei, that he was a physician. His brothers, Benjamin (Massa Gei Hizzayon, Riva di Trento, 1560) and Moses, were both liturgical poets, and the former also a physician. Shibbolei ha-Leket (Venice, 1546, 20: 55 ff.), printed by Daniel Bomberg, is a detailed compilation from earlier halakhic works and responsa covering prayers, holidays, and the Jewish year. Zedekiah references a large number of early sources, quotes often from the Jerusalem as well as the Babylonian

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Talmud, notes divergent positions, and discusses various customs and laws without offering his own opinion. The title page, which does not mention Zedekiah, states: “Who is the man who desires life, [and loves many days, that he may see good?]” (Psalms 35:13), for a sign, for the appointed times of the days and years, … “I beg you, let (me) glean and gather after the reapers among the sheaves” (Ruth 2:7) in this book, full of the interpretations of the geonim and decisors. In the introduction, Zedekiah relates that he has named it Shibbolei ha-Leket (Gleaned Ears) for he has selected from “a field of the understanding of the geonim, here and there ‫ הנה והנה‬as he found them and arranged the halakhot one to another ‫‘ אחת אל אחת‬like a bed of spices, like fragrant flowers’ (Song of Songs 5:13). I did not come to fill my sack and bag with grain with a lengthy commentary for the ‘hand is not shortened’ (Isaiah 59:1).” This edition is much abridged, the now more familiar Shibbolei ha-Leket haShalem, based on a manuscript, not having been printed until 1886. Unlike the complete version, divided into 13 arugot (“rows,” “sections”) and 372 shibbolim (“ears”), this edition is divided into 12 sections and 121 subsections. Among the omitted material is the recounting of the burning of the Talmud, with the accompanying she’elot holim (request for a response via a dream), as to the appropriate time to fast; the commentary on the Haggadah; and numerous references to his brothers. In 1988, a second part of Shibbolei ha-Leket, previously unpublished, covering dietary laws, interest, and vows, was published from a manuscript. In the description of the burning of the Talmud, Zedekiah writes: Since we are occupied with the laws of fasts and the burning of the Torah we will write as a remembrance that what befell us in our own days due to our many iniquities, for the Torah of our God was burned in 5004 [1244, sic.] of the creation on the sixth day of Parashat Hukkat [Numbers 29]. Twenty-four wagons full of volumes of the Talmud, halakhot, and aggadot were burned in France, as we have heard. We have heard from rabbis who were there that they asked a she’elot holim to know if this was a decree from the Creator, and He responded to them that it was a decree of the Torah … and from that day on the leading individuals [of the community] accepted upon themselves to fast each and every year on the sixth day of Parashat Hukkat, not setting [the fast] by the day of the month, so that the ashes should be an atonement for us, as a burnt offering on the pyre and may it be as pleasant for sons of Judah as a meal offering

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brought according to halakhah. May our remembrance take place, and may God fulfill for us what is written, “Then shall the offering of Judah [and Jerusalem] be pleasant to the Lord, as in the days of old, and as in former years” (Malachi 3:4).16 The volume is completed by a brief colophon, a table of contents, and the tale describing the encounter of the amora R. Joshua ben Levi and the angel of death, in which R. Joshua is assured of his place in the Garden of Eden, given a tour of the Garden, which is described, and gets the angel of death’s sword (Ketubbot 77b). It concludes with a single brief responsa from R. Solomon ben Abraham Adret (Rashba, 1235–c. 1310) concerning an individual who wished to be relieved from a vow to cease gambling, so that he would not violate both his vow and the prohibition against gambling. The response was negative. Shibbolei ha-Leket was sufficiently popular that it was abridged as, or was a major source for, our next work, Sefer Tanya Rabbati, which was also a comprehensive halakhic digest. It is ascribed to R. Jehiel ben Jekuthiel ben Benjamin ha-Rofei Anav (late 13th cent.), perhaps a grandson of Zedekiah’s brother. R. Jehiel was a scribe, paytan, and author of Ma’alot ha-Middot (Constantinople, c. 1511 as Beit Middot, and Cremona, 1556). Little personal information is available about Jehiel, except that he too was a scion of the Anav family. First printed in Mantua (1514, 40: [99] ff.), it was reprinted in Cremona (1565). The Mantua edition was printed by Samuel Latif without a title page. The date of printing is known from the colophon, which gives the completion date as “the month of Sivan, 5074 (sic.) from the creation, ‘That then the Lord your God will turn your captivity, and have compassion upon you ‫[( ורחמך‬5]274 = May 26–June 23, 1514), and will return and gather you from all the nations, where the Lord your God has scattered you’ (Deuteronomy 30:3).” The title page of the Cremona edition notes that it is “‘The rear guard of all the camps’ (Numbers 10:25), assembling all the laws and customs appropriate for every Jewish man in a clear and easy language.” A preface from R. Simon 16

Zedekiah ben Abraham ha-Rofei, Shibbolei ha-Leket ha-Shalem, ed. Solomon Buber (Israel, 1977), p. 252, no. 263 [Hebrew]; Tchernowitz, II, pp. 186–91. The discrepancy between the date normally given for burning the Talmud, 1242, and the date in Shibbolei ha-Leket, 1244, has been addressed by S. H. Kuk and D. Tamar (Kiryat Sefer 29 (1953–54). It is suggested that the discrepancy may have resulted from misreading a daled ‫( ד‬4) for a bet ‫( ב‬2) in the manuscript of the Shibbolei ha-Leket, a not uncommon occurrence when reading manuscripts. Parenthetically, this fast day is noted in modern halakhic works. For example, the Magen Avraham, Mishnah Berurah, and the Kaf ha-Hayyim on Shulhan Arukh 580:3, and the Arukh ha-Shulhan 580:4 all mention the burning of the Talmud and comment on the associated fast day.

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ha-Levi, who brought the book to press follows, then a page of verse, table of contents, and the text. It was known as Sefer Tanya, so entitled because it begins with the word “tanya” (we learn in a baraita). It later became known as Tanya Rabbati, to distinguish it from the much reprinted Tanya of R. Schneur Zalman of Liadi. The above attribution notwithstanding, the authorship of Tanya Rabbati is uncertain. R. Simon ha-Levi states that the author, “being most humble, not wanting to take the crown of greatness appropriate to him, did not mention his name,” but there are those who say he was R. Jehiel, brother of R. Jacob, Ba’al ha-Turim, “which seems correct, for he mentions himself in this work as ‘I, the scribe Jehiel.’” This attribution, often repeated, is no longer accepted. It is now believed that the author was R. Jehiel ben Jekuthiel, perhaps a greatnephew of Zedekiah (ha-Rofei) ben Abraham, author of Shibbolei ha-Leket, to which Tanya has been compared. Tanya differs from Shibbolei ha-Leket in a number of particular ways. There are additions, omissions, rearrangement of entries, and abbreviations of supportive material brought by Zedekiah ha-Rofei. Nevertheless, the similarities, including identical language, leaves little doubt as to the close relationship between the two works, Tanya being a concise edition of Shibbolei ha-Leket. The latter work, and Zedekiah ha-Rofei, are frequently referenced in Tanya, suggesting to some that Jehiel’s intent, if it was he, was to conceal the fact that his book was an abridgment of Shibbolei ha-Leket and not an original work. In response, it has been asked why, if Jehiel wished to plagiarize Zedekiah’s work, he omitted his name and frequently referenced Shibbolei ha-Leket. Several additional possibilities have been suggested. Zedekiah wrote both versions, omitting his name from the earlier concise work; Jehiel, a copyist, discovered the manuscripts, and, intending to write a popular halakhic digest, rewrote the first, adding material from the second, not realizing they came from the same author. Possibly Jehiel, in fact Zedekiah’s grandfather, wrote Tanya as a halakhic digest for the family, a work later greatly augmented by Zedekiah in Shibbolei ha-Leket. Finally, perhaps the two works are indeed independent, their likeness resulting from the fact that both authors were students of Jehiel’s uncle, Judah ben Benjamin Anav.17 We earlier began referring to Zeidah la-Derekh, R. Menahem ben Aaron ibn Zerah’s (c. 1310–85) halakhic code. This concise code of law (Ferrara, 1554, 40: 297 ff.) is unusual, in that it is directed towards the wealthier strata of Jewish 17

Solomon Buber, ed., Tanya Rabbati (Warsaw; reprint, Jerusalem, 1963), pp. 24–31 [Hebrew]; Saul Kook, Iyyunim u-Mehkarim II (Jerusalem, 1963), pp. 270–72 [Hebrew]; S. K. Mirsky, ed., Shibbolei ha-Leket ha-Shalem (New York, 1966), pp. 40–49 [Hebrew].

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figure 19.4 1554, Zeidah la-Derekh, Menahem ben Aaron ibn Zerah, Ferrara

society. In the introduction, Ibn Zerah informs us about his background and difficult early years, relating the following: In the year 5088 (1328) “the anger of the Lord was kindled against his people” (Isaiah 5:25) “and the king [of France who ruled over Navarre] died” (I Kings 22:37) and the people rose up and took counsel together “to destroy, slay and annihilate” (Esther 7:4) “all the Jews who were” (ibid. 3:6) in their kingdom and they slew in Estella and other places in the

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land about 6,000 Jews, including my lord, my father, my mother, and my four brothers, younger than me, dying in sanctification of the Lord’s name. I alone survived from my father’s house “stricken, struck by God, and afflicted” (Isaiah 53:4), for twenty-five of the wicked “struck me and wounded me” (Song of Songs 5:7) and I was cast naked among the dead. A knight, a friend of his father, found Ibn Zerah, removed him from among the dead, brought him home and nursed him back to health. After he recovered, Menahem went to Toledo, where he studied under R. Joshua ben Shuaib and R. Judah ben Asher, grandson of the Rosh (R. Asher ben Jehiel). Ibn Zerah subsequently went to Alcala de Henarez (in the vicinity of Toledo), where he studied under R. Joseph ben al-Aysh, whom he succeeded as rabbi in 1361. Eight years later, a civil war between two aspirants to the throne left Menahem impoverished. The courtier, Don Samuel Abrabanel, interceded on his behalf, and Ibn Zerah was appointed rabbi of Toledo and head of the rabbinical academy there. Ibn Zerah composed Zeidah la-Derekh for the honor and benefit of Don Samuel, whom he praises in the introduction. The book is directed towards the wealthy who, because of their responsibilities and lifestyle, including social intercourse with non-Jews, are not always rigorous in the performance of mitzvot, nor do they have sufficient time to master a detailed code, as he informs us in his introduction: I saw that they [Spanish-Jewish nobles] who are in the courtyard of our lord the king, may his majesty be exalted, are a shield and shelter for the rest of their people, each according to his position and status. However, due to the tumultuous times and their desire for attention and matters that are unnecessary “going continually” (Joshua 6:13; 2 Kings 2:11), lacking in obligatory mitzvot, … prayers, benedictions, issur ve-ha-heter, Shabbat, festivals, Seder Nashim, and “they also reel through wine” (Isaiah 28:7). I loved the above [Don Samuel Abrabanel], may God preserve him … and set myself the goal … and entered within my limits and wrote this book and entitled it Zeidah la-Derekh. I arranged his table for soul and body … and entitled it Zeidah la-Derekh and said for my soul to clear the way. His code, therefore, is directed towards the practical. It provides, as its name, Zeidah la-Derekh (Provision for the Way) (Genesis 42:25, 45:21) implies, the traveler’s necessities so the journey is not too burdensome to bear. In addition to

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its halakhic content, Zeidah la-Derekh provides reasons, based on the Rambam, for the commandments, philosophical and moral precepts, and medical advice. The title page of the first edition, printed in Ferrara at the press of Abraham ibn Usque, has that printer’s device, the astrolabe and anchor, and gives a completion date of 8 Adar, “in the shadow of the Almighty ‫( שד״י‬354 = February 20, 1554) I will take refuge,” (cf. Psalms 57:2). Zeidah la-Derekh is divided into five ma’amarim (“articles”), which are further divided into kelalim (“rules”), which are subdivided into 372 perakim (“chapters”). The ma’amarim are (1) prayers, blessings, tefillin and zizit; (2) issur ve-hetter; (3) laws of matrimony and divorce (4) laws pertaining to the Sabbath and festivals; and (5) fast days and the laws of mourning. This last part is completed with a discussion of the coming of the messiah and the resurrection of the dead. The second edition (Sabbioneta, 1567) varies from the previous Ferrara edition, reflecting the censor’s expurgations and changes. Most notable is the section on the Amidah which initially included a discussion of the twelfth benediction, malshinim (“slanderers,” “informers”). This paragraph, comprising almost an entire leaf, is omitted and the enumeration of the prayers comprising the Amidah was correspondingly adjusted in the Sabbioneta and subsequent editions of Zeidah la-Derekh to the present. In some instances, in the first unexpurgated edition, rather than ink out so many lines, the censor had the entire quire removed.18 Among the most influential compilations of customs and laws is R. Jacob ben Moses’s (Maharil, c. 1360–1447) Sefer Maharil, which was composed by his pupil R. Eleazar ben Jacob (Zalman of St. Goar), from the discourses that he heard from Maharil. Maharil (Morenu ha-Rav Ya’akov Levi), the leading halakhic authority of his time, was also known as Mahari Segal and as Mahari Moellin, these various appellations resulting in some confusion as to whether they referred to one or more individuals. Maharil was a student of R. Shalom ben Isaac of Neustadt (Sar Shalom) and the teacher of R. Jacob Weil (Mahariv, d. c. 1455). He was among the first, together with R. Shalom of Neustadt, to be given the title Morenu, which was done to prevent abuses in the performance of marriages and divorces by unauthorized individuals. The slaughter of Jews in Austria in 1420 was followed by the Hussite Wars, a time of great suffering for the Jews of Central Europe. They beseeched Maharil to pray for them. He, in turn, requested that they fast for three days and pray, which they did

18 Shlomo Eidelberg, “Menachem Ben Aaron Ibn Zerah,” in Medieval Jewish Ashkenazic History: Studies in European Jewry II: Hebrew Essays (Brooklyn, NY, 2000), pp. 204–26 [Hebrew].

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(September 1421). At the end of that period, the Imperial army dispersed and the very soldiers who had harassed the Jews came to beg food from them. However, Sefer Maharil is not only a halakhic digest, but also a compendium of the customs of German Jewry. It begins with the laws pertinent to Nissan, for it “is the month concerning which the Torah writes, ‘This month shall be to you the beginning of months; it shall be the first month of the year to you’ (Exodus 12:2), therefore I am beginning the explanation of the customs relevant to each of the months of the year with [Nissan].” The text begins with Rosh Hodesh, thirty days before Pesah, the laws of Pesah, Shavuot, Yom Tov, Shabbat, fast days, continuing through Sukkot, and concluding with the laws of Purim. The halakhot on festivals are followed by laws pertaining throughout the year, such as prayer, marriage, milah, divorce, dietary laws, ritual slaughter, zizit, tefillin, mezuzah, niddah, and mourning. Interspersed with these halakhot are various customs and laws that do not fit into any of the above categories. Sefer Maharil, much copied and often reprinted, is one of the most basic sources of Ashkenaz custom and practice, and is frequently referenced by R. Moses Isserles (Rema) in his glosses to the Shulhan Arukh. Maharil wrote numerous responsa, which were collected by another student and first published in Venice in 1549. He is also remembered for his cantorial abilities, composition of synagogal hymns, and advocacy for retaining traditional tunes. Niggunei Maharil, attributed to him, were sung until modern times by the Jewish community of Mainz. The volume, which measures 19 cm, is completed with an index followed by the device of the printer Tobias Foa. The Cremona edition, printed two years later, an identical copy of this edition, including the text of the title page, was printed at the expense of the apostate Vittorio Eliano. Next, we have two paired halakhic works, Toledot Adam ve-Havvah and Sefer Mesharim, by R. Jeroham ben Meshullam of Provence (Rabbenu Jeroham, c. 1290–1350). Jeroham was born in Provence, but with the expulsion of the Jews from France in 1306 wandered until settling in Toledo. He was taught briefly by R. Asher ben Jehiel (Rosh) and for a longer period by R. Abraham ben Moses Ismail, a student of R. Solomon ben Abraham Adret (Rashba). Jeroham wrote two works, Sefer Mesharim in 1334, and Toledot Adam ve-Havvah in 1340 (Venice, 1557, 20: 16, 13–238, 2–104 ff., printed previously in Constantinople (1516)). The former work deals with civil law, primarily monetary issues and is divided into thirty-two “paths” (netivot). Sefer Mesharim (Book of Uprightness) is not an original work, but rather a compendium of the decisions of earlier authorities. It is organized so that anyone, even laypeople, can benefit from the work. Sefer Mesharim begins with a long table of contents, which is unusual for that period. In the introduction, he praises Alfasi and Rambam, but, with the weakening of the heart and the

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additions of later sages, it is not easy to find nor master the law which is not in one place, for example, the laws of property, where acquisition is in one place and laws of possession in another. Therefore, Jeroham properly arranges each subject, reordering the organization of the Rambam, which is for scholars, following the Rosh. He is the first to include the laws of Shemittah (Sabbatical year) and prosbul (formula for releasing debt in a Sabbatical year) as monetary matters, in contradistinction to Rambam, who classifies them as agricultural laws. In this edition, it follows Toledot Adam ve-Havvah. In the introduction to Toledot Adam ve-Havvah, Jeroham writes that friends, upon seeing the benefits of Sefer Mesharim, pressed and urged him to prepare a similar work on issur ve-heter (dietary laws). He accommodated them, writing Toledot Adam ve-Havvah, remarking that God and Israel know that he did not do this for the honor or to be considered a scholar, for he merely transcribed the words of the sages that preceded him. Toledot Adam ve-Havvah comprises twenty-eight paths, in two parts, according to the periods of a person’s life, from birth to death. Adam, the first part, treats the precepts from a person’s birth until marriage, encompassing birth, milah, benedictions, prayer, learning Torah, holidays, vows, kashrut, and contemporary customs, all matters a person should know prior to their wedding. Havvah, the second part, deals with the period from marriage until death, covering marital laws, such as betrothal, weddings, divorces, levirate marriage, niddah, and mitzvot applicable to women. Here too Jeroham brings the opinions of earlier decisors, particularly Piskei ha-Rosh, and records the customs of Jewry in France, Spain, and Provence. Toledot Adam ve-Havvah and Sefer Mesharim are the only works known from Jeroham ben Meshullam. Although well received when written, they were quickly superseded by the Arba’ah Turim of R. Jacob ben Asher. This edition, and subsequent printings as well as, are based on the 1516 Constantinople edition, which was based on a corrupt manuscript. Nevertheless, Toledot Adam ve-Havvah and Sefer Mesharim are highly regarded and referenced by decisors such as R. Joseph Caro and R. Samuel de Medina. It was more than two hundred and fifty years until the next printing of Toledot Adam ve-Havvah (Kopyst, 1808). Minhagim, by Abraham Klausner (d. 1407/8), is the earliest printed book of Jewish customs. The author was a student of R. Moses of Znaim, and, from 1380, Rabbi of Vienna, together with R. Meir ben Baruch ha-Levi (d. 1404). R. Aaron of Neustadt (Blumlein) was his brother-in-law. Minhagim (Riva di Trento, 1558, 160: 43 [1]) records the customs of the Jews of France and Germany for the entire year, encompassing benedictions, prayers, and ritual practice. Although based on a number of writers over a period of

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time, including the geonim, a primary source is the Siddur of Rashi, which details the customs of medieval French Jewry. R. Hayyim Paltiel (d. 1307), a student of Eliezer of Touques, and, perhaps, the Maharam Rothenburg (Meir ben Baruch), and Rabbi of Magdeburg, Germany, added the customs of German Jewry, composing a Sefer ha-Minhagim. This work was the basis of Klausner’s Minhagim. Klausner did not, however, simply rework Paltiel’s book, but rather added considerable explanatory marginalia of his own. The title page is simple, without any decoration. On the verso is a brief preface from R. Jacob Marcaria. Within the book, the text is surrounded by glosses, which often exceed the text in length. Customs are given in a straightforward manner, beginning with Selihot (penitential prayers) recited from the conclusion of the Shabbat prior to Rosh Ha-Shanah through the festivals and fast days to Tishah be-Av (9th of Av). Emphasis is placed on those customs dealing with prayer, Torah readings, and the synagogue. It is a basic work on prayers for Shabbat, festivals, including piyyutim (liturgical poems) included in mahzorim. Among the interesting features is that here, for the first time, the prayer, Av haRahamim, for martyrs is mandated. Minhagim concludes, on the last page, with a paragraph (from Klausner) relating that he had “vowed to fast on Mondays, Thursdays, and Mondays for a complete year. It happened, however, that Tishah be-Av occurred that year on a Tuesday: R. Yom Tov Lipmann [Muelhausen] from Neustadt and R. Mendel Klausner permitted me to eat after minhah (afternoon prayers), but only one cooked item, from lentils, without any fat and without anything else.” The colophon notes that it was completed on 2 Kislev 319 (November 22, 1558). Minhagim is an important and influential work, and, because of it Klausner is known as the father of Minhag Ashkenaz. The book’s inherent value was enhanced by the fact that Klausner’s students included such luminaries as R. Israel Isserlein (Terumat ha-Deshen, Venice, 1519), Jacob Moellin (Sefer Maharil, Sabbioneta, 1556), and Isaac Tyrnau (Minhagim, Venice, 1566), all of whom drew upon Minhagim for their books and through them influenced R. Moses Isserles (Rema) in preparing his glosses on the Shulhan Arukh. Klausner also wrote responsa, which are noted in the responsa of Israel Bruna (c. 1400–80).19 A somewhat different halakhic compendium is Sefer ha-Aguddah (Cracow, 1571, 20: 4, 250 ff.) by R. Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen of Frankfurt. One of the 19

J. Freimann, ed., Leket Yosher (1904, reprint Jerusalem, 1964), pp. xviii–xix [Hebrew]; Jonah Joseph Disin, ed., Sefer ha-Minhagim le-Rabbenu Abraham Klausner (Jerusalem, 1978), pp. 9–15 [Hebrew]; David Wachtel, “Memorialization through Ritual and Liturgy in Medieval Ashkenaz” (Master’s Thesis, Colombia University, 1995).

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figure 19.5 1571, Sefer ha-Aguddah, Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen, Cracow

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leading Talmudists of Germany in the first half of the fourteenth century, Suslin was a student of R. Isaac of Dueren (Sha’arei Dura, late 13th cent.), and served as rabbi in Cologne, Worms, and Frankfurt. Towards the end of his life, he is reported to have settled in Erfurt, his birthplace, where, in the massacres following the Black Death, he reputedly suffered a martyr’s death on March 21, 1349, one of more than one hundred Jews who perished on that day. Sefer ha-Aguddah is a halakhic digest organized by Talmudic tractate. It is dissimilar from similarly organized works, as here the tractates do not follow the order of the Talmud. Rather, Suslin begins with Nezikin, Niddah, which are followed by Nashim. The subject matter also encompasses Zera’im, Kodashim, and Tohorot, matters generally not applicable today and normally omitted from codes. The purpose of the book, as suggested by its name, is to collect and present halakhot. Most, but not all, entries are brief, the halakhah being extracted from the Talmud without detailed explanations or elaboration. The Talmudic discourse on issues is absent, again in contrast to similar works, such as that of Alfasi, based on the order of the Talmud. Suslin brings the decisions of a large number of early decisors, including, Alfasi, Maharam, Mordekhai, Rashbam, Rosh, Rabbenu Tam, Semak, and Tashbetz. He does not hesitate, however, to express disagreement when his conclusions differ from their conclusions. Ha-Aguddah was prepared for publication by R. Joseph ben Mordecai Katz (She’erit Yosef, 1510–91), brother-in-law of R. Moses Isserles (Rema). The manuscript he used was imperfect, however, and his attempts to correct the text were not completely successful. Katz’s introduction is followed by a list of the halakhot in the book, and the text is followed by a more detailed listing, concluding with verses of thanksgiving by the printer, Isaac Prostitz. The work is accompanied by Katz’s annotations, written, as he explains in the introduction, because the concise style of ha-Aguddah frequently made it difficult to comprehend. The text, ordered by tractate, is further divided and numbered, permitting, with the indexes, easy reference. Katz notes that the author, in his humility, did not call the book by his name, but rather Katz found it attributed to Suslin in an old manuscript. The title page has the decorative frame topped by a vignette of the Akedah, which was used previously in Cremona, Venice, and Padua and reused by Prostitz in Cracow over several decades. Ha-Aguddah is highly regarded and considered authoritative, being quoted and praised by R. Jacob Weil, R. Jacob ben Moses Moellin (Maharil), R. Israel Isserlein (Terumat ha-Deshen), and Rema. Nevertheless, Ha-Aguddah was not reprinted, and then in part only, until the late nineteenth century, when J. H. Sonnenfeld published, with notes, tractate Bava Kamma (Jerusalem, 1874) and Order Nezikin (Jerusalem, 1899). However, a much abridged version,

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figure 19.6 1593, Minhagim, Isaac Tyrnau/Simon Levi Guenzburg, Venice

Hiddushei Aguddah, prepared by Weil, was published as an appendix to Weil’s responsa (Venice, 1549) and republished in that form several times. Minhagim is yet another popular compilation of customs written in the mid-fifteenth century by R. Isaac Tyrnau (b. 1380/85–1439/52) recording the religious conventions and practices of Central European Jewry for the entire year. First printed in Venice (1566) and reprinted in Lublin (1571, 1581), Venice (1591), and Cracow (1591, 1592, and 1598), it was also published in what proved

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to be a popular Yiddish translation by R. Simon Levi ben Judah Guenzburg (Venice, 1589, 1593). The latter Yiddish edition (80: 80, [10] ff.), printed by Giovanni di Gara, is noteworthy for being the first printing of Minhagim in which the text is accompanied with illustrations, which were included in subsequent printings of Minhagim. Tyrnau, born either in the Hungarian city of Tirnau (now in Slovakia) or in Vienna, resided in Tyrnau, Austria. He was a student of R. Abraham Klausner, R. Shalom ben Isaac of Neustadt (Sar Shalom), and R. Aaron of Neustadt (Blumlein) and later served as a rabbi in Pressburg. It is reported that Tyrnau had a beautiful daughter with whom the Hungarian crown prince fell in love, renouncing the throne and converting to Judaism, and studying under Sephardi rabbis and becoming a Talmudic scholar. Returning to Hungary, he entered into a clandestine marriage with her and continued to study under his father-in-law. Discovered by Catholic priests who demanded his return to Catholicism, he refused and was burned at the stake; the Jews were expelled from Tyrnau.20 Although a Talmudic scholar of considerable accomplishment, Tyrnau did not write scholarly works, but rather a popular and, given the times, a necessary book of customs for the average person. Guenzburg was involved previously in other Hebrew printing endeavors, most notably the Basle Talmud (1578–81) and later in an unsuccessful attempt to print a Mahzor and Zultot, together with R. Isaac Mazia, in Thannhausen in 1594.21 In the introduction, Tyrnau informs the reader as to his purpose in writing Minhagim: to arrange the customs for the entire year in a manner that will make it easy for everyone to find [what they need] in clear language for people who are not Talmudic scholars. Therefore, he is concise in both his proofs and reasons, but has elaborated somewhat and even repeated laws as necessary, for “due to our many iniquities, the number of students and scholars has decreased.” After men of Torah and good deeds perished in the Black Death (1348–50) and after the persecution of the Jews in Vienna in 1421, Tyrnau “saw that there were communities in which not even two or three men could be found who are truly knowledgeable in the customs of their community, and all the more so of another city.” He therefore “ordered, picked and gleaned after the gleaners (Ta’anit 6b, Bava Mezia 21b) the conclusions only of the 20 21

Shmuel Ashkenazi, “Tyrnau, Isaac,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed., vol. 20 (Detroit, 2007), pp. 219–220; Mordecai Margalioth, ed., Encyclopedia of Great Men in Israel I (Tel Aviv, 1986), cols. 129–30 [Hebrew]. Concerning the expurgated Basle Talmud (1578–81), see my Printing the Talmud: A History of the Earliest Printed Editions of the Talmud (Brooklyn, NY, 1992), pp. 241–65.

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customs, for many times something is written in the [Tur] Oraḥ Ḥayyim, or the Mordekhai, Or Zaru’a, and Maimoni that is not our practice at all, for example, … Avinu Malkenu on Shabbat Yom Kippur.” The text follows the order of the year, beginning with the start of the week, that is, the conclusion of Shabbat, then continuing with weekday practice, Rosh Hodesh, festivals, starting with the month of Nissan, and finally concluding with berit milah, weddings, various other customs, and matters dealing with orphans and Kaddish. This volume ends with ethical matter from Orhot Hayyim. Minhagim is primarily based on the work of Tyrnau’s teacher, Abraham Klausner, who is also the author a Sefer ha-Minhagim (Riva di Trento, 1558). Minhagim is highly regarded and frequently quoted by R. Moses Isserles (Rema) in his annotations to the Shulhan Arukh. Its popularity is evidenced by the fact that it has been frequently reprinted, as has Guenzburg’s Yiddish translation. This Yiddish edition has a title page with, in the center, a depiction of a winged figure holding a shield with a pitcher in the middle. To the left and right, respectively, are the names Simon Levi / Guenzburg. At the sides of the depiction is the verse, “[That this is] God, our God for ever and ever; he will be our guide [till death]” (Psalms 48:15). On the verso of the title page is an introduction, in Hebrew, from R. Solomon ben Isaac Selim, who praises Guenzburg for bringing this valuable book to press again, three years after the previous edition. Guenzburg has “removed the stones from the path for all whose soul desires to know the righteous customs followed throughout the dispersion of Judah and Israel, particularly according to the Ashkenaz custom.” The book has, due to its great value, disappeared from the market and Guenzburg has spared no expense to publish this edition. It is Guenzburg’s name, but not that of Tyrnau, which appears in several places, even though, the translation and Guenzburg’s additions notwithstanding, it is clearly Tyrnau’s Minhagim. As noted above, the text is accompanied by numerous woodcuts, making it the first minhag book to be published with illustrations. These woodcuts depict events in the Jewish lifecycle and the celebration of Jewish holidays. Twelve woodcuts are of the Zodiac and twenty-six pertain to Jewish customs. Five of the latter illustrations appear several times in the book. Among the woodcuts are depictions of the search for leaven, baking matzah, building a sukkah, and lighting Sabbath lights.22 22

The third edition (Venice, 1601) has different and finer illustrations. Nevertheless, it is the illustrations in this edition of Minhagim which have been much reprinted both independently and with siddurim and other books. According to some sources, it was also printed in Mantua in that year, but that printing is likely a misdating of the Venice edition.

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figure 19.7 1568, Shulhan ha-Panim, Salonika

We conclude with the Shulhan Arukh, the single most influential and authoritative halakhic digest, of R. Joseph ben Ephraim Caro (1488–1575). The first edition of this seminal work was printed at the press of Meir ben Jacob Parenzo and Alvise Bragadin (Venice, 1564–65). The title page has the three crowns of the Bragadin press and dates the beginning of the work on the first volume, Oraḥ Ḥayyim, to 18 Kislev 325 (Wednesday, November 22, 1564) and the last volume, Hoshen Mishpat, to 6 Heshvan 326 (Monday, October 1, 1565). It is, as stated on the title page, an abridgment of Caro’s magnum opus, the Beit Yosef: Shulhan Arukh from the Tur Oraḥ Ḥayyim entitled Beit Yosef … an abridgment of his great work on the Arba’ah Turim entitled Beit Yosef which “He has declared to his people the power of His works” (Psalms 111:6) “and His

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eye sees every precious thing” (Job 28:10) in order “that every one who sought the Lord” (Exodus 33:7) will find that which he seeks with ease. The Shulhan Arukh follows the structure of the Arba’ah Turim. Unlike that work, and also differing from Maimonides’s Mishneh Torah, it does not contain involved halakhic, theological, or philosophical discussions and it does not contain aggadic or kabbalistic material. Caro’s intention in writing this halakhic summary is expressed in the introduction. He begins by referencing the Beit Yosef, noting that it includes “the laws found in all the poskim (halakhic adjudicators), new as well as old” and their sources, enumerating a variety of works, and then stating that each law is explained in detail. Caro continues: I saw in my heart that it was good to collect the lilies and sapphires in a brief format, clear and succinct, in order that the Torah of the Lord will be complete, fluent in the mouth of every man of Israel, so that whenever a question in halakhah is posed to a [Talmudic scholar] he will not stammer, but will “say to wisdom, you are my sister (var. tractates).” Just as it is clear to him that his sister is forbidden to him, so shall every practical halakhah be fluent in his mouth. This book “built with turrets” (Song of Songs 4:4), a hill, divided into thirty parts, one part to be learned daily, so that he repeats his learning monthly, as it says, “Fortunate is he who comes here and his learning is in his hand” (var. tractates). Furthermore, young students may constantly reflect on it, learning the text by heart, and that which they learned as youths will be retained and have practical application and even when elderly not be forgotten. Wise men (maskilim) will shine as the brightness of heaven when they have respite from their travail and the exertions of their hands…. I have called this work Shulhan Arukh (Prepared Table), for in it can be found all manner of delicacies. Caro initially had a negative view of the concise halakhic works described in this article. His critical appraisal of them, according to Isadore Twersky, is expressed in his undertaking of the Beit Yosef, for the Need was great for a comprehensive guide, which would stem the undesirable and almost unconscious proliferation of texts and provide a measure of religious uniformity in this period of great turmoil and dislocation. This would be accomplished, however, not by producing another compact, sinewy model—a small volume such as the Agur, which R. Karo treats pejoratively—but by reviewing the practical Halachah in its totality. The oracular type of code, containing curt, staccato directives and

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pronouncements, was neither adequate nor reliable. It did not provide for intellectual stimulus and expansion of the mind, nor did it offer correct guidance in religious practice.23 Nevertheless, as Twersky also observes: Ten years later, in the course of which the Bet Yosef spread far and wide and his authority was increasingly respected, R. Joseph Karo came full cycle in his own attitude towards the oracular-type code. Having previously and persuasively argued against the utility and wisdom of the apodictic compendium, he now conceded its need and efficacy. He himself abridged the voluminous Bet Yosef.24 Bare of all commentaries, the Shulhan Arukh is a small work. The text, divided into sections and subsections, is followed by a ten-page listing of the contents. The Shulhan Arukh was printed nine times in the sixteenth century without R. Moses Isserles’s (Rema, c. 1530–72) glosses and four times with them. The Shulhan Arukh’s success may be attributed to a number of factors, not least of which is the reputation and authority of its author. Nevertheless, the work was initially criticized by many leading rabbinic figures. Among their complaints was that the Shulhan Arukh reflected Sephardic and neglected Ashkenazi tradition in halakhah and that the text was relatively short. However, in the end it is the glosses of the Rema and other commentators that addressed those complaints, making the Shulhan Arukh the primary halakhic work that it is today.25 The widespread acceptance of the Shulhan Arukh resulted not only in numerous reprints with glosses and commentaries, but also in translations. Shulhan ha-Panim (Misa de El Almah) by R. Meir Jacob ibn Me’iri is a Ladino (Judeo-Spanish) translation and abridgment of the Shulhan Arukh. First printed in Salonika (1568, 152 ff.) at the press of Joseph Jabez, the title page 23 Isadore Twersky “The Shulhan ’Aruk: Enduring Code of Jewish Law,” Judaism 16 (1967), pp. 142–43. In an accompanying footnote, Twersky suggests that the Agur was singled out either because it “was simply one of the most recent representatives of the genre” or because Landau stated that the Agur satisfied the readers’ minimal halakhic needs. 24 Twersky, “The Shulhan ’Aruk,” p. 148. 25 Meir Benayahu, Yosef Behiri, Maran Rabbi Joseph Caro (Jerusalem, 1991), pp. 407–523 [Hebrew]; Reuben Margaliot, “The First Editions of the Shulhan Arukh,” Sinai 37 (Jerusalem, 1956), pp. 25–29 [Hebrew]; Marvin J. Heller, The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus I (Leiden, 2011), pp. 96–97; Naphtali Ben-Menahem, “The First Editions of the Shulhan Arukh,” in Rabbi Yosef Karo: Iyunim u-Mehkarim be-Mishnat Maran Ba’al ha-Shulhan Arukh, ed. Yitzhak Raphael (Jerusalem, 1969), pp. 101–03, n. 1 [Hebrew].

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has the florets typical of Jabez imprints. It dates the beginning of work to 15 Av 5368 (Monday, August 19, 1568). The text of the title page is, excepting the header and footer, in Ladino in vocalized Hebrew letters. There are both Hebrew and Ladino introductions, the former in a small rabbinic type. Shulhan ha-Panim (Misa de El Almah) is primarily the laws in the first two parts of the Shulhan Arukh, that is, Oraḥ Ḥayyim (5a–113b) and Yoreh De’ah (114a–166b), with selections from Even ha-Ezer (177a–180b) and Hoshen Mishpat (181a–187a). The text, in Ladino, is set in a single column in square vocalized Hebrew letters. In his introduction, Ibn Me’iri defends translating the Shulhan Arukh, noting that Maimonides wrote in Arabic, that many do not know Hebrew, and that perhaps this will encourage them to learn the holy language. Ibn Me’iri forbids with an oath the reprinting of this book in Latin letters, even if the intention is well meant, out of a concern that it will then be reproduced by someone unfamiliar with Hebrew writing, as has been done with the prayer book, and he makes that one swear by His holy name not to do so, so that non-Jews will not read it. Ibn Me’iri further includes in this oath a prohibition on printing the book anywhere in Italy because the censors would alter the text, and unsuspecting readers would be unaware that this has been done. Shulhan ha-Panim was, however, reprinted in Venice (1602) at the press of Giovanni di Gara. In his introduction, R. Joseph ben David Franco, who brought the book to press, omits any mention that Shulhan ha-Panim was printed previously. However, as Ibn Me’iri’s introduction is of value, Franco includes it, but, not wishing to show that he has transgressed the translators oath prohibiting the printing of the book in Italy, he modified the prohibition to a restriction on printing anywhere in Italy but Venice, since there the censors only remove that which is explicitly against their religion, so that nothing has to be removed. The reference to non-Jews has been modified to read Ishma’elim.26 The halakhic works described here, timeless and, despite being republished over the centuries, are now only occasionally reprinted. Moreover, they are little studied today by most individuals interested in contemporary halakhah. Although available, albeit as the result of some effort, they have largely become antiquarian works. Part of the chain of halakhic development, they 26 Meir Benayahu, Copyright, Authorization, and Imprimatur for Hebrew Books Printed in Venice (Jerusalem, 1971), pp. 218–22 [Hebrew]; A. M. Habermann, Giovanni di Gara: Printer, Venice 1564–1610, edited by Isaac Yudlov (Jerusalem, 1982), pp. 106–07, no. 216 [Hebrew]; Isaac Yudlov, Ginzei Yisrael, The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library (Jerusalem, 1984), pp. 231–32, no. 1494 [Hebrew with an English appendix].

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are, today, infrequently a component of contemporary halakhic discourse except for learned decisors. This is due to the overwhelming acceptance of the Shulhan Arukh, which, together with its numerous commentaries and supercommentaries, is now the touchstone of halakhic discourse. Nevertheless, for centuries these works provided provision for the way (zeidah la-derekh) upon which the Shulhan Arukh traveled.

Chapter 20

Unicums, Fragments, and Other Hebrew Book Rarities Unicum (yū.nikŏm). Pl. unica (yū.nikȃ). 1885. (L., neut. sing .of unicus Unique a.] A unique specimen.1

…

It is thus conceivable that the Spanish [Hebrew book] productivity before the expulsion of 1492, which wrought such havoc and destroyed so much, may have equaled the Italian. The reader must be reminded that the new evidence that has accumulated (as indeed some of the old) is based to a considerable degree on single copies or fragments—or single leaves. A trivial accident would have destroyed many of these as well, so that the argument from silence is in this case by no means final. Cecil Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance2

∵ 1 Introduction Cecil Roth’s observation as to “the argument from silence” is insightful, particularly as it pertains to Hebrew books.3 Books of many cultures and civilizations disappear for several reasons—usage and, perhaps, disinterest leading to disposal being among the most important. This article describes a small number of varied examples of rare Hebrew books, several extant as unicums, single extant copies, some as fragments only, and others in limited numbers. 1 William Little, H. W. Fowler, Jessie Senior Coulson, C. T. Onions, and James A. H. Murray, The Oxford Universal Dictionary on Historical Principles (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955). 2 Cecil Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance (New York, 1959), pp. 172–73. 3 The original version of this article was published in Judaica Librarianship 18 (http://ajlpublishing.org/jl/, 2014), pp. 130–53.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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The examples cited here, largely taken from my previously published research (Heller 2004; 2011), are rare primarily due to usage and persecution. There is no common thread to these books but for their rarity. All have been reprinted, many several times. Otherwise, they share little; the reasons for their rarity and their histories are dissimilar, except that they are Hebrew books that are extant in single or very limited copies. The objective of this article is not to talk about the causes of book rarity per se, but rather to describe a variety of Hebrew works of great rarity, either of the individual title, or, in some instances, of a particular edition that, due to external circumstances, is extant in a single or a limited number of copies. The article does not address manuscript fragments, prospectuses, or monographs and pamphlets of several leaves, but rather complete books that are only extant today in fragments, single copies, or in very limited numbers (Heller 2013A; 2013B). Furthermore, it is limited to books put out in the first centuries of printing, which—all other things being equal—are the rarest of printed books. The books addressed here are not, nor are they meant to be, a survey of unicums and other early rare books, but rather are examples of such works, which are provided for the readers’ interest, edification, and perhaps as an entrée for further exploration. Hebrew texts, subject to the same ravages of time and, perhaps, occasional indifference as other books, suffered to a much greater extent than their nonHebrew counterparts from the indignities and deeds, or more accurately misdeeds, of anti-Semites who expended their wrath not only on Jews but also directed their venom towards Jewish books. Among the worst instances of this malevolence was the burning of twenty-four wagonloads of Talmudic tractates in Paris in 1242 (Heller 1992, 201–40) and the condemnation and burning of the Talmud and related works in Rome on Rosh Ha-Shanah 5314 (September 19, 1553) and afterwards in several other cities in Italy (Yaari 1958).4 The reasons for a book’s scarcity varies, which is the case with the titles described here. This subject, albeit from a different perspective, has been addressed by Avraham Meir Habermann (1961, 102–43) who, in one hundred and forty-four entries, enumerates such books with brevity, recording many books not completed in press. Avraham Yaari (1958), in a collection of articles, also addresses such books, often peripherally and not necessarily from the perspective of their rarity. In contrast, the titles discussed here are a small selection

4 For the censorship of Hebrew books at this time, see Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, The Censor, the Editor, and the Text: The Catholic Church and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon in the Sixteenth Century, translated by Jackie Feldman (Philadelphia, 2007).

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only of completed books, which are described in greater detail. Nevertheless, the titles described in the article are quite varied. The sections of this article are arranged according to the nature of the books described: Several incunabula and editions of Rashi’s Torah commentary, particularly the Reggio di Calabria Rashi, the first dated Hebrew book; editions of the Bible printed by the Soncino family; a unicum Tehilim (Psalms); an extensive section on Talmud rarities; books burned in Italy in the mid-sixteenth century; unknown works found in the Cairo genizah; titles from Constantinople; and an edition of Meshal ha-ḳadmoni, a popular much republished work, which is only extant today in small fragments. All of these works are of value but today are of great rarity extant as unicums and fragments, if in small number only. A cautionary note: one might think that incunabula, those first Hebrew printed books printed before 1500, should be among the rarest of all titles. That is not, however, necessarily so. Adrian K. Offenberg observes that Hebrew incunabula “are generally assumed to be very rare. In fact, one-third of the 139 editions preserved in public collections have survived in one, two, or three copies only” (Offenberg and Walraven 1990, xxv–vii; emphasis added). Indeed, of his total count, sixteen only exist in single copies, eighteen in two copies, and twelve in three copies. He also notes that thirteen editions (10 percent of the total) have survived in forty or more copies, including incomplete copies and fragments. Another observation by Offenberg is that “the commentaries of Nahmanides and Gersonides seem to have had a better chance of survival than those of Rashi: perhaps due partly to the latter’s greater popularity” (Offenberg and Walraven 1990, xxv–vii). 2

Incunabula: Editions of Rashi’s Torah Commentary

We begin with several titles from the incunabular period, among them Rabbi Aaron ben Jacob ha-Kohen of Lunel’s (13th–14th cent.) Orḥot ḥayim and an edition of Rashi’s Torah commentary. Orḥot ḥayim is a halakhic compendium based on earlier sources that are not always noted. The author, more likely from Narbonne than Lunel (Havlin 2007, 213–14), frequently notes the customs of the former location and the opinions of its posḳim (rabbinic decisors). Orḥot ḥayim has been compared to the Kol Bo. Although it is not certain which work is indebted to the other, it appears that the Kol Bo is the earlier work (Havlin 2007, 213–14). First printed in Spain or Portugal by an unidentified printer in attractive large square letters, Orḥot ḥayim was next printed in Florence in 1750, and has since

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been reprinted several times. The first edition is extant today as a 27 cm folio of one leaf fragment in the library of the Jewish Theological Seminary (JTS). Shimon Iakerson notes that the number of leaves in the book is unknown. The single leaf is printed in one column of 30 lines, belonging to the beginning of the book and containing an introduction and a specification of halakhot. The introduction was not printed in the second Florence edition of Orḥot ḥayim (Iakerson 2004, no. 114).5 Rashi’s Torah commentary is among the most popular of Hebrew works. It is among the first printed Hebrew books, one of eight Hebrew titles printed in Rome (ca. 1469–72) by Obadiah, Menasheh, and Benjamin of Rome and was the first dated Hebrew book.6 That second edition of Rashi’s commentary— the first dated Hebrew book—was printed by Abraham ben Garton ben Isaac in Reggio di Calabria, completion of the work given in the colophon as 10 Adar, 5235 (February 26, 1475).7 It is extant today in a unique copy, complete but for the first two or three leaves, in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma (Freimann and Marx [1924] 1968, A1, 1–3; Iakerson 2004, no. 31; Offenberg and Walraven 1990, 147, no. 112).8 Printed as a folio ([118] ff.) in a Sephardic semi-cursive font

5 Pages are reproduced in A. Freimann and Moses Marx, Otsar li-melekhet ha-defus ha-‘Ivri ha-rishonah: ‘ad shenat ras (a.t.: Thesaurus typographiae hebraicae saeculi XV) (Berlin, 1924). Reprinted in a facsimile edition with supplement to Part I with introductory material by Israel Mehlman and Herrmann Mz. Meyer. See A. Freimann and Moses Marx ([1924] 1968, pp. B37, 1–2); and Offenberg and Walraven (1990, p. 3, no. 2). 6 The other seven titles printed in Rome are Rabbi David Kimhi’s (Radaḳ) Sefer ha-shorashim; Rabbi Levi ben Gershom’s (Ralbag) commentary on Daniel; Rabbi Moses ben Jacob of Coucy’s Sefer mitsṿot gadol (Semag); Rabbi Moses ben Maimon’s (Maimonides) Mishneh Torah; Rabbi Moses ben Naḥman’s (Naḥmanides) Commentary on the Torah; Rabbi Nathan ben Jehiel’s Sefer ha-‘Arukh; and Rabbi Solomon ben Abraham ibn Adret’s (Rashba) Teshuvot She’elot. For the dating of these undated works, see Moses Marx, “On the Date of Appearance of the First Printed Hebrew Books,” in Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday, edited by Saul Liberman (New York, 1950), pp. 481–501. Both Iakerson (2004) and Offenberg and Walraven (1990) differ in their order of the Rome incunabula, but that is beyond the scope of this article. 7 For consistency, all the dates in this article are according to the Gregorian calendar, adopted in Rome in 1582 in place of the Julian calendar. The Julian equivalent of 10 Adar, 5235 would be February 17, 1475. The first printed Hebrew book is generally accepted today as being Naḥmanides’s Torah commentary, printed in Rome, 1469–72, by Obadiah, Manasseh, and Benjamin of Rome, whose names appear in the book’s colophon. The second dated Hebrew book, the Arba‘ah Turim, was printed in Piove di Sacco by Meshullam Cusi ben Moses Jacob, completed on 28 Tammuz, 5235 (July 12, 1475; Julian July 3, 1475). Work on the Ṭur may actually have begun prior to Garton’s Rashi, but because of its larger size it was completed later. 8 The largest extant fragments after the Parma unicum are two leaf fragments in the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad—Ohel Yosef Yitzchak Lubavitch and in the Library of the JTS.

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figure 20.1

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Rashi’s Torah commentary, Reggio di Calabria, 1475

comparable to that used in Spanish manuscripts, it is the only title known to have been printed by Abraham Garton (fig. 20.1). Rashi, of course, belonging to the eleventh-century Ashkenazi community of northern France, did not write using this lettering style. Habermann (1968, 78) suggests that the term “Rashi script” for our semi-cursive rabbinic letters is derived from the Reggio di Calabria edition of Rashi’s Torah commentary. Mordechai Glatzer (1988, 89) writes that it is “absurd to claim that its origin [the semi-cursive letters] lies in the 1475 Reggio di Calabria edition of Rashi’s on the Torah.” It is Glatzer’s opinion that the earlier 1470 Rome edition of Rashi, printed in square letters equally common, and that there were two editions of Rashi’s commentary printed in Spain in the fifteenth century, one in semi-cursive, the other in square letters, noting that “in general, early editions disappear quickly, and it would be impossible to claim that a single book, the extent of whose circulation is unknown, is the reason for giving that name to the Sephardic semi-cursive script.” Instead, Glatzer suggests that, “The term ‘Rashi script’ originates rather in the editions of the Bible and Talmud beginning with the Soncino editions and those of Bomberg, which were repeatedly reissued, creating a printing tradition which remains to this day.” Apart from its bibliographic value, the Reggio di Calabria Rashi has intrinsic textual value. Rabbi Menaḥem Mendel Brakhfeld, in the introduction to There is a facsimile of the Parma unicum, titled Rashi’s Commentary to the Pentateuch: First Edition Reggio 1474 with an introduction by J. Joseph Cohen (Jerusalem, n. d.).

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his Yosef Halel (Brakhfeld and Brakhfeld 1987, 8–9), informs us that numerous errors can be found in more recent editions of Rashi due to errors in transmission, which were frequently compounded by editors, printers, and the unkind modifications of censors. Moreover, explanations of Rashi are often based on these faulty editions. Brakhfeld, based on the Reggio Rashi and on other early editions, provides a lengthy listing of emendations to current texts of Rashi. This unicum was in the possession of Giovanni Bernardo de’ Rossi (1742– 1831), a Catholic abbé, bibliophile, and a Hebraist who authored several bibliographies on the Hebrew book still used to this day. De’ Rossi’s library of rare Hebraica, consisting of 1,432 manuscripts and 1,442 printed books, among them many incunabula, some unique, was acquired in 1816 by Marie Louise, Duchess of Parma, wife of Napoleon I and daughter of Emperor Francis II of Austria, who presented it to the Palatine library at Parma (Toaff 2007).9 There is a sad coda to this story. As De’ Rossi informs us at the beginning of his Annales hebraeo typographici ab anno 1501 ad 1540 (Parma, 1799), he had, with considerable difficulty, acquired a second copy of the Reggio di Calabria Rashi, which was sent to him in a parcel. En route, the postman, on a ferry crossing the River Po, “let it slip from his hands when the barge suddenly gave a turn of the helm. The package sank into the water and was never retrieved” (cited in Offenberg 1992, 135). 3

Early Soncino Family Editions of the Bible

We noted above that Offenberg records sixteen titles that exist in single copies only (Offenberg and Walraven 1990). Among those unicums eight are described as Biblia Hebraica, that is, Torah (Pentateuch) or books of the Prophets. Of that number one was printed in Faro, Spain, another in either Spain or Portugal, the remainder in Italy, all the Torah portion of the Bible excepting an edition of the Later Prophets and two small editions of Psalms.10

9

10

An alternate version as to how the Palatine library acquired the Reggio di Calabria Rashi is provided by Amram ([1909] 1963, p. 23), who writes that “dying, he [De’ Rossi] bequeathed his collection of books to the Grand Ducal Library at Parma.” A query as to the correct version of how the Palatine library acquired the Reggio di Calabria Rashi was sent to the director of the Biblioteca Palatina on June 20, 2013. A response has yet to be issued. Following the Offenberg order (Offenberg and Walraven 1990), the references for singlecopy Biblia Hebraica are Offenberg (1992), pp. 14, 20, 21, 23, 24, 31, 40, 42. References for other bibliographic references are Iakerson (2004), pp. 62, 63, 120, 64; and Freimann and Marx ([1924] 1968), pp. B14, A98, A99, B58, A100.

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Several of these rarities were printed in Naples by Joshua Solomon ben Israel Nathan Soncino, founder of the Soncino press, in the Italian town of Soncino. He began printing with tractate Berakhot (1483/84), publishing approximately forty titles, among them Bibles (including the editio princeps of the Hebrew Bible in Soncino, 1488), mishnayot, several maḥzorim, Talmudic tractates, and books on grammar in Soncino, Casalmagiore, and Naples, from 1483 to 1492. Amram ([1909] 1963, pp. 62–63) suggests that Joshua Solomon left Soncino, moved by the deaths of his father and brother and turbulent conditions in Northern Italy, “which interfered with all peaceful pursuits,” that is, renewed persecution of Jews. He relocated to Naples, where King Ferrante I, influenced by his Jewish physician, Guglielmo di Poertelone, treated his Jewish community favorably. It is with Joshua Solomon’s editions of the Bible printed in Naples in 1492 that we are concerned, several extant as unicums. Iakerson describes these Biblia Hebraica in his catalog of Hebrew incunabula in the JTS library, writing that one of them (2004, pp. 307–08, no. 62) is a folio Pentateuch with haftarot with vocalization and accents, comprising eleven loose leaves, twenty-seven lines, printed with square type, two different typefaces, Sephardi-Italian style. The leaves are described as “defective: worn, soiled, moth-eaten, and partly incomplete.” Iakerson notes that the text was “printed in two columns (with the exception of certain text parts).” The haftorah is for the first day of Passover from the Book of Joshua. This folio Pentateuch is independent of a folio Bible printed the same year in Naples by Soncino, of which copies are extant in more than a dozen libraries. The same year, Joshua Solomon Soncino also printed an octavo Pentateuch (Iakerson 2004, no. 63), it too with vocalization and accents. The text, three leaves only, one from Genesis, two from Exodus, is in a single column of nineteen lines, also in Sephardi-Italian style fonts. It is not known if this fragment is from a complete Bible or was printed with haftorah and Megillot. The third Naples Biblia Hebraica is a Psalms (Iakerson 2004, no. 64) described as a duodecimo (120), printed in one column, twelve lines to a page, square type, and in Sephardi-Italian style. This Psalms consists of thirteen single leaves, some soiled, but the text is clear and legible. None of these books are described as having any decorations. That should not be understood to mean that they were printed without any embellishments. While Hebrew incunabula did not have title pages, printers—including the Soncinos—often enclosed the first text pages of their books in attractive artistic frames and often began the text with historiated letters. It is likely that this was the case with these Bibles, the initial pages no longer being extant. Joshua Solomon Soncino died the year after printing these biblical books due to an outbreak of plague in Naples. Parenthetically, the other Psalms extant in a single copy is a 2 ff. fragment of

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Psalms (unidentified format) measuring 116 × 70 mm. printed in Brescia by Gershom Soncino. 4 A Unicum Tehilim (Psalms) A completely different work is a unicum edition of Tehilim (Psalms, 160: 79 ff.) printed in Prague in 1621. It is not recorded in bibliographic works, and its small format (it is a sextodecimo) precludes it having been part of contemporary editions of the Bible, which are in larger formats. The concise text of the title page, set within a decorative woodcut border, states that it is Psalms (see fig. 20.2) “arranged according to the days of the week in order, and the one who says it

figure 20.2

Tehilim, Prague, 1621 Image courtesy of Kestenbaum & Company

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every day is assured that he has a portion in the world to come, in the [Hebrew] year 381 [1621], Prague.” The title page does not give the name of the printer. It has been suggested (Kestenbaum & Company 1998) that it was either Abraham ben Shimon Lemberger or Moses ben Joseph Bezalel Katz. The text is vocalized and divided according to the days of the week. The verso of the final leaf, 79 f., has a second title page with the same frame, layout, and set with the same type. It is distinguished only by the substitution of the word ma‘amadot (special prayers) for Tehilim. Next are fifty blank leaves from contemporary paper. No Prague edition of ma‘amadot for this date is known. It has been suggested (Kestenbaum & Company 1998) that this may be an instance of erroneous calculation or imposition or perhaps the sole evidence of a project that was not completed. The only known example of this unicum of Psalms, offered for sale by Kestenbaum & Company, was part of the library of the Order of Jesuits in Olomouc (Olmütz, Moravia), known from an upside down inscription on the title page dated 1739 (Kestenbaum & Company 1998, pp. 18–19, no. 38). 5

Talmud Rarities

We turn now to rare editions of tractates from the Babylonian Talmud. The rarity of these tractates, while often the result of persecution, can also be attributed to other reasons. Indeed, as Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz (1951) has observed concerning the surprisingly small number of codices of the Talmud, in those lands where the Talmud was not persecuted—such as in eastern Sephardic lands, where Jews enjoyed freedom of religion and the Talmud was not attacked, or in Poland and Ashkenaz, where there were no general decrees to burn the Talmud—a surprisingly small number of codices of the Talmud are to be found. He concludes that when the Talmud was printed with Rashi and tosafot, “men no longer learned from their manuscripts, but considered them as utensils without further value, placing them in genizahs, so that they no longer exist”(Rabbinovicz 1951, p. 8).11 11 Similar observations concerning texts in general were made by J. R. Slater, Printing and the Renaissance: A Paper Read before the Fortnightly Club of Rochester, New York (New York, 1921), p. 6, who writes: “When we consider the enormous number of manuscript books that must have existed in Europe in the middle ages, we may well wonder why they have become relatively rare in modern times.” Among his answers are their usage as a palimpsest, destruction, “wantonly or accidentally destroyed by fire, especially in times of war and religious fanaticism. In the third place, the early binders, down through the sixteenth century and even later, used sheets of vellum from old manuscripts for the linings and the

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As is well known, printed Talmudic tractates, in contrast to manuscripts, are printed with the exegeses of Rashi and tosafot. Early Sephardic tractates were printed with Rashi only; a very small number of tractates, however, were published without both Rashi and tosafot. Most of these tractates are as rare as they are unusual. The earliest such tractate is an edition of Ḥulin, which was printed prior to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492. Copies of this tractate, undated, extant in fragments only, are in the National Library of Israel (NLI) (Mehlman Collection); the JTS library; and the Taylor-Schechter Genizah Research Unit, Cambridge University Library (CUL). They are described by Freimann and Marx ([1924] 1968, p. B35, 1–3); Offenberg and Walraven (1990, p. 163, no. 127); and Yudlov (1984, p. 21, no. 17). The text of this unusual edition of Ḥulin is printed in large square letters in a Sephardic font, thirty lines to a page, covering an area of 204 by 131 mm. Among the unusual characteristics of this tractate are that there are several instances in which a line is completed with letters other than the first letter of the next line. Also, the Tetragrammaton is represented in Ḥulin, a rarity for a tractate of the Talmud, by two yodin.12 covers of printed books. Finally, after the invention of printing, as soon as a given work had been adequately and handsomely printed in a standard edition, all but the finest manuscripts of that book would naturally be looked upon as of little value, and would be subject to loss and decay if not deliberate destruction.” Concerning Yiddish texts, see Aaron Lansky, Outwitting History: The Amazing Adventures of a Man Who Rescued a Million Yiddish Books (Chapel Hill, NC, 2004). 12 There are numerous other fragments of Sephardic tractates, all of interest in their own right. Nevertheless, to attempt to describe all of them in a relatively brief article would be excessive and detract from other unicums and rarities. Among the fragments of other Sephardic tractates that should at least be noted are those printed in Faro, Portugal, Berakhot and Gittin (ca. 1494) by Don Samuel Porteira, folio fragments in which both the text and Rashi are in square letters. For these tractates, see Dimitrovsky (1979, pp. 73–75); Heller (1992, pp. 32–41); (Teicher 1948, pp. 106–09); and Mintz and Goldstein (2005, pp. 198–99). David and Samuel ibn Nahmias also printed tractates in Constantinople, now extant as fragments. Their press—the first press in Constantinople and the first press in any language in the Ottoman Empire—predated Turkish language printing, which did not begin until 1727, by 234 years, The fragments are from tractates Eruvin, Pesaḥim, Yoma, and Rosh Ha-Shanah. The fragment of Eruvin (ca. 1505) in the Israel Mehlman Collection in the NLI is described as “23 cent. fragment of 8 leaves, very defective, from an unknown edition. The form of the Tetragrammaton is three yodin in the form of an inverted segol, followed by an inverted zayin. The text is in the middle with square letters, Rashi’s commentary is on the inner side of the page and the tosafot are on the outer side, both in Rashi script. The arrangement of the pages varies from the customary editions. The fragments here are equivalent to pages 12a–13a, 14b–21b” (Bet ha-sefarim ha-le’umi ṿeha-universiṭa’i bi-Yerushalayim et al. 1984, p. 41, no. 141). Concerning these tractates, see Heller (1992, pp. 306–08); and Mintz and Goldstein (2005, pp. 200–01).

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Fragments from this press have been found in both the Cairo genizah and in Yemen. A Pentateuch from this press, now in the CUL, was found in the Cairo genizah. The collection of that library contains a considerable number of fragments from a previously unrecorded edition of the Pentateuch, Megillot, and haftarot (Spanish rite). Based on the fonts, J. L. Teicher (1948, pp. 105–06) concludes that there is no question that the Pentateuch had been printed in Spain. He speculates that it had reached the genizah via either the printer or someone else connected with the press, who as a “refugee from Spain, collected together the sheets and even the leaves of his newly printed edition at the time of the expulsion and brought the entire material over to Egypt. The date of this print would thus be established as 1492” (also referenced in Dimitrovsky 1979, pp. 77–78; Heller 1992, pp. 41–45; and Yaari 1945–46, p. 234). A unicum tractate, Berakhot (fig. 20.3), complete and in excellent condition, now in a private collection, was printed in Salonika at the press of Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba (Basevi in Italian). The title page has an ornate architectural frame with standing representations of the mythological Mars and Minerva with shields at the side. This frame, first employed by Francesco Minizio (Giulio) Calvo, a printer of Latin and Italian books, afterwards appeared on the title pages of Hebrew books published by the Sabbioneta press of Tobias Foa, and after that press closed in 1569, the frame or copies of it were utilized by printers of Hebrew books elsewhere in Italy, in Poland, and in Salonika (Heller 2008, pp. 1–17). The tractate title page is dated “In His goodness He renews [ha-meḥadesh; in gematria = 357] daily, [the work of creation]” from the prayer book. A second date, in a brief colophon, states “finished and completed, praise to God, Creator of the universe, in the year; Thou hast put gladness [ha-śimḥah; in gematria = 358] in my heart” (Psalms 4:8). The letter heh represents the millennium (5 in gematria; full era), so that the correct readings are 5352 (1592) and 5353 (1593). It is not unlikely that this edition of Berakhot was printed in Salonika to be exported (smuggled) into Italy, where an uncensored Talmud was a prohibited work. In support of this contention is the fact that the title page’s frame with mythological figures was inappropriate for the Jews of Salonika but had been employed by Hebrew presses in Italy where, apparently, it was not objectionable to Italian Jewry. Moreover, books printed for use in Salonika often had the letters tav”tav, indicating that they were printed for the Talmud Torah, letters that are absent from this tractate. To secure financing for a proposed Salonika Talmud, the renowned Italian Rabbi Judah Aryeh (Leon) Modena (1571–1648) wrote “a letter to the communities on the printing of the Talmud,” seeking funds to support publication and promising, among other things, books to donors, “in accordance with the value of his offering.” No further mention is

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figure 20.3 Tractate Berakhot, Salonika, 1592

made of the project as public reference to it was indiscrete, raising funds to publish an uncensored Talmud banned in Italy. The Bath-Sheba press was supported by Rabbi Moses de Medina, a wealthy scholar and prominent philanthropist, son of Rabbi Samuel ben Moses de Medina (Maharashdam, 1506–89). This press had printed a number of titles with considerably more foliation than Berakhot, including several volumes of the Maharashdam’s responsa, without seeking financial assistance from Jews in other lands. Furthermore, Protestant books were regularly smuggled into Catholic Italy through Venice, a trading partner of the Jews in Salonika. It is not known if

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tractates other than Berakhot were published (Heller 2008, pp. 284–97). Sabbatai Mattathias died in 1601. The Bath-Sheba press continued to publish Hebrew books, albeit in diminishing numbers, under the management of his sons until 1605. It is credited with about forty titles from 1592 to 1605. It is not known if tractates other than Berakhot were published (Heller 2008, pp. 284–297). Another unicum, extant as a nine-folio (19 cm) fragment in the JTS library, is an edition of tractate Nidah. The title page is not dated, nor does a date appear elsewhere in the fragment. Nevertheless, the tractate has been tentatively dated as 1608. Here too the tractate, printed in Prague, is unusual in that it is not accompanied by any commentaries, but, as reflected on the title page, was “splendidly printed at the behest of the great Gaon, the wonder of our generation, our crowning glory, our Master, Rabbi Leib [Rabbi Judah Loew, Maharal, 1525–1609],” among the preeminent rabbinic figures of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The text, which ends on 8b, equivalent, respectively, to folios 12b and 13b of the standard foliation, does not vary significantly from current editions. The tractate reflects an attempt to implement Maharal’s pedagogical theories. Maharal was opposed to the premature emphasis on Talmud study from an early age and to the pilpul (casuistic) method of learning Talmud, instead favoring a logical and orderly approach, consistent with the Mishnah: “He [Judah ben Tema] used to say: ‘A five year old begins Scripture; a ten year old begins Mishnah; … a fifteen year old begins the study of Gemara’” (Avot 5:25).13 Maharal believed that students were unaccustomed to reviewing their learning and therefore unable to retain their Torah learning. The omission of tosafot, and even Rashi, in this edition of Nidah are indicative of a tractate designed to emphasize fundamentals and mastery of a text through constant review prior to proceeding to more advanced studies, and of Maharal’s strong belief in the merits of lifelong review of one’s learning. Nidah is not a tractate for initiating young students into the intricacies of the Talmud, and yet the format of this edition is not one to appeal to older students of Talmud. More likely, the tractate was printed for students of any age who had previously studied tractate Nidah, but who wished to review the text on a repeated, frequent basis. This would be consistent with the phrase on the title page: “To continuously review his learning, in every season and every hour, until it will be fluent in his mouth and all that he has learned will be habitual” (Heller 2008, pp. 298–314).

13

Translations for all Hebrew classic quotes are from Judaica Press, Davka Corporation, and Institute for Computers in Jewish Life, Soncino Classics Collection (Chicago, 1996).

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Several years after the publication of the singular edition of Nidah in Prague, a complete, unusual small quarto-format Talmud was printed in Cracow (1616– 20) by Aaron and Mordecai ben Isaac Prostitz. Printed for the use of students, it is distinguished by the inclusion of Rashi and the omission of tosafot. The title page of the first tractate, Berakhot—most tractates lack title pages—states that it is “small in size but of great quality. We have omitted tosafot, and in its place added the ’Arukh’s [Rabbi Nathan ben Jehiel of Rome, he-’Arukh, 1035–ca. 1110] commentary throughout the Talmud,” and included references to important codifiers such as Maimonides, the Semag, and the Arba’ah Ṭurim. Quires are only of two leaves. The text is in two columns, the inner column the Talmudic text, the outer column Rashi. The arrangement of the text of these tractates does not follow the standard (Venetian) foliation, which is noted through Seder Mo’ed in the outer margin with large square letters, approximately where the page in the Venetian edition begins. The standard foliation is absent from most subsequent treatises. The title page notwithstanding, only the ’Arukh’s brief explanation of terms, but not the subject-commentary, was printed. This shortened version of the ’Arukh is not printed throughout the Talmud, nor is it applied consistently in all the tractates (Heller 1992, pp. 381–90; Rabbinovicz 1951, pp. 84–85; Schwab 1912, pp. 300–03). This Talmud is of interest to us, not due to its rarity, but rather because of a singular tractate, Bava Metsi’a. The tractate exists in two distinct formats; one format, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, is consistent in format and layout with the other volumes in this Talmud. The other, possibly a unicum, is in the JTS library and does not include Rashi but consists of only the text. It alone, of all the tractates in this Talmud, was issued in two formats, one with and the other without Rashi. In the Bava Metsi’a printed without Rashi, the standard foliation is noted within the text by letters the same size as the text, which are in parentheses. This edition of Bava Metsi’a resembles the 1608 Nidah in layout and appearance, suggesting that Nidah served as a model for Bava Metsi’a. The close relationship between the Prague and Polish Jewish communities is well known. A number of Hebrew printers came to Poland from Prague or its environs, among them the founder of the Cracow press, Isaac Prostitz. The printers of the 1616–20 Talmud, Isaac’s sons, Aaron and Mordecai, were certainly influenced by the Maharal and issued the small inexpensive edition of the Talmud with Rashi described above, which is useful to students who wished to review their learning with a basic commentary. Experienced printers and businessmen, the Prostitz brothers must have recognized that the market for such an edition was limited. Their Talmud, to be complete, required that all the volumes be consistent. Nevertheless, they did print at least one tractate, Bava Metsi’a, a tractate popular in yeshivot, in two formats.

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One volume was printed with Rashi as part of the complete Talmud; the second volume was printed in the same format as the Prague Nidah, that is, without Rashi. Perhaps the Prostitz brothers wanted to see if the latter format was commercially viable, which it apparently was not, as no other tractates in this format are known to have been printed.14 Our last individual Talmudic tractate is the slightest of fragments, merely a title page of tractate Ḳidushin (fig. 20.4) and incomplete at that. Printed in Wilhermsdorf in 1735 by Hirsch ben Hayyim of Fuerth, this tractate is one of several printed in that location, a number known primarily from Johann Christoph Wibel’s Historische Beschreibung von Wilhermsdorff (Wibel 1742) and referenced in other bibliographic sources but no longer extant. Moshe Nathan Rosenfeld discovered a title page from the 1735 Ḳidushin in the genizah at Reckendorf. At the bottom of the title page, there is a double-headed eagle with a crest on its chest. The crest is not blank, but contains the date, given with a chronogram “Bring upon us the light of the redemption [Or hage’ulah tavi ‘alen[u], in gematria 495 = 735]” (Rosenfeld 1995, p. 179, no. 168). In concluding this section on Talmudic rarities, it is worth noting an observation of Rabbinovicz (1951) as to the rarity of an entire edition of the Talmud, the Giustiniani Talmud (Venice, 1546–1651), printed by Marco Antonio Giustiniani (“Justinian”). The Giustiniani Talmud is frequently referenced on the title pages of subsequent editions of the Talmud as the source of their text. Rabbinovicz, however, observes that the Giustiniani Talmud was burned at the beginning of 1554, before it could be widely distributed, in contrast to the Bomberg editions, which had been circulated worldwide for decades and could be found everywhere, including in the eastern countries, in the hundreds and thousands. He concludes that printers in Salonika, Constantinople, Cracow, and Basel, unable to acquire a Giustiniani Talmud: [T]ook the Bomberg edition and transcribed the Giustiniani additions in the margins from copies belonging to individuals unwilling to sell them. Do not wonder at this, for I have a complete edition of the Bomberg Talmud, and written on the margins are the Giustiniani additions for 14 One additional tractate, Sukkah, was printed with only the Talmudic text in 1722. It was printed in Offenbach, although usually it is attributed to Frankfurt on the Oder or Berlin by such authorities as Oppenheim, David ben Abraham, Isaac Metz, Eleazar Solomon von Embden, and J. Goldenthal. Ḳohelet Daṿid: reshimat otsar ha-sefarim, pp. 676–77, no. 143, Hamburg: Ha-Aḥim ha-meshutafim Bon, 1826; Oppenheim, David ben Abraham, Reshimah Tamah, p. 56 (Hamburg: 1782); and the Bodleian Library and Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus librorum hebraeorum in bibliotheca Bodleiana. Berolini (typis A, Friedlaender, 1852), C. B. 1909.

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figure 20.4 Tractate Ḳidushin, 1735

the entire Talmud in a fine Rashi script. Also, what I said, that they were unable to acquire a Giustiniani edition, is not difficult to appreciate, for while it is possible to find complete Bomberg Talmuds … you only find two or three examples from the Giustiniani edition, and from some tractates it is almost as if even individual copies cannot be found. Rabbinovicz 1951, p. 68, 70, n215

15

The Giustiniani additions referred to by Rabbinovicz were indices that have been reprinted in all subsequent Talmud editions. The indices, prepared by the editor, Joshua Boaz ben

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Books Burned in Italy in the Mid-Sixteenth Century

The burning of the Talmud in Italy was not limited to that work, many other unrelated books being swept up in the mindless fury of destruction. A notable example is Leḥem Yehudah (fig. 20.5), a commentary on Pirkei Avot by Rabbi Judah ben Samuel Lerma Sephardi, of whom little is known except for the events related to the publication of his book. That work is a commentary of a philosophical but traditional nature that is based on the writings of Rabbi Joseph Albo, Don Isaac Abrabanel, and Rabbi Isaac Arama, as well as Talmudic and Midrashic sources. Nevertheless, Lerma was an original thinker, often expressing his own views. First printed in Venice at the Bragadin press in 1553, Leḥem Yehudah was reprinted by Israel Cornelius Adelkind at the Sabbioneta press of Tobias Foa (1554). Lerma has entitled his commentary Leḥem Yehudah, because “the bread [leḥem] from which I have benefitted is the bread of Torah, for we find the Torah is called bread, as it states, ‘Come, eat of my bread, and drink of the wine which I have mixed’” (Proverbs 9:5). Lerma continues in the introduction to the reprint, recounting what befell the first edition of his book [my translation]): I printed my book [Leḥem Yehudah] in Venice at the beginning of “for the Almighty Shadai [in gematria = 1553] has dealt very bitterly with me” (Ruth 1:20) and the ruler of Rome [the Pope] decreed that throughout the kingdoms of Edom should be burned and they burned the Talmud and the aggadot of the Talmud of R. Jacob ben Habib. In Venice, in the month of Marheshvan [bitter Heshvan], which is as its name, it was decreed that the Talmud, the aggadot mentioned above, and Rav Alfasi and mishnayot should be burned on the Holy Shabbat, and with them they burned all of my books, of which 1,500 copies had been printed. I lost all that was in Venice and not even a single copy remained to me, not even a single Simon Baruch, are ‘En mishpat, Ner mitṿah, originally two distinct indices, giving references in halakhic codes; Torah Or (although that title was not originally used), providing biblical sources; and Mesoret ha-Talmud (now Mesoret ha-Shas), cross-references in the Talmud. Yet another fragment of a Talmudic treatise, one that supports Rabbinovicz’s conclusion, is a large-format, ten-folio attractive edition of tractate Rosh Ha-Shanah, surviving as a unicum fragment in the JTS library. Printed in 1578 at the Cracow press of Isaac ben Aaron Prostitz, the text of the title page is taken from the Giustiniani Talmud, although this tractate, as well as two others printed at this time, ‘Avodah Zarah, and Ketubot, is based on the Bomberg Talmud. Rosh Ha-Shanah is completed with pages from the Bomberg Talmud, although it is not clear whether that is because no more of the tractate was printed in Cracow or whether it was due to another reason peculiar to this particular copy.

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figure 20.5

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Leḥem Yehudah, 1553

leaf from the original for a remembrance. I was forced to rewrite [my book] from memory from the beginning. After I had completed three chapters, I found one copy from the original press in the hands of nonJews, who had saved it from the fire. I acquired it at a dear price, and when I looked into it, may His name be blessed, I saw that the second [copy] was more complete than the first. Another work that was also seized and burned is Sefer Ziyyoni, a kabbalistic commentary on the Torah by Rabbi Menahem ben Meir Zioni (late 14th–early 15th century). The author reputedly served as rabbi in Cologne, Germany, his name appearing as one of the signatories on a document dated 1382. Sefer

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Ziyyoni is based on the Zohar, Sefer ha-Bahir, the commentary of Naḥmanides, and the Keter Shem Tov of Rabbi Abraham of Cologne, and includes Zioni’s own novellae. Sefer Ziyyoni is representative of the Ḥaside Ashkenaz, with numerous references to the writings of Rabbi Eleazar ben Judah of Worms’ Sode Razaya. It is unusual, for a work of this time and place, in that it also relies heavily on the Sephardic kabbalistic tradition. An interesting first in the book is the mention of Norway, not previously noted in a Hebrew work. Zioni also wrote a kabbalistic work on the powers of evil and demonology, entitled Sefer Tsefune Tsiyoni, which is partly preserved in manuscript. Sefer Ziyyoni was first printed in Cremona in 1559 at the press of Vincenzo Conti. The civil authorities had permitted Conti to operate a Hebrew press, and even initially resisted the Dominicans’ efforts to curtail its operations. Their efforts were futile, however, as in 1559 Spanish soldiers led by the apostate Dominican Sixtus of Siena made a house-to-house search of Jewish homes, looking for prohibited books. They broke into the Conti press; among the works seized were a thousand copies of the Ziyyoni. This was done despite the fact that the editor of the book was Vittorio Eliano, grandson of the great grammarian Elijah Levita (Elijah Bahur Ashkenazi), an apostate and member of a Dominican commission to review Hebrew books, and that it is completed with the imprimatur of the Dominican Inquisitor Alberius, Vicar of Cremona (Benayahu 1971, pp. 77–84). With the accession of Cardinal Giovanni Angelo de Medici of Milan as Pope Pius IV—Paul IV who was uncompromisingly hostile to Hebrew books had died in August 1559—the reprinting of the Ziyyoni was permitted, a year after it had been burned. Unlike Leḥem Yehuda, a small number of copies of the first printing of Ziyyoni survived the fire. The second 1560 edition of Ziyyoni is set in square letters in contrast to the first edition, which was set in rabbinic (Rashi) letters. The change in fonts is attributable to the destruction of some of Conti’s type in 1559 and his subsequent transfer of part of his remaining typographical equipment elsewhere. Another difference is that the first edition includes a table of verses and sayings discussed in the text, not in the reprint. Text omitted, in both editions, apparently not mandated by the censor, may have been due to the editor exercising caution. In some instances, the second edition is the more complete of the two (Amram [1909] 1963, pp. 314–15; Benayahu 1971, p. 41, n79; Dan 1968, pp. 259–62). 7

From the Cairo Genizah

Among the many serendipitous findings at the Cairo genizah were single copies of two books printed by Gershom ben Eliezer Soncino, the eponymous

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grandson of the illustrious pioneer of Hebrew printing, Gershom Soncino. This latter Gershom Soncino was the first printer in Egypt, and these books are the first to have been printed in the Middle East. It is possible that other titles may have been printed by Gershom in Cairo, but were lost or only await discovery. Both titles are unicums, although fragments of Pitron Halomot exist elsewhere. There was no further printing of Hebrew books in Cairo until 1740, when Abraham ben Moses Yatom issued Ḥoḳ leYiśrael, which was followed by yet another hiatus, 165 years, until 1905, when Hebrew printing resumed. Parenthetically, the first Arabic press in Egypt was not founded until 1821. The two books printed by Gershom are Pitron Halomot, attributed to Rav Hai ben Sherira Gaon of Pumbedita (939–1038), and Refu’ot ha-Talmud. Pitron Halomot is on the interpretation of dreams, Refu’ot ha-Talmud consists of remedies from the Talmud. It has been suggested (Yaari 1936, p. 57) that both books were printed in 1557, although the dates are uncertain, depending on whether the dates are according to the full era (lamed-pe-gimel) or to the abbreviated era (lamed-pe-ḳof), the latter giving a date of 1562. The books are physically small and printed on paper of poor quality. Yaari comments that this Gershom ben Eliezer “left Constantinople to try his luck at his family’s profession in Egypt. However, it appears that he wasn’t very successful, for the few books he printed are small, undistinguished, and were not widely circulated, their distribution apparently being limited to Egypt. If not for the discovery of the Cairo Geniza his name and his press’s work would have been forgotten” (Yaari 1936, p. 53; Cowley 1935, pp. 89–90; Habermann 1978, pp. 93–94; Rowland-Smith 1989, p. 16). 8

Constantinople Imprints

Two works, both printed on the same date in 1559, both printed in Constantinople at the press of Joseph ben Samuel ha-Levi Hachim, and both authored by members of the Ibn Gabbai family, are Rabbi Meir ben Ezekiel ibn Gabbai’s Derekh Emunah and his son Rabbi Hayyim ben Meir ibn Gabbai’s Pesaḥ le-ha-Shem. Derekh Emunah was written in 1539 by Meir ibn Gabbai (1480–ca. 1540), a prominent kabbalist and among the exiles from Spain. It is an explication of the kabbalistic doctrine of the ten sefirot (divine emanations) that are the bridge between God, the First Cause, and the world. Organized in a format of ten questions and answers, Derekh Emunah is based on the Sha‘ar ha-Sho’el of the famed kabbalist Rabbi ‘Azriel of Gerona (early 13th century). Ibn Gabbai wrote Derekh Emunah in response to a query from Joseph ha-Levi, a student who apparently was not satisfied with the earlier work. That student

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turned to Ibn Gabbai requesting more detailed and clearer explanations, the response accounting for Derekh Emunah’s format. The contents, based on the reprints, are outlined in an introduction, which, except for the first response that the world has an Overseer, addresses questions relating to the ten sefirot. Two leaves only survive, that is, the title page and introduction from Rabbi Shneor ben Judah Falcon, the author’s son-in-law, who brought the book to press. Habermann (1961) suggests that publication of this edition, the fragment is dated Wednesday, 8 Kislev, “my yaḳir [Hebrew for “dear”; 320 in gematria = November 18, 1559] son” (Jeremiah 31:19), was not completed.16 Derekh Emunah was reprinted soon after, however, in Padua (1562) and again in Cracow (1577). Ibn Gabbai’s other works are Tola‘at Ya‘akov (Constantinople, 1560) and Avodat haKodesh (Marot Elohim, Venice, 1566–1568). Both are kabbalistic works; the former is on prayer, and the latter, considered Ibn Gabbai’s most important work, encompasses kabbalistic doctrine (Habermann 1961, 104, no. 6; Yaari 1967, p. 109, n157). Pesaḥ le-ha-Shem, as the title suggests, is on the Haggadah. The book was authored by Rabbi Hayyim ben Meir ibn Gabbai, also a kabbalist, but little else appears to be known about this Gabbai. It too was brought to press by Shneor Falcon, Hayyim ibn Gabbai’s brother-in-law. The title page dates the beginning of work to Wednesday, 8 Kislev, in the year of “One generation shall praise [yeshabeaḥ; 320 in gematria = November 18, 1559] [your works] to another” (Psalms 145:4), the same date as Derekh Emunah but utilizing a different verse. There is an introduction by Falcon (1b–2a) beginning on the verso of the title page, followed by a brief introduction by Hayyim ibn Gabbai (2a), and the text Seder Aggadah, which has halahkot and the text of the Haggadah. In his introduction, Falcon discusses how, now that it is no longer possible to bring animal offerings, prayer has taken their place. Similarly, we were commanded to bring a Passover offering (zevaḥ Pesaḥ) to arouse our hearts to remember what was done for us in Egypt. Falcon has printed these books by Meir ibn Gabbai on various subjects to address the thirst of the people and answer their questions, and that of Hayyim ibn Gabbai “for Torah and for testimony” (Isaiah 8:20). The beginning of the Haggadah explains the sod (esoteric wisdom) of the utensils, koshering in boiling water, matsah shemurah, etc. and then the beginning of the text of the Haggadah (f. 7). Pesaḥ le-ha-Shem exists in a small number of fragments, primarily of the first quire (40: 4 ff.), in the NLI and two copies in the JTS library, one of the two with variations. It is also reported that ten copies of the same quire are noted in 16 November 18, 1559 is the Gregorian equivalent of 8 Kislev 5320. The equivalent Julian date is November 8, 1559.

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figure 20.6 Kelal Katan, 1665

a catalog of old printed Hebrew books in Bulgaria. Here too it is suggested that printing was not completed, Isaac Yudlov writing that in the extant copies it is the first quire only that is to be found. He notes that in the NLI there is a second quire of folios 5–8 (Yaari 1967, pp. 109–110, n158; Yudlov 1997, 109–10, n158; Bet ha-sefarim ha-le’umi ṿeha-universiṭa’i bi-Yerushalayim et al. 1984, p. 4, n21). A very different work is Kelal Katan (Constantinople, Abraham Franco, 1665, 40: 16 ff.; fig. 20.6), a kabbalistic discourse on parashat Ha’azinu (Deuteronomy 32) by Mattathias Lieberman ben Benjamin Wolf Bloch (ca. 1610/20–ca. 1668). Bloch is primarily remembered today for his important role in the Shabbatean movement. Born to an influential Cracow family—his grandfather was one of the community’s parnasim (benefactors)—Bloch studied under Rabbi Menahem Mendel Krochmal (ca. 1600–61) and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel (d. 1664). After his experiences during the Chmielnicki Massacres of 1648–49 (taḥ ve-taṭ), Bloch determined to go up to Eretz Israel. On the way he met, either in Constantinople or Izmir, Shabbetai Zevi, becoming one of that false prophet’s leading adherents. Zevi entitled Bloch King Asa and appointed him the Shabbatean representative in Egypt, where because of his learning he was called a gaon (mastermind). After Shabbetai Zevi’s apostasy, Bloch relocated to Iraq, serving as a dayan (arbiter) and continuing to support the Shabbatean movement. Kelal Katan was published by Bloch on the way to Eretz Israel. In his introduction, Bloch informs us that he wrote a desirable interpretation in the manner of sod on the entire Torah, calling it after his name Matat

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Yahu; it should be a remembrance for him after his death. It is entitled Kelal Katan because it is one part of his Kelal Gadol on every parashah. Because of what befell him, he lacked the money to publish the entire work, so that he is printing this one discourse delivered on Shabbat Teshuvah in 1620 in the city of Yas in the synagogue of Rabbi Isaac Moses Rofe ben Abraham Crispin. There are pages of verse with allusions to the Chmielnicki Massacres (taḥ ve-taṭ) and a testament to his son. The initial letters of alternating stanzas on the first page of verse are an acrostic of Mattathias Lieberman, beginning, “‘Why then does a living man complain’ (Lamentations 3:39), in that his throat is open like a sepulcher’” (see Jeremiah 5:16). The initial letters of the first column in the second page are alphabetic, the second column spelling Lieberman ben Rabbi Wolf Bloch (Scholem 1973; Yaari 1961, pp. 155–56, no. 259). This is the only edition of Kelal Katan, Bloch’s only published work. Yaari knew of one copy only of Kelal Katan, supposedly a unicum, in the NLI. However, there is also a copy in the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad— Ohel Yosef Yitzhak. Another copy was offered for auction at Sotheby’s in 1983 (Sotheby Parke Bernet Inc. 1983, no. 98). 9

Meshal ha-Kadmoni

We conclude with a rare octavo edition (Venice, Giovanni di Gara, 1610: 80) of a popular illustrated collection of moral fables and animal stories—Rabbi Isaac ben Solomon ibn Abi Sahula’s (b. 1244) Meshal ha-Kadmoni. Little is known about Ibn Sahula, except that he was a scholar and poet born in Guadalajara (Castile), a student of the kabbalist Rabbi Moses of Burgos (1230/35–ca. 1300), and that he wandered about for much of his life. It is surmised, from the many references to the nature of diseases and their cures, that Ibn Sahula was a physician. Ibn Sahula had concentrated on secular poetry until, at the age of thirty-seven in about 1281, his outlook changed and he began to write Meshal ha-Kadmoni. In the introduction, Ibn Sahula writes that his material is original but based on the Talmud and midrashim, and that in style he has followed the example of the prophets who presented moral lessons in allegorical form. He also writes to show that Hebrew, now neglected for Arabic fables, is as suitable and fine a vehicle for conveying moral lessons as Arabic. Nevertheless, the dialogue in Meshal ha-Kadmoni is written in the Arabic maqama style, that is, rhymed prose and verse. The stories show both kabbalistic and Indian influence. Meshal ha-Kadmoni is divided into five she‘arim (portals), each inculcating a different moral value.

Unicums, Fragments, and Other Hebrew Book Rarities

figure 20.7

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Meshal ha-Kadmoni, ca. 1547. The illustration is from this edition, as no copy from the 1610 edition is available.

The she‘arim are “intelligence and wisdom, to teach the simple guile”; “repentance”; “good counsel”; “humility”; and “awe and fear of God.” The text comprises seventy-nine parables, each accompanied by a woodcut illustration, in which the author and an adversary debating the value of moral virtues, the author arguing that it is moral conduct that leads to happiness, both sides employing parables and animal fables to support their positions (fig. 20.7). It is the animals that speak, discoursing on scientific and philosophical issues, making use of biblical verses and Talmudic passages. The deer, knowledgeable in Talmud, lectures on matters of science; the rooster, a biblical scholar, on the four humors and medicine;17 the dog on psychology; the ram on positive and negative judgment; and the gazelle on astronomy. Meshal ha-Kadmoni is replete with puns, parody, and tales within tales. Meshal ha-Kadmoni has been published several times, beginning with a Brescia (ca. 1491), followed by Venice (ca. 1547, 1610, 1644) and Frankfurt on the Oder (1693, Yiddish) editions, but the 1644 edition is uncertain. The inclusion in this description of unicums, fragments, and other rare editions is because the 1610 edition is extant in two copies, one in the Royal Library in Copenhagen, the other in the Valmadonna Trust Library, each of only four leaves. It is possible that printing was discontinued prior to completion due to the death of 17

Humor in the sense of body fluid.

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the printer, Di Gara. The above description is of the ca. 1547 Venice edition (Habermann and Yudlov 1981, p. 131, no. 273; Habermann 1961, p. 106 no. 12; Valmadonna Trust and Hill 1989, n. 32; Waxman [1933] 1960, II, pp. 596–97). As noted above, the article describes a small number of varied examples of rare books, several extant as unicums, single extant copies, some as fragments only, and others in limited numbers. The examples cited here are rare primarily due to usage and persecution. While there is no common thread to these books but for their rarity, it is worth noting that with the exception of Kelal Katan, certainly an outlier among the books described here, all have been reprinted, many several times. Indeed Rashi and the Talmudic tractates are regularly published and republished to this day. The rarity, then, of the titles described here is of the edition rather than the book itself. Nevertheless, the perils of books, often great rarities, should not be underestimated, as these examples make evident, but also one should know: There is hope for your future, says the Lord, that your books [children] shall come again to their own border. Jeremiah 31:16

And you shall be secure, because there is hope; you shall look around you, and you shall take your rest in safety. Job 11:18

Chapter 21

Who Can Discern His Errors? Misdates, Errors, Deceptions, and Other Variations in and about Hebrew Books, Intentional and Otherwise: Revisited R. Eleazar once entered a privy, and a Persian [Roman] came and thrust him away. R. Eleazar got up and went out, and a serpent came and tore out the other’s gut. R. Eleazar applied to him the verse, “Therefore will I give a man (‫ ָא ָדם‬adam) for thee (Isaiah 43:4).” Read not adam [a man] but ‫ ֱאד ֹם‬edom [an Edomite = a Roman] corrected by the censor to “but a Persian.” Berakhot 62b

…

R. Eleazar said: “Any man who has no wife is no proper man; for it is said, male and female created He them and called their name Adam” corrected by the censor to “any Jew who is unmarried.” Yevamot 63a1

∵ Sensitivity to the contents of Jewish texts by non-Jews, and apostates in their employ, was a feature of Jewish life in various periods, one particularly notable and noxious period being in the sixteenth century when, during the Counter-Reformation, the Church undertook to censor and correct those Hebrew books that were not placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum and banned in their entirety.2 In the first example, the understanding based on the 1 William Popper, The Censorship of Hebrew Books (New York, 1899; reprint New York, 1968), pp. 59–60. 2 The original version of this article was published on The Seforim Blog, http://seforim.blogspot .com/, on July 3, 2016. I would like to express my appreciation to Eli Genauer for reading the

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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reading of adam ‫ ָא ָדם‬as edom ‫( ֱאד ֹם‬Rome) is completely lost by the substitution of “Persian” for edom. In the second example, “Any man who has no wife is no proper man,” was deeply offensive to a Church that required an unmarried and celibate clergy. In both instances, the text was altered to adhere to the Church’s sensibilities despite the fact that not only was the original intent lost but that, particularly in the first case, it ceased to be meaningful. Books, and even more so Hebrew books, often underwent modifications and textual changes, due to the vicissitudes and complexities of the Jewish condition, and these changes were involuntary. The subject of “Misdates, Errors, Deceptions, and other Variations in and about Hebrew Books, Intentional and Otherwise,” addresses textual changes, as well as other errors, intentional and unintentional, that may be found in Hebrew books. Addressed previously in Hakirah, this is a companion article providing additional examples of book errors, variations, and discrepancies. As noted previously, errors “come in many shapes and forms. Some are significant, others are of little consequence; most are unintentional, others are purposeful. When found, errors may be corrected, left unchanged, or found in both corrected and uncorrected forms…. Other errors are not to be found in the book per se but rather in our understanding of the book. This article is concerned with errors in and about Hebrew books only. It is not intended to be and certainly is not comprehensive, but rather explores the variety of errors, some of consequence, most less so, providing several interesting examples for the reader’s edification and perhaps enjoyment.”3 Among the errors discussed in this article are those dealing with (1) the expurgation of the Talmud; (2) the expurgation of other Hebrew works; (3) internal censorship, that is, of Hebrew books by Jews; (4) accusations of plagiarism and forgery; (5) misidentification of the place of printing; and (6) confusion due to mispronunciations.

article and for his many corrections; my son-in-law, R. Moshe Tepfer at the National Library of Israel; Israel Mizrahi of Mizrahi Book Store; and R. Yitzhak Wilhelm and R. Zalman Levine, reading room librarians at the Chabad-Lubavitch Library, for providing me with facsimiles of the rare books described in this article. 3 “Who Can Discern His Errors? Misdates, Errors, and Deceptions, in and about Hebrew Books, Intentional and Otherwise,” Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 12 (2011), pp. 269–91, reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 395–420.

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1 Returning to the beginning of the article, the Talmud, initially banned in 1553 and placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum in 1559, was subsequently permitted by the Council of Trent in 1564, but only under restrictive and onerous conditions. Reprinted in greatly censored form, the introductory quote refers to modifications in the Basle Talmud (1578–81). A condition of the Basle Talmud was that the name “Talmud” be prohibited. Heinrich Graetz explains the Pope’s and Council’s considerations in forbidding the name: The Council only approved the list of forbidden books previously made out in the papal office, the opinion of the pope and those who surrounded him served as a guide in the treatment of Jewish writings. The decision of this point was left to the pope, who afterwards issued a bull to the effect that the Talmud was indeed accursed—like Reuchlin’s ‘Augenspiegel and Kabbalistic writings’—but that it would be allowed to appear if the name Talmud were omitted, and if before its publication the passages inimical to Christianity were excised, that is to say, if it were submitted to censorship (March 24th, 1564). Strange, indeed, that the pope should have allowed the thing, and forbidden its name! He was afraid of public opinion, which would have considered the contradiction too great between one pope, who had sought out and burnt the Talmud, and the next, who was allowing it to go untouched. At all events there was now a prospect that this written memorial, so indispensable to all Jews, would once more be permitted to see the light, although in a maimed condition.4 Among the most egregious examples of censorship of the Talmud is Bava Kamma 38a. That amud (page) of the Talmud, dealing with financial relations between Jews and non-Jews, was expurgated almost in its entirety. Prior to the much-censored Basle Talmud (1578–81), the text was completely printed, for example, in the 1519/20–23 Venice edition of the Talmud published by Daniel Bomberg. After the censored Basle Talmud was published, initially, rather than contract the text, large blank spaces were left, clearly indicating that text had been expurgated. Abraham Karp notes that in some editions of the Talmud “many expurgated passages are restored, and where deletions are retained, blank spaces are left to indicate the omission to the reader and, no doubt, to permit him to fill in 4 Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews IV (Philadelphia, 1956), p. 589.

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by pen what they dared not to print.”5 An example of the blank spaces can be seen from the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud of 1697–99, which was printed by Michael Gottschalk. Such omissions are to be found in almost all seventeenthand early-eighteenth-century editions of the Talmud, a notable exception being the Benveniste edition (Amsterdam, 1644–47).6 Rabbinovicz too notes that blank spaces were left for expurgated text, those omissions being consistent with the Basle Talmud. He adds, however, that this policy was followed until the 1835 Vilna Talmud. At that time, government officials prohibited the practice so that the omissions would not be so obvious.7 In fact, text was consolidated much earlier, as evidenced by the illustrations of Bava Kamma 38a from the 1734–39 Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud. This expurgated material is restored in current editions of the Talmud. Another example of interest, one that has not fared as well, the text not yet restored in most editions of the Talmud, is to be found in Shabbat 104b and Sanhedrin 67a. The reference there is to Ben Satda, beginning, in the latter tractate “and so they did to Ben Satda in Lod, and hung him on erev Pesah. Ben Satda? He was the son (ben) of Padera.”8 Popper notes that Gershom Soncino, when publishing “a few of the Talmudic tracts at Soncino during the last decade of the fifteenth century … took care not to restore any of the 5 Abraham J. Karp, From the Ends of the Earth: Judaic Treasures of the Library of Congress (Washington, 1991), p. 47. 6 Despite having a more accurate text than later seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century editions, the Benveniste Talmud is, with exception, not always highly regarded due to its small size. An interesting early example of this relates to the handsome Lublin Talmud (1617–39) from the perspective of the seventeenth century. In correspondence between a representative of Duke Augustus the Young of Braunschweig [1635–66], founder of the Ducal Library in Wolfenbuettel, and R. Jacob ben Abraham Fidanque, author of a super-commentary on the Abarbanel’s commentary on Nevi’im Rishonim and a dealer, Fidanque writes: “My lord’s letter arrived today, Wednesday, Erev Rosh Hodesh Tevet, concerning the Lublin edition of the Talmud. I have one to sell, and it is very fine in its beauty and its paper, in sixteen volumes and new. If my lord wishes to give me 40R, that is, forty R, I will send it to him immediately upon receipt of his response. I will sell it for less, but if my lord wants to purchase an Amsterdam edition I will sell it for 14R.” (K. Wilkelm, “The Duke and the Talmud” Kiryat Sefer 12 (1936), p. 494 [Hebrew]. 7 Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions, ed. A. M. Habermann (Jerusalem, 1952), p. 100 [Hebrew]. 8 Ben Satda, a surname of Jesus of Nazereth, is, according to Marcus Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature (Brooklyn, NY, n. d.), p. 972, probably of Greek origin. The section on Ben Satda (Sanhedrin 67a) begins: “And so they did to Ben Satda in Lod, and hung him on erev Pesah. Ben Satda? He was the son (ben) of Padera …, Padera being a name given to both the mother and father of Jesus.” As noted above, neither this nor comparable entries appear in many current editions of the Talmud.

Who Can Discern His Errors ?

Figure 21.1

Frankfurt on the Oder—1697–99

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Figure 21.2

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Frankfurt on the Oder—1734–39

Who Can Discern His Errors ?

Figure 21.3

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Sanhedrin 67a, Benveniste Talmud

objectionable words in the MSS. from which he printed.”9 Here too the text is complete in the Bomberg Talmud. Two subsequent exceptions in later editions of Sanhedrin where the Ben Satda entries do appear are in the Talmud printed by Immanuel Benveniste and in the edition of Sanhedrin printed in Sulzbach in or about 1696. However, in two complete editions of the Talmud (1755–63, 1766–70) printed in Sulzbach, the Ben Satda entries are omitted, as is the case in most modern editions of the Talmud.10 2 The Talmud isn’t the only work to have been censored. Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin provides several examples of text in books that were modified due to the censor’s ministrations. Among them is R. Abraham ben Jacob Saba’s (d. c. 1508) Zeror ha-Mor, a commentary on the Pentateuch based on kabbalistic and midrashic sources.11 On the passage “They would slaughter to demons without 9 Popper, The Censorship of Hebrew Books, p. 21. 10 A somewhat inconsistent exception is the Soncino translation of the Talmud. In the edition of Sanhedrin published by the Traditional press (New York, n. d.), the Ben Satda entry is omitted from both the Hebrew and English text. However, in the Judaic and Soncino Classics Library (Judaica Press, Brooklyn, NY) edition, which is translated by David Kantrowitz, the Ben Satda entry is available in Hebrew but not in English. However, in the Rebecca Bennet Publications (1959) Soncino edition of Shabbat and the Judaic and Soncino Classics Library edition of that tractate the Ben Satda text appears in both the Hebrew and in the English translation, as well as in the Art Scroll Schottenstein edition of Shabbat. That entry, however, is incomplete, and the Hebrew portion of the Judaic and Soncino Classics Library edition notes that the censor has removed part of the text. 11 Abraham Saba rewrote Zeror ha-Mor in Portugal from memory, having lost his writings after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain. Saba was imprisoned in Portugal for refusing to accept baptism. Eventually released, he resettled in Morocco. Less well known is what occurred afterwards. R. Hayyim Joseph David Azulai (Hida, 1724–1806) informs us that Saba, after residing in Fez for ten years, traveled to Verona, Italy. En route, a storm arose. The captain, in despair, requested Saba pray for the ship’s safety. He agreed, but on

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power, gods whom they knew not, newcomers recently arrived, whom your ancestors did not dread” (Deuteronomy 32:17), referring to “Christians in general and priests in particular as ‘demons’ (shadim): ‘For as the nations of the world, all their abominations and vanities come from the power of demons, hence, the monks would shave the hair of their heads and leave some at the top of the head as a stain.’” This passage continues, referring to bishops and popes, concluding that their entire heads are shaved like a marble with only a bit of hair about their ears, so that they have the appearance of demons, hairless, and, like demons, provide no blessings, are like a fruitless tree, and “thus, it is fitting that they bear no sons of daughters.” Raz-Krakotzkin informs us that this passage appeared in the first two editions of Zeror ha-Mor printed by Bomberg and the Giustiniani edition (1545) but that it was already expurgated by the Cavalli edition (1566), a blank space in place of the text. That space subsequently disappeared and, although a Cracow edition based on the Bomberg Zeror ha-Mor restored the text, it remains missing from most later editions.12 Raz-Krakotzkin continues, citing additional examples. Early halakhic works were also subject to the ministrations of the censor.13 Among them are such works as R. Samson ben Zadok’s (13th cent.) Sefer Tashbez (Cremona, 1556). Samson was a student of R. Meir of Rothenburg (Maharam, c. 1220–93). When the latter was imprisoned in the tower of Ensisheim, Samson visited him regularly, serving as his attendant and carefully recording the condition that, if he were to die at sea, the captain should not bury him at sea, but rather take him to a Jewish community for proper burial. The captain agreed, Abraham Saba’s prayed and the storm abated. Two days later, on the eve of Yom Kippur, Saba died. The captain took his body to Verona, where the Jewish community buried him with great honor. (Hayyim Joseph David Azulai, Shem ha-gedolim ha-shalem with additions by Menachem Mendel Krengel I (Jerusalem, 1979), pp. 13–14 [Hebrew]. 12 Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, The Censor, the Editor, and the Text: the Catholic Church and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon in the Sixteenth Century, translated by Jackie Feldman (Philadelphia, 2007), p. 142. My edition of Zeror ha-Mor, published by Heichel ha-Sefer (Benei Brak, 1990) includes this passage. 13 Among other censored halakhic works are R. Menahem ben Aaron ibn Zerah’s (c. 1310–85) Zeidah la-Derekh (Ferrara, 1554). The entry in Zeidah la-Derekh on malshinim (slanderers, informers), comprising almost an entire leaf, was removed and the enumeration of the prayers comprising the Amidah was correspondingly adjusted when the second edition (Sabbioneta, 1567) was printed. The expurgated material has not been restored in subsequent editions. Another contemporary halakhic work that was also censored is R. Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil (d. 1280) of the Ba’alei Tosafot’s Amudei Golah (Cremona, 1556), in which objectionable terms, and occasionally entire paragraphs, were either substituted or suppressed. Concerning Zeidah la-Derekh and Amudei Golah, see my “Concise and Succinct: Sixteenth-Century Editions of Medieval Halakhic Compendiums,” Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 15 (2013), pp. 122–24 and 114–16, respectively.

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in Tashbez Maharam’s teachings, customs, and daily rituals, as well as what he heard and observed from the time Meir rose in the morning until he retired at night on weekdays, Sabbaths, and festivals. Although a relatively small work (80: [6], 55 leaves), it consists of 590 entries beginning with Sabbath night (1–17), Sabbath day (18–98), followed by festivals, Sefer Torah, priestly benedictions, prayer, slumber, talis and tefillin, benedictions, issur ve-heter (dietary laws), redemption of the first-born, hallah, vows, marriage and divorce, monetary laws, and piety. Expurgation by the censor of Tashbez was done sloppily, for terms such as meshumad and goy, normally excised, remain, but with a disclaimer near the end that they refer to idol worshippers only.14 3 Not all errors are due to the ministrations of the censor. Jews, too, at times, have taken their turns at modifying the text of books. A recent and perhaps quite surprising example of internal censorship is to be found in R. Solomon Ganzfried’s (1804–86) Kizzur Shulḥan Arukh. First printed in 1864, that work an abridgement of the Shulhan Arukh for the average person, went through fourteen editions in the author’s lifetime and numerous editions since then, as well as translations into many languages, and it has been the subject of glosses.15 Shapiro informs us that in the Lublin (1904) edition of the Kizzur Shulḥan Arukh and several other editions the entry (201: 4) that “apostates, informers, and heretics—for all these the rules of an onan and of mourners should not be observed. Their brothers and other next of kin should dress in white, eat, drink, and rejoice that enemies of the Almighty have perished,” has the words “apostates, informers, and heretics” removed. In the Vilna edition (1915), the entire paragraph is removed and the sections renumbered from seven to six. In the Mossad Harav Kook vocalized edition a new halakhah was substituted, but that has since been corrected to reflect the original text. The reason, according to Shapiro, is that with the expansion of Jewish education to include girls, it was felt that schoolchildren, with assimilated relatives, would see this as referring to family members.16 Several recent 14

Isaiah Sonne, “Expurgation of Hebrew Books,” in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography, edited by Charles Berlin (New York, 1976), p. 231. 15 Jacob S. Levinger, “Ganzfried, Solomon ben Joseph,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica (EJ), vol. 7, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik (Detroit, 2007), pp. 379–80. 16 Marc B. Shapiro, Changing the Immutable: How Orthodox Judaism Rewrites its History (Portland, 2015), pp. 85–89.

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editions of the Kizzur Shulḥan Arukh that were examined, in both Hebrew and English, have the original text. R. Abraham Isaac Kook (1865–1935), Chief Rabbi of Jerusalem and the first Ashkenazic chief rabbi in Israel (then Palestine), was a profound, influential, and mystical thinker. Highly regarded by his contemporaries, his strongly Zionist views also resulted in some opposition, but even most of his contemporaries who disagreed with him held him in high regard. Shapiro notes that with time, Kook’s reputation changed. Despite the fact that such pre-eminent rabbis as R. Solomon Zalman Auerbach (1910–95) and R. Joseph Shalom Elyashiv (1910–2012) were unwavering in their high regard of Kook, strong anti-Kook sentiment developed later in religious anti-Zionist circles. Shapiro notes that “Kook has been the victim of more censorship and simple omission of fact for the sake of haredi ideology than any other figure. When books are reprinted by haredi and anti-Zionist publishers Kook’s approbations (hascomas) are routinely omitted.” One of several examples of this modified opinion Shapiro cites is a lengthy eulogy delivered by R. Isaac Kossowsky (1877–1951) praising Kook. When the eulogy was reprinted in She’elot Yitzhak, a collection of Kossowsky’s writings, the name of the subject of the eulogy, Rav Kook, was omitted. In the reprint of She’elot Yitzhak, the eulogy is deleted in its entirety.17 Shapiro’s observation about Rav Kook’s approbations is confirmed in several books. R. Eliezer Mansour Settehon’s (Sutton, 1860–1937) Notzar Adam: Hosafah Notzar Adam (Tiberius, 1930), discourses on spiritual development, has approbations from R. Abraham Abukzer, R. Moses Kliers, R. Jacob Hai Zerihan, and R. Abraham Isaac ha-Kohen Kook. In a description of Notzar Adam in Aleppo, City of Scholars (Brooklyn, NY, 2005), Kook’s name is omitted from a list of the book’s approbations.18 In a variation of this, two internet sites that reproduce the full text of Hebrew books both include Rav Isaac Hutner’s (1906–80) Torat ha-Nazir (Kovno, 1932). This, the first edition, has three approbations; a full page hascoma from R. Hayyim Ozer Grodzinski (1863–1940), and the following page-two approbations, side by side, from R. Abraham Duber Kahana (1870–1943) and Rav Kook. The first internet site, with more than 53,000 books for free download, follows R. Grodzinski’s approbation with a blank page and then the text. The second, a subscription site with more than 76,000 scanned books, goes directly from R. Grodzinski’s hascoma to the text, dispensing with the blank page, also not reproducing the second page of approbations. It is not clear whether the copies scanned were faulty, the scanning incomplete, or the omission intentional. 17 Shapiro, Changing the Immutable, p. 142ff. 18 David Sutton, Aleppo: City of Scholars (Brooklyn, NY, 2005), p. 334, no. 539.

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Figure 21.4

Nevertheless, to conclude this section on a positive note, surprisingly, given the omission of Rav Kook’s approbation in both scans of Torat ha-Nazir, both sites list and provide an extensive number of Rav Kook’s works. The deletion of Rav Kook’s approbation has been noted in an auction catalogue, that of Kestenbaum & Company. The entry notes that, when Rav Hutner joined an extension of the Slabodka yeshivah in Hebron, he became closely associated with Rav Kook. It continues on to say: In later years, when R. Kook’s name became associated with the Mizrahi movement, R. Hutner, a member of the non-Zionist Agudath Israel of

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America’s Mo’etzes Gedolei haTorah, sought to revise his prior association with R. Kook. The present work, Torath HaNazir, is an example of this. When R. Kook first published it in Kovno, he included approbations from both R. Chaim Ozer Grodzenski and R. Kook. However, when it was republished in the early 1970s, the approbation from R. Kook was excluded. Allegedly, a key financial backer of Yeshivah Chaim Berlin sought to obtain any copy of the present first edition containing R. Kook’s approbation, in order to suppress public awareness of R. Hutner’s ties to Chief Rabbi Kook.19 4 Accusations of plagiarism accompany the publication of two works by and/ or attributed to R. Nathan Nata ben Samson Spira (Shapira, d. 1577). Spira, born to a distinguished family that was, according to the Ba’al Shem Tov, one of the three pure families throughout the generations in Israel (the others being Margulies and Horowitz), served as rabbi in Grodno (Horodno) until 1572, when he accepted a position in Posnan. His grandson was R. Nathan Nata ben Solomon Spira (Megalleh Amukkot, c. 1585–1633). Among Nathan Nata Spira’s works is Imrei Shefer (20: [1], 260 ff.), a super-commentary on Rashi and R. Elijah Mizrahi (c. 1450–1526). The book was brought to press by Spira’s son R. Isaac Spira (d. 1623), Rosh Yeshivah in Kovno and afterwards in Cracow. Work on Imrei Shefer began in Cracow in 1591, but before printing was finished Isaac Spira accepted a position in Lublin, where publication was completed at the press of Kalonymus ben Mordecai Jaffe (1597).20 The title pages states that Spira “gives goodly words (Imrei Shefer)’ (Genesis 49:21) and he gives, ‘seed to the sower, and bread ‫( לזורע ולחם‬357=1597) to the eater’ (Isaiah 55:10) of Torah.” In the introduction, Isaac informs that the work is entitled Imrei Shefer from the verse, “he gives goodly words” (and the word “he gives ‫ ”הנתן‬in the Torah is without a vav), implying the name of the author [Nathan ‫ ]נתן‬and Shefer ‫ שפר‬is language of Spira ‫שפירא‬, the family name of the author. Isaac then addresses the existence of an unauthorized and fraudulent edition ascribed to his father that was printed in Venice (Be’urim, 1593). It was 19 Kestenbaum & Company, June 26, 2014, no. 105. 20 1575, Birkat ha-Mazon, Lublin—Birkat ha-Mazon, facsimile reproduction (Brooklyn, NY, 2000), with introductions by Dovberush Weber and Eliezer Katzman, pp. 6–23, 1–10 [Hebrew].

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found and brought out by men who lack the yoke of the kingdom of heaven. A work discovered, who knows the identity of the author, perhaps a boy wrote it and wanted to credit it to an authoritative source ‫)אילן גדול‬, [my father my lord]. God forbid that his holy mouth should bring forth words that have no substance, vain, worthless, and empty, a forgery, “[And, behold], it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered it over”. Proverbs 24:31

Isaac Spira took his complaint to the Va’ad Arba’ah Artzot (Council of the Four Lands), requesting they prohibit the distribution of the Be’urim in Poland. The response of the Va’ad is printed at the end of the introduction: It has been declared, by consent of the rabbis, and the [communal] leaders of these lands, that these books shall neither be sold nor introduced into [any Jewish] home in any of these lands. Those who have [already] purchased them shall receive their money back and not keep [such] an evil thing in their home. What was and who wrote the Be’urim, the reputedly plagiarized copy of R. Nathan Nata ben Samson Spira’s Imrei Shefer? The title page of the Be’urim (40: 180 ff.), printed in Venice in 1593 “for Bragadin Giustiniani by the partners Matteo Zanetti and Komin Parezino at the press of Matteo Zanetti,” states that it was written by ha-Rav, the renowned, the gaon, R. Nathan from Grodno in the year “For you shall go out with joy ‫( בשמחה‬353=1593), and be led forth with peace” (Isaiah 55:12). Be’urim does not have an introduction or a colophon that provides any additional information. Isaac Spira’s accusation that the Be’urim is a forgery, not to be ascribed to his father, but to an unknown young man who then attributed it to Spira, is confirmed by R. Issachar Baer Eylenburg (1550–1623), who writes in his responsa, Be’er Sheva (Venice, 1614), and also in his commentary on Rashi, Zeidah La-Derekh (Prague, 1623), that it is obvious that the Be’urim were not the work of the holy Spira, but rather of an erring student “who hung (attributed it) to himself, hanging it on a large tree” (cf. Pesahim 112a).21 Among the distinguished sages of medieval Sepharad is Rabbenu Bahya ben Asher ben Hlava (c. 1255–1340). Best known for his popular, multi-faceted, and 21

Weber and Katzman, ed., facsimile, p. 3; Meijer Marcus Roest, Catalogue der Hebraica und Judaica Rosenthalishen Bibliotek. Bearbetet von M. Roest, mit Anhang von Leeser Rosenthal (Amsterdam, 1875; reprint Amsterdam, 1966), II p. 42, n. 243 [Hebrew].

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much reprinted Torah commentary, written in 1291 and first published in Naples (1491), Rabbenu Bahya was also the author of Kad ha-Kemaḥ (Constantinople, 1515) and Shulḥan shel Arba (Mantua, 1514). The former, Kad ha-Kemaḥ, comprises sixty discourses on varied subjects, among them festivals, prayer, faith, and charity, all infused with ethical content. Among the numerous editions of Kad ha-Kemaḥ is a scholarly edition entitled Kitvei Rabbenu Baḥya (Jerusalem, 1970) that was edited with annotations by R. Hayyim Dov Chavel (1906–82). Among the essays in Kad ha-Kemaḥ is one entitled “Kippurim,” which is on Yom Kippur. Part of that discourse includes a commentary on the Book of Jonah, which is read on Yom Kippur. Chavel, in the introduction to his annotations on Rabbenu Bahya’s commentary on Jonah, suggests that Rabbenu Bahya took his commentary from R. Abraham ben Ḥayya’s (d. c. 1136) Hegyon ha-Nefesh, which was first published by E. Freimann (Leipzig, 1860). Abraham ben Ḥayya, a resident of Barcelona, was a philosopher, mathematician, and astronomer, which is reflected in his several works, including translations from Arabic. Hegyon ha-Nefesh “deals with creation, repentance, good and evil, and the saintly life. The emphasis is ethical, the approach is generally homiletical— based on the exposition of biblical passages—and it may have been designed for reading during the Ten Days of Penitence.”22 Kitvei Rabbenu Baḥya and Hegyon ha-Nefesh are sufficiently alike to support Chavel’s contention that Rabbenu utilized the Sefer Hegyon ha-Nefesh (or Sefer ha-Mussar) of the earlier sage R. Abraham ben Ḥayya ha-Nasi, known as ṣāḥib-al-shurṭa … In it is found this commentary on the book of Jonah. This was already noted by the author of Zaphat ha-Shemen—the usage by Rabbenu of this book is comparable to his use of other works: according to his needs. The reason that he does not mention it in his commentary is, perhaps, because the books of R. Abraham ha-Nasi were well known, and the leading sages, such as the Rambam, Ramban and other leading rabbis utilized it, comparable to “Joshua was sitting and delivering his discourse without mentioning names, and all knew that it was the Torah of Moses”. Yevamot 96b.23

22 23

Geoffrey Wigoder, “Abraham Bar Ḥiyya,” EJ 1, pp. 292–94. Hayyim Dov Chavel, Kitvei Rabbenu Baḥya (Jerusalem, 1970), pp. 213–14 [Hebrew]. These remarks are preceded by Chavel in the introduction to Kitvei Rabbenu Baḥya (p. 13), where he writes similarly that “the entire commentary on Jonah (in the essay on Kippurim) is from this author (R. Abraham ben Ḥayya). It is not clear to me why he concealed his name. Perhaps the reason is that his books were very well known.”

Who Can Discern His Errors ?

521

Figure 21.5

We leave accusations of plagiarism and turn to forgery. There is a well-known case involving a person of repute, Saul Hirsch (Hirschel), Berlin’s (1740–94) Besamim Rosh.24 Berlin was a person of great promise; the son of R. Hirschel 24 Besamim Rosh was briefly referred to in “Who Can Discern His Errors?” in footnote 25. It is addressed here in greater detail. Besamim Rosh has been the subject of considerable interest. A sample biography includes the following: Raymond Apple, “Saul Berlin (1740–1794)—Heretical Rabbi,” Proceedings of the Australian Jewish Forum held at Mandelbaum House, University of Sydney, February 8–9, 2004, Mandelbaum Studies in Judaica 12, published by Mandelbaum House, http://www.oztorah.com/2010/06/saulberlin-1740-1794-heretical-rabbi/; Samuel Joseph Fuenn, Kiryah Ne’emanah (Vilna, 1860).

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Levin (Ẓevi Hirsch, 1721–1800), Chief Rabbi of Berlin, who was ordained at the age of twenty and in 1768 was av bet din in Frankfurt on the Oder. At some point, Berlin became disillusioned with what he believed to be antiquated rabbinical authority. He gave up his official rabbinic position in Frankfurt, removing himself to Berlin. There Berlin was an associate of Moses Mendelssohn (1729–86), providing, in 1778, an approbation for Mendelssohn’s Be’ur (Berlin, 1783) and was a supporter of the Enlightenment figure Naphtali Herz Wessely (1725–1805), writing an anonymous pamphlet in defense of Wessely’s Divrei Shalom ve-Emet (Berlin, 1782) entitled Ketav Yosher (1794).25 An earlier forgery of Berlin, described by Dan Rabinowitz, this under the pseudonym of Ovadiah bar Barukh Ish Polanya, was Berlin’s Mitzpeh Yokteil (1789), a vicious attack on R. Raphael Kohen, rabbi of the three communities, Altona-Hamburg-Wansbeck, who had opposed Mendelssohn’s Be’ur, and on Kohen’s Torat Yekuteil (Amsterdam, 1772) on Yoreh Deah. The communities’ beit din placed Ovadiah, the presumed author, under a ban. The ban’s proponents approached R. Tzevi Hirsch, the Chief Rabbi of Berlin and Saul Berlin’s father, seeking his signature on the ban.26 It appears that Tzvi Hirsch initially concurred with the ban, but, as he was close to deciding in favor of signing the ban, someone whispered in his ear the verse “woe is me, my master, it is borrowed ‫( ”שאול‬II Kings 6:5), which he understood to be a play on ‫( שאול‬borrowed), referring to his son, Saul, the true author of Mitzpeh Yokteil.27 Turning to Besamim Rosh, Saul Berlin’s infamous forgery, it claims to be the responsa of R. Asher ben Jehiel (Rosh, c. 1250–1327), among the most pre-eminent of medieval sages of European Jewry. The title page describes it as the responsa Besamim Rosh, 392 responsa from books from the Rosh and other rishonim (early rabbinic sages) compiled by R. Isaac di Molina and with

25 26 27

pp. 295–98 [Hebrew]; Reuben Margaliot, “R. Saul Levin Forger of the Book ‘Besamim Rosh,’” Areshet, ed. Isaac Raphael (1944), pp. 411–18 [Hebrew]; Moses Pelli, The Age of Haskalah (Lanham, MD, 2010), pp. 171–89; idem., “Intimations of Religious Reform in the German Hebrew Haskalah Literature,” Jewish Social Studies 32, no. 1 (1970), pp. 3–13; idem, “No Besamim in this Rosh,” Am Main-line, May 12, 2007, http://onthemainline. blogspot.com/search?q=besamim+rosh; Dan Rabinowitz, “Besamim Rosh,” Seforim Blog, October 21, 2005, http://seforim.blogspot.com/2005/10/besamim-rosh.html; and Moshe Samet, “The Beginnings of Orthodoxy,” Modern Judaism 8, no. 3 (1988), pp. 249–69. Abraham David, “Berlin, Saul ben Ẓevi Hirsch Levin,” EJ 3, pp. 459–60. The ban called for Mitzpeh Yokteil to be burned and destroyed with “great shame,” and, in Berlin, it was so burned in the old synagogue courtyard (Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature VIII, translated by Bernard Martin [New York, 1975], p. 195). Dan Rabinowitz, “Benefits of the Internet: Besamim Rosh and its History,” Seforim Blog, April 26, 2010, http://seforim.blogspot.com/search?q=Benefits+of+the+Internet%3A+Be samim+Rosh+and+its+History.

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annotations, Kasa de-Harshana, by the young Saul ben R. Ẓevi Hirsch, av bet din, here in Berlin.28 It is dated “and will keep you in all places where you go ‫( ושמרתיך בכל אשר תלך‬553 = 1793)” (Genesis 28:15), note Asher ‫ אשר‬in the date. In Besamim Rosh, Berlin, having become an adherent of the haskalah, presents ideas inconsistent with and at variance with traditional halakhic positions. Among the novel responsa are removing the prohibition on suicide due to the difficult conditions of Jewish life; permitting shaving on Hol ha-Mo’ed; requiring a shohet to test the sharpness of his knife on his tongue; saying a blessing over non-kosher food; disregarding commandments that are upsetting; not taking Megillat Esther seriously; and that Jews’ beliefs can change. An example of the responsa, albeit a brief one and without Berlin’s Kasa de-Harshana, is the much quoted responsum concerning “legumes, rice, and millet which some Ashkenazic rabbis prohibit and is the practice in some communities” (105b: no. 138). The responsum states: This is very strange, for the Talmud permits it and no bet din is known to have made such an enactment. It is not for us to inquire why such an enactment was made and why it was followed by some. Possibly because of the exiles and the confused ‫גירושים והבלבוחים‬, weighed down in poverty … and also due to the small community of Karaites in their midst who were also exiled…. unable to distinguish between bread and bread and all leavening from which it is possible to make flour and bread. But, God forbid, that we freely prohibit that which is permitted, and all the more because of the poor and needy, who lack sufficient meat and bread all the days of the festival…. “who eat [but] a litra of vegetables for at a meal” (Sanhedrin 94b). Also “a leap year is not intercalated in the year following a Sabbatical year for this reason.” All the more (kal ve-homer) to prohibit

28 Talya Fishman suggests that Berlin selected di Molina because little was known about him and “it is probably of significance that this halakhist was ridiculed by the Shulhan arukh’s (sic) author as one who failed to understand the teachings of his predecessors and who said things of his own opinion, as if ‘prophetically, with no basis in Gemara or poskim [i.e. decisors]’. Halakhically erudite readers of Besamim Rosh who learned that it was discovered and compiled by R. Isaac di Molina might not have suspected the volume’s dubious provenance, but they might well have been negatively prejudiced in their assessment of its reliability as a legal source” (“Forging Jewish Memory, Besamim Rosh and the Invention of Pre-Emancipation Jewish Culture,” in Jewish History and Jewish Memory: Essays in Honor of Yosef Hayyim Yerushalmi, edited by Elishiva Carlebach, John M. Efron, and David N. Myers (Waltham, MA, 1998) p. 78. Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, p. 197, suggests that this di Molina is a fabricated person, noting that the gematria (numerical value) of di Molina equals di Satanow, 137, a maskilic collaborator of Berlin’s.

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most types of food to the poor and needy on festivals and the overly strict (mahmerin) will have to answer on the day of judgement. How has Besamim Rosh been received? Soon after its publication, R. Wolf Landsberg, in Ze’ev Yitrof (Frankfurt on the Oder, 1793), stated that Besamim Rosh was a forgery, and R. Mordecai Benet (1753–1829) wrote to Berlin’s father that Besamim Rosh was “from head to foot only wounds and grievous abscesses from sinful, vile men.”29 R. Hayyim Joseph David Azulai (Hida, 1724–1806) in his Shem ha-Gedolim, one of several works in which he mentions Besamim Rosh, states: “I have heard ‘a voice of a great rushing’ (Ezekiel 3:12) that there are in this book strange things…. Therefore the reader should not rely on it.”30 The Hatam Sofer (R. Moses Sofer, 1762–1839), based on the responsum on suicide, also concluded that Besamim Rosh was a forgery.31 Among the varied modern authorities who quote Besamim Rosh, albeit critically, are R. Solomon Joseph Zevin (1885–1978) and R. Ovadia Yosef (1920–2013), the latter writing an approbation for the 1984 edition of Besamim Rosh.32 How influential was Besamim Rosh? Fishman writes that “Besamim Rosh is of itself cast as a work of rabbinic literature, a Trojan horse of sorts, capable of injecting reformist viewpoints directly into the camp of halakhic discourse. Indeed, the sheer frequency with which Besamim Rosh has been cited in subsequent halakhic writings [documented by Samet] raises the question of whether the work may not have been effective in introducing unconventional perspectives into rabbinic thought.”33 Similarly, Shmuel Feiner notes that “some scholars regard Besamim Rosh as the beginning of the reform of Judaism.”34 Finally, knowledge that Besamim Rosh was a forgery was so widespread, that it is even so described in a book dealers catalogue, that of Jakob Ginzburg, in Listing of Rare and Valuable Books (Minsk, 1914), stating “565 Besamin Rosh attributed to the Rosh, poor condition Berlin, 1792, 50 1.”

29 30 31 32 33 34

Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature, p. 197. Azulai, Shem ha-Gedolim II, p. 34, no. 127. Rabinowitz, “Benefits of the Internet.” Fishman, “Forging Jewish Memory,” p. 75. Ibid., p. 81. Shmuel Feiner, The Jewish Enlightenment, translated by Chaya Naor (Philadelphia, 2011), p. 336.

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5 Of less consequence is a common error, if it may be so described, that is, the misleading identification of the place of printing on the title pages of lateseventeenth-century through to early-nineteenth-century books. Amsterdam, from the early seventeenth century, was the foremost center of Hebrew printing in Europe. Its reputation was such that printers in other lands, often with the only the most tenuous, if any, connections with Amsterdam, attempted to associate their imprints with that city. In a wide variety of locations, the actual place of printing is minimized; what is enlarged is that the letters are ‫באותיות‬ ‫ אמשטרדם‬Amsterdam letters. Mozes Heiman Gans describes this practice: Amsterdam may have had an embarrassing lack of rabbinical training facilities, but thanks to the Hebrew printing works it nevertheless had a great name in the world of Jewish scholarship. Moreover, the haskamot (certificate of fitness) was also sought by Jewish printers abroad, and so highly-prized were books ‘printed in Amsterdam’ or ‘be-Amsterdam’ that cunning rivals invented the phrase ‘printed ke-Amsterdam’, i.e. in the manner of Amsterdam, hoping to deceive the readers by relying on the similarity of the Hebrew k and b.35 An early example of this practice is in Dessau, where the court Jew, Moses Benjamin Wulff, established a Hebrew press in Anhalt-Dessau.36 Approval for the press was given on December 14, 1695, by Princess Henriette Catherine of Orange, Prince Leopold I’s mother, acting as regent in her son’s frequent absences in the service of the Prussian army. The first books were published in 1696, among them R. Jacob ben Joseph Reischer’s (Jacob Backofen, c. 1670– 1733) Hok Ya’akov and Solet le-Minhah ve-Shemen le-Minhah, and the following year R. Shabbetai ben Meir ha-Kohen’s (Shakh, 1621–62) Gevurat Anashim, each with a title page, with a pillared frame topped by an obelisk, and each with the statement: Printed here [in the holy congregation of] Dessau with AMSTERDAM letters 35 36

Mozes Heiman Gans, Memorbook: History of Dutch Jewry from the Renaissance to 1940 with 1100 Illustrations and Text (Baarn, Netherlands, 1977), p. 140. Concerning Moses Benjamin Wulff, see Marvin J. Heller, “Moses Benjamin Wulff—Court Jew in Anhalt-Dessau,” European Judaism 33, no. 2 (2000), pp. 61–71, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (hereafter Studies, Leiden, 2008), pp. 206–17.

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Under the rule of her ladyship, the praiseworthy and pious Duchess, of distinguished birth HENRIETTE CATHERINE [May her majesty be exalted] Another notable instance are the title pages of R. Judah Leib ben Enoch Zundel’s (1645–1705) Hinnukh Beit Yehudah (Frankfurt on the Main, 1708), a collection of one hundred forty-five responsa, among them several by the author Zundel (1645–1705), who succeeded his father as rabbi of the district of Swabia in 1675, and who subsequently relocated to Pfersee, where he remained until his death. Judah Leib was also the author of Reshit Bikkurim (Frankfurt, 1708), which consisted of homilies by Judah Leib and his father. The sermons in that work are on festivals and Sabbaths based upon R. Joseph Albo and include excerpts from a commentary on the Bible which Judah Leib had intended to publish.37 The publisher of these books was Johann Koelner, the distinguished Frankfurt on the Main printer (1708–27), who was credited with publishing half of the Hebrew books printed in Frankfurt up to the middle of the nineteenth century as well as a fine edition of the Babylonian Talmud.38 Koelner began printing with Hinnukh Beit Yehudah; it is unusual in that there are two title pages for the book, one noting that it was printed in Frankfurt on the Main, the other stating that Hinnukh Beit Yehudah was printed, in an enlarged font, with Amsterdam, in a smaller font, letters, and the place of printing, Frankfurt on the Main, also set in a smaller font.39 Another way of emphasizing Amsterdam fonts rather than the fonts of the city in which a book was printed is evident from R. Jacob Uri Shraga Feival’s ben Menahem Nachum’s Bet Ya’akov Esh (Frankfurt on the Oder, 1765) on Job. Here, somewhat unusually, even the reference to the source of the fonts is highlighted, saying with Amsterdam letters. The place of printing is given below in abbreviation in a slightly smaller font as printed here ‫( פ״פ דאדר‬Frankfurt on the Oder). In addition to several locations in Germany, such as Hamburg and Jessnitz, we also find this practice in such varied locations as in Zolkiew, for example R. Aaron Moses ben Zevi Hirsch of Lvov’s (Lemberg) Ohel Moshe (1765) on grammar; in Lvov, on the title page of R. Jacob ben Baruch of Tyczyn’s (c. 1640– 1725) Birkat Yosef (1784) on Shulhan Arukh Hoshen Mishpat; and with a mahzor that states, in large red letters, that it was printed in Slavuta and, in a small font 37 38 39

Yehoshua Horowitz, “Judah Leib ben Enoch Zundel,” EJ 11, p. 506. Richard Gottheil, A. Freimann, Joseph Jacobs, and M. Seligsohn, “Frankfort-on-the-Main,” in the Jewish Encyclopedia (JE), vol. 5, edited by Isidore Singer (New York, 1901–06), p. 492. The left image is courtesy of Israel Mizrahi of Mizrahi Book Store.

Who Can Discern His Errors ?

Figure 21.6

527

528

Figure 21.7

Chapter 21

Who Can Discern His Errors ?

529

in German only, that is, it was printed (gedrukt) in Lemberg.40 We also find this done, somewhat far afield, in Livorno; the title page of Seder Nezikin of the Jerusalem Talmud (1770), printed with a frame that is like but not exactly the same as the Amsterdam edition of Seder Nashim (1754) by Carlo Giorgi, stating “printed here, Livorno, with Amsterdam letters.” And then there are inadvertent errors, such as misreading a colophon. Popular books, frequently reprinted, go through numerous editions. At times, it is difficult to identify early editions and, as might be expected, books are occasionally misidentified, attributed to the wrong press, and/or misdated, and there are instances when editions are recorded that never existed. All of these errors can be found in R. Leon Modena’s (Judah Aryeh, 1571–1648) Sur me-Ra.41 Sur me-Ra, a popular and much reprinted tract opposing the snares and consequences of gambling, was written by Modena when, according to his autobiography, he was only twelve or thirteen years old. Paradoxically, Modena would later become a compulsive gambler, even gambling away his daughters’ dowries. Translated into Latin, German, Yiddish, French, and English, Sur me-Ra is not a straightforward denunciation of gambling but rather a dialogue between two friends, one opposed to games of chance, the other a proponent of such games, both positions well argued, which accounts for its popularity. It was first published in Venice in the year ‫( בשמחה‬with joy, [5]355 = 1594/95) by the Venetian press of Giovanni di Gara as an anonymous tract on the evils of gambling, Modena initially choosing to be anonymous. Sur me-Ra was republished, not long afterwards, twice, according to several bibliographic sources, in 1615. One edition, attributed to a Venice press, appears to be dubious; it not recorded in any library collection, and the sources that list it do so without descriptive details.42 The two 1615 Prague editions are recorded in a library listing, one published at the press of Moses ben Bezalel Katz, octavo in format, here consisting of ten 40 Tractate Yoma (Lemberg, 1862), and possibly (likely) other tractates, has two title pages, one stating that it was printed in Lemberg, and the other, without mention of Lemberg, stating that it was printed with Amsterdam letters. I would like to thank Eli Genauer for bringing this to my attention. 41 For a more detailed discussion of Leon (Judah Aryeh) Modena and Sur me-Ra, see my “Sur me-Ra: Leone (Judah Aryeh) Modena’s Popular and Much Reprinted Treatise against Gambling,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2015), pp. 105–22. 42 Isaac Benjacob, Otzar ha-Sefarim: Sefer Arukh li-Tekhunat Sifre Yiśra’el Nidpasim ṿe-Khitve Yad (Vilna, 1880), p. 419, samekh 314 [Hebrew]; Ch. B. Friedberg, Bet Eked Sefarim (Israel, n.d.), samekh 331 [Hebrew]; Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book: Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993–95), p. 266, no. 1084 [Hebrew].

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unfoliated leaves. The second Prague edition, a bilingual Hebrew-Latin edition, is not so much dubious as mislabeled, having been printed several decades later and elsewhere. The Katz edition has an introduction from R. Jacob ben Mattias Treves which concludes: “And it came to pass, because the midwives feared God, that he made them houses” (Exodus 1:21) at a goodly ‫( בשע״ה‬375 = 1615) time, “a time to cast ‫( להשלי״ך‬75 = 1615) away stones” (cf. Ecclesiastes 3:5). A bilingual Hebrew-Latin edition of Sur me-Ra was purportedly printed in Wittenburg in 1665 by Johannis Haken. This edition is physically small, octavo in format, measuring 18 cm; otherwise, it is an expanded edition of Sur me-Ra, comprising 134 pages and ending on quire Q3 followed by several index pages. There is a Latin title page with a Hebrew heading, giving the place of printing, printer’s name, and date, followed by considerable preliminary matter in Latin. There is a second Hebrew-Latin title page lacking all of these particulars about the edition and with a somewhat dissimilar briefer Latin text. This Wittenburg edition of Sur me-Ra has been incorrectly recorded in at least one major library as a second 1615 Prague Hebrew-Latin edition of that work. The reason for the error appears to be twofold. First, the library copy lacks the first descriptive title page, and the second title page, as noted, lacks identifying information. Moreover, the introduction to the Prague edition is included, with its reference to Prague at the beginning and, at the end, two highlighted dates, although the first “at a goodly ‫( בשע״ה‬375 = 1615) time” is not highlighted here and a close reading indicates that the second date was set improperly, that is, the Prague edition which concludes with the date “a time to cast ‫( להשלי״ך‬375 = 1615),” here reads ‫להשלי״ך‬, the final khaf being emphasized as if to be included in the enumeration of the letters, which likely misled a reader looking at it too casually, as it results in a figure (395) too large for the Prague edition and too small for the Wittenburg edition.43 Another edition of Sur me-Ra was printed in Leiden by Johannes Gorgius Nisselius. An Orientalist, Nisselius, poor and unable to obtain a post as a teacher, became a printer. The title page is misdated ‫( תנ״ו‬456 = 1696) instead of 1656, attributed by L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld to Nisselius’s unfamiliarity with Hebrew chronology, and causing Moritz Steinschneider to describe it as an “edition negligenitissime curate” (a very slipshod edition).44 Three reported bilingual editions of Sur me-Ra, Hebrew with Latin translation, quarto format, are recorded in bibliographic sources. The dates given 43 The library in question was contacted and has since modified their catalogue. 44 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585– 1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), I, pp. 47–48, no. 53; Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (CB, Berlin, 1852–60), no. 5745, col. 1351:24.

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are 1698, 1702, and 1767. These editions are listed, without further details, in Julius Fürst’s Bibliotheca Judaica, Benjacob’s Otzar ha-Sefarim, and Vinograd’s Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, each likely repeating the entries in the previous earlier work.45 That three editions of Sur me-Ra were printed in Oxford within this time frame seems highly unlikely, given that from the first Hebrew book reported for Oxford, Maimonides’s commentary on Mishnayot, with Latin, printed in 1655, concluding with a Bible in 1790, only sixteen titles with Hebrew text are reported. One printing of Sur me-Ra seems reasonable, two less so, three unlikely. 6 Mispronunciations and misunderstandings are the source of numerous errors, a problem that persists from biblical times, as in the following passage from Judges (12:36): And the Gileadites took the passages of Jordan before the Ephraimites; and it was so that when those Ephraimites who had escaped said, Let me cross over; that the men of Gilead said to him, Are you an Ephraimite? If he said, No; Then said they to him, Say now Shibboleth; and he said Sibboleth; for he could not pronounce it right. Then they took him, and slew him at the passages of Jordan; and there fell at that time of the Ephraimites forty two thousand. R. David Cohen observes that not all typesetting errors can be attributed to the compositor selecting the wrong letters. In Kuntres ha-Akov le-Mishor: le-Taken ta’uyot ha-Defus shel ha-Shas Hotsa’at Vilna, he observes that there are mistakes that can only be attributed to hearing. Many printers realized that it was possible to save hours of labor by having type set by a pair of workers, one reading to the setter, who either did not hear correctly or misunderstood due to different dialects. Cohen provides several examples from the 1880–86 Vilna Talmud, for example, ‫ פסח‬in place of ‫פתח‬, and comments that much ink has been has

45 Isaac Benjacob, Otzar ha-Sefarim, p. 419, samekh 317 [Hebrew]; Julius Fürst, Bibliotheca Judaica: Bibliographisches Handbuch der Gesammten Jüdischen Literatur II (1849–63; reprint Hildesheim, 1960), p. 384; Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, pp. 14–15, nos. 6, 8, 15.

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been spent resolving apparent difficulties that are in reality nothing more than printers’ errors. Among the numerous examples are:46 Rosh HaShanah 14a: Rashi ‫( בקוביא‬dice-playing)—a piece of ‫( עצם‬bone) … other reading ‫( עצים‬wood). Megillah 14a: Many prophets arose for Israel ‫הוה‬-‫מי‬, (it should say ‫)מיהוי‬ [double the number of [the Israelites] who came out of Egypt]. Zevahim 48a: Rashi Midrasha—(Leviticus 4) … Should say 6. Similarly, R. Menahem Mendel Brachfeld (Brakhfeld, 1917–84), in his twovolume work, Yosef Halel, based on the Reggio di Calabria (1475) and other early editions, provides a lengthy listing of emendations to current texts of Rashi. He informs us that numerous errors in more recent editions of Rashi are due to errors in transmission that are frequently compounded by editors, printers, and the unkind modifications of censors. Indeed, R. Solomon Alkabetz, the grandfather of the eponymous author of Lekhah Dodi, in his edition of Rashi’s Torah commentary (Guadalajara, 1476), admittedly corrected it according to his own reasoning. Furthermore, explanations of Rashi are often based on these faulty editions.47 At the beginning of each volume are the detailed emendations and at the end a brief summary of the changes, for example: Leviticus 10: 16) The goat of the sin-offering, the goat of the additional service of the month and the three goats of sin-offering sacrificed on that day, the he-goat, the goat of Nahshon, and the goat of [Rosh Hodesh], etc. According to this version it is not clear what Rashi is suggesting by the he-goat. In the first edition (Reggio di Calabria) and the Alkabetz edition, the text is three goats of sin-offering sacrificed on that day, take a he-goat and the goat of Nahshon, etc. and with this Rashi alludes to the verse at the beginning of the parasha that speaks about the obligatory offerings of the day, writing take “a he-goat.”48

46 David Cohen, Kuntres ha-Akov le-Mishor: le-Taken ta’uyot ha-Defus shel ha-Shas Hotsa’at Vilna (Brooklyn, NY, 1983), pp. 4, 18, 22, 40. 47 Menahem Mendel Brachfeld, Yosef Halel I (Brooklyn, NY, 1987), pp. 8–9. 48 Brachfeld, Yosef Halel II, p. 36. An accompanying footnote remarks that this is also the order in the Rome, Soncino, and Zamora editions, as well as in many manuscripts on parchment.

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Leviticus 26: 21) Sevenfold according to your sins, seven other punishments, etc. Seven ‫ שבע‬is in the feminine, and others ‫ ואחרים‬is male. In the first edition and in the Alkabetz edition the text is seven other punishments, as the number of your sins ‫חטאתיכם‬.49 Our text 16) the he-goat, the goat of Nahshon, and the goat of [Rosh Hodesh]. 21) Sevenfold according to your sins, seven other punishments, Text first edition 16) take a he-goat and the goat (RH) of Nahshon, the goat of Rosh Hodesh. 21) seven other punishments as the number of your sins.50 Another, quite different, inadvertent, error is of interest. In the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, a small number of printers of Hebrew books employed monograms, formed from the Latin initials of the Hebrew printer’s name, as their devices. Several were mirror-image monograms, which can be read directly and in reverse (mirror) image, resulting in more attractive and certainly more complex pressmarks than the simple interlacing of letters; perhaps as graphic palindromes.51 They are, however, often difficult to interpret; the undiscerning reader is often unaware that the mark is a signet rather than an ornamental device. The first usage of a monogram in a Hebrew book is that of the Frankfurt on the Oder printer, Michael Gottschalk, noted above. Over several decades, his mirror-image monogram appeared in all of his Talmud editions, in three forms, all consisting of Gottschalk’s initials interwoven in straight and mirror images (MG), that is, it can be read in straight and reverse images. The last of his mirror-image monograms, employed on the title pages of the Berlin and Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud editions (1715–22, 1734–39), is an elongated form of his initials. Gottschalk’s place in Frankfurt was taken by Professor F. Grillo, who, in association with the Berlin printer Aaron ben Moses Rofe of Lissa, completed the third Talmud. The printer’s device on the title pages of this edition is the elongated Gottschalk mirror monogram. It is correctly placed on most tractates but inverted on tractate Niddah. The error was quickly corrected, for 49 Brachfeld, Yosef Halel II, p. 102. The accompanying footnote states that this is also the text in the Rome and Zamora editions. 50 Brachfeld, Yosef Halel II, pp. 13, 33. 51 A palindrome is a word, line, verse, number, sentence, etc., reading the same backwards as forwards, for example, Madam, I’m Adam; able was I ere I saw Elba; and mom.

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Figure 21.8 Gottschalk device correct usage— Frankfurt on the Main

Figure 21.9 Gottschalk device inverted— Zolkiew

on the title page of Seder Tohorot, printed immediately after and bound with Niddah, the monogram is right-side-up. We also find the elongated Gottschalk monogram, inverted, employed in Zolkiew on the title page of the responsa of R. Saul ben Moses of Lonzo’s Givat Shaul (1774) by David ben Menahem, who, in this instance, likely did not realize that it comprised Gottschalk’s initials.52 At the beginning of the article, it was stated that “this article is concerned with errors in and about Hebrew books only.” While the following example might tend to belie that statement, that is so only if the reader does not accept that the Bible is a Hebrew book, even if in translation. With that caveat, we bring an interesting and, from the printer’s perspective, an especially unfortunate error. For centuries, the King James Bible was the authoritative English translation of the Bible by and for English-speaking non-Jews. First published in 1611 by Robert Barker, it was reissued in 1631 by Barker, together with Martin 52 Concerning the usage of mirror-image monograms, see Marvin J. Heller, “Mirror-Image Monograms as Printers’ Devices on the Title Pages of Hebrew Books Printed in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Printing History 40 (2000), pp. 2–11; reprinted in Studies, pp. 33–43. The title page of Givat Shaul, as does other of works printed in various locations, as noted above, states that it was printed in Zolkiew in small letters with small fonts, and then in Amsterdam in a very large font.

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535

Lucas, then the royal printers in London. This edition of the King James Bible is now best known as the Wicked Bible, but is also referred to as the Adulterous Bible or Sinners’ Bible. The error is in the Ten Commandments, in which the prohibition against adultery (Exodus 20:14; Heb. Bible 20:13) reads: “Thou shalt commit adultery,” the “not” having been omitted, thus accounting for this edition of the King James Bible being referred to as the “Wicked Bible.” King Charles I was made acquainted with the error, and the printers were called before the Star Chamber, where, upon the facts being proved, the printers were fined £3,000 about £34,000 today). Subsequently, Barker and Lucas lost their printer’s licenses. The Archbishop of Canterbury, angered by the mistakes in this edition of the Bible, stated: I knew the tyme when great care was had about printing, the Bibles especially, good compositors and the best correctors were gotten being grave and learned men, the paper and the letter rare, and faire every way of the beste, but now the paper is nought, the composers boyes, and the correctors unlearned.53 Printed in a press run of one thousand copies, the Wicked Bible was subsequently ordered destroyed; a handful of copies only are extant today.54 This article began with censorship, primarily of the Talmud and other Hebrew books, followed by internal censorship of Hebrew books, plagiarism and forgery, and errors intentional (misleading) and unintentional, of varying levels of consequence. As noted in the previous article, “what they have in common is the consequence of inadvertently or deliberately misleading the reader. This is a subject that fascinates and certainly deserves further study.

53

Louis Edward Ingelhart, Press Freedoms: A Descriptive Calendar of Concepts, Interpretations, Events, and Courts Actions, from 4000 B.C. to the Present (New York, 1987), p. 40. 54 A copy was recently offered for sale for $99,500. http://www.greatsite.com/ ancient-rare-bibles-books/platinum.html. Among other errors in early editions of the Bible are the “Cannibal Bible,” printed at Amsterdam in 1682, with the sentence “If the latter husband ate her [for hate her], her former husband may not take her again” (Deuteronomy 24:3); a 1702 edition has the Psalmist complaining that “printers [princes] have persecuted me without a cause” (Psalms 119:161); and an edition published in Charles I’s reign reads “The fool hath said in his heart there is a God” (Psalms 14:1). See http://www.futilitycloset.com/2015/04/14/oops-22.

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Nevertheless, even this overview should caution the reader that not everything in print, no matter how innocuous or well received, is necessarily so, for:” Who can discern his errors? Clean me from hidden faults. Keep back Your servant also from presumptuous sins; let them not have dominion over me; then shall I be blameless, and innocent of great transgression.55 Psalms 19:13–14

55

Having pointed out the errors of others, I thought, in all fairness, to note some errors in my own work, both those of consequence and those less so. Those errors, however, in both categories, being too numerous, might, given the length of this article, prove excessive and tedious for the reader. They need, therefore, to be saved for a later day and for a possible future article.

Chapter 22

Approbations and Restrictions: Printing the Talmud in Eighteenth-Century Amsterdam and Two Frankfurts Approbations designed to protect the investment of printers and their sponsors when publishing a large work such as the Talmud were well-intentioned. Unfortunately, the results were counter-productive, resulting in acrimonious disputes between publishers within and between cities. This article discusses the first approbations, issued for the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud (1697–99), and the resulting dispute with printers in Amsterdam in 1714–17. The background of the presses and the pressmarks utilized by the printers are discussed, and a fuller picture of the printing of the Talmud in the subject period is given, and antecedent (Benveniste) and subsequent editions are addressed.

∵ Approbations for books have multiple purposes, among them commendations, indicating approval or praise for the subject work, confirming that a book’s contents do not contain forbidden or prohibited matter, and to protect a publisher’s investment from competitive editions for a fixed period of time.1 This article is concerned with the last purpose, here rabbinic approbations (hasoma, pl. hascomot) limiting or preventing rival editions of the Talmud published in the last decade of the seventeenth century into the first half of the eighteenth century. The restrictive approbations discussed here are unlike those issued previously, such as the first approbations for a Hebrew book, namely, that for R. Jacob Barukh ben Judah Landau’s (15th cent.) concise halakhic compendium, Sefer Ha-Agur (Naples, 1487), one of seven approbations; that of R. Judah ben Jehiel Rofe (Messer Leone, 15th cent.) stating he has examined ha-Agur, and that “it is a work that gives forth pleasant words…. I have, therefore, set 1 The original version of this article was published on The Seforim Blog, http://seforim.blogspot .com, on May 27, 2018. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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my signature unto these nectars of the honeycomb, these words of beauty”; or those in Italy or in Basle, which assured the authorities that nothing untoward or offensive to Christianity was included in the book; or to current approbations, which assure the reader that a work’s contents are in conformity with the community’s religious standards. In contrast, the approbation issued for the Frankfurt on the Oder Berman Talmud, and to subsequent editions, was a license for a fixed number of years, prohibiting other publishers from printing competitive editions that would prevent the printer and his sponsor(s), who would otherwise be reluctant to make the substantial investment required to print such a large multi-volume work as the Talmud, from realizing a return on their investment. The discord arising from restrictive approbations for printing the Talmud were not the first such disputes. In Amsterdam, disputes between printers arose over editions of the Bible. Johannes Georgius Nisselius and Joseph Athias competed in the mid-seventeenth century over a Sacra Biblia (Hebrew Bible) for the use of students, and several years later Athias and Uri Phoebus were involved in a controversy over their translations of the Bible into Yiddish, competing for the Jewish market in Poland. Arguing over the right to publish for and sell to that market, they sought to reinforce their positions by seeking approbations from the Polish, as well as the Amsterdam rabbinate.2 Nevertheless, their competition pales in contrast to the recurring altercations over the right to print the Talmud, which spanned several centuries and much of the European continent. Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz writes that the intent in granting this and subsequent approbations was for the good of the community, to insure investors a reasonable return on their investment. The result, however, was that the Talmud was printed only eight times in the century from 1697 to 1797, and the price of a set of the Talmud was dear. Prior to that, the Talmud had been printed several times in Italy and Poland within a relatively short period of time, the primary impediment then being the opposition of the Church and local authorities. Rabbinovicz concludes that after 1797 the use of restrictive approbations declined, with the consequence that within four decades, to 1835, the Talmud was printed nine times.3 During last decade of the seventeenth century into the first half of the eighteenth century, several rival editions of the Talmud appeared, beginning with the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud (1697–99) followed by two incomplete 2 L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography in the Northern Netherlands 1585–1815 (Leiden, 1984–87), I, pp. 45–48, II pp. 237–40, 297. 3 Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud with Additions, ed. A. M. Habermann (Jerusalem, 1952), pp. 100, 155–56 [Hebrew].

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editions in Amsterdam (1714–17 and 1714), the Frankfurt on the Main Talmud (1720–22), again in Amsterdam (1752–65), and finally the Sulzbach Red (1755– 63) and Black (1766–70). We are concerned with and focus on the early editions, that is, on the dispute between the Frankfurt on the Oder and Amsterdam printers, their dispute resulting from restrictive approbations issued to presses printing the Talmud. This article discusses the background of the Hebrew presses that published these Talmud editions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; its primary focus is the disputes resulting from the restrictive approbations. 1

Amsterdam—Benveniste Talmud

Amsterdam has a distinguished place in Jewish history. Among the notable features of that city’s Jewish community are its printing-houses, which were among the foremost in Europe for centuries. Highly regarded, Amsterdam imprints were distributed and sold throughout all of Europe. The preeminence of Amsterdam as a European book center is evident, for it is estimated that the output of the Dutch presses in the seventeenth century exceeded the combined production of all the presses of all other European countries. The number of book-printers totaled 273 at its peak in 1675–99, employing at its height in excess of 30,000 people supported through some facet of the book trade.4 The important works published by its presses include editions of the Talmud, beginning with the Benveniste Talmud of 1644–47 through to the much praised Proops’ Talmud of 1752–65. In addition to complete editions of the Talmud, individual treatises, frequently in a smaller format, were also published for students and individuals who did not require or who could not afford a complete Talmud.5 The printing of Hebrew books in Amsterdam by Jews begins in 1627, when two printers published books, Manasseh (Menasseh) Ben Israel (1604–57) and Daniel de Fonseca. The former’s press was the first to publish with a Sephardic rite prayer-book, which was completed on January 1, 1627. Manasseh Ben Israel’s press would achieve acclaim that, together with its founder’s many other achievements, is still recalled today. Manasseh did not publish Talmudic tractates, but his press did issue three critical editions of Mishnayot (1632, 1643, 4 H. I. Bloom, The Economic Activities of the Jews of Amsterdam (Port Washington, NY, 1969), p. 45. 5 Concerning individual tractates not printed as part of a Talmud in this period, see Marvin J. Heller, Printing the Talmud: A History of the Individual Treatises Printed from 1700 to 1750 (Leiden, 1999).

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Figure 22.1

and 1646). He also intended to publish an edition of the Talmud, but that did not come to pass. The next printer of Hebrew books of import in Amsterdam was Immanuel (Imanoel) Benveniste. Benveniste is believed to have been among the Jewish refugees from Spain or Portugal, and was thought to have been descended from the illustrious Sephardic family of that name.6 Benveniste relocated to Amsterdam because, by the mid-seventeenth century, that city offered better opportunities for the distribution of Hebrew books than any city in Italy.7 Benveniste was the publisher of the first Amsterdam Talmud, which was printed during 1644–47. The Benveniste Talmud is in a smaller (c. 260:195 cm.) quarto format than the usual large folio editions.8 Although not subject to restrictive approbations, it is included here due to its relevance to the history of the printing of the Talmud in Amsterdam and because the title pages of Benveniste’s publications are distinguished by his escutcheon, an upright lion facing inward towards a tower, with a star above the lion and the tower. The lion is on the viewer’s right, the tower on the left. At least six forms of Benveniste’s device have been identified. In all cases, excepting his Talmudic treatises, Benveniste’s insignia are set in a crest above an architectural frame surrounding the text of the title page. On the title pages of the Benveniste tractates, his mark appears at the bottom of the page in an ornamental shield, with a helmet in the crest (fig. 22.1). Given the high regard 6 The Benveniste family, distinguished and widespread in Spain and Provence, is mentioned as early as 1079 in documents from Barcelona. After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492, the family was widely dispersed, but primarily throughout the Ottoman Empire, where many eminent rabbis were named Benveniste (“Benveniste,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed. vol. 3 (Detroit, 2007), p. 382. 7 A. M. Habermann, The History of the Hebrew Book: From Marks to Letters; From Scroll to Book (Jerusalem, 1968), p. 155 [Hebrew]. 8 In addition to the well-known commercial edition, there was also a deluxe edition measuring 310 × 225 mm. This was brought to my attention by Daniel Kestenbaum of Kestenbaum & Company.

Approbations and Restrictions

541

of most Benveniste imprints, this device was subsequently used by several printers in Amsterdam, including two of the following subject editions, as well as by other presses in various locations.9 This Talmud has been praised for restoring expurgated material. Unlike Benveniste’s other publications, however, the Benveniste Talmud is not highly regarded. Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz quotes from an approbation given by R. Moses Judah ha-Cohen, av bet din (head of the rabbinical court) of the Ashkenazi community in Amsterdam, for the Berman Talmud (Frankfurt on the Oder, 1697–99), which states that Benveniste, due to his concern over expenses, printed a Talmud edition which was, due to its small size, difficult to learn from. Furthermore, Benveniste used letters that were “the smallest of the small and blurred so that the user’s eyes become heavy and his sight wanders as if from old age.”10 This notwithstanding, no less a personage than the Vilna Gaon (R. Elijah ben Soloman Zalman, Gr”a, 1720–70) made use of the Benveniste Talmud, Rabbinovicz writing that “he had heard from a great Talmudic scholar who related that he had seen a Talmud from which the Gr”a had learned by R. Judah Bachrach (1775–1846), av bet din Seiny, with his (Gr”a’s) handwritten annotations, brief and varied from his printed annotations, and that it was a Benveniste Talmud.”11 2

Frankfurt on the Oder—Michael Gottschalk

Printing with Hebrew letters in Frankfurt on the Oder begins when the Christian printers Joachim and Friedreich Hartmann (1594–1631), who, using new Hebrew fonts and vowels cast by Zechariah Crato (?) of Wittenberg, published a Hebrew Bible in 1595–96. While there are references to an even earlier Bible, half a century earlier, that is uncertain. More than a century later, Johann Christoph Beckmann (1641–1711), Professor of Greek language, history, and theology at the University of Frankfurt on the Oder, operated a printing-press in Frankfurt on the Oder from 1673 to 1717, which he acquired from his brother 9 Concerning the widespread use of the Benveniste device, see my “The Printer’s Mark of Immanuel Benveniste and its Later Influence,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore XVIII (Cincinnati, 1993), pp. 3–14, reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 54–71. Parenthetically, among the first to employ the Benveniste escutcheon on a tractate title page was the press of Asher Anshel ben Eliezer Chazzen and Issachar Ber ben Abraham Eliezer of Minden in their edition of Bava Batra (1702). Their other tractate, Bava Mezia (1699), does not have the Benveniste escutcheon. 10 Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat, pp. 95–96. 11 Ibid., 129, no. 1. Yaakov Shmuel Spiegel, Amudim be-Toldot ha-Sefer ha-Ivri: Hagahot u-Megihim (Ramat-Gan, 1996), pp. 404–05 [Hebrew], adds that the Vilna Gaon learned from and made annotations on the Berlin–Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud of 1715–23.

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Friedreich on June 1, 1673 for 400 thalers; Friedreich, in turn, had purchased the press for a like amount. Beckmann obtained a travel scholarship from the Brandenburg Elector and, during his travels in Europe, came to Amsterdam. In 1663, in that city, Beckmann met Jewish students of the renowned R. Jacob Abendana (1630–85), and studied Talmud. In 1666, Beckmann returned to Frankfurt, where he obtained a position at the university (Viadrina), teaching there until his death in 1717 and serving as rector eight times. Because of the admission of Jewish students, the Viadrina became the “Amsterdam of the East,” both Hebrew and Oriental Studies being of importance.12 Beckmann was granted, initially, on May 1, 1675, a license to employ two Jewish workers, under the direct protection of the university, to print a Hebrew Bible, this despite of the protests of the city of Frankfurt. By 1693, however, Beckmann found that his responsibilities at the university left him with insufficient time to manage the press. Therefore, he contracted with Michael Gottschalk, a local bookbinder and book-dealer, to manage the printing-house, transferring all of the typographical equipment and material to Gottschalk. Their arrangement was noted on the title pages of the books issued by the press, which stated “with the letters of Lord Johann Christoph Beckmann, Doctor and Professor … at the press of Michael Gottschalk.” Gottschalk became the moving spirit of the press for almost four decades. After printing several varied Hebrew titles, Gottschalk approached Beckmann, requesting that he obtain permission to reprint the Talmud. Beckmann petitioned Friedreich III, Elector of Brandenburg (1657–1713, reigned 1688–1713, from 1701 King of Prussia), requesting a license to print the Talmud. Friedreich, in turn, sought the counsel of the Berlin professor Dr. Daniel Ernest Jablonski (1660– 1741), from 1691 court preacher at Königsberg for the elector of Brandenburg, Friederick III. Jablonski, a Christian German theologian of Czech origin and an Orientalist, had been associated with universities in Holland and England, settling in Lissa in 1686 and from there moving to Berlin. In 1700, Jablonski became a member of the Academy of Sciences in Berlin. Jablonski established a Hebrew press in Berlin, publishing a scholarly edition of the Hebrew Bible based on the Leusden edition (Amsterdam, 1667, Athias) and a translation of Richard Bentley’s A Confutation of Atheism into Latin (Berlin, 1696). Jablonski was to become personally involved with Hebrew printing in Berlin, and would participate in the publishing of two later editions of the Talmud. When a sponsor was sought for the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud, Beckmann found one in the Court Jew Issachar (Ber Segal) ha-Levi Berman (1661–1730) of Halberstadt, known as Berman Halberstadt or, in his commercial 12 http://www.juedischesfrankfurtvirtuell.de/en/en_C.php.

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dealings with the non-Jewish world, as Behrend Lehmann. It was Berman who bore the cost of this Talmud and whose name is associated with it. Selma Stern observes that Berman was a pious and observant Jew throughout his life. He was held in high regard by his fellow Jews and was described as “a second Joseph of Egypt” and “the chosen of the Lord, who warns him about the machinations of his enemies and miraculously rescues him when he is in dire straits.” Berman was known among his people as “the founder of the Klaus in Halberstadt, the publisher of the Talmud, the man who defeated the first Prussian king at chess and who even in the glittering world of the Court never forgot Eternal Truth, corresponded to the ideal which Jews have had of their great men leaders.”13 Beckmann and Berman entered into an agreement to publish the Talmud, Beckmann transferring his rights to Berman, and the latter accepting responsibility for publishing the entire edition, making an initial payment of 300 reichsthalers at the time of the agreement.14 The printer was to be the Christian, Michael Gottschalk. Approximately half of the sets of this Talmud, known as the Berman Talmud, were distributed by Berman to yeshivot and penurious scholars who could not otherwise have acquired a complete Talmud. Not only did he spend 50,000 reichsthalers of his own money to publish the Talmud, from which he apparently saw no financial gain, distributing copies to Talmudic students, but afterwards he granted permission to the Amsterdam and Frankfurt on the Main printers to publish a complete Talmud, this in spite of the fact that he had approbations preventing republication of competitive editions.15 Each volume of this Talmud has two title pages. The first, a volume header page, has an engraved copper plate title page (fig. 22.2) by the craftsman Martin Bernigeroth (1670–1733), Dt. Kupferstecher u. Zeichner (engraver and illustrator).16 This initial title page consists of an upright lamb with a pitcher 13

Selma Stern, The Court Jew: A Contribution to the History of Absolutism in Central Europe (Philadelphia, 1950), pp. 55–59. 14 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography of the Following Cities in Central Europe: Altona, Augsberg, Berlin, Cologne, Frankfort M., Frankfort O., Fürth, Hamberg, Hanau, Heddernheim, Homberg, Ichenhausen, Neuwied, Wandsbeck, and Wilhermsdorf. Offenbach, Prague, Sulzbach, Thannhausen from its Beginning in the Year 1513 (Antwerp, 1935), p. 37 [Hebrew]. 15 Manfred R. Lehmann, “Behrend Lehmann: The King of the Court Jews,” in Sages and Saints, ed. Leo Jung (Hoboken, NJ, 1987), p. 205; Ya’akov Loyfer, Mi-Shontsino ve-ad Ṿilna (Jerusalem, 2012), p. 139 [Hebrew]. 16 A highly regarded engraver, Martin Bernigeroth is known to have done as many as 1,600 engravings, many of which were portraits. His sons, John Martin (1713–67) and Johann Benedict (1716–64), were also worked noted engravers. Concerning the former, see, Joseph Strutt, A Biographical Dictionary, Containing an Historical Account of all the Engravers,

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Figure 22.2

on top of a portico. Below it, on the sides of the page, are Moses to the right and Aaron to the left. Beneath them, similarly situated, are King David with a harp, and King Solomon. Above each figure is that individual’s name. Avraham Habermann and Avraham Yaari both write that the sheep and laver represent Berman, who was a Levi. Yaari adds that the sheep further represents Berman’s “mazel” or constellation, for Berman was born on the 24th of Nissan (April 23), 1661, the astrological symbol for that month being a sheep.17 The second textual tractate title page follows immediately after the volume title page. The tractate title pages are basically copied, with several modifications, from the Benveniste Talmud; but they also include some features characteristic of the Basle Talmud, which is supposed to be the source of this edition. The text concludes in Latin, informing us that it is “in accordance with from the Earliest Period of the Art of Engraving to the Present Time, and a Short List of their Most Esteemed Works …, vol. I (London, 1785), p. 88. 17 A. M. Habermann, Title Pages of Hebrew Books (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 63, 130, no. 47 [Hebrew]; Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks (Jerusalem, 1943), pp. 49, 152, no. 78.

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Figure 22.3

expurgations of the Council of Trent” and that it was printed in conformity with the Basle edition (1578–81). Between the Hebrew and Latin text is Michael Gottschalk’s printers’ mark (fig. 22.3), which appears on the title pages of this Talmud. It is a mirror-image monogram (cipher) of his name, the first usage of such a monogram in a Hebrew book.18 Printed with this Talmud are approbations for the edition. When Johann Christoph Beckmann secured permission in 1695 from the Kaiser, Leopold, and from Friedreich Augustus, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, to print the Talmud, he was given not only authorization to print the Talmud, but was also granted the sole and exclusive right to do so for 12 years. Leading rabbinic figures, according to Rabbinovicz, issued restrictive approbations, the first instance in which such rabbinic licenses were granted. The rabbis who signed the approbations were R. Naftali ben Isaac ha-Kohen Katz, av bet din of Pozna, R. Joseph Samuel of Cracow, av bet din of Frankfurt on the Main, R. David ben Abraham Oppenheim, av bet din of Nikolsburg, and R. Moses Judah ha Kohen and R. Jacob Sasportas of Amsterdam concurred in granting this monopoly, issuing approbations (hascomas) for 20 years.

18 Yaari, Printers’ Marks, pp. 50, 152 no. 79 [Hebrew]; Marvin J. Heller, “Mirror-Image Monograms as Printers’ Devices on the Title Pages of Hebrew Books Printed in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Printing History 40 (2000), pp. 2–11, reprinted in Studies, pp. 36–38, 363, figs. 21–23.

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These approbations were unlike those issued previously in Italy, which assured the authorities that nothing untoward or offensive to them was included in the book, or current approbations, which assure the reader that a work’s contents are in conformity with the community’s religious standards. The approbation issued for this Talmud, and to subsequent editions, was a license for a fixed number of years, prohibiting other publishers from printing competitive editions that would prevent the printer and his sponsor(s), who would otherwise be reluctant to make the substantial investment required to print the Talmud, from realizing a return on their investment. Oppenheim refers to the burning of the Talmud and other Hebrew books in the Chmielnicki massacres tah ve-tat (1648–49), fires that resulted in the loss of many Hebrew books, resulting in a dire need for Talmudic tractates. Indeed, he writes that the entire Jewish educational system was endangered due to insufficient copies of the Talmud. He praises Lehmann, noting his benevolence in distributing half of the copies to needy students free of charge.19 Towards the end of his long and flowery approbation, Oppenheim forbids the printing of the Talmud by anyone without the permission of Issachar Berman SG”L, from the day that printing commences until 20 years have elapsed from its completion. This prohibition is “whether for all or for part, even for one tractate only, whether for oneself or for others, and is not to be done by means of guile or ruse.” To enforce his decree, R. Oppenheim states that “this decree falls equally upon the purchaser as well as the seller, for that which a rabbinic court declares ownerless is ownerless. Any [such tractate] found in a person’s possession without license, is to be taken forcibly, without payment or deed.”20 Similarly, R. Joseph Samuel of Cracow begins by praising Berman, noting that all realize that these days many thought to print the Talmud due to its being unavailable, not to be found, except one to a city and two to a family. He notes, however, that although many wanted to print the Talmud it was to no avail, for it is a large project of much work and difficult to complete, until the Lord aroused the spirit of R. Berman of Halberstadt for the public benefit and the honor of the Torah, to print an entire Talmud on good paper, with fine ink, and diligent workers, well edited. Lest there be many who “bear gall and wormwood” (Deuteronomy 29:17) who also wish to print the Talmud and therefore 19 Menahem Schmelzer, “Hebrew Printing and Publishing in Germany, 1650–1750,” in Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 33 (1988), p. 375. 20 “That which a rabbinic court declares ownerless is ownerless” is discussed in Yevamot 89b, Gittin 36b and Jerusalem Talmud Shekalim 3a. The source for this concept is Ezra 10:8: “And anyone who will not come within three days, as according to the counsel of the princes and the elders, all his property will be forfeited and he will be separated from the congregation of the captivity.”

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cause great harm to R. Berman’s interests, and “lock the door before him” (cf. Bekhorot 10b) who performs a great mitzvah to benefit the public, for “such is the Torah, and such is its reward.” He therefore concurs with the other leading rabbis to decree excommunication and a ban on each and every person who should take it upon himself to print the Talmud in its entirety or in whole or in part without the agreement and knowledge of the noble R. Berman, except for a section needed to learn in yeshivot, which is not included in the ban. It is permitted to print only that section and not a complete tractate in order to “magnify the Torah, and make it glorious” (Isaiah 42:21). A blessing should come upon he who hearkens to our words, may blessings of good come upon him and may he receive good from God Who is good. But “he who breaches through a fence, shall be bitten by a serpent” (Avodah Zara 27b) … and all the curses written in the Torah shall come upon him. Even before the privilege for this Talmud had expired, the need for a new edition became apparent, numerous appeals being made to Issachar Berman to republish the Talmud. Gottschalk, who had the rights granted to Beckmann, was also favorable to reprinting the Talmud. The Talmud had sold well and Gottschalk, as a result, had become a wealthy man.21 Frederick William I of Prussia acceded to their request on May 23, and a new privilege, dated October 13, 1710, was granted to Gottschalk by Joseph I, successor to Leopold, in 1705, to print the Talmud and sell it throughout his domain, albeit with the customary restrictions and with the provision, as with all Hebrew books, that five copies be brought to the Imperial court. Similarly, on January 11, 1711, Frederick Augustus I (Augustus II), Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, also granted such a privilege. Nevertheless, these privileges were not immediately acted upon by Gottschalk, and it would be several years before he printed the second of his three editions of the Talmud.22

21 Institut für angewandte Geschichte—Gessellschaft und Wissenschaft im Dialog e. V. http://www.juedischesfrankfurtvirtuell.de/en/en_C.php. 22 Friedberg, Hebrew Typography, pp. 40–41; William Popper, The Censorship of Hebrew Books (New York, 1899, reprint New York, 1968), pp. 111–12.

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Marcheses and de Palasios and Solomon Proops

Individual tractates were frequently published in Amsterdam, to address the continuing communal need for treatises for study purposes. The printers of these tractates include Moses Mendes Coutinho, Asher Anshel and Issachar Ber, Isaac de Cordova, Joseph Dayyan and Moses Frankfurter, the latter two dayyanim (judges) of the Ashkenaz religious court. During the interval between the Benveniste and the Frankfurt on the Oder editions of the Talmud, no complete Talmud had been printed. It must have appeared unseemly, however, that in Amsterdam, the center of Hebrew printing, with the greatest number of, and the largest, Hebrew printing-presses, that no Talmud edition had been issued for over six decades. An attempt to correct this, even if that was not the printers’ primary intent, occurred during the interval between the first and second Frankfurt on the Oder editions of the Talmud. Two independent editions of the Talmud were begun in Amsterdam in 1714. The first was published by the partners Samuel ben Solomon Marcheses and Raphael ben Joshua de Palasios, and the second by Solomon Proops. Both publishers began to print in 1714; both editions are in attractive large-folio format; the title pages of both Talmuds have, as a printers’ device, copies of the Benveniste escutcheon (figs. 22.4, 22.5). Most importantly, neither Talmud edition was completed. Except for a Sephardic rite prayer-book, printed by Samuel Marcheses at the press of Joseph Athias, neither partner, prominent members of the Amsterdam Sephardic community, had previously published any works. Their motivation in establishing a press was for the specific purpose of printing the Talmud. Furthermore, they intended to do so in such a manner as to produce an especially fine and accurate edition. The workers would not be hurried, so that they could work with care, reducing errors. They were supervised by R. Moses Frankfurter, who would help establish the correct text.23 Marcheses and de Palasios did so under the influence of R. Judah Aryeh Loeb ben Joseph Samuel Schotten ha-Kohen (1644–1719), av bet din of Frankfurt on the Main, and his father-in-law R. Samuel Settin of Frankfurt on the Main. Judah Aryeh Loeb had previously attempted to have a Talmud printed in Frankfurt in 1710, but, due to the prior approbations granted to the Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud, his efforts 23 Ch. B. Friedberg, History of Hebrew Typography of the Following Cities in Europe: Amsterdam, Antwerp, Avignon, Basle, Carlsruhe, Cleve, Coethen, Constance, Dessau, Deyhernfurt, Halle, Isny, Jessnitz, Leyden, London, Metz, Strasbourg, Thiengen, Vienna, Zurich. From its Beginning in the Year 1516 (hereafter Amsterdam) (Antwerp, 1937), p. 43 [Hebrew].

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Figure 22.4 1714, Berakhot, Marcheses and de Palasios

were to no avail and he was unable to get authorization from the emperor to print the Talmud. In 1713, Judah Aryeh Loeb explored the possibility of obtaining permission to print in Frankfurt from the Kaiser in Vienna, but did not even receive a response to his inquiries. Judah Aryeh Loeb next turned to Amsterdam, where, with the assistance of his father-in-law and the agreement of R. Issachar (Ber Segal) ha-Levi Berman, who had the prior approbation, he commenced to print the Talmud.24 Subsequently, Samuel Settin arranged for Samuel Marcheses and Joshua de Palasios to undertake this venture, arranging for R. Zvi Hirsh of Sharbishin, at the time a resident of Amsterdam, to 24 Friedberg, Central Europe, pp. 44–45; Popper, Censorship, p. 115.

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Figure 22.5 1714, Berakhot, Solomon Proops

visit various Jewish communities, seeking subscribers to defray the cost of publication.25 Printing began with tractate Berakhot in 1714; the following tractates are recorded by Rabbinovicz as having been printed: 1715—Shabbat and Seder Zera’im; 1716—Eruvin, Pesahim, Hagigah, Moëd Katan, Yoma, Shekalim, Megillah, and Ketubbot; 1717—Bezah, Rosh Ha-Shanah, Sukkah, Ta’anit, and Yevamot.26 Printing was discontinued in 1717 due to the approbations issued to the Frankfurt on the Oder printer for the Berman Talmud. 25 Friedberg, Amsterdam, p. 43. 26 Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat, p. 101.

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The approbations for this edition appear in tractate Shabbat. They are from R. Solomon ben Jacob Ayllon, R. Gabriel ben Judah Loeb of Cracow, R. Samuel ben Joseph Schotten ha-Kohen, R. Baruch ben Moses Meir Rappaport, R. Ezekiel ben Abraham of the house of Katzenellenbogen, R. Menahem Mendel Ashkenazi, R. Isaac Aaron ben Joseph Israel of Metz, and R. Phineas ben Simeon Wolff Auerbach of Cracow. The approbation of R. Menahem Mendel Ashkenazi, at the time Landesrabbiner in Bamberg and Baiersdorf, subjected anyone who violated the copyright to excommunication, placing a ban, and anathema, and death on anyone who would reprint the Talmud during twenty years from the completion of this edition without the knowledge or permission of the above [Judah Aryeh Loeb] in any manner, whether in its entirety or in part, even a single tractate, excepting a section needed for learning in the yeshivot according to the requirements of the times, whether by himself or by his agent or his agent’s agent, directly or indirectly, whether a member of his household or not a member of his household … and he who heeds our words shall be blessed. Marcheses and de Palasios acknowledge the existence of the prior restrictive approbation for the Berman Talmud on the title pages of their tractates, which note that most of its benefits can be attributed to the Talmud of R. Issachar Berman of Halberstadt, and also state: [And even though] most of the qualities to be found in this Talmud were acceded to me by the noble, the eminent, the distinguished R. Issachar Berman Segal of Halberstadt even though the time restricting publication established by the geonim of the land for the above noble (Berman) for printing his Talmud has not yet elapsed. An palanquin to the above eminent noble for this. Now “My eyes and my heart are always toward the Lord” (cf. Psalms 25:15). In the same year, 1714, that Berakhot was published, a second Talmud was begun in Amsterdam. The publisher of that edition was Solomon ben Joseph Proops, then a book-dealer, Maecenas to numerous Amsterdam publishers, and the founder of the famous Proops press. He had been a book-dealer and had financed and partnered in a number of works published at other presses before establishing his own press in 1704. The printing-house founded by Solomon Proops would become one of the most illustrious in the history of Amsterdam Hebrew printing. It issued, almost simultaneously with the Marcheses and de Palasios press, a copy of Berakhot with Seder Zera’im, which was possibly followed by Bezah.

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Proops was unable to continue with his proposed Talmud edition, publishing one (two) volume(s) only. Judah Aryeh Loeb, relying on the approbations given his Talmud prior to the Proops edition, objected to the publication of a rival Talmud, and brought the matter before a rabbinic court. The court enjoined Proops to stop printing additional tractates and to stop trespassing on Judah Aryeh Loeb’s rights as a printer. To avoid further difficulties of this sort, Marcheses and de Palasios secured approbations from leading rabbinic authorities for their Talmud, prohibiting other printers from publishing a Talmud. Rabbinovicz observes that Proop’s defense, that he was unaware that Samuel Marcheses and Joshua de Palasios were already engaged in the publication of the Talmud, was untenable. Proops had to know that R. Judah Aryeh Loeb was publishing tractates in Amsterdam. Proops might argue that he had begun Berakhot prior to the other press, was unaware of their approbations, and having begun should be allowed to complete his work. This was not the last lawsuit concerning the Talmud that Judah Aryeh Loeb had to contest. Although we can sympathize with Judah Aryeh Loeb’s difficulties with Solomon Proops, there is a certain poetic justice to his situation, for just as he protested the Proops Talmud in Amsterdam, so too did he face objections from the Frankfurt on the Oder printer. As noted above, Michael Gottschalk, the Berlin and Frankfurt on the Oder printer, who had printed his first Talmud (1697–99) and would subsequently print two additional editions of the Talmud (1715–22, 1734–39), brought a suit to force Judah Aryeh Loeb and the partners to cease printing their Talmud. In addition to his prior approbations, Gottschalk claimed that he had obtained the sole authorization to print his second Talmud, again for 20 years, from Kaiser Joseph I of Germany in 1710, King Frederick Augusta of Poland and Saxony in 1711, Kaiser Karl VI and King Frederick Wilhelm in 1715. Gottschalk filed his complaint in mid-1717. Rabbinovicz writes that he does not know why Gottschalk waited so long to exercise his rights to stop the printing of this edition. Gottschalk had obtained royal permission, as well as rabbinic approbations, as early as 1715. Instead, he permitted Judah Aryeh Loeb to print a number of tractates over a period of several years before he acted. According to Friedberg, in that year, Samuel Schotten took tractates from the Amsterdam Talmud to the book fair in Lippsia (Leipzig). There were several book fairs of importance in Germany, among the most important being those of Frankfurt on the Main from as early as 1240 and the Leipzig (Lippsia) fair, which predates it, from 1170. Both locations were centers of the printing industry, Frankfurt midway between north and south, and Lippsia in the north. Although Frankfurt initially overshadowed Leipzig, it

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later “was forced to yield to the Saxon city…. which became … the centre of German book publishing.” Leipzig’s importance can be further credited, “not in its number of presses but in its number of shops, its number of book dealers, and publishing houses.” Furthermore, although many German cities had book fairs, “Leipzig was one of the most important fairs in eastern and south Eastern Europe and soon utilized the advantage of her connections for the development of the book trade.”27 It is not surprising, then, that Moses Schotten, the son of Samuel Schotten, attended the book fair.28 Returning to Friedberg’s account of events, Moses Schotten attended the Leipzig book fair, bringing samples of the tractates printed in Amsterdam. Gottschalk “waited for him and then ambushed him in secret.” Immediately after Schotten arrived in Leipzig, Gottschalk contacted the fair officials, telling them that the tractates brought by Schotten should be confiscated. The fair officials did not act, however, instead awaiting instructions from the prince of the district capital, Dresden, who delayed until the conclusion of the fair. In the interim, Schotten was able to sell the tractates that he had brought with him without hindrance. Gottschalk returned home, bitter, and submitted a complaint on January 3, 1716, to the king. In it, Gottschalk related what had occurred at the fair and petitioned the king for recourse against those who had trampled “with their feet” on his legal rights. The king responded affirmatively to Gottschalk on February 12, 1716, prohibiting the sale of the Talmud at the fair by anyone except Gottschalk. Several additional tractates were printed in Amsterdam and Schotten returned, in October 3, 1717, to the fair. Gottschalk, when he became aware of this, informed the officials of their obligations and on this occasion all the books (tractates) that Schotten brought with him were seized. Moses Schotten justified his actions, stating that he had come only as an agent of his father, Samuel Schotten, from Frankfurt on the Main. If the fair officials had complaints, they should bring them to that city. Although Gottschalk was successful in preventing the sale at the fair and although the further publication of tractates from this Talmud in Amsterdam ceased in 1717, his victory

27 28

James Westfall Thompson, The Frankfort Book Fair. The Francofordiense Emporium of Henri Estiene: Edited with Historical Introduction Original Latin Text with English Translation on Opposite Pages and Notes (Chicago, 1911, republished New York, 1968), pp. 10–11, 15, 42. Jewish attendance at book fairs appears to have been commonplace. It was at the Frankfurt on the Main book fair in 1577 that Ambrosius Froben met R. Simon Guenzburg (Simon zur Gemze) of Frankfurt, a meeting that eventually culminated in the Basle Talmud (1578–81). Concerning this see my Printing the Talmud: A History of the Earliest Printed Editions of the Talmud (Brooklyn, 1992), pp. 244–45.

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was short-lived. Soon after Judah Aryeh Loeb was able to resume printing in Frankfurt on the Main, publishing a fine and complete Talmud.29 4

Frankfurt on the Main Talmud

Printing was relatively late in coming to Frankfurt on the Main, partly due to its proximity to Mainz, an early center of printing. The first Frankfurt printer was Beatus Murner, who printed nine books in 1511–12. Among those nine titles are the first books printed in Frankfurt with Hebrew letters, a 1512 edition of a Birkat ha-Mazon ‘Benedicite Judeorum’ (Hebrew in woodcut) and Hukat haPesach ‘Ritus et celebrate phase judeorum’ by Beatus Murner’s better-known brother, Thomas Murner, a Maronite brother and enemy of Martin Luther. The printing of a significant number of Hebrew books begins in the last decades of the seventeenth century in about 1675. Four hundred ninety titles, albeit some questionable, are ascribed to Frankfurt in the 10-year period from 1640 to 1739.30 Johann Koelner (1708–28), who published a complete Talmud (1720–22), is credited with more than 100 titles, although that number includes each of the tractates in his edition of the Talmud.31 This Talmud was initially the completion of the Talmud begun in Amsterdam in 1714 by R. Judah Aryeh Loeb together with Samuel Marcheses and Joshua de Palasios that was interrupted by the suit brought by Michael Gottschalk, based on approbations for his edition. Judah Aryeh Loeb now attempted, successfully, to complete the Talmud he had begun in Amsterdam in Frankfurt on the Main. Given that Gottschalk, based on the approbations he had received for his second Talmud, was able to prevent publication of Judah Aryeh Loeb’s Talmud in Amsterdam, only three years earlier, how was Judah Aryeh Loeb able to publish a complete Talmud only three years later in Frankfurt? Friedberg writes, tersely, that “the eminent, the prominent R. Samson Wertheimer from Vilna, court Jew of Karl VI, influenced him to give Aryeh Loeb ben Joseph Samuel av bet din Frankfurt on the Main authorization to print a new edition of the Talmud. The sovereign acceded to his request and authorized publication of the Talmud in Frankfurt from 1720.”32 Rabbinovicz remarks that the interruption in the work on the 29 Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 46. 30 Yeshayahu Vinograd, Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book. Listing of Books Printed in Hebrew Letters Since the Beginning of Printing circa 1469 through 1863 II (Jerusalem, 1993–95), pp. 579–90 [Hebrew]. 31 Vinograd, Thesaurus I, p. 459. 32 Friedberg, Central Europe, p. 67.

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Figure 22.6

Amsterdam edition and the ensuing great expense, as well as the bribes in the courts until Aryeh Leib succeeded, left him in reduced financial condition, until Samson Wertheimer became involved, making it possible to continue and publish this fine edition.33 Approbations were also published with this Talmud, primarily reprints from the Amsterdam edition and with one new approbation from R. Jacob ben Benjamin Katz (Poppers, Shav Ya’akov) (1719). Another example of the continuity of the two editions is that the volumes issued in both cities are alike, the title pages showing minor textual variations only, such as the new place of publication and on some, but not all, of the Frankfurt tractates there is the inclusion of accompanying Latin text confirming that it was printed in accordance with the text of the censor Marco Marino (Basle Talmud, 1578–81) and variations of the printers’ mark. Whereas the treatises printed in Amsterdam have a new woodcut of the Benveniste printers’ mark, the Frankfurt volumes, although retaining the outer crest with helmet, replace the lion and tower with the double-headed eagle of the Hapsburgs (fig. 22.6). Printing began in Frankfurt on the Main in 1720 with tractate Kiddushin, it having been anticipated that they would be allowed to bring the tractates printed previously in Amsterdam to Frankfurt. However, this was not permitted, so that they began to print the remainder of the Talmud, beginning with Berakhot and completing the Talmud until Kiddushin that year, except for Seder Zera’im and tractate Ta’anit, which were printed in 1722. Another possibility, 33 Rabbinovicz, Ma’amar al Hadpasat, p. 111.

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suggested by Rabbinovicz, is that they were allowed to publicly sell the tractates printed in Amsterdam in Germany, but the market for the tractates printed in Frankfurt exceeded expectations, so that to complete sets of the Talmud it was necessary to reprint those tractates printed earlier in Amsterdam.34 5 Aftermath The next controversy over rival editions of the Talmud occurred with the second printing of the Talmud by the Proops’ press in 1752–65. This edition, published by Solomon Proops’ sons, Joseph, Jacob, and Abraham, is a large, very fine folio edition. Publication was interrupted for several reasons, but primarily due to the publication of rival editions of the Talmud in Sulzbach by Meshullam Zalman Frankel and afterwards by his sons, Aaron and Naphtali, that is, the Sulzbach Red (1755–63) and the Sulzbach Black (1766–70). The first Sulzbach Talmud is known as the Sulzbach Red because the first title page in the volume was printed with red ink, in contrast to the Sulzbach Black, in which the first title page in the volume is printed entirely in black ink. Both the Red and the Black are smaller folio editions and are not highly regarded. Resolution of the dispute between the two publishing houses was settled by a rabbinic court that determined, among its findings, that, despite Proops’ prior approbations, the Sulzbach printer did not have to desist from publishing, for the Sulzbach Talmud was less expensive and therefore available to individuals who could not afford the larger and finer Amsterdam Talmud, the latter marketed to a more affluent market. One other dispute of significance, which embroiled leading rabbis in Europe, was over the rival editions of the Talmud printed by the Shapira press in Slavuta and the Romm press in Vilna of their respective editions of the Talmud in 1835. Both the Amsterdam-Sulzbach and Slavuta-Vilna disputes are beyond the scope of this article. However, they, as well as the controversy surrounding the Frankfurt on the Oder and Amsterdam editions of the Talmud, the subject of this article, confirm Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz’s observation as to the negative and disruptive results of restrictive approbations. Even though the intent in granting approbations was for the good of the community, to insure investors a reasonable return on their investment, the result, as noted above, was detrimental. The Talmud was printed only eight times in the century from 1697 to 1797, and the price of a set of the Talmud was dear. Prior to that, the Talmud had been printed several times in Italy 34 Ibid., Ma’amar al Hadpasat, pp. 109–10.

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and Poland within a relatively short period of time, the primary impediment then being the opposition of the Church and local authorities. After 1797, the use of restrictive approbations declined, with the consequence that within four decades the Talmud was printed nine times, this notwithstanding the Slavuta-Vilna rivalry. Given these controversies and their negative outcomes, perhaps a better course for all would have been to apply Hillel’s admonition in Avot (1:12): “Be of the disciples of Aaron, loving peace and pursuing peace.”

Chapter 23

Adversity and Authorship: As Revealed in the Introductions of Early Hebrew Books Readers, regrettably, all too often ignore the front matter in books.1,2 Introductions and prefaces are not without purpose, often allowing writers to express opinions and feelings and describe experiences that may not be related to a book’s subject matter. Commenting on this, I have written that “it is the reader’s loss if he bypasses this prefatory matter, which is often not related to the subject matter of the book, for it may well equal or surpass the text in interest.” Among the interesting asides, that is, apart from the subject matter of the book, are the reasons the author wrote his book and so entitled it, as well as pathos, halakhic methodology, festivals, gematriot, and much more. Among an author’s motives may be describing his experiences, and recounting hardships and travails encountered and overcome often in conjunction with difficult periods in Jewish history and other purely personal events. What all of the front matter texts noted here, several by eminent rabbis, share, is that they are deeply moving descriptions of personal encounters. Kor ha-Behinah.̣ We begin with R. Joseph Samuel Landau’s Kor ha-Beḥinah (Breslau, 1837): I am but thirty-seven years old. I had not thought to publish until I had reached an age of understanding. However, “the hand of the Lord has touched me” (cf. Job 19:21) these years and I have been ill. At this time, my illness has worsened until all have concurred that I must travel to physicians in Berlin to seek help. [As our blessed sages say] “‘And to heal He shall heal’ (Exodus 21:19). From here it can be derived that authorization was granted [by God] to the physician to heal” (Bava Kamma 85a). I trust in the Lord for “loving kindness shall surround him who trusts in the Lord” (Psalms 32:10). I said who knows “what today may bring forth” 1 The original version of this article was published in Hakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 20 (2015), pp. 219–38. 2 That readers all too often bypass the front matter in books has been noted previously by me in Quntres, 2:1 (https://taljournal.jtsa.edu/index.php/quntres, winter, 2011), pp. 1–21, reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 345–70.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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(Proverbs 27:1), and thought to publish this small volume to be a forge ‫ כור בחינה‬for my other writings. R. Joseph Samuel ben Israel Jonah ha-Levi Landau (1799–1836) further informs us that he is a resident and av bet din of Kampania. Moreover, at the end of the introduction, due to Landau’s illness, the name Abraham has been added to his name. Kor ha-Beḥinah, a small book (40: [3], 35 ff.) comprising twenty-eight responsa and seven discourses, is set in two columns in rabbinic letters. It has a subtitle, Me-She’elot u-Derashot Mishkan Shiloh ‫משכן שיל״ה‬, so entitled because the initial letters of Shiloh ‫ שיל״ה‬stand for his name, ‫ י‬Joseph ‫ ש‬Samuel ‫ ה‬ha-Levi ‫ ל‬Landau, and Mishkan ‫ משכן‬because he is a resident of Kampania. The title page, devoid of ornament, describes Kor ha-Beḥinah as being by the youth R. Landau and informs the reader that the author’s father, R. Jonah ha-Levi Landau, was an av bet din and author, and then continues to describe several generations of this distinguished family. There are approbations from R. Zalman ben Abraham Tiktin, R. Moses Sofer (Ḥatam Sofer), and R. Akiva Eger. Landau’s introduction is followed by a second introduction from R. Ḥayyim ha-Kohen, Landau’s son-in-law, that begins: “It is known that due to our iniquities the gaon, the author, was gathered unto his people while the book was in press.” Torah Or. We continue with an early work, Torah Or, R. Joseph ben David ibn Yahya’s (1494–1539) ethical and philosophical work on eschatology. Ibn Yahya studied under R. Judah Minz in Padua and was Rosh Yeshivah in Imola, Italy. He wrote, according to R. Gedaliah ben Joseph ibn Yahya (Shalshelet haKabbalah), one of Joseph’s three sons, twenty-five works, only two of which are extant today. His other published title is Perush Ḥamesh Megillot, with Psalms, Job, Daniel, Ezra, and Chronicles (Bologna, 1538). Both of Ibn Yahya’s books were burned in Padua in 1554, for they were caught up in the widespread burning of the Talmud that year. Torah Or (1538, Bologna 40: 36 ff.) too is a small book; it was printed by the partners known as the Company of Silk Weavers. Although there is a lack of information as to the terms of the partnership, David Amram suggests that perhaps their arrangement was analogous to that in Milan, where one partner cut type and prepared the ink while the others provided the financing. Rent for the print-shop was divided equally, but one-third of the profits went to the active partner and the remainder to the four financiers. The reader, copier, and corrector were compensated with copies of the books, which could not be sold below the market price. All partners had to be in agreement before

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figure 23.1 1538, Torah Or

beginning any undertaking; all their decisions were taken in secret; they could not have any connection to another press; and the partnership could be dissolved after three years, in which case the press would belong to the active partner.3 The spare title page of Torah Or informs us that in it is explained the final bliss of the soul, Eden and Gehinnom, the World to Come, and many other matters, divided into seventy-eight chapters. On the following page, in the shape of a menorah, are words of praise (see fig. 23.1) and then the introduction. Ibn Yahya begins with a lengthy list of his forebears and describes their life and prosperity in Lisbon. This is followed by a recounting of his family’s adventures and travails. Joseph recounts at great length the numerous travails his family underwent, describing attempts to force them to apostatize, first in Portugal, pursued on dry land and sea, and after finding refuge in Castile, when his eponymous grandfather was condemned to be burned at the stake but was spared due to the intervention of Duke Alverez of Braganza. Permitted to leave Castile for Italy, they had arrived at Pisa when the family was seized by French soldiers besieging the city. There, his mother, pregnant and disguised in men’s clothing, fled surrounded by the French soldiers and leapt from a high tower, miraculously surviving, before giving birth to Joseph in Florence. His grandfather,

3 David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909; reprint London, 1963), pp. 231–32.

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released after paying a large ransom, settled in Ferrara, where he had to deal with a cruel monarch who, “couching down between two burdens” (Genesis 49:14) saying “you deserve to die” (I Samuel 26:16) for you assisted with your wealth, talents [of silver], the anusim (Marranos, forced converts) to Judaize one time and fourfold. I was imprisoned “with fetters of iron” (Psalms 149:8) “upon the crag of the rock” (Job 39:28). The elder Joseph was released after paying ransom, but aged and weak he died soon thereafter.4 Ma’arekhet ha-Elohut (The Order of God) is a classic kabbalistic work attributed to, among others, R. Perez ben Isaac Gerondi of Barcelona and R. Perez ben Isaac of the Ba‘alei Tosafot. Printed twice in two years (Ferrara, 1557, 40: [6], 286 ff., republished 1558, Mantua, 40: 4, 208 ff., fig. 23.2), the second Mantua edition of Ma‘arekhet ha-Elohut is our interest, for among its accompanying commentaries is Minḥat Yehudah by R. Judah ben Jacob Ḥayyat (c. 1450–c. 1510), one of the leading kabbalists of his time. Ḥayyat acceded to requests of the elders of Mantua that he write Minḥat Yehudah, today considered a classic kabbalistic work in its own right. He did so because of his high estimate of Ma‘arekhet haElohut, a work that opened the gate to kabbalistic subjects not well addressed elsewhere. The title page has a pillared architectural frame followed by two introductions, that of the editor, R. Immanuel ben Jekuthiel Benevento, and then that of Ḥayyat, the latter being of interest to us. Ḥayyat begins by speaking of the wisdom of Kabbalah, and the value and importance of its study. Well into the introduction, he provides a personal account of his departure from Spain, where he had “tasted a little of this honey” (I Samuel 14:29). He begins by informing us that it was the merit of his dedication to the works of Kabbalah that saved him from all the travails he encountered. Ḥayyat describes what occurred: My family and I, with two hundred fifty others, traveled in one ship in the middle of the winter in the year 1493 from Lisbon in the Kingdom of Portugal by the command of the king. The Lord fulfilled “I will afflict them with the pestilence, and disinherit them” (Numbers 14:12) and this was the reason that in no place would they accept us “Away! Unclean! men cried to 4 Israel Zinberg, A History of Jewish Literature IV, translated by Bernard Martin (New York, 1975), pp. 56–59.

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figure 23.2 1558, Ma‘arekhet ha-Elohut—Minḥat Yehudah

them” (Lamentations 4:15) and we wandered at sea for four months with “the bread of adversity, and the water of affliction” (Isaiah 30:20). At the end of this time, a ship of ‫ ויסקאיינוש‬seized us and our wealth and brought us to the city of Malaga. We were there, unwillingly, on the sea, for we were not permitted to debark nor to depart. They decreed that we were not to be given bread, water, or any provisions. After several days, judges of the city and prominent individuals (priests) came to the ship and said until when will you refuse to respond to “who is the man who desires life” (Psalms 34:13) etc.? In one day, close to one hundred souls went out from the group for they were unable to withstand this trial. “We are left but a

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few of many” (Jeremiah 42:2). Our souls were ready for death. We said better “our death by the hand of the Lord” (Exodus 16:3). Then my wife, pleasant and perfect, died of famine, and “also virgins; [young men] old men, and children” (cf. Psalms 148:12), close to fifty souls. I too “here is but a step between me and between death” (cf. I Samuel 20:3), fulfilling what the prophet said “and they shall wander from sea to sea, and from north to east … In that day all the pretty virgins [and young men shall faint for thirst]” (Amos 8:12–13). Ḥayyat continues, describing how, finally allowed to leave, they were at sea for two months, finally reaching the Barbary Coast in the land of Ishmael, where they were imprisoned for allegedly disparaging Islam. He was sentenced to stoning, but promised that if he would apostatize he would be freed and given a post of significance. Ḥayyat was in dire straits for forty days until redeemed by a Jew, to whom Ḥayyat gave almost two hundred books that were in his possession. Ḥayyat went to Fez, where a famine compelled him to “eat the herb of the field” (Genesis 3:18) and to work at the mill of an Arab for a minute piece of bread hardly fit for a dog. He finally reached Italy, first Venice, then Mantua, where, at the urging of R. Joseph Jabez and others, Ḥayyat prepared Minḥat Yehudah, his commentary on Ma‘arekhet ha-Elohut. Today, Minḥat Yehudah is considered a classic kabbalistic work in its own right. Mehir Yayin.̣ A very different work, this too a small book, is Meḥir Yayin (Cremona, 1558/59, 40: 22 ff.), a philosophical, allegorical, and kabbalistic commentary on the Book of Esther by R. Moses ben Israel Isserles (Rema, c. 1530– 72). The interests of Rema, author of the Haggahot or ha-Mappah, glosses on the Shulḥan Arukh, extended to Jewish philosophy and Kabbalah, are reflected in Meḥir Yayin (fig. 23.3), his first published work. He observes that the story told over in the Megillah alludes to the human condition and may be understood as an allegory of the life of man. Meḥir Yayin was first printed in Cremona at the press of Vincenzo Conti (d. 1569), who was active in that location from 1556 to 1567, issuing more than forty titles. Of those titles, Meḥir Yayin has the distinction of being the only work printed by that press in the lifetime of its author.5 Rema observes that the story told in the Megillah alludes to the human condition and may be understood as an allegory of the life of man. This is reflected in the title, taken from Isaiah 55:1, “Ho, everyone who thirsts, come to the 5 Meir Benayahu, Hebrew Printing at Cremona: Its History and Bibliography (Jerusalem, 1971), p. 43 [Hebrew].

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figure 23.3 1558/59, Meḥir Yayin

waters, and he who has no money, come, buy, and eat; come, buy wine (meḥir yayin) and milk without money and without price.” The colophon ends with the words “the work was completed Meḥir Yayin ‫( ”מחר יין‬meḥir ‫ מחיר‬spelled defectively ‫ מחר‬thus having a numeric value of 318 = 1558). In the introduction, Rema informs us that he was forced to leave Cracow for Shidlow because of an outbreak of cholera. Unable to send his father the traditional mishloaḥ manot (edible gifts) for Purim, he wrote Meḥir Yayin for his father in its place. The colophon ends with the words “the work was completed ‫ מחר יין‬Maḥr Yayin” (spelled defectively), for a numeric value of the date, 1558. Rema writes:

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I, Moses, son of my honorable father, the communal leader, Israel, called Moses Isserles of Cracow, was among the exiles from our city in the year [5]316 (1556) because of the plague [it should not come upon us], and we dwelt in a land that was not ours, in the city of Shidlow, a place without fig trees and vines, almost without water to drink except by contrivance … we were unable to observe Purim with feasting and joy, to remove “sorrow and sighing” (Isaiah 35:10, 51:11). I said, I will arise and rejoice in my undertaking, “also my wisdom remained with me” (Ecclesiastes 2:9). “The statutes of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart” (Psalms 19: 9). I took under my tongue “honey and milk” (Song of Songs 4:11). “I set my heart to seek and search out” (cf. Ecclesiastes 1:13) the meaning of the Megillah, the lesson of its words, the meaning of each and every term. Yesha Elohim. R. Moses ben Ḥayyim ben Shem Tov Pesante (c. 1540, d. 1573), born in Jerusalem, resident in Safed before being forced to leave Eretz Israel due to financial exigencies, was the author of three books printed in Constantinople and Salonika. In several introductions, Pesante bemoans that he was forced to leave Eretz Israel, traveling from 1565 to 1573 in Turkey and the Balkans. His books are Ner Mitzvah (Constantinople, 1567, 40: [8], 4–103 pp., reprinted in Salonika, 1569, 40: 68 ff.), a commentary on the Azharot of R. Solomon ibn Gabirol; Yesha Elohim (Constantinople, 1567, 40: 65, [2] pp., reprinted in Salonika, 1569, 40: 32 ff. fig. 23.4), a commentary on the Hoshanot; and Ḥukkat ha-Pesaḥ (Salonika, 1569, 40: 71 [1]), a commentary on the Pesaḥ Haggadah, begun a week after Ner Mitzvah was completed and written by Pesante when only twenty-eight years old; as well as several unpublished works, including novellae and homilies, known only from his references to them in the above titles. In the introduction to Ner Mitzvah, his first book, Pesante bemoans his fate, beginning with alliteration, that “the troubles of the time pursed me, deception, fraud, hammered” ,‫רמוני‬ ‫ הלמוני‬,‫“ הממוני‬He will not let me take my breath” (cf. Job 9:18) “I count them my enemies” (Psalms 139:22) “Bilhan, and Zaavan, and Akan” (Genesis 36:27) “and afterwards he afflicted” (Isaiah 8:23) me for “the hand of the Lord is gone out against me” (Ruth 1:13) to smite me with harsh poverty worse than “fifty plagues” (Bava Batra 116a). Elsewhere he writes that he has “seen neither joy nor rest, but rather trouble, sorrow, and sighing, going from city to city, for my iniquities have driven me out of the land of the living, ‘from having a share in the inheritance of the Lord’ (I Samuel 26:19) to provide for my home.” Pesante again expresses his longing

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figure 23.4 1569, Yesha Elohim

for Eretz Israel at the end of Yesha Elohim (Constantinople, 1567), writing that he longs “‘to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to inquire in His temple’ (Psalms 27:4), my land and birthplace from which I departed, and I will be ‘at rest in my house, and flourish in my palace’” (Daniel 4:1). Pesante did not have the good fortune to return to Safed, necessity forcing him to continue wandering and selling his books. He was, while together with two Jewish merchants, seized by Turks in Greece. Attempts to ransom them were unsuccessful, and the three were murdered. The murderers, when

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figure 23.5 1578, Sefer ha-Ḥayyim

apprehended, had cast Pesante’s books into the sea for fear of being implicated by them in their crime.6 Sefer ha-Hayyim.̣ We turn now to Sefer ha-Ḥayyim (Cracow, 1593, 40: 46 [3] ff., fig. 23.5), a highly regarded ethical work by R. Ḥayyim ben Bezalel (c. 1520–88). Ḥayyim, the older brother of R. Judah Loew of Prague (Maharal, c. 1525–1609), was a noted Talmudic scholar and rabbi in his own right. He was a student of R. Shalom Shakhna (d. 1558), together with R. Moses Isserles (Rema), and also learned at the yeshivah of R. Solomon Luria (Maharshal, c. 1510–64). Ḥayyim went to Worms in 1549 to assist in the yeshivah where his uncle, R. Jacob ben Ḥayyim, was rabbi. About fourteen years later, after the death of his uncle, 6 Yaakov Shmuel Spiegel, Hagadah shel Pesaḥ Ḥukat ha-Pesaḥ (Jerusalem, 1998), pp. 7–27 [Hebrew]; Abraham Yaari, Sheluhei Erez Yisrael (Jerusalem, 1951), p. 236 [Hebrew]; Shimon Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon: Encyclopedia le-Toldot Geonei ve-Ḥakhmei Yahadut Sefarad ve-ha-Mizraḥ III (Jerusalem, 2006), pp. 1560–63 [Hebrew].

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Ḥayyim became rabbi in Worms, remaining there until called to Friedberg, where he officiated until his death.7 Sefer ha-Ḥayyim is one of two titles written by Ḥayyim in Friedberg under the conditions described in the introduction— the other is Iggeret ha-Tiyyul (Cracow, 1605), an alphabetic explication of biblical, Talmudic, and Midrashic passages—where he recounts an occurrence of plague and its effect on him and his household:8 “I will recount the grace and praises of the Lord, according to all the good he has granted me and according to the abundance of his grace” (cf. Isaiah 63:7). In 1578, He “redeemed my soul from death” (cf. Psalms 56:14, Job 33:28), for death went up through the windows of my house. My maidservant died in the plague; my praiseworthy daughter and one lad were ill with that illness. We were saved due to the mercy of the Lord. I remained, I and my son, “in the midst of that [great] upheaval” (Genesis 19:29). The doors of my house were closed (quarantined) for about two months. No one “went out or came in” (I Samuel 18:16, II Chronicles 16:1). I was overwhelmed by the suffering and worries of the times … unable “to take pleasure and delight in the discussions of Abbaye and Rava” (Sukkah 28a, Bava Batra 134a), to penetrate the depths of halakhah “because the discussion of a legal point requires clarity, like a clear day” (Megillah 28b). However, to sit idle from words of Torah, God forbid, for “it is our life, and the length of our days” (cf. Deuteronomy 30:20). Unable to fully concentrate on halakhic studies, Ḥayyim turned to ethical and aggadic works, writing Sefer ha-Ḥayyim and also Iggeret ha-Tiyyul. Zok ha-Ittim. The Chmielnicki massacres taḥ ve-tat (1648–49) were the worst catastrophe to befall Eastern European Jewry until the Holocaust. The incredible tragedies and sufferings of the Jews of that period are recorded in numerous works. Zok ha-Ittim (Sufferings of the Times, Cracow, 1650, 80: [11] ff.) is by an 7 Among the works addressing Ḥayyim ben Bezalel and his other books are Byron L. Sherman, “In the Shadow of Greatness: Rabbi Ḥayyim ben Betsalel of Friedberg,” Jewish Social Studies 37 (1975), pp. 35–60; and Rabbi Ḥayyim ben Bezalel of Friedberg; Brother of the Maharal of Prague (Jerusalem, 1987) [Hebrew]. The introductions to several of Ḥayyim’s other works are also of considerable interest but will have to wait for another article. 8 Iggeret ha-Tiyyul is so entitled for in it one can journey (ya-tiyyul) and find delight from troubles and burdens. It is divided into four parts: peshat, remez, derash, and sod (pardes, literal, allusive, discursive, and esoteric interpretations of Torah), as it says, “four entered the orchard” (cf. Ḥagigah 14b). All who read it will stroll (tiyyul) in the orchard of pomegranates and pick the lilies.

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eyewitness, R. Meir ben Samuel of Shcherbreshin (mid-17th cent.), a paytan (liturgical poet) in Shcherbreshin, near Lublin, Poland. He states his purpose on the title page, writing: “Recalling the troubles and sufferings of the times that we experienced, year after year, in taḥ ve-tat. On ‘the two tails of the smoking firebrands’ (cf. Isaiah 7:4), sharpened swords. ‘If the Lord had not left us a very small remnant’ (Isaiah 1:9) all of us would have perished, Heaven forfend. In order that it not be forgotten to later generations, by one special in his flock, and he raised his kinah (dirge) for the thousands slain.” It is in his introduction that Meir ben Samuel varies from other like works, writing: The Torah warns us concerning the burning of Nadab and Abihu, and let “the whole house of Israel bewail the burning which the Lord has kindled” (Leviticus 10:6), and also fixed parashat Nadab and Abihu to be read on Yom Kippur for mention of their death is in place of a korban (animal sacrifice), as is known (Zohar 3:56b) and implies specifically Nadab and Abihu because they were refined in the fire, judged in the burning, and so sanctified the name of Heaven. All those who were tested and refined by sanctification of the Name have a very great reward and those who mention the death of these holy ones have a great reward, and specifically those merciful ones who arouse mercy and their tears flow from their eyes, it is as if they have offered a korban and their tears are in place of a drink offering. In the year taḥ ve-tat how many tens of thousands spread their necks for a sacrifice and how many tens of thousands were burned and how many tens of thousands were strangled. The text, which is more historical, begins with several pages written in the form of a dirge, the initial letters of paragraphs forming an acronym of Meir ben Samuel’s name. Zok ha-Ittim was reprinted in Salonika (1652, 40: 10 ff.) and in Venice (1656, 40: 11 ff.). The Venice edition was edited by R. Joshua ben David, who modified the title page and initial verse so that the acrostic spells out his name, not that of Meir, altering all other places where Meir’s name appears. Avraham Yaari notes that variations in the Venice edition already appear in the earlier Salonika edition (1652, 40: 10 ff.).9 Penei Yehoshu‘a consists of novellae by R. Jacob Joshua ben Zevi Hirsch Falk (1680–1756). One of the leading Talmudists of his time, Falk also served as rabbi 9 Avraham Yaari, “Miscellaneous Bibliographic Notes,” Kiryat Sefer 16 (Jerusalem, 1939), pp. 376–77 [Hebrew]; idem, “To the Land: Books Printed on the Way to Eretz Israel,” in Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem, 1958), p. 16 [Hebrew].

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in several communities and founded one of the leading yeshivot in Poland. Penei Yehoshu‘a was printed in four parts, the first two in Frankfurt on the Main (1752). In the introduction to the first volume, on tractates Berakhot, Shabbat, and Pesaḥim, Falk describes what befell him and his response: I accepted upon myself as an obligation and vowed at a time of “the fierce anger of the Lord” (var. cit.), 3 Kislev 563 (= November 28, 1802, sic. should be November 23, 170210) in Lvov, when I was “in my house, and flourishing in my palace” (Daniel 4:1) with “companions and students who listened to my voice” (cf. Song of Songs 8:13) when “‘in an instant suddenly’ (cf. Numbers 6:12, Isaiah 29:5) ‘a city a heap’ (Isaiah 25:2) ‘overthrown in a moment and no hands were laid upon her’ (cf. Lamentations 4:6)” a sound of horror, a sound “of burning went out to separate” (cf. Pesaḥim 5b, Keritot 29b), “the appearance of a great fire” (cf. Numbers 9:16) spread out among homes and windows due to an explosion of large barrels of gunpowder until many large dwellings were consumed and homes with walls to the heavens were cast to the dust. Thirty-six holy Jewish souls perished. Among the dead were residents of my house, my first wife, mother, and grandfather, extending to my young daughter, only one to her mother, much beloved, and also I was among the wounded “From a roof so high to a pit as deep” (cf. Ḥagigah 5b) and I came to the very depths of the earth below, as into the press. Falk continues on to say that the beams of his house fell on him, heavier than the beams of the circular wine press and the oil press. He said, “I shall behold man no more with the inhabitants of the world” (Isaiah 38:11). Saved from certain death, he resolved, while still under the mound, that if God would extricate him “to build a faithful house” (cf. I Samuel 2:35, I Kings 11:35), not to limit himself from the walls of the Bet Midrash, to devote himself to learning Talmud and poskim “and to reside in the depths of the halakhah” (Megillah 3b, Sanhedrin 44b), which he did, his profound works being studied to this day. Einei Avraham. A tragic example of loss of sight, actual blindness, is related in the introduction to Einei Avraham (Amsterdam, 1784, 40: [8], 76 ff., fig. 23.6), a

10

The date in the copy of Penei Yehoshu‘a examined, albeit not the first edition, is given as ‫( תקס״ג‬563 = November 1802). A recent edition examined gives the date as ‫( תק ״ג‬503 = November 1702), that is, with a space, omitting the ‫ ס‬error in earlier editions but not resetting the date.

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figure 23.6 1784, Einei Avraham

figure 23.6 1784, Einei Avraham

remarkable super-commentary on the Rambam on the subject of korbanot by R. Abraham ben Judah Tsefig. Born in Tunis, Tsefig was blind from birth. Overcoming this handicap, Tsefig based all of his learning on hearing, and due to his great mental acuity, he achieved expertise in all the corners of Torah. Tsefig went up to Jerusalem from Tunis in 1755 and studied in the yeshivah Ḥesed le-Avraham. Seven years later, R. Tsefig traveled to Amsterdam to publish his novellae. He traveled through several communities, among them Constantinople, always being greeted with great honor. In Amsterdam, R. David ha-Kohen di Uceda, rav of the Sephardim, and R. Saul Lowenstein, av

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bet din of the Ashkenazim, both spoke of R. Tsefig in the most laudatory terms. Tsefig subsequently traveled as an emissary for Hebron, reaching Adrianople in 1803, and the following year was in Rhodes. It is not known if he returned to Eretz Israel.11 In the introduction to Einei Avraham, in which each of its paragraphs concludes with Avraham, Tsefig informs that he so named Einei Avraham because, due to the wrath of the Almighty “‘the gazers are dimmed’ (Ecclesiastes 12:3) and ‘do not see’ (I Samuel 26:12), ‘darkness is as light with you’ (Psalms 139:12). May these, my words, ‘go up and come’ (Exodus 7:28) in this work, for an ‘opening ‫( פתח עינים‬cf. Genesis 38:14)’ for ‘Light means the Torah’ (Megillah 16b) ‘To open the blind eyes’ (Isaiah 42:7) ‘O river, O river’ (Shabbat 66b) and ‘he called the name’ (var. cit.).”12 Sha‘arei Zedek. R. Abraham ben Jehiel Michal Danzig (Danziger, Ḥayyei Adam, 1748–1820) was among the foremost halakhic authorities of his time. He is best known for his Ḥayyei Adam on Oraḥ Ḥayyim with an addendum entitled Nishmat Adam (Vilna, 1810) and Ḥokhmat Adam with an addendum called Binat Adam on the dietary laws in Yoreh De‘ah (1814–15). Another important work by the Ḥayyei Adam, albeit less well-known, is Sha‘arei Zedek (Vilna, 1812, 40; [3], 28:16 ff.), dealing with the mitzvot and relevant halakhot that are to be fulfilled in Eretz Israel. In the beginning of his introduction, Danzig explains why he wrote Sha‘arei Zedek. He notes the success of Ḥayyei Adam, that it is learned by men of all ages, and states that he was requested to publish additional works: I said to bring to press one portion that is on the halakhot contingent upon [Eretz] Israel, for two reasons. One is that in each and every city the custom is to learn mishnayot. It is known that Seder Zera‘im lacks general well-known rules so that there are many mishnayot that appear unclear. I was occupied with a portion of Yoreh De‘ah and reached hilkhot terumah and ma‘aserot and reviewed all the halakhot as done with Ḥayyei Adam … The second reason is that at the time [of an earthquake] when the houses in the courtyard in which I lived collapsed in 1804, as is explained at the 11 Vanunu, Encyclopedia Arzei ha-Levanon, p. 43; Avraham Yaari, “Those Who Go in Darkness but See a Great Light,” Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem, 1958), p. 8 [Hebrew]. 12 “O River, O River” refers to a procedure of taking a pitcher of water from a river, circling the vessel over one’s head, and then casting the water into the river in order to rid oneself of an illness. In addition to the entry in tractate Shabbat, the phrase “O River, O River” also appears in Ḥullin 18b, 57a but in a different context.

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end of Ḥayyei Adam, I vowed a great vow that when I had the merit to marry my sons and daughters, if able, I would go up to the holy city of Jerusalem [may it be built speedily in our day] to be there all the days of my life and to serve the Lord. I said perhaps I will have that merit if the Lord will be merciful and grant me permission from the court of our lord the Kaiser … if a man enters the court of the King and does not know its customs he certainly forfeits his life (Ketubbot 34a, 36b, Bava Kamma 71a, Ḥullin 14a, 15a), all the more so one who wishes to dwell in the Holy Land and is not expert in all the laws applicable there “his blood shall be upon his own head” (Joshua 2:19, Ezekiel 33:5) as it says of him, “who has required this at your hand, to trample my courts” (Isaiah 1:12)? Therefore, I have selected all the pertinent laws and called it Sha‘arei Zedek for Jerusalem which is called zedek (righteous). If, God forbid, I do not merit to go up I will fulfill the mitzvot dependent upon it with this work, as it says, “whoever occupies himself with Torah” (T. B. var. cit.).13 Ziyunim le-Divrei ha-Kabbalaḥ is a very different work, which was prompted by diminished eyesight but not blindness. It is a clever and unusual compendium of three hundred commandments skillfully clothed in the gematriot (sum of the numerical value of Hebrew letters) of their biblical verses by R. Aaron ben Mordecai Baer Kornfeld (Aaron Jennikau, 1795–1881). An Austrian Talmudist, Kornfeld’s sole teacher was his father, whom he succeeded as rosh yeshivah at the age of eighteen upon his father’s death, serving as the last rosh yeshivah of Bohemia. Kornfeld’s reputation was sufficiently great that Sir Moses Montefiore, passing through Bohemia on his return from Damascus, undertook the difficult journey to Goltsch-Jenikau in order to meet Kornfeld. He was also the author of a dialogue between an orthodox father and a liberal son that was published in the Shomer Ẓiyyon haNe’eman (1847).14 13

Danziger, at the end of Hilkhot Megillah, Ḥayyei Adam, describes the miracle referred to in the introduction to Sha‘arei Zedek. On 16 Kislev [5]564 (December 1, 1803), many died in his courtyard due to a conflagration. Many homes collapsed, including his own. Danziger describes the destruction and informs us that his wife’s face was injured, her upper lip split and all of her lower teeth broken. The windows and door in the room in which he sat with his son were all shattered, and his son’s back suffered somewhat; there was not one member of his household that did not lose some blood. Danziger accounted it a miracle akin to an atonement offering, all surviving, even though they had suffered considerable damage and great financial loss. He saw it as an act of divine kindness, value being exchanged for blood ‫ דם לדמים‬for thirty-one persons had died in his courtyard. That day was set for fasting for him and his descendants in his and other courtyards. 14 Meir Lamed, “Kornfeld, Aaron ben Mordecai Baer.” Encyclopaedia Judaica, edited by Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 12 (Detroit, 2007), p. 312.

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Ẓiyunim le-Divrei ha-Kabbalah is a small work (Prague, 1865, 80: [4], 68 pp.), and was printed once only. The title page is immediately followed by the author’s introduction, in which he begins with the value of gematriot and afterwards describes why he wrote Ẓiyunim le-Divrei ha-Kabbalah: Prior to relating what brought me to write these words, I propose to address the value of gematriot, for I have heard many disparaging them, saying that one is able to reach any conclusion desired with allusions such as these. They bring as a proof the first word in the Torah, bereishit ‫( בראשית‬913), which has the value of “a false oath ‫( שוא ושקר‬913)” (Shevu‘ot 20b). I say God forbid for us to mock that which our holy rabbis, sages of the Talmud, taught us, as we find that they often expounded gematriot and also found support for laws such as unspecified periods of Nazirite are thirty days from the word “to be ‫( יהיה‬30)” and so in many places. Kornfeld continues, refuting the implication of “a false oath,” relating it to a false prophet “for the Lord your God tests you” (Deuteronomy 13:4). In the second paragraph of his introduction, Kornfeld explains why he wrote Ẓiyunim le-Divrei ha-Kabbalah, informing the reader about that which caused him to do so was to see if he could find gematriot of verses relating to halakhot for in the year 1863 I was healed from an illness in my left eye. I was unable, for a lengthy period, for many, many months, to look at any book. My mind sought a way to engage my intellect, and I remembered that which had been a wonder to me, for many years I had learned the Talmud “he who slaughters the Passover offering with leaven [in his possession]” (Pesaḥim 63a–b) and I resolved difficulties in the verses, except one thing was difficult, why did it write in Seder Mishpatim “You shall not sacrifice” (Exodus 23:18) and in Seder Ki Tissa “You shall not offer” (Exodus 34:25). I attempted to resolve this through gematriot. Our sages add that the verse in Ki Tissa includes a member of a group who possesses leaven and then I resolved other verses and judgments and this was a delight to me as I was unable to see in a book. I requested friends and relatives to record [my gematriot] for me. Afterwards, I was able to see, slowly, slowly, and to write them down. Ha-Birkei Yehoshua. Two independent works by R. Joshua ha-Levi Traitel ben Jehiel Fischel of Sochotchov are Ha-Birkei Yehoshua (Warsaw, 1892, 40: 52 pp.) and Ḥedvat Yehoshua (Warsaw, 1894, 40: [4], 104 pp.). Ha-Birkei Yehoshua

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consists of novellae on the laws of eruv (extending Sabbath domains), novellae on tractate Eruvin, and other subjects. Ḥedvat Yehoshua consists of explanations on the Shulḥan Arukh, Oraḥ Ḥayyim and Yoreh De‘ah with accompanying responsa. Traitel begins his introduction to Ha-Birkei Yehoshua by writing: “And Joshua answered and said” (cf. Numbers 11:28) with a heart broken and depressed, “on his sick bed” (Psalms 41:4) he has written this small work. And if I said I will put on paper the troubles and the suffering that have befallen me to this day, to relate what has developed from this, but for waste of my time “If His Torah had not been my delight, I should have perished in my affliction” (cf. Psalms 119:92). Thanks to the Lord for the affliction and the suffering did not prevent me from being occupied in His Torah … Due to [our numerous iniquities] a decree went out at this time in the summer of 1891 to do away with eruvin which are in every city and placed in synagogues in courtyards, nullified, as will be explained. Each and every house needs a room to make an eruv ḥatzerot (merging courtyards or private domains to enable residents of a courtyard to carry). There is a concern lest [the eruv] not be made according to halakhah … I girded myself as a mighty man to fulfill the mitzvah of [eruv ḥatzerot] to write this abridgment of the laws of [eruv ḥatzerot] so that with ease, without difficulty, every man knows what to do … I entitled this book Ha-Birkei Yehoshua ‫ יהושע‬,‫ הברכי‬for the letters of Ha-Birkei (237) equal “my father Jehiel ha-Levi my mother Hannah” ‫( אבי יחיאל הלוי אמי חנה‬732). It is in the introduction to Ḥedvat Yehoshua, however, in which Traitel discusses the numerous difficulties—disrespect for rabbis, emphasis on worldly matters, lack of Torah studies—and then the personal tragedy that has befallen him. He writes: And now, what is to say and what will I speak that [our numerous iniquities have brought on me “the great pain of raising children” (cf. Shabbat 89b, Eruvin 100b, Sanhedrin 19b) who did not survive for me. I had an only son, his name was Jehiel Fischel, the name of my father. Very sharp and God-fearing, he was ill for several years, passing on, his soul “bound in the bundle of life” (cf. I Samuel 25:29), encompassed by bodily afflictions. He who said to the world: Enough, say to my troubles, Enough. He who is my aid, he will give me strength. Through duress and affliction, I learned His holy Torah … Many thanksgivings on the good done to me in my illness in the past year, for I wrote my book Birkei Yehoshua.

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I have called this book Ḥedvat Yehoshua ‫ יהושע‬for the letters of Ḥedvat ‫ חדות‬equal (418), and the value of Fischel ‫( פישל‬420), my late father, plus two for the sum of the words in the title of Ḥedvat Yehoshua (418+2 = 420), and I saw in the introduction to the Sefer Rokeaḥ that it is appropriate to call by the name of the author and his forebears (Yehoshua).15 As we noted in the beginning, readers, regrettably, all too often ignore the front matter in books. The introductions in this article comprise thirteen prefaces by twelve rabbis, many prominent, such as the Rema, R. Ḥayyim ben Bezalel, and the Ḥayyei Adam, whose works are still studied today. Others are by rabbis less well known today but nevertheless authors of valuable titles. What they all share are varied experiences, reflecting the difficulties of Jewish life in such periods as taḥ-ve-tat or personal trials, such as R. Abraham ben Judah Tsefig’s blindness. Prefaces, such as the examples in this article, are enthralling. Hopefully, more readers will be encouraged to peruse front matter in the future. 15 Again, concerning the titling of books, including the comments of the Rokeaḥ, see my “Adderet Eliyahu: A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books” in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 72–91.

Chapter 24

Seventeenth-Century Potpourri on Megillat Esther But the Jews who were at Shushan assembled together on the thirteenth day of the month, and on the fourteenth day; and on the fifteenth day of the same they rested, and made it a day of feasting and gladness. Therefore the Jews of the villages, who lived in the unwalled towns, make the fourteenth day of the month Adar a day of gladness and feasting, and a holiday, and of sending portions one to another. And Mordecai wrote these things, and sent letters to all the Jews that were in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus, both near and far, to establish this among them, that they should keep the fourteenth day of the month Adar, and the fifteenth day of the same, yearly, like the days when the Jews rested from their enemies, and the month which was turned to them from sorrow to joy, and from mourning to a holiday; that they should make them days of feasting and joy, and of sending portions one to another, and gifts to the poor. And the Jews undertook to do as they had begun, and as Mordecai had written to them. Esther 9:18–23

∵ Megillat Esther is remarkable (unique) for biblical works. The name of God is not mentioned, not even once, in the Megillah, yet the latter is among the most popular (beloved) of biblical books. Read publicly twice on Purim, it has been the subject of numerous commentaries, covering the gamut of styles of biblical exegesis. This has been the case for a millennium, a situation that has remained constant, not varying over the many centuries. The purpose of this article is merely to provide a potpourri (miscellany, sampler) of the books printed in a relatively short period of time, the seventeenth century.1 Furthermore, the commentaries described here, despite their being somewhat meager in number, five only, presented in chronological order, 1 The examples presented here are taken from my The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2011), here reformatted and revised for this Purim article.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004441163

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represent an example of the multifarious approaches taken to expounding the events described in the Megillah. We begin with Or Hadash, R. Judah ben Bezalel Loew’s (Maharal, c. 1525– 1609), commentary on Megillat Esther. Maharal is among the preeminent rabbinic figures of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Little is known of Maharal’s personal life, as he was reticent to include such material in his works. However, he is the subject of numerous miraculous tales concerning his birth, marriage, and later life. Born in Posen, Maharal served as Landesrabbiner of Moravia in Nikolsburg from 1553 to 1573 prior to moving to Prague to head the Klaus yeshivah. Maharal left Prague in 1583–84 for Posen, returning in 1588–89. He again left Prague for Posen in 1592, returning in 1597 to succeed R. Mordecai ben Abraham Jaffe (Levush) as Chief Rabbi. Although Maharal is known as Chief Rabbi of Prague, he was only elected to that position late in life, due to opposition to him for his independent positions, among them his disdain for the current educational curriculum and the pilpul method of Talmud study.2 An original and profound thinker, his varied interests, in addition to vast rabbinic scholarship, encompassed kabbalistic, scientific, and mathematical studies. A prolific writer, Maharal’s books are widely studied to this day. Or Hadash was first printed in Prague (1600) at the press of Moses ben Joseph Bezalel Katz in folio format (60 ff.) together with Ner Mitzvah, Maharal’s commentary on the miracle of Hanukkah. Although comprising two works, there is only one title page (fig. 24.1) for the volume, dated “that they [may all] call upon the name of the Lord, to serve him with one accord ‫( שכם‬360 = 1600)” (Zephaniah 3:9). The Maharal’s name does not appear on the title page but on 57b, where a paragraph begins “R. Judah ben Bezalel says.” The book comprises the Maharal’s introduction (2a–6a), the text of Or Hadash (6a–53a), and Ner Mitzvah (53a–60a). The initial word of the introduction (fig. 24.2) and each title is set within a small frame with figurines on both sides. In the introduction, Maharal begins that this commentary is entitled Or Hadash for, as it says in the first chapter of tractate Megillah (16b) “The Jews had light (orah)” (Esther 8:16). R. Elazar says in the name of R. Judah, Orah, this is Torah, as it says “For the commandment is a lamp; and the Torah is light” (Proverbs 6:23). One can ask, they already had the Torah from 2 Concerning Maharal’s approach to learning, see my “Observations on a Little-Known Edition of Tractate Niddah (Prague, c. 1608) and its Relationship to the Talmudic Methodology of the Maharal of Prague,” The Torah U-Madda Journal 8 (1998–99), pp. 134–50, reprinted in Marvin J. Heller, Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008), pp. 298–314.

Seventeenth-Century Potpourri on Megillat Esther

Figure 24.1 1600, Prague, Or Hadash, Judah ben Bezalel Loew (Maharal)

Figure 24.2

1600, Prague, Or Hadash, Judah ben Bezalel Loew (Maharal)

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Sinai, as it says “and gladness” (Esther 8:17), which is milah (circumcision) “and honor” (ibid.) which is tefillin. This is explained because of the mitzvot of milah and tefillin the Jews prevailed over Haman, but that “The Jews had light” (Esther 8:16) is Torah. It seems that it is not necessary to explain that because of the Torah the Jews prevailed over Haman for all the merit that Israel has is Torah, but as it says in tractate Shabbat (88:1), “they stood at the foot of the mountain” (Exodus 19:17), teaching that He tipped the mountain over them an overturned vat (cf. Avodah Zarah 2b) and said to them if you accept the Torah it is well, if not there will be your grave…. It was necessary again to accept the Torah. Maharal’s commentary is multifaceted, metaphysical, and complex. He sees Purim as representative of the war between Israel and Amalek, an eternal struggle, writing that Amalek represents a pernicious form of evil and has so distanced itself from truth as to be worthy of being destroyed, for only then will it be possible to say “the Lord shall be one, and his name one” (Zechariah 9:1). Another theme in Or Hadash is the concept of hippuch (reversal), that completions are new beginnings, the miracle of Purim, with its renewed dedication to Torah having its origin in Pesah. In Ner Mitzvah, Maharal emphasizes that the miracle of the oil was not of itself sufficiently significant to justify establishing a new holiday. However, in conjunction with the great military victory it made clear that all that occurred was from God and that the Jewish people need to live in accordance with His Torah. The following year, 1601, saw the publication of Masat Moshe, the commentary on Megillat Esther by R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh (c. 1508–c. 1600). Born in Adrianople, Alshekh lived most of his life in Safed and died in Damascus. He was a student, in his birthplace, of R. Joseph Caro (1488–1575), and afterwards in Salonika of R. Joseph Taitazak (c. 1465–1487/88–1545). After settling in Safed, Alshekh established two yeshivot, counting among his students R. Hayyim Vital (1542–1620). Alshekh received ordination from Caro, during the brief period that ordination (semikhah) was reinstituted, and served as a dayyan on Caro’s rabbinic court.3 Although primarily a Talmudist and halakhist, Alshekh preached on the Sabbath, delivering sermons based on his biblical exegesis, from which Masat Moshe and his other biblical commentaries are derived. Masat Moshe was printed in Venice at the press of Daniel Zanetti 3 Classical ordination (semikhah) was, according to Jewish tradition, practiced in an unbroken line from the time of Moses until about the late fourth century of the common era, although the date when it ceased, whether earlier or later, is a matter of controversy. R. Jacob Berab (Beirav, c. 1474–1546), supported by the rabbis of Safed, attempted to revive semikhah in the early sixteenth century, but his attempt met with opposition and was unsuccessful. Caro was ordained by Berab and he, in turn, ordained Alshekh.

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in quarto format (66 ff.). The title page, devoid of ornamentation, states that Masat Moshe is a commentary on Megillat Esther, read by all living, continuously, together and with gladness, and He called to Moses, “the levy of Moses (masat Moshe)” (II Chronicles 24:6, 9). See this new fruit, not seen like it from the day, awesome and terrifying, that commentaries went out, varied, and answer and say, “which of the holy ones” (Job 5:1) did, each according to his banner, “when his candle shone on his head” (cf. Job 29:3). Withered fronds by the stream “shall blossom and bud” (Isaiah 27:6) and “its roots will spread out by the waters” (cf. Job 29:19). Faithful and blessed to the Lord, this fruit of Moses…. Work began on Thursday, the 6th of the twelfth month, which is Adar, in the year “And the prince ‫( הנשיא‬5361 = February 8, 1601) shall enter” (Ezekiel 46:2). Next is Alshekh’s introduction, the initial phrase of which has a decorative border. It discusses the deliverance of the Jews in the days of Ahasuerus, who followed the counsel of the wicked Haman to destroy them, but the Jews “came under the shade of the bough of the tree that he (Haman) and his sons had prepared for Mordecai. There we saw the fall (of our enemies), ‘and the flaming sword which turned every way’ (Genesis 3:24) that the Lord turned in anger and with His sword destroyed them … as it is written in the Purim letter (Megillah).” Alshekh discusses the mitzvah to study and delve into the meaning of the Megillah and associated miracles. He would expound and share his insights with his congregation, recording them every twelfth month, the month of Adar, and it came to pass one day, while occupied with the books that the Lord had given me, I saw, revealed to me, a vision in my home. I raised my eyes to it and said, “I am distressed for you” (II Samuel 1:26), “why should you be like one who is veiled” (cf. Song of Songs 1:7), go out and reveal yourself, for “my heart goes out toward the rulers of Israel” (Judges 5:9) with “an iron pen and lead” (Job 19:24). Who knows perhaps the Lord will cause your words to find favor in the eyes of their beholders … and all who read them will merit and cause me merit … and I called it Masat Moshe.4

4 Moses Alshekh, The Book of Esther: A Glimpse behind the Mask: The Commentary of Rabbi Moshe Alshich [Masath Moshe] on Megillath Esther, translated by Dovid Honig (Jerusalem, 1993), pp. 25–33.

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Figure 24.3

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1601, Venice, Masat Moshe, Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh

The text in the inner column is in square vocalized letters and Alshekh’s commentary in the outer column is in rabbinic (cursive) letters. It is his opinion that Israel required two redeemers, Mordecai and Esther, because of two separate transgressions, the first that of the banquet, in which Mordecai, who did not participate, protected Israel; the second that of idolatry in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, father of Vashti, here protected by Esther’s righteousness. After the text are five illustrations (fig. 24.3) and an index. The illustrations are representations of the primary personalities in the Megillah and a vignette of the banquet. These illustrations are taken from a Pesah Haggadah printed by Giovanni di Gara (1599). Another work, printed twice in the second decade of the seventeenth century, is R. Moses ben Zechariah ha-Kohen of Corfu’s Yashir Moshe. It was

Seventeenth-Century Potpourri on Megillat Esther

Figure 24.4 1612, Mantua, Yashir Moshe

583

Figure 24.5 1614, Salonika, Yashir Moshe

first printed in Mantua (1612, 160: 39 ff., fig. 24.4) and reprinted in Salonika in 1614 (160: 32 ff., fig. 24.5) by [Solomon and Moses le-Beit Shimon]. Moses ben Zechariah, who served as rabbi or rosh yeshivah in Corfu, was also a paytan (liturgical poet). Yashir Moshe is verse for parashat Zakhor and Megillat Esther. The title is from, “Then sang Moses (yashir Moshe) and the people of Israel this song to the Lord” (Exodus 15:1). The title page of the Salonika edition states: Verse on Megillat Esther Written by R. Moses ha-Kohen of Corfu. A palanquin for the exalted sage from R. David Maza, who endeavored to bring it to light. “Remember him, my God, for good” (cf. Nehemiah 5:19, 13:31).

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In the year ‫( השע״ד‬5374 = 1614) With the help and assistance of the complete sage R. Moses di Modena ben ha-gaon R. Samuel di Modena who lent his funds to publish this work and benefit the public. R. David ben Aaron Mazah, a student of the author, and also from Corfu, first published Yashir Moshe in Mantua and republished the book in Salonika. He provided the introduction and and the epilogue. The book is entitled Yashir Moshe after the author, based on “causing the sleepers’ lips to murmur” (Song of Songs 7:10). Mazah adds, in the second edition, that he came to Salonika from Italy. The work is now dedicated to R. Judah di Modena, son of Moses di Modena. Yashir Moshe is written in quatrain (stanzas of four lines, figs. 24.6, 24.7). It is a versified form of the Book of Esther and related Midrashic legends. The Jews of Corfu recited it on Shabbat Zakhor. Yashir Moshe was reprinted in

Figure 24.6 1612, Mantua, Yashir Moshe

Seventeenth-Century Potpourri on Megillat Esther

Figure 24.7

585

1614, Salonika, Yashir Moshe

Prague ([1710]) and Lemberg (1892). Moses also composed Mi-Khamokhah, to be recited on Yom Kippur, additional liturgical poems, and a commentary on the Targum entitled Patshegen Ketab ha-Dat. A different approach to Megillat Esther is R. David ben Judah Melamed of Lublin’s Magen David (Cracow, 1644, 40: [18] ff.). That work is an explanation of and commentary on Targum Rishon on Megillat Esther. The author, David ben Judah Melamed, was a melamed (teacher) in Lublin. The title page states that Magen David is a desirable explanation on Targum Rishon on Megillat Esther and an excellent and desirable elucidation of the verses themselves with novellae and correction of errors that have fallen into books. It is small in size but of great quality…. He did his work faithfully, as did Rav Samuel bar Shilat, as is written in the Talmud (Bava Batra 8b). In addition to this is his great work, a precious commentary arranged on ‫[ גפ״ת‬Gemara, Perush (Rashi), and Tosafot] on many tractates, in which a person will find rest for his soul.

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Figure 24.8 1644, Cracow, Magen David, David ben Judah Melamed

The title page (fig. 24.8) gives the place of publication, Cracow, as ‫בקראקא‬ ‫לפ״ק‬, which is also the date (404 = 1644). The name of the printer is not given. The title page is followed by approbations from R. Yom Tov Lipmann ha-Levi Heller, R. Isaiah ben Joseph, and R. David ben Samuel ha-Levi, and an introduction (1a–b) from the author’s son, R. Judah ben David, who praises his father

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extensively; he was like Ben Azzai in the markets of Tiberias (known for his sharpness) and from whom he learned. His father conducted himself as Rav Samuel bar Shilat and was a person of great righteousness. This is a portion only of what his father wrote, but the considerable expense of printing has limited publication to this work. The book is named after his father, David, and because it is going out to light for the first time in the wars of Torah, as a shield and buckler in war. Also, it is for him a shield and refuge, “a vision of God Almighty” (cf. Numbers 24:4, 16). Magen David is a gematria for Targum Rishon ‫ תרגום ראשון‬through an involved calculation requiring the summing of those numbers and adding the years of King David spelled ‫דויד‬. The text follows in two columns in rabbinic type with frequent marginal glosses. There are two Aramaic targums on Megillat Esther. Targum Rishon, the subject of Magen David’s elucidation, is more literal and less wide-ranging than Targum Sheni, the more extensive of the two targums. Also included in Magen David are David’s explanations of verses in the Megillah. At the end the book is an epilogue from Judah ben David, who prays that his father’s other works also be printed, an entreaty that was not realized, this being the only one of David’s works to be published, and this the only edition, excepting a facsimile of the original. Below the epilogue is the woodcut of Akedat Yitzhak (fig. 24.9), which was first used by the Prostitz press in the sixteenth century.5 The final example of our potpourri on Megillat Esther is Ba’er Heitev (Prague, 1699) by R. Samuel Issachar Behr ben Judah Moses Eybeschuetz (Perlhefter, d. c. 1701). Ba’er Heitev is an alphabetic explanation of difficult terms in Targum Jonathan (Sheni) on Megillat Esther. Issachar Behr was born in Prague and resident in Vienna when the Jews were expelled from that city in 1670. He relocated to Altdorf, where he instructed the Christian-Hebraist Johann Christoph Wagenseil (1633–1705) in Hebrew, and his wife, Bella, taught Wagenseil’s wife dancing and music. Issachar Behr also served as rabbi in Mantua, leaving there over a dispute concerning the pseudoMessiah Mordecai of Eisenstadt, a follower of Shabbetai Zevi, whom Issachar Behr had initially supported. Issachar Behr eventually returned to Prague, where he held the position of dayyan. He is described on the title page of his Ohel Yissakhar (Wilhermsdorf, 1670) as having been dayyan in Hamburg; his name is given there as R. Samuel Issachar known as Behr ben Judah Leib from Prague ben Moses Sofer of Eybeschuetz, son-in-law of Jacob known as Yekel Perlhefter of Prague. Issachar 5 Concerning the Akedat Yitzhak pressmark, see my “Akedat Yitzhak (the Binding of Isaac) on the Title-Pages of Early Hebrew Books,” in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 35–56.

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Figure 24.9

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1644, Cracow, Magen David, David ben Judah Melamed

Behr is also known as Perlhefter as he, upon marriage, took the surname of his father-in-law, a not uncommon practice at the time. Printed as a small work, both in size and format (80: [12] ff.), by the partners at the press of Moses Katz, Ba’er Heitev is, as noted above, an alphabetic explanation of difficult terms in Targum Jonathan (Sheni) on Megillat Esther. That latter title is an expansive, interpretative, aggadic Aramaic translation of Megillat Esther. Although here attributed to Jonathan ben Uzziel (c. first century), it is actually a much later work. Targum Sheni (Second Targum) is so

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Figure 24.10 1699, Ba’er Heitev, Samuel Issachar Behr Eybeschuetz (Perlhefter)

entitled to distinguish it from another translation known as Targum Rishon (First Targum). The title page (fig. 24.10) describes Ba’er Heitev as being small in size but of great value, “like apples of gold in a setting of silver” (Proverbs 25:11), and like pastries. Written by the complete sage, the excellent, R. Behr Perl Hefter, dayyan in Prague, author of Ohel Yissakhar, son of the late R. Leib who was av bet din in Teplitz.

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Figure 24.11 1699, Ba’er Heitev, Samuel Issachar Behr ben Judah Moses Eybeschuetz (Perlhefter)

The names of the rabbis who gave approbations are given on the title page, namely, R. Abraham Broda, R. Wolf Shapira, and his son R. Eliah. There is a lengthy discursive introduction ([2b–5b]), in which Issachar Behr informs the reader that he has taken a small part only of his work Ba’er Heitev to explain the difficult terms in Targum Jonathan ben Uzziel, which is the Targum Sheni on Megillat Purim, bringing just that part to press. The text (fig. 24.11) follows in two columns, each comprising the Aramaic terms in large square letters and the Hebrew translation in smaller rabbinic letters.

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This is the only edition of Ba’er Heitev. Issachar Behr was also the author of Ohel Yissakhar, a bilingual Hebrew-Yiddish work on shehitah, and Ma’aseh Hoshen u-Ketoret (Prague, 1686), a discourse on the Hoshen Mishpat worn by the Kohen Gadol and the ketoret brought in the Temple. The five books described here, Maharal’s Or Hadash, R. Moses Alshekh‘s Masat Moshe, R. Moses ha-Kohen of Corfu’s Yashir Moshe, R. David ben Judah Melamed of Lublin’s Magen David, and R. Samuel Issachar Behr Eybeschuetz’s (Perlhefter) Ba’er Heitev are varied. These five books comprise two different commentaries, a versified work, and two works with Aramaic content, the first an explanation of and commentary on Targum Rishon on the Megillah, the second an explanation of and commentary on Targum Sheni on Megillat Esther. Together, they, albeit merely consisting of a scant potpourri of the vast literature and varied works on Megillat Esther, are meant to illustrate the variety of the commentaries on and the popularity of Megillat Esther. What these diverse works have in common is that in all are to be found the following concept: The Jews had light, and gladness, and joy, and honor. And in every province, and in every city, wherever the king’s command and his decree came, the Jews had joy and gladness, a feast and a good day. Esther 8:16–17

R. Judah said: “Light” means the Torah, and so it says. For the commandment is a lamp and the Torah is a light. “Gladness” means a feast day; and so it says, And thou shalt be glad in thy feast. Joy means circumcision; and so it says, I rejoice at thy word. Megillah 16b

Chapter 25

Yitzi’at Mitzra’im (The Exodus) in Print: The First Editions of the Printed Haggadah And you shall tell your son in that day, saying, ‘This is done because of that which the Lord did to me when I came forth out of Egypt.’ Exodus 13:8

…

In every generation a man is bound to regard himself as though he personally had gone forth from Egypt, because it is said, ‘And thou shalt tell thy son in that day, saying: it is because of that which the lord did for me when I came forth out of Egypt.’ Therefore it is our duty to thank, praise, laud, glorify, exalt, honor, bless, extol, and adore Him who wrought all these miracles for our fathers and ourselves; He brought us forth from bondage into freedom, from sorrow into joy, from mourning into festivity, from darkness into great light, and from servitude into redemption. Mishnah Pesahim 10:5

∵ The Pesah (Passover) Haggadah is the most enduring and endearing of nonbiblical Hebrew books.1 Recounting the Exodus of the Jews from Egypt, it is the narrative read annually at the Passover seder, a highlight of the Jewish year. Haggadot are extant in manuscripts, frequently illuminated, have been translated into the variety of Jewish languages, and are the subject of numerous commentaries. The Haggadah, first printed in about 1480, twice in that

1 I would to thank the following libraries for the illustrations in this article: the Library of Agudas Chassidei Chabad Ohel Yosef Yitzhak Lubavitch, the Jewish Theological Seminary, the National Library of Israel (NLI), Bobst Library (New York University), and the Society for the Preservation of Hebrew Books.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/978900444116

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approximate year, has, since those initial publications, appeared in 4,715 editions through 1960.2 This article is an accounting and description of those seminal printed editions, addressing the authors and their commentaries, the outstanding characteristics of those Haggadot, and the presses that printed them. The subject period is from those first c. 1480 printings through the sixteenth century, a period in which thirty-five Haggadot are recorded in Isaac Yudlov’s comprehensive The Haggadah Thesaurus. Among that number, a few appear suspect, perhaps duplicates. Surprisingly, the location credited with the largest number of Haggadot is Mantua with eight Haggadot, twice the number of both Prague and Venice, both sixteenth-century printing centers, with four each, followed by Cracow with three entries. The most popular commentary, according to this listing, is Don Isaac Abravanel’s Zevah Pesah, recorded seven times, once as a concise Kizzur Zevah Pesah. A selection only of the Haggadot will be described, one that is sufficient to show the breadth and variety of those early works and that is restricted to books printed specifically as Haggadot. Haggadot in other formats, such as halakhic (religious regulations) and liturgical works, mahzorim or in Birkhat ha-Mazon, are not addressed in this article.3 Lastly, the article is organized by incunabula, primarily Sephardic editions, including one that may have been and indeed most likely was printed decades later but whose date is in question; the editions of Zevah Pesah printed in the sixteenth century; sixteenth-century illustrated Haggadot, including a multilingual edition; several commentaries on the Haggadah; and finally, a brief summary. 1 Guadalajara, c. 1480—We begin with Haggadot printed in the Iberian Peninsula. Hebrew printing in Spain and Portugal was a short-lived phenomenon, but one with a proud and productive record. The first of the Hebrew 2 Isaac Yudlov, The Haggadah Thesaurus: Bibliography of Passover Haggadot from the Beginning of Printing until 1960 (Jerusalem, 1997), pp. 1, 342 [Hebrew]. This is a substantial increase from Avraham Yaari, Bibliyografyah shel Hagadot Pesah: me-Reshit ha-Defus ve-ad ha-Yom (Jerusalem, 1960) [Hebrew], which recorded 2,717 Haggadot. Moreover, a small number of additions or variance recorded as ‫ א‬or ‫ ב‬actually bring the total to 4,730. 3 Several of the Haggadot described here have been addressed previously in my The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2004), var. cit., and explored in several articles. This article includes new entries as well as being organized quite differently, with varied emphases and additional information.

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Figure 25.1

presses in Spain was that of Solomon ben Moses ha-Levi ibn Alkabez, the eponymous grandfather of the kabbalist R. Solomon ben Moses Alkabez, author of Lekhah Dodi, the hymn sung to greet the Sabbath. Active in Guadalajara, Alkabez would publish in Spain from 1476—three years after the first Latin titles—at least sixteen books, beginning with Perush Rashi al ha-Torah, dated 16 Elul, 5236 (15 September 1476). The Haggadah printed by Alkabez is dated c. 1480 in The Haggadah Thesaurus. Extant as a unique copy in the National Library of Israel (NLI), it is recorded in their catalogue as c. 1482 (fig. 25.1). Printed in two columns in square letters as a quarto (40: 6 ff.), the text begins “When he comes from the synagogue the cups are rinsed and filled with mixed

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wine.” The letters are dissimilar from the square letters used by Alkabez in the three other books printed by him with square letters. The watermarks, however, are the same as others in Alkabez imprints.4 Adrian K. Offenberg describes an undated Guadalajara Haggadah published by Alkabez. The text of this Haggadah, in the Jewish National and University Library (now the NLI) includes haruzim (rules and calculations for the calendar (1351/2–1599); Megillat Antiochus; R. Judah ha-Levi’s piyyut (liturgical verse) Mi Kamokh; and Tefillat ha-Derekh (travelers’ prayer) and benedictions. The format is a folio, and Offenberg suggests that it might be “part of a prayerbook.”5 Offenberg’s description is sufficiently different from the NLI copy, so that he is likely describing an independent work. Spanish or Portuguese Haggadah, c. 1490—An additional Spanish or Portuguese Haggadah, extant in two fragments, one of two leaves and the other of eight, is dated in The Haggadah Thesaurus as c. 1490. The text, in square unvocalized letters, measures 60x80 mm. In the two leaf fragments, Kiddush (benediction) in preceded by instructions in Arabic. There is an illustration of marror (bitter herbs) consisting of a vegetable stalk with leaves, making it the first Haggadah with an illustration. Furthermore, it is noted that the text follows some Haggadot according to the Tunis, Djerba, and Algerian custom. Yudlov references other authorities who identify the fragments as Spain or Portugal, 1487 to 1492.6 Concerning the absence of illustrations in the above Haggadot, incunabula, with some very notable exceptions, did not have title pages and the first Hebrew book with a title page, the Sefer ha-Roke’ah of R. Eleazar ben Judah of Worms (c. 1165–c. 1230), was only printed in Fano in 1505. In the absence of a title page, printers often enhanced the attractiveness of the first text page of a book by the use of artistic frames and/or by beginning the text with historiated letters. In Spain and Portugal, Hebrew printers used artistic frames and letters, and the first edition of Zevah Pesah, printed in Constantinople by a Hebrew printer from Lisbon, has an ornate frame first used in Hijar, Aragon (below). Codex Haggadot, one need only think of the Sarajevo, Kaufmann and Rylands Haggadot, are richly illuminated. It is not inconceivable, indeed, very possible, that these Haggadot had artistic frames and may have even have had 4 Yudlov, The Haggadah Thesaurus, p. 1, no. 2. 5 A. K. Offenberg, and C. Moed-Van Walraven, Hebrew Incunabula in Public Collections: A First International Census (Nieuwkoop, 1990), p. 69, no. 53. Offenberg’s description is sufficiently different from the NLI copy, so that he apparently is describing an independent work. 6 Yudlov, The Haggadah Thesaurus, p. 1, no. 4.

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illustrations. Unfortunately, all that is extant today from these Haggadot are fragments, and we can only speculate on the appearance of the entire volume.7 Haggadah, 1492/1534—There is yet another fragment of a Haggadah, quarto in format, perhaps the most interesting of all the Haggadot in this article. Presumed to have been printed by a Sephardic press, determining the date, location, and identity of the press that printed it is akin to a mystery, given the varied solutions suggested. The lack of a date and its Sephardic style has resulted in the printing of this Haggadah being tentatively dated from prior to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain to as late as 1534. Yosef Hayyim Yerushalmi described this Haggadah in Haggadah and History as undated and incomplete “from what seems to be the oldest extant Haggadah printed with illustrations. Because of its incomplete state the date and place can only be surmised on stylistic grounds, and scholarly opinions have varied.” According to Yerushalmi, this Haggadah may have been printed before the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 or Portugal in 1496, or by exiles from those unhappy lands in Salonika or Constantinople in the early sixteenth century. In the latter case, it may have been printed with type and woodblocks brought from the Iberian Peninsula. The text is in square letters and the reproduction of a page is of four men at a table, but not of the four sons. The illustration reappears on another page with different text (fig. 25.2).8 Abraham M. Habermann initially described and dated this Haggadah, writing “the first illustrated haggadah was published, it is believed, in Constantinople about 1515, only two pages of it have survived.” Additional fragments were subsequently discovered; Habermann then, according to Alexander Scheiber, suggested a publication date of 1504–05. Scheiber recorded it as a 1515 Constantinople imprint. He reproduced the extant leaves, noting that on the recto of one leaf which begins matzah is “a drawing of three matsot placed alongside each other flanked by a small flask on each side. The motive of flasks is well known from Spanish Haggadahs.” In an accompanying footnote, he references the Kaufmann Haggadah, a fourteenth-century Spanish Haggadah. On the verso, where the text begins marror, is a depiction of a hand holding the

7 Concerning the use of artistic frames in Hebrew incunabula, see my “Behold, You Are Beautiful, My Love: The Use of Ornamental Frames in Hebrew Incunabula,” Printing History 10 (2011), pp. 39–55; reprinted in Further Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2013), pp. 3–33. 8 Yosef Hayyim Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History: A Panorama in Facsimile of Five Hundred Centuries of the Printed Haggadah from the Collections of Harvard University and the Jewish Theological Seminary of America (Philadelphia, 1976), plate 1.

597

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

Figure 25.2

marror in a manner known from a genizah fragment, from Spanish Haggadot, and from a later Italian one.9 There are two pages with two illustrations each and no text, that is, of ‫צפרדע‬ (frogs) and ‫( כנים‬lice), and of ‫( ערוב‬swarm of wild beasts) and ‫( ברד‬hail); pages 9 Abraham M. Habermann, “The Jewish Art of the Printed Book,” in Jewish Art: An Illustrated History, ed. Cecil Roth (New York, 1961), p. 479; Alexander Scheiber, “New Pages from the First Printed Illustrated Haggadah,” Studies in Bibliography and Booklore (SBB) 7 (1965), pp. 26–36. A facsimile of the Kaufmann Haggadah was published by Scheiber as Kaufmann Haggadah, Facsimile Edition of MS 422 of the Kaufmann Collection in The Oriental Library of the Hungarian Academy (Budapest, 1957).

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with text and illustrations, two woodcuts of people sitting at the Seder table, one of four people (used three times), the other of six people, a full-page illustration with only the word ‫( דם‬blood) representing that plague, and a fragment with illustrations of matzah flanked by small flasks, and of marror; and pages of text only. The style of the illustrations is Oriental-Spanish. In a later article, Habermann notes the finding of several additional fragments in different libraries over time, many in poor condition. Among the features of some of these fragments are instructions in the text written in Ladino. There is a leaf with ornamental letters, and even the hares, which are identical to those employed first by Joshua Solomon Soncino and afterwards by Gershom Soncino in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Furthermore, the letters are like those in the Barcelona rite mahzor printed by Gershom according to the custom of Castile (Salonika, 1527). Habermann concludes that the Haggadah was likely printed by Moses Soncino in Salonika in about 1527 or by Gershom in Constantinople in approximately 1530. He writes that “if we accept this conclusion, the crown reverts to its previous status, that is, that the first illustrated Haggadah was printed in Prague in 1526.”10 A little more than a decade after Habermann’s conclusion that the Haggadah was a relatively later imprint, additional fragments from this Haggadah were located in Cambridge. Based on this new finding, Scheiber informs us that in a middle page is the device of R. Judah ben Joseph Sassoon, a white lion passant, facing left, against a black background with a twine border. Sassoon had printed books at the Nahmias brothers’ press from 1514 to 1516. Scheiber therefore determines that this Haggadah precedes the Prague 1526 Haggadah and is indeed the earliest printed illustrated Haggadah.11 Yudlov adds that next to Sassoon’s device, reproduced by Scheiber, is the pressmark of the Nahmias brothers, that is, a Magen David with flowers at its points in an Arabic style, used by them in their edition of the Arba’ah Turim (1493). Yudlov observes that the devices are in the middle of the text, having been placed there as ornaments rather than as pressmarks, which customarily appear either at the beginning or the end of a work. He concludes that these two devices came into the possession of the Soncinos, who used them, as they did other decorative material they acquired from their predecessors, solely as ornamentation. Yudlov gives as examples the decorative border used with Kad

10 Abraham M. Habermann, “Who Printed the Illustrated Haggadah [Constantinople 1515?]”, Kiryat Sefer (KS) 47 (1971), pp. 159–61, 504 [Hebrew]. 11 Alexander Scheiber, “Who Printed the First Illustrated Haggadah?” KS 57 (1982), pp. 185– 86 [Hebrew].

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ha-Kemah and Kizzur Piskei ha-Rosh (1515) and reused with Kelal Kazar (1531) and Sefer ha-Mispar (1533). Avraham Yaari, whom Yudlov cites, notes one usage only by the Nahmias brothers of their Magen David device, that is, the 1493 Tur. Moreover, Yudlov does not note any other usage by the Soncinos of either the Nahmias or Sassoon pressmarks. Nevertheless, the weight of the evidence suggests a later rather than an earlier date for this Haggadah. Finally, The Haggadah Thesaurus records this Haggadah as a 1527–35 quarto Constantinople or Salonika imprint consisting of twelve scattered leaves in several libraries.12 How to explain the variance in dates in several Haggadot, particularly in the last Haggadah, from a possible Spanish incunable to a 1527–35 Constantinople imprint? As Yerushalmi noted above, the fonts used in Spain were brought by Sephardic exiles to several lands where they established presses. In both Fez and Salonika, their printing-presses used such type, so that their imprints were often indistinguishable from their Iberian forerunners. For example, the Abudarham printed by Samuel ben Isaac Nedivot in Fez in 1517 is an exact copy, not only in the font, but also in the beginning and ending of both the pages and the lines on the page, of Eliezer Toledano’s 1489 Lisbon edition of that work, except that in the colophon to the Fez edition Nedivot gives his name and date of printing.13 This was also true of books printed in Salonika by Don Judah Gedaliah. Fragments of Talmudic tractates were assumed to be of Spanish origin until Raphael Natan Nuta Rabbinovicz (Dikdukei Sopherim, Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud) saw a complete edition of tractate Eruvin dated 1521.14 Italy, c. 1480—Turning to Italy, the other c. 1480 Haggadah has a suggested Italian provenance, perhaps Venice. It is a two-folio fragment of the text, each folio accompanied by two woodblock illustrations. The first pair are of the seder meal, the second the Pesah animal sacrifice and of the placing the blood on the doorpost; the second pair of illustrations are of the plague of the death

12 Yaari, Hebrew Printers’ Marks, p. 123, n. 4 [Hebrew]; Yudlov, The Haggadah Thesaurus, p. 2, n. 9. 13 Sefer Abudarham is a classic work on Jewish liturgy, composed by David ben Joseph Abudarham in about 1340 in Seville, Spain. Its text includes a commentary on the Haggadah. A popular work, in the time frame of this article it was first published in Lisbon in 1489, reprinted in Constantinople (1513), Fez (1517), and reprinted in Venice (1546 and 1566), all beyond the scope of this article. It has since been included in Haggadot with compilations of commentaries. 14 Lazarus Goldschmidt, Hebrew Incunables: A Bibliographic Essay (Oxford, 1948), pp. 12–15.

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Figure 25.3

of the firstborn and the plague of darkness. The illustrations appear to have been made by a non-Jew but with the guidance of a Jew.15 Soncino, 1486—With the second Italian Haggadah, we are on firmer ground. It is an octavo (80: [32] ff.) Haggadah printed in Soncino in 1486 by Joshua Solomon ben Israel Nathan Soncino, founder of the renowned press known by that name. Joshua Solomon began printing with tractate Berakhot (1483/84), establishing the layout of the Talmudic page followed to this day. He published approximately forty titles, among them Bibles (including the editio princeps of the Hebrew Bible in 1488), Mishnayot, several mahzorim, Talmudic tractates, and books on grammar. The text of this Haggadah is set in a single column, 17 lines to a column. The initial ‫ ה‬ha is decorative, set in two separate panels made up of large hollow type. Two facing pages have the initial words matzah zu and marror zeh printed in the center of a round medallion set in a square (fig. 25.3). Shimon Iakerson suggests that the Haggadah is a continuation of Tefillat Yahid (Sidorello) printed the same year.16 15 Yudlov, The Haggadah Thesaurus, p. 1, no. 1. 16 Shimon Iakerson, Catalogue of Hebrew Incunabula from the Collection of the Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America I (New York, 2004), pp. 29–31, 111–12, no. 29 [Hebrew-English].

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Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

Figure 25.4

Alexander Marx also addresses the use of these letters and observes that the “two ornamental letters (‫ הא )לחמא עניא‬and the words ‫ מצה זו‬and ‫ מרור זה‬are printed in large round ornamental frames which evidently had been used considerably by the printers previously, to judge by their condition.” He notes that Soncino, in the Mahzor he printed that year, had used the same letters for ‫הא‬ but the word ‫ מצה‬was printed in ornamental letters, in contrast to the plain letters employed in the Haggadah.17 The Haggadah was also printed by Soncino in 1486 in a folio Roman rite Mahzor. The Mahzor has a single matzah illustration in a like but not identical round medallion (fig. 25.4). A facsimile edition of the Mahzor Haggadah was published in 1923. 2 Zevah Pesah, Constantinople, 1505—The first Haggadah printed in the sixteenth century is the popular and much reprinted Zevah Pesah, Don Isaac ben Judah Abrabanel’s (Abravanel, Abarbanel, 1437–1508) commentary on the Haggadah (20: 40 ff.). Abrabanel, a noted statesman, highly regarded biblical exegete, and philosopher, completed Zevah Pesah in April, erev Pesah, 1496, in Monopoli, in the Kingdom of Naples, half-way between Brindisi and Bari 17

Alexander Marx, “Illustrated Haggadahs,” in Studies in Jewish History and Booklore (New York, 1944), p. 272.

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on the Adriatic coast, one of his many way stations after the expulsion from Spain. Abrabanel arrived in Monopoli in November or December, 1495, at the age of 58, completed his commentary on Deuteronomy the following February, and, concerned with the calamities that had befallen the Jews, next addressed the problem of redemption. He had suspended work on his commentary on Avot (Nahalat Avot) to work on Zevah Pesah, dealing with the paradigm of the redemption of the Jews from Mitzra’im (Egypt).18 In the introduction, Abrabanel relates how from his youth he had become accustomed to wealth, honor, and associating with the greatest personages of the land. He feelingly recounts how this all came to an end, alluding to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain and how the Lord of Hosts “determined to destroy the wall of the daughter of Zion” (Lamentations 2:8.), the exile of Jerusalem that was Spain. The Lord was as an enemy, “to destroy, to slay, and to annihilate” (Esther 7:4) all the Jews. He cast upon them the fierceness of his anger, wrath, and indignation, and trouble, by sending” (Psalms 78:49) destructive kings, “and cast them into another land” (Deuteronomy 30:27). The introduction concludes with the reason Abrabanel entitled his commentary Zevah Pesah, for I said ‘It is time to act for the Lord’ (Psalms 119:126). The commentary on the Passover Haggadah encompasses both exile and captivity and the manner of the redemption and its wonders…. I have called this work Zevah Pesah for “The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit” (Psalms 51:19) and with blessings of thanksgiving of those “who have traversed the wilderness” (BT var. cit.). The commentary is lengthy, deep and thorough, but eminently readable. As with Abrabanel’s biblical commentaries, Zevah Pesah is a comprehensive and unified work, beginning with queries (sha’arim), there are one hundred, followed by detailed responses.

18 B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel: Statesman and Philosopher (Philadelphia, 1972), pp. 74–76; Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople (Jerusalem, 1967), pp. 60–61, n. 3 [Hebrew]; and Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, n. 5.

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Figure 25.5

Zevah Pesah was brought to press by his son, Judah (Leone Ebreo), author of the popular philosophical work Dialoghi di Amore, and was published together with Abrabanel’s Nahalat Avot (on Pirkei Avot) and Rosh Amanah (on the principles of the Jewish faith), all three being sold as a unit and likely also separately (fig. 25.5) at the press of David and Samuel ibn Nahmias. The Nahmias brothers’ press was the first press in any language in the Ottoman Empire, predating Turkish language printing by 234 years, only beginning in 1727. The Nahmias brothers began printing in 1493, soon after their arrival in Constantinople, with the Arba’ah Turim. After a hiatus of more than ten years, they published

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their next books in 1505, beginning with a Pentateuch with commentaries and Zevah Pesah.19 Each of these works begins with a poem, written by Judah Abrabanel, set in an ornamental border described by Arthur M. Hind as “a combination of delicate tendril and scroll, with animals and conventional grotesque, it shows definite Islamic influence, and is characteristic of Hispano-Mauresque design.”20 This frame was first employed in Hijar, Aragon, by Eliezer ben Abraham Alantansi with a Torah with haftarot and Megillot (1487–48) and afterwards by Eliezer ben Jacob Toledano in Lisbon with Moses ben Nahman’s Perush al ha-Torah and the Sefer Abudarham (1489). It was also used with the Pentateuch printed in 1505. As with preceding incunabular works, there is no title page. Judah Abrabanel begins his verses for Zevah Pesah with expressions of deep respect and affection for his father. In his colophon, Abrabanel writes that he completed Zevah Pesah in Naples on the 14th, Erev Pesah, in the year, “Sing ‫( רנו‬256 = Monday, April 6, 1496) with gladness for Jacob” (Jeremiah 31:6). At the end of the volume is the colophon of the printers, David and Samuel ibn Nahmias, stating that the printing of Zevah Pesah was completed Thursday, 9 Kislev, in the year 5266 (November 16, 1505). Zevah Pesah, Venice, 1545—As noted above, Zevah Pesah has proven to be of enduring popularity, and was often reprinted. The next edition was published in Venice (1545) in quarto format (40: 67 ff.) at the press of Marco Antonio Giustiniani, scion of a patrician family that traced its descent to the tribunes who governed Venice before the election of the first Doge in 697. Giustiniani opened his press in 1545 and, after printing Ramban’s Perush ha-Torah and Abrabanel’s Rosh Emunah, published his third title, Zevah Pesah, completed on 24 Sivan (June 14, 1545. The title page has the famous Giustiniani pressmark, a representation of the Temple in Jerusalem with a banner that states “The glory of this latter House shall be greater than that of the former, says the Lord of hosts” (Haggai 2:9) (fig. 25.6).21 19

Concerning the dating of the Arba’ah Turim see A. K. Offenberg, “The First Printed Book Produced at Constantinople,” Studia Rosenthaliana 3 (1969), pp. 96–112; reprint in A Choice of Corals: Facets of Fifteenth-Century Hebrew Printing (Nieuwkoop, 1992), pp. 102–32; and A. K. Offenberg, “The Printing History of the Constantinople Hebrew Incunable of 1493: A Mediterranean Voyage of Discovery,” British Library Journal 22 (1996), pp. 221–35. 20 Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut (New York, 1963), p. 746. 21 Concerning the varied usage of this popular device, see my “The Cover Design: ‘The Printer’s Mark of Marc Antonio Giustiniani and the Printing Houses that Utilized It,’” Library Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2001), pp. 383–89; reprinted in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leiden, 2008, hereafter Studies), pp. 44–53. Two years later, in 1547, the Giustiniani press published the Kol Bo (20: 4, 198 ff.), an anonymous halakhic digest of ritual and civil laws for the entire year. A popular work, it had been published previously

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

Figure 25.6

605

Venice, 1545

Zevah Pesah, Cremona, 1557—The next edition of Zevah Pesah, also in quarto format (40: 64 ff.), was published at the press of Vincenzo Conti. His press was in Naples (1490), Constantinople (1520), and Rimini (1525) and would be reprinted in Venice (1567 and 1573); its contents include a commentary to the Haggadah, but, as with the Sefer Abudarham, it is beyond the scope of this article. Other early sages’ commentaries on the Haggadah that were included in their halakhic works but later printed in compilations of commentaries include R. Zedekiah ben Abraham’s (c. 1230–c. 1300) Shibbolei ha-Leket and R. Simhah ben Samuel of Vitry’s (d. 1105) Mahzor Vitry. In the same year that he published Zevah Pesah, Giustiniani also published a prayer book with the complete Haggadah in Hebrew and instructions in Yiddish in rabbinic type (Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 19–20).

606

Figure 25.7

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Cremona, 1557

active from 1556 to 1567, issuing more than forty titles. Conti took great pride in his Hebrew books, having new fonts cast, rather than acquiring the worn letters from other presses, thus accounting for the clear and attractive look of his books, and he employed skilled Jewish workers, such as R. Samuel Boehm and Zanvil Pescarol. Conti used cursive rabbinic (Rashi) type for the text of his earlier books, until the fonts were burned in 1559. Square letters were cast to replace them, thus distinguishing his earlier from later works. Forced to discontinue printing for about five years, Conti was able to reopen the press in 1565. Zevah Pesah was one of Conti’s earlier titles, being published in 1557 (fig. 25.7).

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Zevah Pesah, Riva di Trento, 1561—In 1561, a folio (20: [34] ff.) edition of Zevah Pesah was published in the Tyrolese town, Riva di Trento edition. It was printed at the press of Jacob ben David Marcia, a dayyan in the bet din presided over by R. Joseph Ottolenghi, and with the support of Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo (1512–78), Cardinal of Trent, a scholar and supporter of learning, who argued at the Council of Trent (1562) for leniency and moderation in condemning books. He became the patron and protector of the Hebrew press, which was also a source of revenue for him. The text of Zevah Pesah is accompanied by annotations by Marcia on the reasons for the arba’ah cosot, matzah, and maror. The volume was projected as a reprint of the Constantinople edition, together with Nahalat Avot and Rosh Amanah, but, according to Joshua Bloch, “the project met with an abortive end,” only Zevah Pesah being printed: “The fact that it lacks a colophon is taken as proof of the claim that it represents only a portion of Marcia’s projected reissue of the Constantinople edition of Abravanel’s works.” The reason work was discontinued was that Cristoforo Madruzzo was succeeded as Cardinal in Riva di Trento by his nephew, Ludowic Madruzzo, in 1561. Less tolerant then his uncle, he made sure that the press ceased to print Hebrew books the following year. Those books already in press were completed elsewhere.22 Zevah Pesah, Prague, 1590—The next Haggadah with Zevah Pesah was printed in Prague at the press of Mordecai ben Gershom ha-Kohen by his sons Bezalel and Solomon. Entitled Haggadah shel Pesah (20: [40] ff.), the text of the Haggadah is accompanied by an abridged Zevah Pesah. The title page (fig. 25.8) informs us that it includes bedikah (search for hametz) and Kiddush, birkat ha-mazon (grace) “and also a befitting commentary, Zevah Pesah by the gaon ha-Ashel R. Isaac ben Abraham [Chajes]” who prepared the abridgment. It is dated in the year “And they shall put my name ‫( שמי‬350 = 1590) upon the people of Israel; and I will bless them” (Numbers 6:27). The title page repeats this information in Vaybertaytsh, a distinct type family used primarily, although not exclusively, for Yiddish books. Halakhot and instructions accompanying the text are also in Vaybertaytsh. R. Isaac ben Abraham Chajes (1538–c. 1615), who prepared the abridgment, was a person of considerable repute. He traced his ancestry to the sages of Provence, served as rabbi in Prossnitz and, from 1584, in Prague. David Gans describes Chajes in Zemah David (Prague, 1592) as 22 Joshua Bloch, “Hebrew Printing in Riva di Trento,” in Hebrew Printing and Bibliography (New York, 1976), pp. 100–01.

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Figure 25.8

the great rabbi whose name is known throughout the dispersion of Israel. He raised many students and spread Torah throughout Israel. He wrote Pahad Yizhak, Si’ah Yizhak, Penei Yizhak and a large work Kiryat Arba, in addition to many other works. He came here, to Prague, in 1584, and was head of the yeshivah and rav for three-and-a-half years.23

23 David Gans, Zemah David (Prague, 1592; reprint New York, n. d.), I, yr. 1584 [Hebrew]. Concerning Chajes, see Jacob Elbaum, Openness and Insularity: Late Sixteenth-Century

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Figure 25.9

The abridgment accompanies the text in the outer margins and is set in a small font.24 The text of the Haggadah (fig. 25.9) is unique among our Haggadot with Zevah Pesah by the widespread use of woodcut illustrations.25 It follows the earlier 1526 Prague Haggadah, discussed below. Note the likeness of the Jewish Literature in Poland and Ashkenaz (Jerusalem, 1990), var. cit. [Hebrew]; and Hersh Goldwurm, ed., The Early Acharonim (Brooklyn, 1989), p. 121. 24 The purpose of an abridgment of Zevah Pesah was expressed in the introduction to R. Jacob ben Eliakim Heilbronn’s Kizzur Abrabanel (Lublin, 1604–05), also a condensation of Abrabanel’s Nahalat Avot and Zevah Pesah. Heilbronn writes that it is a wonderful commentary accepted by all. However, due to the lengthiness of Abrabanel’s commentary, perhaps excessive, people are unable to read and complete it, and therefore even reluctant to begin it, but “one from a city, and two from a family” (Jeremiah 3:14) even begin it and it lays in the corner of the house “all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered it over” (Proverbs 24:31). Heilbronn therefore prepared his abridgment. See Marvin J. Heller, The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden, 2011), p. 131; and Elbaum, Openness and Insularity, p. 145. 25 Some later editions of the Haggadah with Zevah Pesah contain illustrations. Of particular note is the 1695 Amsterdam edition published by Asher Anshel and Issachar Ber. Here too Zevah Pesah is abridged. This Haggadah is the first Haggadah to employ copperplate illustrations and to include a map.

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Figure 25.10

man with the hoe in the comparable illustration as well as the differences in the illustrations of the sage and the youth (fig. 25.13 below). Zevah Pesah, Bistrowitz, 1592—The final certain printing is this century of Zevah Pesah was in Bistrowitz by Kalonymus ben Mordecai Jaffe. It too is a quarto (40: 60, [4] ff.). Its title page has an architectural border made up of pillars covered with vines, and states: “We began the work today, Tuesday, 10 Elul, in the year, ‘And he stood between the dead and the living; and the plague was stopped’” ‫( ויעמוד בין החיים ובין המתים והמגפה נעצרה‬352 = August 18, 1592, cf. Numbers 17:13). The chronogram on the title page refers to the condition of the Haggadah’s printing, that is, its location, Bistrowitz, and the press’s reason for

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being there (fig. 25.10). In 1592, Lublin experienced another of its intermittent outbreaks of the plague. The printer, Kalonymus ben Mordecai Jaffe, his family, and his staff all fled to the village of Bistrowitz on the outskirts of Lublin. They printed one title there, this Haggadah, completed, according to the colophon, on Tuesday, Rosh Hodesh Heshvan (October 7, 1592). Shortly after the plague ceased, the press returned to Lublin, and Kalonymus resumed printing Hebrew titles in Lublin. This is the sole Hebrew title, and perhaps only work, printed in Bistrowitz. It is also the first Haggadah known to have been printed in Eastern Europe. The text of the Haggadah is based on the Constantinople 1505 edition. It follows therefore, despite its having been printed in Poland for Ashkenazim, the Sephardic rite. One additional printing of Zevah Pesah is recorded in the sixteenth century, a 1569 Cracow edition. Although listed in several bibliographic works, no extant copies of this edition are known. Leaving Zevah Pesah, it should be noted that except for the abridged edition none of the printings are illustrated, Zevah Pesah’s popularity resting solely on the quality of Abrabanel’s commentary. Zevah Pesah has proven to be a commentary on the Haggadah of continuous and enduring popularity. It is, as noted above, a lengthy, deep and thorough work, but eminently readable. An additional reason for its great popularity in the sixteenth century, may, however, be found in Abrabanel’s reason for so entitling Zevah Pesah, also noted above, where he writes that “The commentary … encompasses both exile and captivity and the manner of the redemption and its wonders…. and with blessings of thanksgiving of those ‘who have traversed the wilderness,’” reflective of his own experience as an exile and wanderer, who thereby spoke to his own generation that had undergone the same experiences. 3 Hukkat ha-Pesah, Frankfurt on the Main, 1512—The most unusual Haggadah in this survey is in Latin by Thomas Murner (1475–c. 1537), both a Franciscan friar and a Christian-Hebraist. Murner was a harsh satirist and virulent opponent of Lutheranism. Among his many works is Logica Memorativa (Memorials of Logic), pictorial playing cards as a learning exercise.26 The text is accompanied by six pages with illustrations, possibly drawn by Murner’s brother Beatus, at whose press the Haggadah was printed.

26 Logica Memorativa Playing Cards by Thomas Murner, 1507, http://www.wopc.co.uk/germany/murner.html.

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Figure 25.11

There is a Hebrew heading, Hukkat ha-Pesah, but otherwise the text is entirely in Latin. The first page has a depiction of three men at a seder, reclining on pillows, with four cups by each of them, representing the four cups to be drunk at the seder (fig. 25.11). Yerushalmi suggests that “perhaps it did not occur to the artist that one cup per [person] can suffice if filled four times, but more likely he used this device to convey the number in simple visual terms.” He also observes that this, the first translation of the Haggadah into any language, may have been Murner’s response to Johannes Pfefferkorn’s advocacy of the proscription and burning of Hebrew books three years earlier. The latter, although a Franciscan friar, was one sympathetic to the humanist cause, which,

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while not necessarily vindicating the Jews, “might help to advance the cause of Christian Hebraism.”27 The Haggadah was described in a Sotheby’s auction catalogue for the sale of the Library of Dr. Kloss of Frankfort a. M. Professor, beginning on Thursday May 7 through Friday May 29, 1885, excepting Sundays. The catalogue entry states: 2575– Ritus et celebrato phase judiciorum, cum ortionibus eorun et benedictionibus mensam ad literam interpretatis, cum omni observatione uti soliti sunt pascha extra terram promissionis celebrare Ed. Unica (Francoforti as Mœnum, 1512). Ix, 113, 70 * This curious volume is illustrated with very singular woodcuts.28 Prague Haggadah, 1526—We turn now to one of the most famous of printed Haggadot, the Prague Haggadah of 1526, a magnificent influential illustrated Haggadah. Yerushalmi writes that “the Prague Haggadah, some insist, is the greatest single Haggadah (sic) ever printed, and so it may well be. Certainly it is one of the chief glories in the annals of Hebrew printing as a whole, and for that matter, in the history of typography in any language.”29 Although fragments exist of earlier Haggadot with illustrations, it is the woodcuts in this edition that are the model for subsequent Haggadot to the present. Printed as a folio (20: 36 ff.) by Gershom Kohen and his brother Gronem (Geronim) with more than sixty woodcuts by Hayyim ben David Shahor (Schwartz), and an unknown gentile artist, some borrowed from the repertoire of non-Jewish sources in early Prague imprints and others, with a Jewish theme, executed for this volume.30 Another aspect of the Prague Haggadah, which is described in 27 Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 6–8. 28 Catalogue of the Library of Dr. Kloss of Franckfort a. M. Professor; Including Many Original and Unpublished Manuscripts and Printed Books with M.S. Annotations by Philipp Melanchthon (London, 1885; reprint, 2012). See https://archive.org/details/cataloguelibrar00klosgoog no. 2575. 29 Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, p. 30. 30 For a detailed study of the Prague Haggadah, see Charles Wengrow, Haggadah and Woodcut: An Introduction to the Passover Haggadah Completed by Gershom Cohen in Prague Sunday, 26 Teveth, 5287 / December 30, 1526 (New York, 1967). Also see Olga Sixtová, “The Beginning of Prague Hebrew Typography 1512–1569,” pp. 107–08 and Petr Voit, “Ornamentation of Prague Hebrew Books during the First Half of the 16th Century as a Part of Bohemian Book Design,” var. cit. in Hebrew Printing in Bohemia and Moravia, edited by Olga Sixtová (Prague, 2012).

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Figure 25.12

detail by Eliezer Brodt, is that it includes many of the halakhot pertaining to the seder, beginning with bedikas hametz.31 Here too there is no title page. However, three pages with engraved borders in Gothic style are strategically placed in the Haggadah. The first, for the search for leaven, has a white-on-black border of bucrania (ox-skulls) and an inset of a man with a candle in his right hand and a bowl and feather in his left hand. The top frame of the second border, on ke-ha lahma anya (the bread of affliction), has the spread hands of the priestly blessing with Gershom Kohen’s name angled on the sides and flanked by angels. At the sides, under pillars, are representations of David and Goliath on pedestals (fig. 25.12). The bottom 31 Eliezer Brodt, “The 1526 Prague Haggadah and its Illustrations,” Ami Magazine (2017), pp. 140–46.

615

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

Figure 25.13

of the frame has a vignette of the Judgment of Solomon. The third of these pages, shefokh hamathka (fig. 25.13), has representations of Adam and Eve on the right and left sides, respectively, and below them Samson with the gates of Gaza and Judith with the head of Holophernes. The bottom segment has the Bohemian coat of arms, a lion rampant with a bifurcated tail. To the sides are men garbed in fur skins, and, to the left of the shield, the initial ‫ ש‬refers to Shahor. About fifty small marginal woodcuts are spread throughout the Haggadah, illustrating various aspects of the Exodus from Egypt and the Passover seder, for example, the four sons, the drowning of the Egyptians at the Red Sea, and reclining at the seder meal. There are also a number of larger illustrations, such as that depicting Pharaoh bathing in the blood of Jewish children. Other

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Figure 25.14

woodcuts are those of the man with the hoe, the sage, and the youth (fig. 25.14, compare to fig. 25.9 above). The architecture is European, rather than Egyptian or ancient, reflecting the period in which the Haggadah was printed. Many of the woodcuts portray biblical heroes, with no immediate relationship to the Haggadah, a practice also evident in medieval illuminated Haggadot. A number of the woodcuts are labeled, and repeated: for example, “the head of the house makes Kiddush on wine,” appears four times. The borders and many of the woodcuts have been copied from gentile sources, such as the Nuremberg Chronicle (1484), one example being that of a crowned king, seated, holding an orb.32 Instructive remarks, many detailed, are made throughout the Haggadah, between paragraphs and in the margins. An Ashkenazi font, 36, 18, and 12 point, is newly cast, reproducing manuscript script. This is most noticeable in the vowels, which are composed of lines, rather than dots, for such marks as sh’va, tzere, and segol and in the rapheh (horizontal line) above words, indicating pronunciation. A number of initial words are elaborately ornamental, but more are in large black letters (larger than 36 point). The text, instructions, and 32

In the illustration section of Wengrow, Haggadah and Woodcut, a number of comparable scenes from contemporary Latin works are reproduced.

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depictions of Jews follow Ashkenazi practice. The Haggadah is completed with the song Addir Hu, followed by a Judeo-German translation, and a colophon from Gershom ben Solomon ha-Kohen declaring himself, with the aid of his brother, the printer, the customary, for the time, praise of his accomplishment, and the date of completion, 26 Tevet 5287 (December 30, 1526).33 There are two editions of this Haggadah; the differences are slight, page by page, letter by letter, and the illustrations are almost identical. Where they differ is that the instructions and explanations of the illustrations in the first copy are in square letters and in the second copy they are in Vaybertaytsh. Also, that copy lacks Birkat ha-Mazon, so that after ff. 23 there is a three-page difference in the enumeration. There are also some differences in the placement of the borders: for example, the above frame about shefokh hamathka appears with ke-ha lahma anya.34 Augsburg, 1534—We turn now to Augsburg, where Hayyim ben David Shahor (Schwartz), above, who left Prague a year after a royal privilege (monopoly) was granted to Gershom ha-Kohen, and established a Hebrew press. Before doing so, however, Shahor went first to Oels, Silesia, printing a Pentateuch, which was completed on Friday, 5 Av 290 (August 8, 1530). That print-shop was destroyed in a terrible storm. Shahor then left Oels, coming to Augsburg in about 1533/34. Among the books that he printed in Augsburg is a quarto-format (40: 24 leaves) Haggadah (1534). The title page has a rococo frame (fig. 25.15), used earlier in Augsburg with Caspar Turnaer’s Von dem Jüdischer vnnd Israelischen volckund iren vorgeern (1528). The date is given in the colophon as Sunday, 3 Shevat, in the sixth millennium, in the year Hayyim ben David ‫( חיים בר דויד‬294 = 1534). The complete date is problematic, as the third of Shevat was Monday, January 29, 1534. Shahor erred in either the day or the date, for the third of Shevat cannot come out on a Sunday in the Jewish calendar. There are four large and nine small woodcuts. Two woodcuts depict family scenes with lifelike figures. The larger of the two is a seder scene in which welldressed figures are seated about the table to partake of karpas (the dipping of 33 David Altshuler, ed. The Precious Heritage: Judaic Treasures from the Czechoslovak State Collections (New York, 1983), pp. 62, 65; Cecil Roth, “The Illustrated Haggadah,” Areshet III [Hebrew], translated and reprinted in SBB 7, pp. 37–40; Ursula Schubert, Omanut-ha-sefer ha-Yehudit: meha-Renesans ad ha-Rokoko (Tel Aviv, 1994), pp. 33–35 [Hebrew]; Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 9–13. 34 The Bibliographical Project of the Jewish National and University Library, Bibliography of the Hebrew Book, 1473–1960, nos. 0184719, 0184720; Yudlov, The Haggadah Thesaurus, nos. 7, 8.

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Figure 25.15

vegetables). The text above is the Kiddush for Friday night (Shabbat), and the text below is the Kiddush to be recited when Pesah falls on a weekday. Among the small woodcuts are two, one of a figure seated on a throne with clouds in the upper right-hand corner, the other with a like figure holding a chalice, the former employed four times, the latter three (figs. 25.16, 25.17). There are two scenes of a hare hunt ( jagen-Has). This phrase, pronounced in Yiddish as YaKNeHaZ, is a mnemonic for the order of Kiddush at the beginning of the seder, that is, Yayin (wine), Kiddush (sanctification), Ner (candle), Havdalah (separation), and Zeman (the blessing She-Heheyanu on the arrival of the festival). Such scenes also appear in earlier German manuscripts and in other printed Haggadot. Most often, such scenes depict hounds chasing hares (figs. 25.18, 25.19). In this Haggadah, there are, for the first time, two scenes. In the first of these woodcuts, the hares are being driven into a net by the hounds and a hunter afoot is blowing a horn. In the second scene, the hares have escaped by crawling

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

Figure 25.16

619

Figure 25.17

under the net to the other side, and, having escaped, turn their heads to look back at the hounds.35 These woodcuts are based on illustrations of the fable of frogs and hares in the edition of Aesop’s Fables printed in Ulm in 1476/77, for the hunter wears the same type of boots and the hounds are of the same breed. The woodcuts are reproduced here without the frogs. The two scenes can be understood as a parable for the persecution and deliverance of the Jewish people from their persecutors. The vocalization of the text departs from the style of the Prague Haggadah, dots supplanting the small slashes for vowels continued from manuscript practice.36 Mantua, 1560—Another profusely illustrated Haggadah is the 1560 Mantua Haggadah, which was printed at the press of Messer Venturin Ruffinelli. The individual responsible for this Haggadah was Isaac ben Samuel Basson, the shamash (sexton) in the synagogue of Isaac Porto Kohen in Mantua. The 35 Wengrow, Haggadah and Woodcut, pp. 36–37, informs us that depictions of hare hunts are found in German manuscript Haggadot. He suggests a possible origin from the term yakenhaz, which is akin to jagen has, German for hunting hares. Wengrow suggests that its inclusion in Haggadot may be attributed to hare hunts then being common and popular in Germany; a popular motif in early non-Jewish art; and that hare hunting was customary at this time of year during the Easter season, which often coincides somewhat with Pesah. 36 Abraham. M. Habermann, “The Printer Hayyim Shahor, his Son Isaac and Son-in-law Joseph Yakar,” in Studies in the History of Hebrew Printers and Books (Jerusalem, 1978), p. 116, n. 10 [Hebrew]; Moshe N. Rosenfeld, Der Jüdische Buchdruck in Augsburg in der Ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (London, 1985), pp. 34–35, n. 42, Roth, “The Illustrated Haggadah,” p. 40; and Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 14–17.

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Figure 25.18

title page, and it is the first illustrated Haggadah with a title page, is the twisted columns used with other Mantua imprints. The Haggadah is unpaginated. It was completed, according to the colophon, on Tuesday, 24 Tishrei, in the year, “[And he says, It is a light thing that you should be my servant] to raise up the tribes (October 24, 1560) of Jacob, [and to restore the preserved of Israel]” (Isaiah 49:6).

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621

Figure 25.19

The Haggadah is modeled after the 1526 Prague Haggadah. Printed as a folio (20: 38 ff.), identical type is employed, except for a small number of pages; the layout is alike, page for page, line for line, and point for point, excepting that the inverted letters used to complete lines in the Prague edition are here omitted. The preliminary pages (3), the page containing grace after meals, and the last page are different. Also, the illustrations are new and the borders in the Prague Haggadah have been replaced with available woodcuts, making this Haggadah a product of the Italian Renaissance.

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Figure 25.20

The above notwithstanding, Marx observes that the Mantua Haggadah “is of a very different character from that of 1526.” It reflects the influence of the Italian Renaissance, despite, in its selection of subjects and pictures, following “its northern predecessor…. The most marked difference between the two Haggadahs is the fact that the Mantua printer uses all through his book different illumination borders which evidently had served for non-Jewish books and heterogeneous blocks are frequently juxtaposed, sometimes without fitting into the place reserved for them.”37 The large type employed in the Prague Haggadah was not readily available, its usage not being popular in Italy. Therefore, the printer traced the pages from that Haggadah onto woodblocks, and with some modifications, prepared them for engraving. The result is that this Haggadah is the first, and perhaps the only, Hebrew woodblock book. The pages have different borders, previously used and then discarded by other Italian printers. These Italianate borders, made up of cherubs playing musical instruments, possibly from a music book, contrast with the angular letters of the Ashkenazi type copied from the Prague Haggadah. New decorative material, more in accord with Italian sensibilities, replaces the illustrations in the Prague Haggadah (fig. 25.20). For example, the 37

Marx, “Illustrated Haggadahs,” p. 272.

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first page has a panel depicting the stages in baking matzah. The type in this and the following two pages is not the gothic Hebrew employed in the rest of the Haggadah, but rather the semi-cursive Sephardic font typical of Hebrew books printed in Italy. In the depictions of the four sons the wise son, in motif descended from manuscript Haggadot, appears bearded and with a Jewish hat. He is, in fact, with those modifications, a clear copy of Michelangelo’s Jeremiah in a fresco in the Sistine Chapel in the Vatican. The wicked son is now a midcentury Italian condottiere rather than a German Lanzknecht. The simple son is an Italian buffoon. Other scenes are also Italianized, such as, by the verse “Your fathers dwelt of old time beyond the river” (Joshua 24:2) Abraham is now depicted sitting in a gondola with an oarsman in the prow, in place of Abraham in a rowboat in the Prague Haggadah. The final page is especially attractive. While the Gothic Ashkenazi type has been retained, the panels are new, and the depiction of the prophet Elijah blowing a shofar and the Messiah riding on a donkey occupies a page (fig. 25.21).38 Haggadah with Nimukei Yosef, 1568—Eight years later, the 1560 Mantua Passover Haggadah was reprinted in Mantua at the press of the sons of Francesco Filipponi, that is, by Filotarsi and Calidono Filipponi, with modifications and the marginalia of R. Joseph Shalit ben Jacob Ashkenazi of Padua entitled Nimukei Yosef. It too is a folio (20: 36 ff.), but with a new title page, the much-employed frame first used in Sabbioneta, with an arch covered with vines and fruit. At the sides are two pillars flanked by representations of the pagan deities Mars and Minerva.39 At the bottom center is the peacock device of Joseph Shalit. One source informs us that it was printed by “a well-known non-Jewish firm which concealed its identity under the name Filipponi,” while elsewhere it is reported that “the printing-press of Francesco Filipponi … was also in the clock tower adjoining the building of the commune and next to that of Rufinelli.” The placement of the commentary Nimukei Yosef, actually brief and sporadic marginalia, necessitated some rearrangement of the previous layout. It replaces the frames composed of garlands, masks, and putti in the first edition, but which remain on those pages lacking the commentary. For example, on 38 Roth, “The Illustrated Haggadah,” pp. 42–44; Schubert, Omanut-ha-sefer ha-Yehudit, pp. 33–35; Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 22–26. 39 Concerning the widespread use of this title page, see my “Mars and Minerva on the Hebrew Title Page,” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 98, no. 3 (2004), pp. 269–92; reprinted in Studies, pp. 1–17.

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Figure 25.21

the preliminary page, the large illustration of the baking of matzah remains intact on the bottom of the page, and there are still two woodcuts of cherubim along the top, although one has been replaced with a substitute. However, the inset of the search for leaven has been moved to the right border and the commentary is on the left border, both displacing the original illustrations of cherubim. Illustrations of the sun and moon have been added, as well as a new large initial word ‫אור‬. The fonts and their arrangement are also new. This last aspect notwithstanding, the type and body of the Haggadah is a facsimile of the 1560 Mantua Haggadah.

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

625

Figure 25.22

Some features of this Haggadah are shared with the Prague Haggadah of 1526. Woodcuts are accompanied by captions, given as rhymed couplets, a feature of Ashkenazi manuscript Haggadot (fig. 25.22). In some instances, for example, by the four questions, the earlier edition was framed by a lush Italian border without illustrations. Here, the types and the top and upper-left borders with their vines and cherubs only are alike. On the middle left is Nimukei Yosef, and below it a cut of a king that appeared twice in the 1526 Haggadah. There, however, it was a portrayal of Pharaoh, while here it is as a representation of the person asking the four questions. The border on the right is also

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new, depicting occupations associated with the months of the year. In the 1560 edition, the wise son was based on Michelangelo’s Jeremiah in a fresco in the Sistine Chapel. Here it is used, according to the caption, as, “Portrait of an old man who acquired wisdom, replying to the wise [son] with knowledge and deliberation.” This woodcut is used again as one of the rabbis mentioned in the Haggadah. There are depictions of the zodiac, which do not appear in the first edition and one woodcut not found in the 1560 edition, that is, a second depiction of the crossing of the Red Sea, appearing on 17b and 28a. The result of attempting to reproduce the 1560 Haggadah with an added commentary and the consequent modifications is that the Haggadah, overall, appears less harmonious than its predecessor.40 Venice, 1599—We conclude our illustrated Haggadot with a multilingual Haggadah, the first in our study of early Haggadot. It is a forerunner of what has been a commonplace of Haggadot through the following centuries, Haggadot with vernacular text. This Haggadah, printed by Giovanni di Gara, is one of a series of four published in various formats, from 1599 through 1604. Although based on the Mantua editions of 1560 and 1568, it may be considered experimental, in that it represents a transition between the earlier Haggadot and the Venetian editions of the early seventeenth century, the model for later Haggadot. A distinguishing feature of this quarto (40: [22] ff.) Haggadah is a trilingual prefatory page detailing the order of the seder (fig. 25.23). The languages, all in Hebrew letters, in three parallel columns, are Judeo-Italian, Ladino, and Yiddish, the languages spoken in the Venetian ghetto. A fourth spoken language, Portuguese, unlike the others, was neither written in Hebrew letters nor used liturgically. The languages are identified in bold letters at the head of their respective columns; the text of the Ashkenazi (Yiddish) column is versified. The remainder of this Haggadah is in Hebrew. The Haggadot printed a decade later, however, would be bilingual, that is, in Hebrew and one of these other languages. This Haggadah, and the others in the series as well, were commissioned by R. Solomon Hayyim and his only son, R. Abraham Haber Tov. Although printed by Giovanni di Gara, leaf 3 with the blessing for marror displays the three crowns traditionally associated with the Bragadin press. There was a period when the two presses collaborated, and a number of di Gara imprints from 40 Roth, “The Illustrated Haggadah,” p. 44; Shlomo Simonsohn, History of the Jews in the Duchy of Mantua (Jerusalem, 1977), p. 682; Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 28–31.

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

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Figure 25.23

this period display this device. The sides of this page have a morocco border and at the bottom is a woodcut of the seder meal, reproduced from the Mantua editions. A guest is entering the room, and, at the sides, as described in the accompanying caption, is a servant with a bottle, who is bringing water, and a maid with utensils, who is cooking. The text has been entirely reset, eschewing the Ashkenazi fonts employed in the Mantua Haggadot. The Haggadah adheres to its model, using the same

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woodcuts, although their positioning has changed. New illustrations are also added, although they vary between the four Haggadot. Nevertheless, the reproductions are sufficiently faithful so that even marginal detail, including accidental decoration in the ornamental frames, has been replicated. Variations between the Haggadot in this series exist, the illustrations not always being identical. For example, the depiction of the seder meal in this Haggadah is different from the rendition in the later Haggadot. The text, as in the Mantua edition of 1568, is accompanied by the commentary of Joseph of Padua. The text of the Haggadah concludes on 20b with a colophon from Solomon Hayyim and his son. The following two folios, apparently not present in all copies, have the Birkat ha-Mazon (grace after meals) and a Yiddish rendition of the piyyut Adir Hu, here Almekhtiger Got, in the second person rather than the third person as in the original. The letters on these last pages are those of the Zanetti press, suggesting that they were not printed as part of the Haggadah. The woodcut of the Messiah, much reduced, at the bottom of the last page, crudely copied from the Mantua edition, has been placed within a frame whereas before it was freestanding.41 In 1601, di Gara published Masat Moshe, R. Moses ben Hayyim Alshekh’s (c. 1508–c. 1600) commentary on Megillat Esther. After the text are five illustrations, representations of the primary personalities in the Megillah and a vignette of the banquet. These illustrations are taken from this Haggadah. 4 Pesah le-HaShem, Constantinople, 1560—The final group of Haggadot addressed in our period are commentaries on the Haggadah, all printed without illustrations. The first of this group is a fragment of R. Hayyim ben Meir ibn Gabbai’s Pesah le-HaShem (40: 4 ff.), printed in 1560 in Constantinople at the press of Joseph ben Samuel ha-Levi Hachim. Hayyim ibn Gabbai, a kabbalist, was the son of the noted kabbalist R. Meir ben Ezekiel ibn Gabbai, author of Avodat ha-Kodesh (Marot Elohim, Mantua, 1545), and Tola’at Ya’akov and Derekh Emunah (Constantinople, 1560). The latter two works, as well as Pesah le-HaShem, were brought to press by Shneur Falcon, Hayyim ibn Gabbai’s

41 Abraham M. Habermann, Giovanni di Gara: Printer, Venice 1564–1610, edited by Isaac Yudlov (Jerusalem, 1982), pp. 92–93 n. 187 [Hebrew]; Roth, “The Illustrated Haggadah,” pp. 44, 56; Schubert, Omanut-ha-sefer ha-Yehudit, pp. 38–39; and Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, nos. 34–37.

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

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Figure 25.24

brother-in-law. The title page has a four-part frame (fig. 25.24). The bottom of the text states: And this book is called Pesah le-HaShem to be for me a remembrance among the community of the faithful whom will say, “Let the redeemed of the Lord say so” (Psalms 107:2). With the support of the sagacious R. Abraham Reyna and many valued individuals, may He remember them for good, for they will find [in it] all their wishes as on [an] arranged

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table (shulhan arukh). The beginning of the work was on Wednesday, 8 Kislev, in the year, “generation shall praise ‫( ישבח‬November 18, 1559) [your works] to another” (Psalms 145:4). Falcon’s introduction (1b–2a) begins on the verso of the title page, and is followed by a brief introduction by Hayyim ibn Gabbai (2a) and the text from 2b with Seder Aggadah, which has halakhot and the text of the Haggadah. The text is in a single column in rabbinic letters, except for initial words and the text of the Haggadah, the last also vocalized. The text begins with a discussion of the preparing of utensils for the Pesah festival from a kabbalistic perspective. In his introduction, Falcon discusses how, now that it is no longer possible to bring animal offerings, prayer has taken their place. Similarly, we were commanded to bring a Passover offering (zevah Pesah) to arouse our hearts to remember that which was done for us in Egypt. Falcon has printed these books by Meir ibn Gabbai on various subjects to address the thirst of the people and answer their questions, and that of Hayyim ibn Gabbai “for Torah and for testimony” (Isaiah 8:20). Pesah le-HaShem exists in a small number of fragments, primarily of the first quire, in the National Library of Israel and two copies in the Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary, one of the two with variations. It is also reported that ten copies of the same quire are noted in a catalogue of old printed Hebrew books in Bulgaria. The printer’s name is given as Joseph Hachim haLevi, although it is believed that he is the Joseph ben Samuel ha-Levi Hachim who printed the two books of Meir ibn Gabbai noted above, together the only three titles attributed to his press. Joseph Hachim’s father, Samuel ha-Levi, was an editor at the presses of Eliezer Soncino and Moses Parnas. Samuel mentions the assistance of his son in the works that he helped edit.42 Hukkat ha-Pesah, Salonika, 1569—This is R. Moses ben Hayyim ben Shem Tov Pesante’s Hukkat ha-Pesah (40: 71 [1] ff.), which was printed in 1569 at the Salonika press of Joseph ben Isaac Jabez. Born in Jerusalem, Pesante (c. 1540–d. 1573) lived in Safed, leaving due to financial exigencies, traveling, from 1565 to 1573, in Turkey and the Balkans. In the introduction to Ner Mitzvah 42

Joseph Hacker, “Constantinople Prints in the 16th Century,” Areshet 5 (1972), p. 484, n. 158 [Hebrew]; I. Rivkind, “Deviations and Variations in Early Hebrew Printing,” KS 10 (1933– 34), p. 492, n. 6; Avraham Yaari, “The Book Pesah la-Shem by R. Hayyim ben Meir ibn Gabbai,” KS 9 (1932–33), pp. 388–93; Avraham Yaari, Hebrew Printing at Constantinople (Jerusalem, 1967), pp. 109–10, n. 158 [Hebrew].

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(Constantinople, 1567), his first book, Pesante bemoans his fate, having “seen neither joy nor rest, but rather trouble, sorrow, and sighing, going from city to city, for my iniquities have driven me out of the land of the living, ‘from having a share in the inheritance of the Lord,’ (Samuel I 26:19) to provide for my home.” Pesante again expresses his longing for Eretz Israel at the end of Yesha Elohim (Constantinople, 1567), writing, that he longs “‘to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to inquire in his temple,’ (Psalms 27:4), my land and birthplace from which I departed, and I will be ‘at rest in my house, and flourish in my palace’ (Daniel 4:1).” Pesante did not have the good fortune to return to Safed, necessity forcing him to continue wandering and selling his books. He was, together with two Jewish merchants, murdered in Greece. The murderers, when apprehended, had cast Pesante’s books into the sea from fear of being implicated by them in their crime. Hukkat ha-Pesah was written by Pesante when only twenty-eight years old and was completed in Gallipoli. The title page has the standard Jabez florets and is dated, “and the work was begun on Thursday, the 27 Adar, in the year, “They shall obtain ‫( ישיגו‬329 = March 26, 1569) gladness and joy, and sorrow and sadness shall flee away” (Isaiah 35:10) (fig. 25.25). Adar 27 that year was a Wednesday, so that either the date or the day is incorrect. The colophon gives the date of completion as, “Wednesday, 17th of the month of Ziv (Iyyar), in the year, ‘they shall obtain … (May 14, 1569).’” The title page describes the contents as including Pesante’s commentary, which makes use, among others, of Rabbenu Yonah, his brother Benjamin Anav, and Isaac [di Trani]. The reference to Rabbenu Yonah is an error, for what is intended is the commentary of Zedekiah ha-Rofei, Shibbolei ha-Leket. Finally, it is noted that there is a brief commentary by R. Solomon Baruch. On the verso of the title page is the approbation of R. Samuel ben Perachiah ha-Kohen Zedek, followed by verses in praise of the book. On (3b) are verses of praise, these from R. Saadiah Lungo. Pesante’s introduction follows and, on 4a, begins Pesante’s discussion of the laws and order of the seder. Next is the text of the Haggadah, in the center of the page in square letters, accompanied by Pesante’s commentary along the inner margin and Solomon Baruch’s commentary along the outer margin, both in rabbinic letters, both lengthy, so that many pages are commentary only. Pesante concludes with additional halakhot pertinent to the conclusion of the seder, and an index (70b–71b). Pesante employs a large number of early sources, resulting in a rich and detailed commentary. Stylistically, he is much influenced by Abudraham and Abrabanel’s Zevah Pesah. Hukkat ha-Pesah is the first Haggadah known to have

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Figure 25.25

been printed in Salonika, and the first in this format with two commentaries. Its intrinsic value notwithstanding, Hukkat ha-Pesah was not republished until 1998.43 Gevurot ha-Shem, Cracow, 1581–82—Among our Haggadot is Gevurot haShem, the discourse on the aggadot in Exodus Haggadah, Divine providence, exile and redemption, by Judah ben Bezalel Loew (Maharal, c. 1525–1609). 43

Yaakov Shmuel Spiegel, Hagadah shel Pesah Hukat ha-Pesah (Moses Pesante) (Jerusalem, 1998), pp. 7–27 [Hebrew]; Abraham Yaari, Sheluhei Erez Yisrael (Jerusalem, 1951), p. 236 [Hebrew].

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

633

Figure 25.26

Maharal, among the preeminent rabbinic figures of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, was an original and profound thinker, his varied interests, in addition to vast rabbinic scholarship, encompassed kabbalistic, scientific, and mathematical studies. Gevurot ha-Shem (20: 93 [3] ff.) was printed in Cracow in 1581–82 by Isaac ben Aaron Prostitz. The title page has an architectural frame (fig. 25.26). There is a decorative strip after the introduction and an ornamental border about the initial word, which utilizes parts of the strip at its sides. About the text,

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Figure 25.27

in large letters, is the verse, “Who can utter the mighty acts of the Lord? Who can declare all his praise?” (Psalms 106:2), from which the title, Gevurot haShem (Mighty Acts of the Lord), and the opening line of the text of the book is taken. The title page dates the beginning of the work to Tuesday, 13 Heshvan, 342 (October 20, 1581), and in the Lord “I have trusted; let me not be ashamed, [let not my enemies triumph over me]” (Psalms 25:2). The colophon dates the completion to Wednesday, 6 Adar II, 342 (March 10, 1582). Maharal’s name does not appear on the title page or elsewhere in the volume. The title page is followed by three introductions (2a–7a) and then the text (fig. 25.27). Gevurot ha-Shem is Maharal’s second published work, having been preceded by Gur Aryeh (Prague, 1578–79). Nevertheless, from references in that work to this one, it is assumed that Gevurot ha-Shem was written earlier. That Gevurot ha-Shem was printed in Cracow, anonymously, attributed, perhaps, to Maharal’s wish to avoid the Bohemian censors so that the work should be judged on its merits rather than on the author’s name; and to opposition to his ideas, engendered by Maharal’s unwillingness to conform and outspoken criticism of contemporary Jewish leadership. This latter reason would seem to be supported by the verse from Psalms after the date.

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At the end of the last introduction, Maharal writes, based on the verse, “Yours, O Lord, is the greatness (gedulah), and the power (gevurah), and the glory (tiferet), and the victory (nezah), and the majesty (hod); for all that is in heaven and in earth is yours (shamayim va-arez)” (Chronicles I 29:11), and that this is one part of six works on, (1) Shabbat (Sefer ha-Gedulah); (2) Pesah (ha-Gevurah); (3) Shavuot (ha-Tiferet); (4) Tishah be-Av (Nezah); (5) Sukkot (ha-Hod); and (6) and Rosh Ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur (Shamayim va-Arez). Three only were printed, Gevurot ha-Shem, Tiferet Yisrael (Prague, 1593), and Nezah Yisrael (Prague, 1599). The others, in manuscript, were either destroyed in a conflagration in Prague in 1689, or, more likely, as no references to them exist in Maharal’s other books, were not written when Maharal undertook his work on Talmudic aggadah. The book has seventy-two chapters, fifty-one to sixty-five a commentary on the Haggadah. The volume concludes with kizzur hilkhot Pesah and hilkhot yein nesekh ve-issuro (prohibition on gentile wine). In the text, Maharal expresses strong disapproval of rationalistic philosophy, with particular reference to R. Levi ben Gershom (Gersonides, Ralbag), prompting a reaction from R. Eliezer Ashkenazi in Ralbag’s defense in his Ma’aseh HaShem (Venice, 1583), Maharal responding in Derekh Hayyim (Cracow, 1589), neither antagonist mentioning the other by name. Maharal also expresses the opinion that a fifth cup of wine should be drunk at the Passover seder.44 5 We began by noting that “the Pesah Haggadah is the most enduring and endearing of non-biblical Hebrew books,” and that Isaac Yudlov, in his The Haggadah Thesaurus: Bibliography of Passover Haggadot from the Beginning of Printing until 1960, records 4,715 Haggadot for the subject period. In retrospect, that number, while undoubtedly accurate, is somewhat misleading, not indicative of the enduring and endearing popularity of the Pesah Haggadah. If we look more closely at that 4,715 number, and consider frequency of editions over time, we discover that the Haggadah’s popularity is not only enduring but actually increased over time, at least as indicated by The Haggadah Thesaurus. 44 Ben Zion Bokser, The Maharal: The Mystical Philosophy of Rabbi Judah Loew of Prague (New York, 1954; reprint Northvale, 1994), p. 46; Byron L. Sherwin, Mystical Theology and Social Dissent: The Life and Works of Judah Loew of Prague (London, 1982), pp. 38–39, 42, 58–60, 206–07; Isaac Yudlov, Ginzei Yisrael: The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library (Jerusalem, 1984), p. 194, n. 1197 [Hebrew].

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The Haggadah Thesaurus covers a period of 480 years, for an average of 9.8 Haggadot a year. If we take the time frame covered by this article, c. 1480 through 1599, one hundred twenty years, thirty-five Haggadot are recorded, less than one every three years (.29 a year), substantially fewer than the average. However, that too is misleading. By century, the number of printed Haggadot are: 1600–1699 1700–1799 1800–1899 1900–1960

66 350 1,690 2,574

Not only is there a constant increase in the publication of Haggadot, both new and reprints of older popular Haggadot, including commentaries and facsimiles, but, in addition, The Haggadah Thesaurus records only Haggadot partially or entirely in Hebrew and Latin letters, the latter being employed for a Hebrew language such as Ladino. If a Haggadah is entirely in another language, it is not included in the enumeration. Furthermore, Haggadot in liturgical and halakhic works are omitted from the enumeration. The result is that as popular as Haggadot appear from the above numbers, the actual total number of Haggadot is understated. Apart from the numbers indicative of the Haggadah’s enduring and endearing appeal, there are the variety of Haggadot to be considered, the richness of this literature also attesting to the Haggadah’s allure and fascination. We began with a Guadalajara Haggadah, among the first fruits of the all too brief Hebrew presses in Spain. After noting other incunabula Haggadot, we addressed Isaac Abrabanel’s Zevah Pesah, published and republished, not only in the sixteenth century but still in print today. Next were illustrated Haggadot, making the Haggadah one of the most attractive books (if not the most attractive book) in the Hebrew library. We concluded with several commentaries, varied and profound, including a fragment of a kabbalistic commentary, that would later be followed by many more such works. It is not only the exponential increase in numbers but it is also the variety and nature of Haggadot available to the reader, consisting of illustrated Haggadot, a diversity of commentaries, straightforward, philosophical, and kabbalistic, as well as Haggadot that were both illustrated and had abbreviated commentaries, in multiple languages, that is worthy of note. The number of Haggadot substantially increased and continued to increase over time, attesting to the Haggadah’s enduring and endearing appeal.

637

Yitzi ’ at Mitzra ’ im ( The Exodus ) in Print

Figure 25.28

We conclude our review of early Haggadot with the conclusion of the Haggadah text at the Pesah seder, with the wish for the coming year to be in Jerusalem, here as expressed in the 1526 Prague Haggadah (fig. 25.28).

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Yaari, Avraham. Hebrew Printing at Constantinople: Its History and Bibliography. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1967 [Hebrew]. Yaari, Avraham. “Review of History of Hebrew Printing in Poland.” Kiryat Sefer 9 (1934– 1935): 437–438 [Hebrew]. Yaari, Avraham. Sheluhei Eretz Yisrael 2. Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1951. Reprint 1997 [Hebrew]. Yehudah, Eleazar Ben. Sefer Rokeʾah ha-Gadol. Edited by Barukh Shimon Shneurson. Jerusalem: Otzar HaPosekim, 1967. Yerushalmi, Yosef Hayim. Haggadah and History. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1975. Yudlov, Isaac. Ginzei Yisrael: The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University Library. Jerusalem: Jewish National and University Library Press, 1984 [Hebrew with English Appendix]. Yudlov, Isaac. Hebrew Printers’ Marks: Fifty-Four Emblems and Marks of Hebrew Printers and Authors. Jerusalem: Isaac Yudlov, 2001 [Hebrew]. Zafren, Herbert C. “Amsterdam: Center of Hebrew Printing in the Seventeenth Century.” Jewish Book Annual 35 (1977–1978): 47–55. Zedner, Joseph. Catalogue of the Hebrew Books in the British Museum. London: British Museum, 1867. Reprint Norwich, UK: Jarrold and Sons, 1964. Zinberg, Israel. A History of Jewish Literature. Translated by Bernard Martin. New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1975. Zlotowitz, Meir, and Nosson Scherman, eds. Shir haShirim: Song of Songs: An Allegorical Translation Based upon Rashi with a Commentary from Talmudic, Midrashic and Rabbinic Sources. New York: Mesorah Publications, 1977. Zunz, Leopold. Zur Geschichte und Literatur. Berlin: Verlag von Veit und Comp, 1845.

Index Note: Page numbers in italics indicate figures. Aaron 75–76, 544, 544 Aaron ben Jacob ha-Kohen 484 Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch 81 Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch ha-Kohen 98, 100–101 Aaron ibn Hayyim, Lev Aharon 67 Aaron Moses ben Zevi Hirsch, Ohel Moshe  526 Aaron of Neustadt (Blumlein) 470, 475 Abendana, Isaac ben Joseph 429 Abendana, Jacob 543 Abendana, Jacob ben Joseph 429–430 Lekket Shikhah 429 Aboab, Abraham 343 Aboab, Immanuel, Nomologia o Discursos Legales, Compuestos por el Virtuose Hakam Rabi Imanuel Aboab de Buena Memoria 233 Aboab, Isaac 55 Menorat ha-Me’or 236 Aboab, Samuel ben Abraham 341, 344, 348, 358, 359 Abrabanel, Isaac ben Judah 166, 195–196, 285n19, 498, 510n6 Mirkevet ha-Mishneh 50–52, 52, 65–66, 268 Nahalat Avot 603, 607, 609n24 Perush Nevi’im Rishonim 328 Rosh Amanah 152, 603, 607 Rosh Emunah 604 Zevah Pesah 593, 601–611, 603, 605, 606, 608, 609n24, 609n25, 609, 631–632, 636 Abrabanel, Judah (Leone Ebreo) 604 Dialoghi di Amore 603 Abrabanel, Samuel 467 Abraham, Israel ben 50 Abraham Abba Shapira ben Phinehas of Shklov 379 Abraham bar Hiyya, Zurat ha-Aretz 279 Abraham ben Asher of Safed 191 Abraham ben Ezra 140 Abraham ben Hayya 520 Hegyon ha-Nefesh 520

Abraham ben Mattathias Bath-Sheba  176–177 Abraham ben Mordecai, Hesed le Avraham  365 Abraham ben Naphtali Zevi 343 Abraham ben Sabbatai Mattathias Bath-Sheba 175 Abraham ben Solomon (Haber Tov) 226, 238, 252 Abraham ben Solomon ha-Levi 337 Abraham Haber Tov 626 Abraham ha-Nasi 520 Abraham ibn Ezra 195, 246 Abraham Joshua Heschel ben Jacob 282 Abraham of Cologne, Keter Shem Tov 500 Abraham of Zaslav 257 Abravanel, Isaac, Zevah Pesah 593, 604–611 Abudarham 599, 599n13 Abudarham, David ben Joseph 604 Abudarham, David ben Joseph 599n13, 631–632 Abudarham 604 Abudiente, Moses Gideon 314 Abukzer, Abraham 516 Abulafia, Abraham 140 Abulafia, Jacob 174, 175, 178, 181, 182, 195 Abulafia, Meir 168 acorn motif 277 Adam 40, 40, 41, 46–47, 46 Adar, month of 62, 64, 68, 77, 84 fish symbolizing 71 Adderet Eliyahu 86, 114 Adelkind, Cornelius 65 Adelkind, Israel Cornelius 498 Adelman, Howard 231 Adler, Elkan Nathan 173 Adret, Solomon ben Abraham (Rashba)  460, 463 Avodat ha-Kodesh 369 Torat ha-Bayit 361, 365 Adrianople 121 adversity, authorship and 558–576 Aesop, Fables 619

Index Aeurbach, Judah Leib 375 aggadah 55 aggadot 71, 182, 347, 359 Aguilar, Moses Raphael de 221 agunahs 46 Agur 276 Aharon ben Zevi ha-Kohen, Keter Shem Tov 98–102, 99, 100 Ahavat ha-Shem 27 Ahavat Hesed (Witmond) 82–84, 83 Akedat Yizhak (binding of Isaac) 11–13, 14, 587 Akra, Abraham ben Don Solomon 152 Akris, Joseph ben 177 Alantansi, Elieber ben Abraham 34–35 pressmark of 34 Alantansi, Eliezer ben Abraham 604 Alashkar, Moses 168 Alberius, Vicar of Cremona 500 Albo, Joseph 498, 526 Albrich, Friedrich Christian 251 Alcala de Hearez 467 Aldabi, Meir ben (aben Aldabi Sefardi), Shevtlet Emmunah 17–18n18 Alexander (Axelrad), Abraham, Keter Shem Tov 90–92, 90 Alexander I 369 Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen Hiddushei Aguddah 474 Sefer ha-Aguddah 471–474, 472 Alfandari, Aaron 188 Alfasi 460, 469, 473 Algazi, Abraham 167 Algazi, Moses ben Abraham, Sefat Emet 144 Algazi, Nissim Solomon ben Abraham Appiryon Shelomoh 354–356 Razuf Ahavah 353–356, 359 Yavin Shemu’ah 350 Alhara, David 98 Al-Harizi, Judah 190 Alkabetz, Moses ha-Levi 191 Alkabetz, Solomon, Lekhah Dodi 532 Alkabez, Moses Ha-Levi ibn 594, 594 Perush Rashi al ha-Torah 594 Alkabez, Solomon ben Moses 168, 195 Lekhah Dodi 594 Almosnino, Moses ben Baruch, Me’ammez Ko’ah 67

653 Alshekh, Moses ben Hayyim 175, 195 Havazzelet ha-Sharon 120–122, 121 Marot ha-Zove’ot 122, 277 Masat Moshe 580–582, 582, 591, 628 Nevi’im Rishonim 277, 510n6 Romemot El 122 Shoshannat ha-Amakim 122, 123–124, 123 Tappuhei Zahav 166, 173 Torat Moshe 159, 165–166, 172 Altdorf, Germany, Hebrew printing in  385–423 Altona, Denmark 314, 327 Altschuler, Naphtali Hirsch ben Asher 68, 69 Ayyalah Sheluha 67 Alverez of Braganza, Duke 447, 560 Amigo, Isaac 200–201, 200–201n21 Ammudei ha-Shiva (Bezalel ben Solomon)  131, 132 Ammudei Shesh (Luntshits) 136–138, 137 Amram, David 197–198n14, 310, 340, 559 Amsel, Eli 289, 338n1 Amsterdam, Netherlands 23, 25n26, 60, 71, 73, 76, 78n19, 82–83, 91, 184–185, 313–314, 323, 529, 539–540, 549–551, 553–556 Ashkenazi printers in 260 competition among printers in 76 as European book center 539 fonts of 526, 529, 529n40 Hebrew printing in 17–18, 17–18n18, 250–253, 525, 526, 539–540, 539–541, 548, 551–556 printing of Talmud in 539–541, 551–556 Sephardic community in 548–549, 571–572 tractates published in 548 Amtachat Benjamin, Benjamin ben Aaron  374–375n26 Amudei Golah/Sefer Mitzvot Katan (Semak), Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil 53–54, 54, 453–455, 454, 514–515n13 amudim (pillars) 38 Anaf Etz Avot 277, 284 Anav, Benjamin 631 Anav, Jehiel ben Jekuthiel ben Benjami ha-Rofei Ma’alot ha-Middot 464 Sefer Tanya Rabbati 463–465

654 Anav family 460, 460n15 anchor 63 anecdotal works 87, 98–108 Angel, Meir ben Abraham 164, 166 Keshet Nehushah 159, 164–165, 173 Masoret ha-Berit 165 Masoret ha-Berit ha-Gadol 165 Siddur Tefilot he-Hadesh 164 Zevah Elokim 159, 164, 165, 173 Anhalt-Dessau, Germany 525 Anshel, Asher 8, 548, 609n25 Antwerp, Crypto-Jews in 158 “appetizers,” 35–36 Appiryon Shelomo (Algazi) 354–356 Appiryon Shelomo (Sasson) 151 apple tree 56 Appoltus, Leonard 400, 400 approbations 361, 365, 369–372, 375–378, 447, 537–557, 586, 590 Arabic literature 66 Arabic numerals 23 Arabic press 501 Arakhin (tractate) 375 Arama, Isaac (Akedat Yitzak) 166, 195, 498 Arama, Isaac ben Moses, H.azut Kashah  65–66 Aram Zova (Aleppo, Haleb) 156, 186, 187, 190–207 Arba’ah Roshim 301 Arba’ah Turim (Jacob ben Asher) 32, 43, 158, 363, 365–366, 368, 377, 378, 450, 459, 470, 478, 495, 603 annotated by Abraham ben Avigdor (Abraham of Prague) 41–42, 42 title page of 42 Tur Orah Hayyim 34–35, 34, 41–42, 42, 43 Tur Yoreh De’ah 34–35 Archbishop of Canterbury 535 Archevolti, Samuel (Arugat ha-Bosem) 228 architectural borders 65 Archivolti, Samuel ben Elhanan Arugat ha-Bosem 136 Degel Ahavah 135 He’arot le-Sefer he-Arukh 135–136 Ma’yan Gannim 134–136, 135 Ari, circle of the 168 Ari ha-Kadosh (Isaac Luria) 94 Ari Nohem (Modena) 230

Index Ariosto, Ludovico, Orlando furioso 228, 228n9 artistic representation 3 Arugat ha-Bosem (Archivolti) 136 Arukh, Nathan ben Jehiel 135–136, 156, 208, 217, 220, 320, 325, 460n15, 495 Arukh (Nathan ben Jehiel) 55–56 Aryeh 33 Aryeh Leib ben Shalom ha-Levi 370 Aryeh Loeb ben Joseph Samuel 554–555 Asarah Ma’amarot (Fano) 321–323, 322, 323 Asarah Ma’amarot (Lipschitz) 326, 327 Ascari, Eleazar 164 Asefat Hakhamim 279, 282, 283, 284, 288, 289 Asher ben Hlava, Kad ha-Kemah 598–599 Asher ben Jehiel 467, 522–523 Ashkenazi, Abraham ben Isaac 175–176 Ashkenazi, Bezalel 88 Ashkenazi, Eliezer 56, 176, 635 Ma’aseh Ha’Shem 635 Ashkenazi, Isaac ben Abraham 175–177 Ashkenazi, Jacob ben Abraham 175–177 Ashkenazi, Jacob ben Isaac Meliz Yoher 128 Ze’ena u-Re’ena 128–129, 128, 129n114 Ashkenazi, Jehiel ben Israel Luria, Heikhal ha-Shem 95 Ashkenazi, Menachem Mendel 551 Ashkenazi, Mordecai ben Isaac Kohen, Rosh Mor Deror 204–207, 206 Ashkenazi, Samuel Jaffe ben Isaac 163 Yefeh Mareh 15, 16 Ashkenazi authorities, halakhah and 37–38 Ashkenazi font 616, 623 Ashkenazi Jews 314 Ashkenazim, rite of 346 Ashkenazi origins, lion motif and 23 Ashkenazi rite 69, 346 Ashkenazi traditions 459 Ashtor, Eliyahu 174n2 Asis Rimmonim (Gallico) 146–148, 147, 148 Askeloni, Joseph ben Isaac 159, 169, 171, 172 Assaf, Simhah 116, 259 Assertio passionis Dominicae adversus Judaeos & Turcas (Hackspan) 390–392, 390, 391 associates, placement of names 284–285

Index Asti, Italy 294, 308 Ateret Zevi 296, 297 Athias, Joseph 3, 23, 27, 75, 538, 548 Ashkenazi prayer-book of 1667–68 23 Bible of 1666–67 23 printers’ mark of 24 Athias family press 23 eagle motif and 23–24 Atkikot Yehuda (Deinard) 171 Atlas, Abraham 98 Atthias, David Israel 186 Auerbach, Phineas ben Simeon Wolff 551 Auerbach, Solomon Zalman 516 Aufhausen, Solomon Zevi Hirsch, Der Jüdische Theriak 416, 418–422, 419n32, 420, 421 Augsburg, Haggadot printed in 617–619 Augsburg, Germany 39, 42, 125 Haggadot printed in 618, 619, 620–621 Augustus the Young, Duke 510n6 Austria, represented by lion motif 23 authorship, adversity and 558–576 auto-da-fes 23 Av Beit Din 365 Avigdor, Abraham ben (Abraham of Prague)  41–42 Avinu, Elle 276 Avinu, Gelle 276 Avinu, Israel ben Abraham 276–277, 276–277n14 Avinu, Moses ben Abraham 276, 276– 277n14, 287–288 Avkat Rokhel (Machir ben Isaac Sar Hasid) 125–128, 126, 127 Avneri, Zvi 314 Avodah Zarah (tractate) 67, 68, 385, 402, 407–409, 407, 408 Avodat ha-Gefen (Wolff) 277, 284 Avodat ha-Kodesh (ibn Gabbai) 369, 502, 628 Avot 46, 67, 85, 86–87, 109, 111, 353 Avot de-Rabbi Nathan (tractate) 82–83, 164 Ayllon, Solomon ben Jacob 551 Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth (Onkeneira) 136–140, 139 Ayyalah Sheluha (Altschuler) 67 Azharot (Ibn Gabirol) 565 ‘Azriel of Gerona, Sha’ar ha-Sho’el 501

655 Azulai, Hayyim Joseph David, Shem ha-Gedolim 524 Azulai, Hayyim Joseph David (Hida) 150 Ba’alei Tosafot 349, 412–415, 453, 460 Ba’al ha-Kelim 191 Ba’al ha-Tanya 378 Ba’al ha-Tanya 364 Ba’al Shem Tov 87, 98, 100, 101, 111, 379, 518 Babylonian Talmud 73, 236, 369, 453, 462–463, 526 Bachrach, Judah 541 Bachrach, Moses 142 Bacon, Roger, Opus Tertium 428 Bad Homburg vor der Höhe, Germany 81 Ba’er Heitev (Issachar Behr) 401, 587–591, 589, 590 Bak, Benei Jacob 266, 269 Bak press 26 Barker, Robert 534–535 Baron, Salo Wittmayer 258 Baruch, Joshua Boaz 65 Baruch, Solomon 631 Baruch ben Isaac, Sefer ha-Terumah  456–458 Baruch of Salonika 168 Baruchson, Zipora 342 Basel, Switzerland 32, 359, 475, 496, 509, 510, 544 Basel Talmud 359, 475, 509, 510, 544 Basilea, Moses Simeon ben Shabbetai 357 Basra, Iraq 66 Bass, Shabbetai ben Joseph, Siftei Yeshenim  144–146, 146 Basson, Isaac ben 619 Bath-Sheba (Basevi) press 58–60, 493–494 Bath-Sheba, Abraham 21, 22, 27, 58–60 Bath-Sheba, Abraham Joseph 21, 58–60 Bath-Sheba, Fioretta 21 Bath-Sheba, Sabbatai Mattathias (Basevi)  21, 22, 58–60, 492 Bath-Sheba family 58–59, 59 Bava Batra (tractate) 542n9 Bava Kamma (tractate) 49, 282, 284, 284–285n20, 427, 473, 509, 510 Bava Mezia (tractate) 282, 284, 284–285n20, 287, 287n25, 291, 495–496, 542n9 Bayle, Pierre 441

656 Beatus, George 275 Beckmann, Friedreich 543 Beckmann, Johann Chrisoph 25, 151, 541–542, 545 Be’er Sheva (Issachar Ber ben Zevi Hirsch)  519 Begedas ha-Zman 275 Behr, Samuel Issachar 401–402n15 Beilin, Eliezar ben Jacob 279 Beit Lehem Yehudah (Modena) 230, 347–348n19 Beit Yehudah (Modena) 347, 347–348n19, 348 Beit Yosef (Joseph Caro) 22, 38, 59, 450, 478–479 Bekhorot (tractate) 375 Belehrung der Judisch-Teutschen Red-und Schreibart (An Instruction Book in the Method of Speaking and Writing JudeoGerman (Wagenseil) 409 Belkin, Ahuva 224n31 Belvedere 157–173 Belvedere, Ottoman Empire 155 Belvedere mansion 163 books printed at 159–166 Hebrew press at 159–166, 172, 173 move from 166 Nasi family 157, 159 Ben Asher, Jacob, Arba’ah Turim 12 Benayahu, Meir 11, 13, 179, 200, 201n22, 202n23, 206, 348 Ben Azzai 587 Benet, Mordecai 524 Benevento, Immanuel ben Jekuthiel 561 Ben ha-Melekh ve-ha-Nazir (ibn Hasdai) 66 Ben Immanuel Mussafia, Benjamin 208–225 Ben Israel Gottlieb, Jedidiah, Ahavat ha-Shem 10 Benjacob, Isaac, Otzar ha-Sefarim 249, 531 Benjamin ben Aaron, Amtachat Benjamin 374–375n26 Benjamin ben Abraham, Massa Gei Hizzayon 462 Benjamin of Rome 485 Benjmamin of Tudela 190 Ben Pesah, Noah, Toledot Noah (commentary on Shemot (Exodus) 10–11

Index Ben Porat Yosef (Jacob Joseph ben Zevi ha-Kohen) 100 Ben Porat Yosef (Joseph Nasi) 138, 140 Ben Satda 510, 510n8, 513, 513n10 Ben Sira 353 Ben Solomon Colon, Joseph, Sefer She’ilot u’Teshuvot 12 Bentley, Richard 543 Benveniste, Immanuel 60, 71, 217, 223n29, 513, 540 escutcheon of 60 frames of 327 printer’s device of 60, 540–541, 540, 542n9, 555 Benveniste, Joseph 166 Dovev Siftei Yeshenim 142–143 Benveniste, Joshua Raphel ben Israel 16–17 Benveniste, Moses de Segovia, Dovev Siftei Yeshenim 142–143 Benveniste family 540–541, 540n6, 540 Benveniste frame 73 Benveniste press 223, 223n29 printer’s device of 223, 223n29 Benveniste Talmud 510, 510n6, 513, 539–541, 544 Benzion, Israel ben Aaron 269 Ben Zion ben Raphael 459 Berab, Jacob 165, 174, 174n3 Berakhot (tractate) 58, 58n33, 72, 287, 347, 348, 488, 492, 493, 495, 549, 550, 550, 551, 555, 570 Bereshit (Saubertus) 129 Berg, Adam 69 Berit Avraham (Lipschitz) 327 Berkowitz, David Sandler 317 Berlin, Germany 26, 543 Berlin, Hayyim 95 Berlin, Naphtali Zevi Judah 113 Berlin, Saul Hirsch (Hirschel) 521, 522, 523–524n28 Besamim Rosh 521–524, 521, 523–524n28 Kasa de-Harshana 522–523 Ketav Yosher 522 Mitzpeh Yokteil 522, 522n26 Berliner, Abraham 86, 113 Berman, Issachar (Ber Segal) ha-Levi  543–544, 546–547, 549, 551

Index Berman Talmud 538, 541, 543–544, 544, 545, 545, 548, 550, 551, 552 Bernigeroth, Martin 543, 543–544n16 Bertinoro, Obadiah 438–439 Besamim Rosh (Berlin) 299, 521–524, 521, 523–524n28 Besiktas 157 Bet Eked Sefarim (Friedberg) 150, 271, 327, 331 Bet Ya’akov Esh (Shraga) 526 Bet Yisrael 347 Be’ur (Mendelssohn) 522 Be’ur al ha-Torah (Hlava) 49 Be’urim (Spira) 88, 519 Bezah (tractate) 276, 550, 551 Bezalel ben Mordecai ben Gershom ha-Kohen 607 Bezalel ben Solomon 132 Ammudei ha-Shiva 131, 132 Havazzelet ha-Sharon 131 Korban Shabbat 132 Pelah ha-Rimmon 130–132, 130 the Bible 71, 488, 534–535, 538 Biblia Hebraica 487, 488 Biblia sacra Hebraea 23 eagle motif in 7 first complete translation of into Yiddish 75–76, 75 Hebrew 18, 23, 487, 488, 543 (see also Pentateuch) lion motif in 31–32 quarto format 18 Soncino family editions of 484, 487–489 Spanish 18 translations into Yiddish 538 Biblia Sacra—Derekh ha-Kodesh (Hutter)  316, 317, 318, 319, 337 biblical scenes, vignettes of 23 Bibliographical Project of the Jewish National and University Library 186, 213–214n10 Bibliography of the Hebrew Book 150, 223 bibliographic works 111 Bibliotheca Judaica (Fürst) 249 Binah le-Ittim (Figo) 199, 199n18 biographical works 87, 98–108 Birhat ha-Shahar (Hagiz) 353 Birkat ha-Mazon (Oppenheim) 279

657 Birkat ha-Mazon “Benedicite Jedeorum,” 554 Birkat Yosef (Jacob ben Baruch) 526 Birkhat ha-Mazon 593, 628 Bischoff, Erich, Thalmud- Übersetzungen  442–443 Bishop of Turin 294 Bistrowitz, Poland, Zevah Pesah printed in  610–611, 610 Black Death 274, 313. See also Bubonic Plauge Blanche 413 Blanis, Gariel 268 blessing, fertility and 64 Blitz, Jekuthiel ben Isaac 75 Bloch, David 84 Bloch, Joshua 86, 113, 197–198n14, 607 Bloch, Matthathias Lieberman ben Benjamin Wolf, Kelal Katan 503–504, 503 Bloch, Solomon 84 Bloch, Yoel 199 Bochner, Hayyim ben Benjamin Ze’ev, Or Hadash 73 Bodleian Library, Oxford 243, 495 Boehm, Samuel ben Isaac 10, 13–14, 53, 606 Bohemia emblem of crowned lion 44 heraldic symbol of 57 represented by lion motif 23, 57 Bomberg, Daniel 48, 119, 196–197n13, 236, 237, 456, 462, 509, 513 Bomberg press 310, 496 book burning 347, 483, 496, 498–500, 546, 559, 612 book fairs 552–553, 553n28 Book of Daniel, commentary on 120–124 Book of Esther 563–565, 576–591 commentary on 120 Book of Ruth, commentary on 120 book rarity 481–506 book seizure 500 Borchard, Johann 314–315 Borchard, Thomas 314–315 borders. See also frames architectural 65 floral 52, 277–279n17 ornamental 69, 604, 633 Bosphorus 157, 159 Boyer press 433–434n19

658 Brachfeld, Menahem Mendel, Yosef Halel  532–533 Bragadin, Alvise 15, 16, 179, 197–198n14, 477 Bragadin, Alvise III 179 Bragadin, Girolamo 197 Bragadin, Lorenzo 115, 151, 179, 203 Bragadin, Pietro 115, 151, 179, 203, 204–205 Bragadin family 197–198n14 Bragadin press 179–180, 203, 204–205, 263, 498, 626 Brahe, Tycho, Astronomiae instauratae Mechanica 79 Brakhfeld, Menahem Mendel 486–487 Yosef Halel 486–487 Brand, Justin 249 Brenz, Samuel Friedrich, Jüdischer Abgestreifter Schlangenbalg 418–419, 421–422 Brescia 505 Brethren of Purity 66 British Library (British Museum) 168, 170 Broda, Abraham 590 Broda, Benjamin ben Aaron 370, 373 Brodt, Eliezer 614 Broughton, Hugh, The Familie of David 428 Bubonic Plague 294 Burgau, Germany 69 Buxtorf, Johannes 324 Lexicon chaldaicum, tamudicum et rabbinicum 220 Buxtorfs 427 Cairo, Egypt 484, 492, 500 Cajun, Giovanni 197–198n14 Calahorra, Mattathias 329 Calbo, Daniel ben Joseph 302 Calendarium, Regiomontanus, Johannes  114n7 Caleoni, Giovanni 180, 197–198n14 Calixtus, Georg 389 Calvo, Francesco Minizio (Giulio) 22n22, 50, 65, 492 Cancer 77 Canto di Judit (Concio) 296 Cardano, Girolamo 233n20 Cardoso de Millao, Manuel 209–210n5 Carlebach, Elisheva 341–342, 385, 401, 401–402n15, 422, 427, 441

Index Carmichael, Henry E. 340 Caro, Isaac 168 Caro, Joseph ben Ephraim 38, 121, 165, 191, 192, 202, 350, 470, 580 Beit Yosef 450, 478–479 Shulhan Arukh 334, 447, 450, 451, 477–481, 563, 575 Tur 59, 599 cartouches 56, 56, 65, 71 Casalmagiore, Italy 488 Castro, Jorge Mendez de 23 Castro, Rodrigo de 314 Catherine II 367–368 Cenomani 338 censorship 508 approval of censors 26, 200 internal (by Jews) 508 at University of Ingolstadt 69 Chabad-Lubavitch Library 338n1 chain-lines 285–286, 286n23 Chajes, Isaac ben Abraham 607–608 Chalaz, Moses 191 Chalmers, Alexander 430, 441 Charlemagne 294, 313 Charles I 535 Charles V 158 Charles XI 407 Charter of the Nobility 367 Chauvet Cave, Ardèche region, France 31 Chavel, Hayyim Dov 520, 520n23 Chazzen, Asher Anshel ben Eliezer 542n9 cherubim 11, 22–24, 28, 31, 43–44, 59, 73, 125, 134, 277, 277–279, 278, 279, 284n19, 351, 622, 624–625 Chieri, Italy 155, 293–311, 340 Chinon, France 349 Chmielnicki, Bogdan 258–259 Chmielnicki Massacres of 1648–49 (tah ve-tat) 70, 156, 257–259, 262–263n15, 262–266, 314, 333–334, 503, 504, 568–569, 576 Christian Augustus 367 Christian-Hebraism 253, 385–423, 388n3, 426n3, 428n8, 440. See also specific Christian-Hebraists in Altdorf, Switzerland 387–423 in England 424–448 in medieval period 427–428

Index Christiani, Friedrich Albrecht 249, 249–250n38, 328, 402 Der Jüden Glaube und Aberglaube 402 Christian IV 208, 209, 209n3, 210, 216 chronograms 24, 98, 99, 222–223, 361, 496, 610–611, 610 Cinque Enimmi (Concio) 296 coats of arms 41, 312 Bohemian 40–41, 40 fish on 63 lion motif in 32 of Prague 42, 42–43n19, 42 Cocceius, Johannes, Duo Tituli Thalmvdici Sanhedrin et Maccoth 427 Cohen, David 531–532 Coitinho, Moses ben Abraham Mendes 268 Colon, Joseph 459 colophons 199, 276, 529, 604, 617, 620, 628 Colorni, Abraham 233n20 Commissaria Vendramina 263 Company of Silk Weavers 460, 559 Conat, Abraham ben Solomon 54–55 Conat, Estillina 54–55 Concio, Abraham 295n6, 299–300, 304, 308 Concio, Joseph ben Gershon 155, 293, 295–296, 296n10, 302, 307, 308, 311 Canto di Judit 296 Cinque Enimmi 296 death of 299 Divrei Esther 301–303, 301, 303, 304 Ma’agel Tov 303–307, 305, 306 Ma’areh Hayyim 307 as self-publisher 309 Concio press 293–309, 311 Constantinople 16–17, 42, 155, 157–173, 484, 496, 501, 565, 596, 598, 599 Haggadot printed in 601–604, 611, 628–630, 629 Hebrew printing in 157–173, 200, 501–504, 595, 601–604, 611, 628–630, 629 imprints from 501–504 Zevah Pesah printed in 595, 601–604 Conti, Vincenzo 53–54, 65, 500, 563 decorative frames used by 10–12 press of 605–606 printer’s device of 53–54, 53, 54 conversos 313–314

659 Coppenhagen, J. H. 221–222 Cordova, Spain 23 Cordovero, Moses ben Jacob (Ramak) 195, 322 Pardes Rimmonim 67, 146, 151 Or Yakar 322 Corfu, Greece 65, 582, 584–585 Coriat, Judah ben Abraham 94–95 Ma’or va-Shemesh 92–95 Council of Trent 347, 509, 607 Coutinho, Moses Mendes 548 Cowley, A. 243 crab motif 77 Cracow, Poland 9–10, 13–14, 22n22, 27, 42–43n19, 50, 65, 67, 495, 496, 503, 586, 588 Haggadot printed in 632–635 outbreak of plague in 67 printing of Talmud in 291 Zevah Pesah printed in 611 Crato, Zechariah 541 Creigher, Jacques 32 Cremona, Italy 10, 11, 13, 53–54, 464, 499–500, 563 personification of 53–54 Zevah Pesah printed in 605–606, 606 Crete, lion motif in 31 Crispin, Isaach Moses Rofe ben Abraham  504 Crown, Alan David 110 Crypto-Jews 158 crypto-Judaism 24, 313–314 Crystal, David 434–435n20 Curial, Israel de 195 Curiel, Jacob 314 Curiel, Moses 314 Curiel family 314 Cyrus the Great 6 Da’at Zekenim 413 Da Costa, Moses (Jeronimo) 314 Da Costa, Uriel 209n4 Dagon 62–63 Dalle Donne, Francesco 21, 338, 339–341 Damascus, Syria 59, 121, 174–175 Hebrew press in 175–176 Jewish community in 175 synagogues in 175

660 Dan, tribe of 61 Danzig, Abraham ben Jehiel Michal Hayyei Adam 449, 572–573, 573n13, 576 Hokhmat Adam 449, 572 Sha’arei Zedek 572–573 Darkhei Moshe (Moses Isserles [Rema]) 42 Da Silva, Samuel 209, 209n4 Da Silva, Sarah Abigail 209, 211, 214 dates, on title pages 302n16 Dato, Mordecai ben Judah 146–147 Dat Yekuthiel (Suesskind) 76–77 David 33, 113–114, 544, 544 David, Joseph, Zemah David 132 David, Meir ben 38 David, Saul ben, Tal Orot 49 David, Shemaryah ben 38 David ben Aryeh Leib of Lida, Migdal David 73 David ben Menahem 534 David ben Samuel ha-Levi (Taz) 586 Divrei David 334 Haggahot ve-Hiddishim 334 Turei Zahav 332–334, 335, 337 Zahav Mezukkak 334 David ha-Levi, Turei Zahav 151 Davidic monarchy, symbolized by lion 61 David Table ben Benjamin Zev Wolf 321, 323 David Tebele ben Ezekiel Trappa 150 Dayyan, Joseph 548 Dayyan family 191 dayyanim 548 Dead Sea Scrolls 4, 110, 111 De Boton, Meir 353 De Caceres, Sara 209–210n5 deceptions 507–536 decorative frames 8, 8n10, 13–14, 42–43, 42, 43 architectural 11–12, 14–15, 15, 18–19, 22 Conti and 10–13 eagle motif 22, 22n22, 25–29, 25n26 lion motif 22, 22n22 lion motif in 33–34n8 of Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon (attr. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon) 44–45 reused 44 deer motif 71 Degel Ahavah (Archivolti) 135

Index Deinard, Ephraim, Atkikot Yehuda 171 Dei Rossi, Francesco 310 De Lara, David ben Isaac Cohen Keter Kehunnah 323–324, 324, 325 Shabbetai Zevi and 324–325 De Launoy, Bonaventura 275, 276–277, 283, 284, 285 Del Bene, David Hayyim 348 Del Bene, Judah Asahel ben David Eliezer Kisot le-Veit David 348–349, 353, 359 Yehudah Mehokeki 349 De Leon, Moses ben Shem Tov, Ha-Nefesh ha-Hakhamah 128 Delmedigo, Jospeh Solomon 314n7 De Medici, Giovanni Angelo 500 De Medina, Moses 21 De Medina, Samuel ben Moses 21, 470 De Mirabeau, Sampson de 295 De Necessitate Sacrae Philologiae in Theologia (Hackspan) 389 Denmark 313 De Palasios, Joseph 548–554 Berakhot, tractate 549–550, 549 De’ Pomis, David ben Isaac, Zemah Avid 55–56, 56 Derafsh-e Shahbaz-e-e-Talayi (Golden Falcon) 6 Derashot le-lyle Shemurim (Hayot) 45–46 Derekh Emunah (Ibn Gabbai) 501–502, 628 Derekh Hayyim (Loew) 67, 635 Derekh Hokhmah (Pukhovitser) 336 Derekh Yam ha-Talmud (Katz) 76 Der Jüdische Theriak (Aufhausen) 416, 418–422, 419n32, 420, 421 De’ Rossi, Francesco 310n20, 338, 340–341, 342, 343–358, 359 De’ Rossi, Giovanni Bernardo 487 De’ Rossi, Salamone ben Azariah, Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo 115–116 De’ Rossi press 344–346, 347–352, 353–354, 358 Dessau, Germany 81, 277, 525 Deuteronomy 50–51 De Vidas, Elijah 172 Reshit Hokhmah 166, 172 Toze’ot Hayyim 166, 172 De-Vidas, Elijah ben Moses, Reishit Hokhmah 361, 378

Index De Voragine, Jacobus de, Laudes beate Marie virginis 314 Dialoghi tres de duro (Portaleone) 132 Di Castro, Ezechiele 341 Di Cavalli, Giorgio 13, 67 Ashkenazi rite Mahzor 67 Di Conestaggio, Girolamo Franchi 341 Di Gara, Giovanni 15, 66–67, 120–121, 192, 195, 196–197n13, 201n22, 226, 236–239, 237, 475, 480, 505, 582 Haggadot printed by 626–628 pressmarks 239 Di Gara press 236–239, 237 Dimyon Aryeh (Pisk) 44 Dinah 73 Dionis, Albert 209, 209n3, 214–215n11 Di Poertelone, Guglielmo 488 Dissertatio de Tephillin sive Phylacteriis (Surenhuis) 409 Di Trani, Isaac 631 Di Uceda, David ha-Kohen 571–572 Divrei David (David ben Samuel ha-Levi (Taz)) 334 Divrei Esther (Concio) 301–303, 301, 303, 304 Divrei Hakhamim (Pukhovitser) 332, 334–336, 337 Divrei ha-Yamim shel Moshe Rabbenu 353 Divrei Shalom ve-Emet (Wessely) 522 Divrei Shelomo (Solomon le-Bet ha Levi) 88 dolphin motif 63 “Dome of the Rock,” 47–48 Dominican Sixtus of Siena 500 Don Baer ben Pesach 369 Donin, Nicholas 413–414 Dou Gerrit 279 Dov Baer ben Pesach 363, 365–366, 368, 370, 374, 375, 378 Dovev Siftei Yeshenim (Benveniste) 142–143 The Dream of Slavuta (Ginsburg) 366–367 Duke of Aosta 294 Dukes of Saxony 295 Duo Codices Talmudici Avoda Sara et Tamid (Peringero) 427 Duo Tituli Thalmvdici Sanhedrin et Maccoth (Cocceius) 427 Dyhernfurth, Germany 20, 25, 25n26 eagle motif 1–29, 496

661 Athias family press and 23–24 in the Bible 7 biblical verses containing 28–29 crowned 59, 59 in decorative frames 7, 25–29, 25n26 as emblem of country where book was pritned 8 in Jewish iconography 6–7 in midrashim 7 popularity of 27 in printers’ marks 7–8, 21, 22, 24 in Talmud 7 in three-dimensional iconography 7 title pages 25–27 on title pages of Hebrew books 7–8 Ebronot 279, 284 Edels, Samuel 257 Eger, Akiva 559 Egozi, Menahem ben Moses Ginnat Egoz 164 Sefer Gal shel Egozim 162–166, 163, 173 Sefer Gal shel Egozim, derashot 159 Torat Moshe 173 Egypt 492, 500–501 fish in art of 63 lion motif in 31 Eidels, Samuel Elizer 184 Eilenburg, Judah Leib, Minhat Yehudah 119 Einei Avraham (Tsefig) 570–572, 571 Ein Ya’akov (Ibn Habib) 182, 182n11, 184, 185, 188, 230, 347–348n19, 366, 369, 370, 374, 404 burning of 347 printing of 348 Ein Yisrael (Ibn Habib) 182n11, 230, 344, 345, 347, 348, 359. See also Ein Yisrael (Ibn Habib) Eisenmenger 402 Eldad ha-Dani 353 Eleazar ben Jacob (Zalman of St. Goar) 468 Eleazar ben Judah (Roke’ah) 91 Sefer ha-Roke’ah 87, 114n7, 149, 150, 447, 451, 452–453, 595 Sode Razaya 500 Yayin ha-Rekah 149–151, 149 Eliah 590 Eliah ben Eliezer 252 Eliakim ben Abraham 142

662 Eliano, Vittorio 469, 500 Eliezer ben Joel ha-Levi 460 Eliezer ben Nathan (Raban) 44 Eliezer ben Samuel 339 Sefer Yere’im 460 Eliezer ben Yohai 191 Eliezer of Metz 452 Eliezer of Touques 471 Elijah ben Zev Wolf 378 Elijan ibn Hayyim, Teshuvot 164 Elimelech, Noah Elimelech 361 El Male Rahamim (Shapira) 329 Elsevier, Daniel 23 Elsevier press 23 Elul, Evied 98 Elyashiv, Joseph Shalom 516 Elzevir, John 242–243 Elzevir press 242–243 Emek Berakhah (Horowitz) 25 Emek Yehoshua 284 Encyclopedia Judaica 86, 113 Endter, Wolfgang 398, 399–400 England, Christian-Hebraism in 424–443 entitling 3–4 Ephraim 62 Epstein, Meir ben Jacob ha-Levi 38 Erben, Friedrich Lanckischens, Zahkan Melummad u-Misharet 247 Erhardt Ratholdt and Partners 114n7 errors 507–536 Eruvin (tractate) 385, 550, 599 Escapa, Joseph ben Saul, Tur Shulhan Arukh Orah Hayyim 16 escutcheons 60 Esdaile’s Manual of Bibliography 285–286 Esther 230. See also Book of Esther; Megillat Esther Etz ha-Hayyim (Vital) 269–270 Eve 40, 40, 41, 46–47, 46 Even ha-Ezer (Sefer ha-Raban) 44, 188 Even Saphir (Saphir) 104 Exodus 592–636 Eylenburg, Issachar Baer Be’er Sheva 519 Zeidah La-Derekh 519 Ezekiel ben Abraham 551 Ezekiel ben Phinehas 366, 378 Zohar Hadash 361, 378

Index Ezekiel ben Shevach 374–375, 374–375n26 Ez ha-Hayyim (Hagiz) 341–342, 353, 359 Ezra ben Isaac of Fano 55 fables 32–33, 59–60 Faierstein, Morris M. 200–201n21, 419n33, 420–421 Falcon, Shneor ben Judah 502, 628–629, 630 Falk, Jacob Joshua ben Zevi Hirsch, Penei Yehoshu’a 569 The Familie of David (Broughton), Broughton, Hugh 428 Fano, Italy 321, 452, 595 Fano, Jacob 132 Fano, Menahem Azariah da 134, 322–323 Asarah Ma’amarot 321–323, 322, 323 Pelah ha-Rimmon 147, 151 Yonat Elem 323 Feibush Menahem 76 Feiner, Shmuel 524 Feitel, Samuel Feivish ben Nathan, Tit ha-Yaven 259, 262–263n15 Ferdinand, King of Bohemia 39 Ferrante I 488 fertility, blessing and 64 Fettmilch Uprising 274 Feurth, Germany 77–78, 252 Fez, Morocco 599 Fidanque, Jacob ben Abraham 328, 510n6 Fides et leges Mohammaedis exhibitae ex Alkorani manuscripto duplici (Hackspan) 389 Figo, Azaria ben Ephraim 199n18 Binah le-Ittim 199, 199n18 Giddulei Terumah 199n18 Hevel Na’im 199 Filipponi, Calidono 623 Filipponi, Filotarsi 623 Filipponi, Francesco 623 First Northern War 70 Fishkarel, Abraham ben Isaac Menahem  295 Fishl 62 Fishman, Talya 523–524n28, 524 fish motif 3, 52, 62–84 biblical references to 62–63 fish and lave motif 73, 76

Index in heraldry 63 shield of two fish facing opposite directions 67 symbolic meaning in Judaism 62, 64, 84 as symbol of fertility and good luck 62, 84 three fish as pressmark 69, 69n16 floral borders 52, 277–279n17 florets 166, 202, 243, 279, 282, 359, 479–480, 631 Floris und Blanchfleur 276 flowers 277. See also floral borders; florets Foa, Tobias Ben Eliezer 49–53, 64–65, 239, 469, 492, 498 family of 53n27 printer’s device of 50–53, 51, 52, 66 Fonseca, Abraham de 314 Fonseca, Daniel de 17–18n18, 539–540 forgery, accusations of 508, 518–524 Fraenkel, David ben Naphtali Hirsch 50, 50n24 fragments 482, 484, 488–489, 494, 599 Fram, Edward 266 frames 8, 8n10, 13–14, 42–43, 42, 43, 279, 282, 529 arabesque 57, 72 architectural 11–12, 14–15, 15, 18–19, 22, 73–74, 458, 492 artistic 595–596 Conti and 10–13 decorative 8, 8n10, 10–15, 15, 18–19, 22, 22n22, 22, 25–29, 25n26, 33–34n8, 42–45, 42, 43, 202, 598–599, 604 eagle motif 22, 22n22, 25–29, 25n26 in Haggadot 595–596 lion motif 22, 22n22, 33–34n8 mythological 82 of Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon (attr. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon) 44–45 ornamental 36, 69, 77 reused 44 rococo 617, 618 France expulsion of Jews from 349 lion motif in 31 Francis II of Austria 487 Franco, Joseph ben David 480 Frankel, Aaron 556

663 Frankel, Aaron ben uri Lippman 77–78, 79 Frankel, Ellen 62 Frankel, Meshullam Zalman 556 Frankel, Naphtali 556 Frankfurter, Moses 196, 548 Frankfurt on the Main, Germany 155, 447, 526. See also Offenbach, Germany book fairs in 552–553 Haggadot printed in 611–613 Hebrew printing in 252, 570, 611–613 Jews exiled from 274 printing in 552–553, 554 Frankfurt on the Main Talmud 539, 554–556 Frankfurt on the Oder, Germany 25, 155, 252, 273–292, 447, 505, 522, 541–547 Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud 510, 511–512, 533–534, 538–539, 541–547, 548, 550, 552, 556 Frederick 287, 289–290 Frederick Augusta 552 Frederick Augustus I (Augustus II) 547 Frederick I Barbarossa 293, 294, 311, 313 Frederick Wilhelm 552 Frederick William I 547 Freimann, Aron 316, 491 Derekh ha-Kodesh 316 Sive liber Psalmorum 316 Freimann, E. 520 Friedberg, Ch. B. 166, 171, 179, 213–214n10, 316, 328, 364, 370, 377, 552, 553, 554 Bet Eked Sefarim 150, 327 History of Hebrew Typography … Central Europe 327 History of Hebrew Typography in Poland 363, 366, 375, 377n30, 389 Friedberg, Germany 568 Friedenwald, Harry 213–214n10, 214–215, 222–223 Friedland Collection 374 Friedlander, Dr. 168–169 Friedländer, M. 204 Friedreich Augustus 545 Friedreich III 543 Froben, Ambrosius 553n28 front matter 558, 576 Fuks, L. 222, 223, 223n29, 243, 426, 530 Fuks-Mansfeld, R. G. 426, 530

664 Fürst, Julius 216 Bibliotheca Judaica 249, 531 Gabbai, Abraham 16 Gabbai, Abraham ben Jedidiah 142–143 Gabriel ben Judah Loeb 551 Gaetz, Eliakim 361 Gaguin, Hayyim 95 Gaguine, Maurice 95 Gaguine, Shem Tov ben Isaac 111 Keter Shem Tov 95–97, 96 Galante, Moses ben Mordecai (Maharam Galante), Kohelet Ya’akov 57, 57 Gallena, Moses Ben Elijah, Toledot Adam 11 Gallico, Elisha 166 Gallico, Samuel, Asis Rimmonim 146–148, 147, 148 Gamliel (Eliakim) of Lissa 328 Gans, David 607–608 Gans, Mozes Heiman 525 Ganso, Joseph 353 Ganzfried, Kizzur Shulhan Arukh 449 Ganzfried, Solomon, Kizzur Shulhan Arukh 515–516 Gaon, Saadiah ben Joseph 111 Sefer ha-Tehiyyah ve-Sefer ha-Pedut 66 Garton, Abrahm 486 Gedaliah, Hayyim 104–105 Gedaliah, Judah 599 gematriot 35, 64, 91, 573–574, 587 Genauer, Eli 85n1, 226n1, 256n1, 338n1, 388n3, 399n11, 424–425n1, 507–508n2 Genizah 484, 492, 496, 500 geonim 44 Germany 77 Gerondi, Jonah ben Abraham (Rabbenu Yonah) 631 Gerondi, Nissim ben Reuben 349 Gerondi, Perez ben Isaac, Ma’arekhet ha-Elohut 561–563, 562 Gershom ha-Kohen 240, 248 Gershon, Isaac 115–116, 122, 194n7, 202 Gerson, Isaac 236–237 Gersonides 39, 41, 43, 45, 136, 484, 635 competitors of 57 Gevurat Anashim, Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen 525–526 Gevurot ha-Shem (Loew) 632–635, 633, 634

Index Ghirondi, Mordecai 349 Ghirondi, Samuel 256–257 Giangrandi, Francesco 296 Gibbon, Edward 3 Giddulei Terumah, Figo, Azaria ben Ephraim 199n18 Gikatilia, Joseph ben Abraham, Sha’arei Orah 276 Gikatilla, Joseph ben Abraham Ginnat Egoz 140, 141 Sha’arei Orah 140 Ginnat Egoz Egozi, Menahem ben Moses 164 Gikatilla, Joseph ben Abraham 140, 141 Ginsberg, Joseph ben Mordecai, Leket Yosef  331–332, 333 Ginsburg, Saul Moiseyevich, The Dream of Slavuta 366–367 Ginzburg, Jakob 524 Giorgi, Carlo 529 Giuliari 310n21 Giustiniani, Marco Antonio 44, 47–49, 49n23, 49, 57–58, 152, 197–198n14, 496, 604 Giustiniani press 179, 604, 604–605n21, 605 Giustiniani Talmud 496–497, 497–498n15 Givat Shaul, Saul ben Moses 534 Glatzer, Mordechai 486 Goldberg, Sylvie Anne 271 golden calf 73 Gollancz, Hermann 253 Gompert, Kosman 127–128 Gonzago, Duke Vespasian 50, 65 Goodwin, Tim 433 Gorgias Press 110 Gothic font 249, 623 Gothic style 40, 614 Gottlieb, Jedidiah Ben Israel, Ahavat haShem 10 Gottschalk, Michael 25, 25n26, 510, 533–534, 534, 541–547, 543, 547, 552, 553–554 printer’s mark of 545, 545 Gracia, Doña (Beatrice de Luna) 158, 168 imprisoned for Judaizing 158 Graetz, Heinrich 216n16, 220, 402, 408, 408n20, 412n26, 509 Grillo, F. 25, 533

Index Grodzinski, Hayyim Ozer 516, 518 Gronim family 69n16 Grotius, Hugo 427 Grypho, Giovanni 13 Guadalajara, Spain, Haggadot printed in  593–594, 594, 636 Guenzburg, Simon Levi ben Judah 475, 476, 553n28 Guise, William 435, 442 Gunzenhausen, Azriel ben Joseph 458 Gunzenhausen, Joseph 458 Gur Aryeh (Loew) 634 Habermann, A. M. 82 Habermann, Avraham 41 Habermann, Avraham Meir 483, 486, 502, 544, 596, 598 Habib, Menahem ben Joseph 199 Ha-Birkei Yehoshua, Fischel, Joshua ha-Levi Traitel ben Jehiel Fischel 574 Hachim, Joseph ben Samuel ha-Levi 501, 628–630 Hacker, Joseph 162 Hackspan, Theodor (Theodricus) 385, 389–395, 401 Assertio passionis Dominicae adversus Judaeos & Turcas 390–392, 390, 391 De Necessitate Sacrae Philologiae in Theologia 389 Fides et leges Mohammaedis exhibitae ex Alkorani manuscripto duplici 389 Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri duo  392–394, 392 Observationes Philologicae Ex Sacro Potissimum Penu Depromtae 389 Theologiae Talmudicae Specimen  394–395, 395 translation of Sefer Nizzahon 396–400, 398, 404 Hackspan, Theodricus 385 ha-Darshan 191. See also Laniado, Samuel ben Abraham Haftarot commentary on 172 Shalom, Joseph 277 Haftorat 18 Hagen, Georgii 392 Haggadah. See Haggadot

665 Haggadah shel Pesah 40–41, 40 Haggadah with Nimukei Yosef 619–626 Haggadot 66, 71, 73, 77–78, 277, 279, 284, 370, 447–448, 502, 565 commentaries on 593, 604–611, 628–636 (see also Zevah Pesah (Abravanel)) constant increase in publication of 636 enduring appeal of 636 enumeration of 636 first editions of 592–637 frames in 595–596 Helkat Mehokek le-Seder Haggadah shel Pesah 57, 58 illustrated 596–600, 596, 600, 609n25, 609, 611–628, 612, 614, 615, 616, 618, 619, 624, 625, 627 as “most enduring and endearing of nonbiblical Hebrew books,” 635–636 multilingual 626–628, 627 with Nimukei Yosef 623–626, 624, 625, 628 popularity of 635–636 Prague Haggadah 34, 47 printed in Augsburg, Germany 617–619, 618, 619, 620–621 printed in Bistrowitz, Poland 610–611, 610 printed in Constantinople, Ottoman Empire 611, 628–630, 629 printed in Cracow, Poland 632–635 printed in Frankfurt on the Main, Germany 611–613 printed in Guadalajara, Spain 593–594, 636 printed in Iberian Peninsula 593–599, 594, 597, 636 printed in Italy 599–601, 619–628 printed in Mantua, Italy 619–626, 622, 628 printed in Prague, Bohemia 609–610, 609, 613–617, 614, 615, 616, 621–623 printed in Salonika, Ottoman Empire 630–632 printed in Soncino, Italy 600, 600, 601, 601 printed in Venice, Italy 599–600, 626–628, 627

666 Haggadot (cont.) woodblock illustrations in 41, 596, 599–600, 609, 622 woodcuts in 57, 612–619, 612, 618, 619, 622, 622, 626–628, 627 Haggahot ve-Hiddishim, David ben Samuel ha-Levi (Taz) 334 Hagibi, Efied 98 Hagigah (tractate) 550 Hagiz, Jacob, Tehillat Hokhmah 349 Hagiz, Jacob ben Samuel 341, 343, 347–348, 353, 358–359 Birhat ha-Shahar 353 Ez ha-Hayyim 341–342 Ez Hayyim 359 Lehem ha-Panim 341 Tehillat Hokhmah 349–350, 359 Hagohat Mordecai 232 Hai ben Sherira Gaon Musar Hasel be-Melizah 320, 321 Pitron Halomot 501 Haken, Johannis 243, 530 ha-Koehn, Solomon (Maharshach) 37–38 ha-Kohen (Katz), Gershom ben Solomon  38, 40 ha-Kohen (Katz), Gronem (Geronim) 40 ha-Kohen, Alexander Suslin ha, Sefer ha-Aguddah 14, 14 ha-Kohen, Hayyim ben Jacob 48 ha-Kohen, Jacob ben R. Naphtali 50 ha-Kohen, Judah 10 halakhah 87, 95–98, 447 Ashkenazi authorities and 37–38 compendiums 449–481 halakhic codes 47, 58–59 halakhic discourse 480–481 halakhic works 71, 480–481, 502, 514–515, 514–515n13, 523–524n28, 572–573, 574, 575, 593 Sephardic authorities and 37–38 Halberstadt, Berman 543–544 Halicz, Asher 8, 42–43n19 Halicz, Elyakim 8, 42–43n19 Halicz, Hayyim 8 Halicz, Samuel 8, 42–43n19 Halikhot Olam, Yeshua’ah ben Joseph ha-Levi 349–350

Index Halitz, Barukh 196 Hall, Rowland 7 Halle, Israel ben Moses ben Abraham 155, 276, 277–279n17, 283, 284, 287, 290–291, 292 Halle, Israel Moses ben Abraham 276–277 ha-Maggid 363, 368, 370, 374 Hamburg, Germany 155, 312–337, 526 coat of arms and 312 incunabula period in 314–315 Jewish settlement in 313–314 Hamishah Homshei Torah 77 Hamishah Homshei Torah (Pentateuch)  315–316, 323 Hamozegh, Elijah Ben 94 Hanau, Germany 128–129 hand pouring water motif, symbolizing Levi 71 hands of Kohen 76 Ha-Nefesh ha-Hakhamah, Leon, Moses ben Shem Tov de 128 Hanina, Ishmael 322 Hannover, Nathan Nata ben Moses 256–272 Neta Ne’eman 271 Neta Sha’ashu’im 260, 265, 271 Safah Berurah 156, 266–268, 267, 271 Sha’arei Ziyyon 156, 268–271, 269 Ta’amei Sukkah 156, 260–262, 261, 262 Yeven Mezulah 156, 256, 257, 258, 260, 262–266, 264, 271 Zok ha-Ittim 266 the Hanse 313 Hapota, Abraham 187 Hapsburgs 555 hare motif 618–619, 619n35 Harper’s Weekly Journal of Civilization 106 Hartmann, Friedreich 541–542 Hartmann, Joachim 541–542 ha-Sardi, Samuel ben 58–59 hascomas. See approbations Hasdai, Abraham ben Samuel ha-Levi ibn, Ben ha-Melekh ve-ha-Nazir 66 Hasdei Avot (Jabez) 162 Ha-Shirim Asher li-Shelomo, de’ Rossi, Salamone ben Azariah 115–116 Hasidic movement 380 Hasidic presses 368

Index Hasidim 91 haskalah 523 Haskalah 364 Hassidic Tiberius Kollel Ashkenazim  108–110, 111 Havazzelet ha-Sharon Alshekh, Moses ben Hayyim 120–122, 121 Bezalel ben Solomon of Kobryn 131 Hayot, Isaac ben Abraham 45–46 Hayyat, Judah ben Jacob 561–563 Minhat Yehudah 561–563, 562 Hayyei Adam, Danzig, Abraham 449 Hayyei Adam (Danzig) 572–573, 573n13, 576 Hayyei Yehudah (Modena) 228–229, 231–232, 253 Hayyim ben Abraham ha-Kohen 191, 256 Hayyim ben Bezalel 258, 576 Iggeret ha-Tiyyul 568, 568n8 Sefer ha-Hayyim 567–568, 567 Hayyim ben Zevi Hirsch 77–78 Hayyim ha-Kohen 559 Migdal David 150 Hayyyei Yehudah, Modena, Leone (Judah Areah) 239 hazurim 595 H.azut Kashah, Arama, Isaac ben Moses  65–66 Hazzan, Asher Anshel ben Eliezer 250 He’arot le-Sefer he-Arukh, Archivolti, Samuel ben Elhanan 135–136 Hebrew books burning of (see book burning) censorship of (see censorship) expurgation of 508, 513–515 internal censorship of 508, 515–518 license to publish 25 printing of (see specific locations) market for 33–34 seizure of 500 HebrewBooks.org 150 Hebrew texts, anti-Semitism directed against 483 Hedvat Yehoshua diacrtic under h, Fischel, Joshua ha-Levi Traitel ben Jehiel Fischel 574–576 Hegyon ha-Nefesh, Abraham ben Hayya 520 Heikhal ha-Shem, Ashkenazi, Jehiel ben Israel Luria 95

667 Heilbronn, Jacob ben Eliakim 609n24 Heinstat, Anton 252 Helek le-Shevah 308 Helkat Mehokek le-Seder Haggadah shel Pesah 57, 58 Heller, Marvin 86, 342n11 “Adderet Eliyahu; A Study in the Titling of Hebrew Books” 113 “Keter Shem Tov: A Study in the Entitling of Books, Here Limited to One Title Only” 114 “What’s in a Name? An Example of the Titling of Hebrew Books” 113–114 Heller, Yom Tov Lipmann ha-Levi 328, 586 Helmreich, William B. 257 Henriette Catherine, Princess 525, 526 Henrique, Reuben ben Jehiel 224n30 Henrique, Reuben ben Samuel Hiya  223–224 Henschel, von 107 heraldry 31–33, 57, 63 Heschel, Joseph ben Joshua Heschel ha-Kohen 292 Heschel, Joshua 292 Hesed Avraham, Lipschitz, Abraham ben Benjamin Ze’ev Lipschitz 327 Hesed le-Avraham, yeshiva 571 Hesed le-Avraham (Abraham ben Mordecai Azulai) 23–24, 365, 374 title page of 23–24, 24, 25 Heshek Shelomo (Solomon ben Isaac le-Bet ha Levi) 22, 59 Heshel, Joshua 328 Hevel Na’im Figo, Azaria ben Ephraim 199 Figo, Azario 199 Hibbur Ma’asiot ve-ha-Midrashot ve-haHaggadot 352, 359 Hiddushei Aguddah, Alexander Suslin ha-Kohen 474 Hiddushei Halakhot 282, 283, 284, 288, 289, 290, 366 Isserles, Israel 279, 280 Schiff, Meir bein Jacob ha-Kohen (Maharam Schiff) 81, 82 Hiddushei ha-rif 184 Hijar, Aragon 604 Hildesheimer, Israel 213–214n10

668 Hilkhot Rav Alfas 370, 374–375 Hilkhot Rav Alfas (Sefer Rav Alfas, Sefer ha-Halkhot) 52 Hilkot Derekh Eretz 409 Hilkot Rav Alfas 366 Hillel 557 Hind, Arthur M. 604 Hinuukh Beit Yehudah, Zundel, Judah Leib ben Enoch 526 Hirsch, Saul ben R. Zevi 523 Hirsch ben Hayyim 496 Hirsch mokhir seforim (bookseller) 68 Historia dei Riti Ebraici, Modena, Leone (Judah Areah) 230 Historie vom Rittur Siegmund und Magdalena 276 History of Hebrew Typography … Central Europe, Friedberg, Ch. B. 327 History of Hebrew Typography in Poland 363 Hizzuk Emunah, Troki, Isaac ben Abraham 414, 415–416 Hlava, Bahya ben Asher, Be’ur al ha-Torah 49 Hochtaunuskreis, Hesse, Germany 81 Ho’il Moshe 44 Mat, Moses 119 Hokhmat Adam, Danzig, Abraham 449, 572 Hok leYisrael (Yatom) 501 Holophernes 40, 40 Holy Alliance (Grand Alliance) 369 Homburg, Germany 277 Horchens, Heinrich, Sendschreiben an seine hinterlassene 283 Horowitz, Isaiah ha-Levi (Shelah) 142, 145, 259 Horowitz, Mordecai ben Samuel 377, 377n30, 378 Horowitz, Shabbetai ben Isaiah 370 Horowitz, Shabbetai Sheftel 259 Horowitz, Sharon S. 226n1 Hoshen Mishpat 188 Houtingius, Henricus 440 Hovot ha-Levavot 68–69 Paquda, Bahya ben Joseph ibn 67 Hovvi, J. M. 63 Hukat ha-Pesach ‘Ritus et celebrate phase judeorum’ 554

Index Hukkat ha-Pesah (Pesante) 565, 611–613, 612, 630–632, 632 Hulin 491 Hullin 287 tractate 375 Hulsius, A., Theologia Judaica 127 humanism 612 Humas de Parasioth y AFtharoth 18 Hussite Wars 468 Hutner, Isaac, Torat ha-Zazir 516 Hutter, Elias Biblia Sacra—Derekh ha-Kodesh  316–318, 318, 319 Künstlich New ABC Buch darauß ein junger 317–318, 317n17, 320 Opus quaddripartitum Scripta Sacra 320 Iakerson, Shimon 488 Iberian Peninsula, Haggadot printed in  593–599, 597, 636 ibn, Gabbai, Hayyim ben Meir, Pesah le-haShem diactic under h 501, 502–503 ibn Dona de Brito, Isaac Hayyim 186 Ibn Dysoss, Samuel 89 Ibn Ezra 234 Ibn Falaquera, Joseph, Zori ha-Yagon 11 Ibn Gabbai, Hayyim ben Meir, Pesah le-ha-Shem 628–630, 629 Ibn Gabbai, Jedidah ben Abraham 16, 353 Derekh Emunah 628 Ibn Gabbai, Meir ben Ezekiel 628 Avodat ha-Kodesh 628 Avodat haKodesh 502 Derekh Emunah 13–14, 501–502 Tola’at Ya’akov 502, 628 Ibn Gabbai family 501 Ibn Gabirol, Solomon, Azharot 565 Ibn Habib, Jacob ben Solomon 347 Ein Ya’akov 182, 182n11, 184, 185, 188 Ein Yisrael 182n11, 359 Ibn Habib, Levi, Sefer She’ilot u’Teshuvot 13 Ibn Hasson, Solomon 168 Ibn Lev (Maharival), Joseph, She’elot u’Teshuvot 168, 173 Ibn Makhir, Moses ben Judah, Seder ha-Yom  361, 365 Ibn Mei’iri, Meir Jacob, Shulhan ha-Panim (Misa de El Almah) 447, 451, 477, 479–481

Index Ibn Melekh, Solomon, Mikhlol Yofi 429 Ibn Sahula, Isaac ben Solomon ibn Abi, Meshal ha-Kadmoni 504–506, 505 Ibn Shem Tov, Shem Tov ben Joseph, Derashot al ha-Torah 13–14 Ibn Verga, Solomon, She’erit Yosef 349–350 Ibn Yahya, Gedaliah ben, Shalshelet ha-Kabbalah 416–417 Ibn Yahya, Gedaliah ben Joseph 559 Ibn Yahya, Joseph ben David Perush Hamesh Megillot 559 Torah Or 447, 559–561, 560 Ibn Zerah, Menahem ben Aaron 125 Zeidah la-Derekh 450, 465–468, 466, 514–515n13 Iggeret Ba’alel Hayyim 66 Iggeret Hakodesh 101 Iggeret ha-Tiyyul (Hayyim ben Bezalel) 568, 568n8 Iggeret Orhot Olam 284 Iggeret Shemu’el (Uceda) 166–168, 167, 173, 284 Imrei Binah 45 Imrei Shefer (Spira) 378, 518, 519 incunabula 34, 35, 484 incunabula period 34, 54–55, 314–315 indexes 199 Index Librorum Expurgatorum 120, 347, 507, 509 Indian literature 66 introductions 558–576 Isaac Aaron ben Joseph Israel 551 Isaac Benjamin Wolf ben Eliezer Lipman, Nahalat Binyamin 73 Isaac ben Joseph 412, 455 Amudei Golah/Sefer Mitzvot Katan (Semak) 53–54, 54, 453–455, 454, 514–515n13 Isaac ben Meir (Ribam) 456 Isaac ben Samuel Hayyim 459–460 Isaac ben Samuel the Elder of Dampierre 456 Isaac ben Sheshet 349 Isaac ben Todros 93, 95 Isaac de Cordova 548 Isaac ha-Kohen, Kizzur Mizrahi 119 Isaac ha-Levi 333 Isaac of Dueren 473

669 Isaiah ben Asher ha-Levi 38 Isaiah ben Joseph 586 Isenburg-Birstein, Count 274 Iserles, Jacob 184 Israel, Eretz, first printer in 56 Israel, Jonathan I. 259, 402 Israel ben Abraham 79, 80–81 Mafte’ach Leshon ha-Kodesh 80 Israel ben Benjamin, Yalkut Hadash 18–19, 18 Israel ben Moses 275, 292 Issachar Behr, Samuel ben Judah Moses Eybeschuetz (Perlhefter) 385, 401, 609n25 Ba’er Heitev 401, 587–591, 589, 590 Ma’aseh Hoshen u-Ketoret 591 Ohel Yissakhar 587–588, 589, 591 Ohel Yissakhar, Ma’aseh Hosen u-Ketoret 401 Issachar Ber ben Abraham Eliezer 542n9 Issachar Ber ben Zevi Hirsch 361, 366, 378, 548 Issacher Behr, Bella 587 Issacher Ber ben Abraham Eliezer of Minden 250 Isserlein, Israel 459, 471, 473 Isserles, Israel, Hiddushei Halakhot 279, 280 Isserles, Moses ben Israel (Rema) 258, 469, 473, 479, 567, 576 commentary on Shulkan Arukh 471 Darkhei Moshe 42 Mehir Yayin 563–565, 564 Torat ha-Olah 48 Istanbul 155, 157, 175. See also Constantinople Italian Jewry 359 prayer books for 345–346 Italian Renaissance 622–623 Italy 39 approbations in 546 books burned in mid-sixteenth century 498–500 Haggadot printed in 599–601, 619–628 Hebrew printing in 178–179, 599–601, 619–628 lion motif in 49–50 printing in 10–11, 178–179, 340, 619–628 Talmud in 556–557 Talmud prohibited in 58n33

670 Ixar (Hijar), Aragon, Spain 34 Izmir, Ottoman Empire 16 Jabez, Isaac 168, 173, 563 Hasdei Avot 162 Torat Hesed 159, 160, 161, 162, 172 Yafik Razon 159, 162, 172–173 Jabez, Joseph ben Isaac 90, 168, 479–480, 630–631 Jabez, Solomon 158, 159, 168, 173 Jabez brothers 171 Jablonski, Daniel Ernest 543 Jacob (Patriarch) 24, 62 Jacob, Ba’al ha-Turim 465 Jacob ben Asher (Ba’al ha-Turim) 34–35, 35, 37 Arba’ah Turim 158, 450, 459, 470, 478 Jacob ben Asher Aaron 142 Jacob ben Baruch, Birkat Yosef 526 Jacob ben Habib 498 Jacob ben ha-kodes 262–263n15 Jacob ben Hayyim 567–568 Jacob ben Meir (Rabbenu Tam) 456 Jacob ben Moses 363 Jacob ben Moses (Maharil) 363, 365 Niggunei Maharil 469 Sefer Maharil 468–469 Jacob ben Naphtali Zevi 343, 344 Jacob ben R. Nephtali ha-Kohen 239 Jacob Joseph ben Judah Leib, Rav Yeivi 361, 362 Jacob Koppel ben Wolf 268 Jacob of Wuerzburg 462 Jacob Samson 365 Jaffe, Hannah 47 Jaffe, Israel 377 Jaffe, Kalonymus ben Mordecai 47, 518, 610–611 Jaffe, Mordecai ben Abraham (Levush) 47, 578 Levush ha-Orah 48–49 Jaffe, Solomon Zalman ben Jacob Kalmankes of Turobin 70 Jaffe, Zevi bar Abraham Kalonymous 70 pressmark of 71 Jaffe, Zevi ben Abraham Kalonymous  149–151 Yayin ha-Rekah 149–151

Index Jaffe family 70 James I 230 Janson, Gerard Johann 83 Jehiel 453 Jehiel, Asher ben (Rabbenu Asher, Rosh)  37–38 Jehiel ben Joseph, Vikku’ah Rabbenu Yehiel im Nicholas Jehiel ben Joseph of Paris  412–415, 413 Jekuthiel ben Isaac 38 Jenae, Germany 389 Jeremiah 270 Jeroham ben Meshullam of Provence (Rabbenu Jeroham) Sefer Mesharim 469–470 Toledot Adam ve-Havvah 469, 470 Jerusalem, Jews exiled from 55 Jerusalem Talmud 236, 291 Seder Nezikin 529 Jessnitz, Germany 50, 81, 277, 526 Jessurun, Samuel 221 Jessurun de Mercado, Abraham 221 Jesus in Talmude (Meelführer) 416, 417, 418 The Jewish Encyclopedia 86 Jewish Encyclopedia 113 Jewish law. See halakhah Jewish National and University Library 595 Jewish Theological Seminary library 491, 495, 502–503 João VI 314 Johan 76 John Philip 274 Joma: Codex Talmudicus, in quo agitur de sacrificiis (Sheringham) 429 Jonah, story of 63 Jonathan ben Uzziel 588–589, 590 Joseph (Patriarch) 24, 62 Joseph ben Abraham ha-Kohen Moshiat El 166, 173 Ta’am le-Mussaf Takanot Shabbat 166, 173 Joseph ben al-Aysh 467 Joseph ben Isaac 374–375n26 Joseph ben Jacob ha-Kohen 199 Joseph ben R. Joshua Heschel ha-Kohen  277 Joseph ben Schneur ha-Kohen 172 Minhat Kohen 166, 172, 173 Seder Mishpatim 574

Index Joseph ha-Levi 501–502 Joseph I 552 Joseph ibn Lev (Maharival), She’elot u’Teshuvot 166 Joseph Samuel 545, 546–547 Joshua 62 Joshua ben David 569 Joshua ben Levi 463 Joshua ben Shuaib 14, 467 Derashot al ha-Torah 14 Joshua Boaz ben Simon Baruch 497–498n15 Josippon 45, 67, 71 Judah 33 tribe of 33, 35, 55–56, 60, 61 Judah [Leib] ben Mordecai [Gimpel] of Posen 260 Judah Aryeh Loeb 551, 552, 554–555 Judah ben Asher 125, 467 Judah ben Attar 94 Judah ben Benjamin 462 Judah ben David 413, 586–587 Judah ben Isaac (Sir Leon) 412 Judah ben Jehiel (Messer Leon) 460 Nofet Zufim 459 Judah ben Kalonymus 452 Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid 86–87 Judah ha-Levi Mi Kamokh 595 piyyut of 595 Judah he-Hasid 452 Sefer Hasidim 232 Judah Leib 361 Judah Leib ben Simeon, Zera Yehudah 279 Judah of Paris 456 Judah of Pesaro 452 Judaism lion as positive symbol in 61 reform of 524 Judaismus oder Judenthum (Müller) 216, 216n16 Jüdischer Abgestreifter Schlangenbalg (Brenz) 418–419, 421–422 Judith 40, 40 Juedische Merkwuerdigkeiten 215–216 Juno 107 Jurieu, Pierre 275

671 Kabbalah 174, 220, 329, 332, 392–394, 392, 393, 394, 453, 561, 574 Lurianic 335–336 Scholem on influence of 270–271 Sepharidic tradition 500 on Tetragrammaton 87 Kabbalism 146–147, 149–151, 174, 369, 379, 460, 501, 502 kabbalistic discourses 23–24, 91, 92–95, 119–120, 140, 141, 323 Kabuli, Solomon ben Menahem 44 Kad ha-Kemah (Asher ben Hlava) 37–38, 520, 598–599 Kahana, Abraham Duber 516 Kalonymus ben Kalonymus 66 Karaites 407, 415–416 Karl VI 552, 554 Karp, Abraham 509–510 Kasa de-Harshana (Berlin) 522–523 Kashti, David 56 Kassin, Menashe 196 Katchen, Aaron L. 426 Katrowitz, David 513n10 Katz, Avigdor 462 Katz, Gershon ben Bezalel 195 Katz, Jacob ben Benjamin 555 Katz, Joseph ben Mordecai 473 Katz, Mordecai ben Gershom 48 Katz, Mordecai ben Gershon ha-Kohen 43 Katz, Mordecai ben Moses Katz, Derekh Yam ha-Talmud 76 Katz, Moses ben Bezalel 226, 241 Katz, Moses ben Joseph Bezalel 46–47, 136–138, 240, 248, 253, 490, 529–530 Katz, Moses Jekuhtiel Kaufman 328 Katz, Naftali ben Isaac ha-Kohen 545 Katz, Naphtali ben Isaac 334, 361 Katz, Reuben Hoeshke ben Hoeshke, Oneg Shabbat 361 Katz, Solomon ben Mordecai 46–47, 136 Katzenellenbogen, Meir ben Isaac (Maharam) 134, 179, 197–198n14 Katznellenbogen, house of 551 Kaufmann Haggadah 595, 596 Kedushat Levi 370, 372, 377, 378 Kehillat Moshe 196, 199 Kelal Katan (Bloch) 503–504, 503 Kelal Kazar 599

672 Keli Hemdah (Laniado) 67, 156, 192, 193, 194–195, 194n7, 196–197n13, 199, 207 Keli Paz (Laniado) 156, 197–199, 197 Keli Yakar (Solomon Ephraim be Aaron Luntshits (Luntschitz) 44 Keli Yekar (Laniado) 156, 195–196, 196–197n13, 196, 201, 201n22 Keneh Hokhmah (Pukhovitser) 334, 336 Keritot (tractate) 375 Kesef Mezukkah (Pinto) 174–189 Kesef Nimas 188 Kesef Nivhar (Pinto) 59, 155–156, 174–189, 177, 178, 180, 181 Kesef Tzaruf (Pinto) 185 Kesef Zaruf 174–189 Keshet Nehushah (Angel) 159, 164–165, 173 Kestenbaum & Company 490, 517–518 Ketav Yosher (Berlin) 522 Keter Kehunnah (Lara) 323–324, 324, 325 Lara, David ben Isaac Cohen de 326 Keter Shem Tov 3–4, 85–111, 111 Keter Shem Tov (Abraham Alexander (Axelrad)) 90–92, 90 Keter Shem Tov (Abraham of Cologne) 500 Keter Shem Tov (Aharon ben Zevi ha-Kohen), Kohen, Aharon ben Zevi ha- 98–102, 99, 100 keter shem tov (crown of a good name) 3–4, 85–111 Keter Shem Tov (Ehrenkranz des guten Rufes) (Natonek) 106–108, 106, 107, 108 Keter Shem Tov (Gaguine) 95–97, 96 Keter Shem Tov (Kohen), Kohen, Solomon Zalman ben Zevi Hirsch 108–110 Keter Shem Tov (Kollel Keter Shem Tov) 98 Keter Shem Tov (Melamed) 87–90, 88 Keter Shem Tov (Mohr) 101, 102–106, 103, 104 Keter Shem Tov (Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon) 92–95 Keter Shem Tov (Taharani) 97–98, 111 Keter Shem Tov (Tzoref) 110 Keter Shem Tov (Young) 110 Ketoret ha-Mizbe’ah (Mordecai ben Naphtali Hirsch) 72, 72 Kettubot (tractate) 49, 67, 155, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 550 Kevuzzot Kesef (Pinto) 188 Kiddushin (tractate) 20, 496, 497, 555

Index Kikayon di-Yonah (Teomim) 73 Kilpin, Thomas 434 Kimhi, David (Radak) 195, 196 commentary on Psalms 67 Sefer ha-Shorashim 8 Kinah Shemor (Modena) 228 King James Bible 534–535 Kinneret Sea 69 Kinyan Avraham (Lonzano) 77, 78 Kiryat Bialik 98 Kiryat Sefer 363 Kis, Nikolas 23 Kisot le-Veit David (Del Bene) 310, 340, 346, 348–349, 353, 359 Kitvei Rabbenu Bahya (Hlava) 520, 520n23 Kizzur Mizrahi (Isaac ha-Kohen) 119 Kizzur Piskei ha-Rosh 37, 599 Kizzur Shulhan Arukh (Ganzfried) 449, 515–516 Klausner, Abraham 475 Minhagim 470–471, 476 Klausner, Mendel 471 Kliers, Moses 516 Kloss, Dr. 613 Koelner, Johann 526, 554 Koethen, Germany 81 Kohelet Shelomo (Pinto) 184 Kohelet Ya’akov (Galante) 57, 57 Kohen, Gershom 613, 614 Kohen, Gershom ben Solomon 617 Kohen, Gronem (Geronim) 613 Kohen, Israel ben Abraham, Yessodato be-harerei 349 Kohen, Jacob Joseph ben Zevi 101 Ben Porat Yosef 100 Toledot Ya’akov Yosef 100 Zafenat Pa’ne’ah 100 Kohen, Mordecai ben Gershon 44 Kohen, Raphael 522 Torat Yekuteil 522 Kohen, Shabbetai b. Meir 379 Kohen, Solomon Zalman ben Zevi Hirsch, Keter Shem Tov 108–110 Kohen Porto, Moses 116 kohens 44 Kol Bo 484 Kol Kitvei Rabbi Ya’akov Saphir ha-Levi (Saphir) 104

Index Kollel Keter Shem Tov, Keter Shem Tov 98 Kook, Abraham Isaac ha-Kohen 516–518 Kook, Saul 140 Kopys, Lithuania, Hebrew printing in 377, 377n30 Korban Shabbat (Bezalel ben Solomon) 132 Korets, Ukraine 379n33, 379n34 Korezec 102 Kor ha-Behinah (Landau) 558–559 Kornfeld, Aaron ben Mordecai Baer (Aaron Jennikau) 573–574 Shomer Ziyyon haNe’eman 573–574 Ziyunim le-Divrei ha-Kabbalah  573–574 Kossowsky, Isaac 516 Sheelot Yitzhak 516 Kotnot Or 184 Krispin, Mahluf Aminadav 98 Krochmal, Menahem Mendel 503–504 Kuhbukh 21, 59–60 Künstlich New ABC Buch darauß ein junger (Hutter) 317–318, 317n17, 320 Kuruçesme 157 Kuru Tsheshme 155, 157–173 Kushta, Turkey 155 Kushya belo Zot o Nuremberger o Regensburger 400–401, 400 Ladino 159, 162, 173, 447, 451, 479–481, 598, 636 lamb motif 543–544, 544 Landau, Jacob Barukh ben Judah (Rimini) Sefer ha-Agur 457, 458–460, 537–538 Sefer Hazon 458–459 Landau, Joseph Samuel, Kor ha-Behinah  558–559 Landau, Judah 459 Landman, Leo 232–233 Landsberg, Elias 106 Landsberg, Moritz 106–108, 106, 111 Landsberg, R. Wolf, Ze’ev Yitrof 524 Laniado, Abraham 201n22 Magen Avraham 201–203, 201n22, 201 Nekuddot ha-Kesef 203–204, 203, 205 Torat hesed 204 Laniado, Abraham ben Isaac 195 Nekuddot ha-Kesef 151 Laniado, Abraham ben Samuel 191, 198 Magen Avraham 194n7

673 Laniado, David Ziyyon ben Solomon 200 Laniado, Isaac ben Jacob 191, 198 Laniado, Levi 198 Laniado, Moses 203–204 Laniado, Samuel ben Abraham 156, 191–192, 198, 201, 204–205, 207 Keli 207 Keli Hemdah 67, 156, 192, 193, 194–195, 194n7, 199 Keli Paz 156, 197–199, 197 Keli Yekar 156, 195–196, 196–197n13, 196, 201, 201n22 Teru’at Melekh 199–200 Laniado, Solomon 198, 200 Laniado family 190–207 Lara, David ben Isaac Cohen de, Keter Kehunnah 326 La Rassegna mensile di Israel 295 Latif, Samuel 464 Lattes, Isaac ben Joshua, Perush Ma’amar shebe-Midrash Rabbah 295, 307 Laudes beate Marievirginis (Voragine) 314, 315 League of Hanseatic Cities 313 Le Clerc, Jean 441, 443 Le-Einei Kol Yisrael (Mussafia) 224 Leeu, Gerard, Dialogus Creaturarum 7 Lehem Dimah (Uceda) 167 Lehem ha-Panim (Hagiz) 341 Lehem Yehudah (Lerma) 52, 52n26, 498–499, 499, 500 Lehmann, Behrend 543. See also Berman, Issachar (Ber Segal) ha-Levi Leib 33 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm 385 Leiden, Netherlands 426 Hebrew printing in 242–243, 247–249, 247, 248, 253 Leipzig, Germany 328, 552–553 Lekah Tov (Zahalon) 56–57 Leket Yosef (Ginsberg) 331–332, 333 Lekhah Dodi (Alkabetz) 532, 594 Lekket Shikhah (Abendana) 429 Lekutei ma-Haran (Nahum of Bratslav) 370 Lemberg, Ukraine 102, 529, 529n40, 585. See also Lvov, Ukraine Lemberger, Abraham ben Simeon Heide  49, 490 L’Empereur, Constantin 426, 427

674 Leon 33 Leon, Jacob Judah 216n16 Leon, Judah ben Jehiel 459 Leon, Solomon ben Jacob 145 Leopold, Kaiser 545 Leopold I, Prince 525 Lerma Sephardi, Judah ben, Lehem Yehudah 52, 52n26, 498–499, 499, 500 letters, historiated 595 Leusden, Johannes 426, 427 Lev Aharon (Aaron ibn Hayyim) 67 Levanon 188 Lev ha-Aryeh (Modena) 230 Levi, tribe of 73 Levi, Enoch 401 Levi, Simeon 69 Levi, Solomon le-Bet ha, Divrei Shelomo 88 Levi ben Gershom (Ralbag) 195, 635 Levi’im 77 Levin, Hirschel 521–522 Levin, Shalom Ber 376–377 Levine, Zalman 338n1, 507–508n2 Levisson family 91 Levita, Elijah (Elijah Bahur Ashkenazi) 500 Meturgeman 56 Tishbi 56 levites, symbols of 38 Levush ha-Orah (Jaffe) 48–49 the Levushim 47, 48 Levush Malkhut 47, 48 Lexicon chaldaicum, tamudicum et rabbinicum (Buxtorf) 220 Liberman, Haim 364, 365, 366, 370, 374, 375, 377–378 Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary 630 Libro Intitolado Yichus ha-Zaddikim 159, 162, 173 Liegnitz (Legnica, Silesia) 107, 107n14 Lightfoot, John 435, 441, 442 Likkutei Amorim 100 Likkutei ha-Ma’asim 353, 357, 358, 359 Likkutei Kabbalah Kadmonim 95 Likkutei Shoshanim (Meir ben Levi) 77 Likkutim me-Rav Hai Gaon 91–92 Likkutim ve-ha-Hibburim 353 Limor, Ora 397

Index lion motif 3, 30–61, 56, 94, 540, 540, 598, 615 in Arba’ah Turim Orah Hyyim 42, 42 Ashkenazi origins and 23 in coats of arms 32 continued use of 60 crowned lion 44, 57, 59, 59 in decorative frames 33–34n8 emblem of country where book was printed 33–34 in Hebrew Bible 31–32 in Hebrew iconography 31–32 import of 31 in Italy 49–50 in Jewish print imagery 33 lion passant 57 lion rampant 57 in Pisket ha-Rosh (Asher ben Jehiel (Rabenu Asher, Rosh)) 37–38 as positive symbol in Judaism 61 in printers’ devices 21, 22, 32, 33, 34–35, 36–37 representing Austria 23 representing Bohemia 23 representing Jewish perceptions and hopes 60–61 in Sabbioneta 49–50 in seals 32 symbolizing Davidic monarchy 61 as symbol of aristocracy 33 on title pages of Hebrew books 33–34 in Torat ha-Olah (Moses (Rema) Isserles)) 43–44, 44 used less frequently in Venice, Italy 49 lions, Hebrew names for 31–32 Lipmann Muelhausen, Yom tov, Sefer Nizzahon (Liber Nizachon Rabbi Lipmanni) 389 Lippsia (Leipzig), Germany 552–553. See also Leipzig, Germany Lipschitz, Abraham ben Benjamin Ze’ev Asarah Ma’amarot 326, 327 Berit Avraham 327 Hesed Avraham 327 Lipschitz, Jacob Koppel Kol 369 Lipshutz, Israel, Zera Yisrael 85 Lisbon, Portugal 50, 65, 158 Livorno, Italy 16, 94, 108, 353, 529

Index Loew, Judah ben Bezalel (Maharal) 46, 291, 292, 494, 495, 567, 630–632 Derekh Hayyim 67, 635 Gevurot ha-Shem 632–635, 633, 634 Gur Aryeh 634 Or Hadash 578–580, 579, 591 Ner Mitzvah 578, 580 Tiferet Yisrael 361 Tikkunei Zohar 361 Lombroso, Elijah 95 Lonzano, Raphael, Kinyan Avraham 77, 78 Lopes Peyeira, Isaac ben Moses 186 Lowenstein, Saul 571–572 Lowin, Joseph 62 Lublin, Poland 19, 39, 42–43n19, 47, 49n23, 68, 70, 611 as Hebrew printing center 70 Talmud printed in 510n6 Lucas, Martin 534–535 Lungo, Saadiah 631 Luntshits, Solomon Ephraim ben Aaron, Ammudei Shesh 136–138, 137 Luri, Solomon ben Jehiel 45 Luria, Isaac (Ari) 166, 269, 322 Shulhan Arukh Ha-Ari 361 Luria, Solomon ben Jehiel (Maharshal) 49, 49, 116, 117, 168, 174 Ketubbot 49 Yeri’ot Shelomo 116–119, 117, 118, 119 Yevamot 49 Luther, Martin 243, 554 Luzzato, Jacob ben Isaac 252 Luzzato, Samuel 116 Lvov, Ukraine 102, 526 Ma’agel Tov (Concio) 303–307, 305, 306 Ma’alot ha-Middot (Anav) 464 Ma’amadot 346–347, 353 Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud (Rabbinovicz) 287 Ma’amar Haskel (attr. to Eliezar ben Nathan (Raban) 54 Ma’amar Mordekhai (Melamed) 90 Maamar Peloni Almoni 91–92 Ma’areh Hayyim (Concio) 307 Ma’arekhet ha-Elohut 561–563, 562 Ma’aseh Eretz Israel 103 Ma’aseh Floris und Flankfoler 275

675 Ma’aseh Ha’Shem (Ashkenazi) 635 Ma’aseh Hoshen u-Ketoret (Issachar Behr)  591 Ma’aseh Rabbi Bostani (Richietti) 352 Ma’aseh Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi 353 Ma’aseh Yerushalmi (Richietti) 352 Ma’ase Yetziat Mitzrayim 57 Madruzzo, Cristoforo 607 Madruzzo, Ludowic 607 Maecenas 551 Mafte’ach Leshon ha-Kodesh (Israel ben Abraham) 80 Magen Avraham (Laniado) 194n7, 201–203, 201n22, 201 Magen David (Melamed) 585–587, 586, 588, 591, 598, 599 Magen David (Star of David) 38, 42, 42, 44, 50, 65 Magishi Minhah 77 Mahzor Haggadah 601 mahzorim (festival prayer books) 44, 67, 68, 69, 70, 78, 457, 488, 593, 600 Mahzor Vitry (Simhah ben Samuel) 457 Maimonides (Moses ben Maimon, Rambam) 37–38, 101, 438, 460, 469, 495 Mishnayot 7, 93, 179, 197–198n14, 250, 409, 450, 478, 531 Moreh Nevukhim 50, 50n24, 51, 140, 349 Mainz, Germany 469, 554 Malinovski, Joseph ben 415 Malkiel, David 402 Man, Menahen, Zantzenet ha-Man 279 Manasseh 62 Manasseh (Menasseh) Ben Israel 539–540 Manoah Matsa Hen (Shemaria) 49 Mantua, Italy 13, 54–55, 66, 115–116, 184–185, 464, 583, 584, 584, 619–626, 622, 628 Manuel, Frank E. 385, 402, 412n26 Manuel, King of Portugal 119 Manutius, Aldus, printers’ device of 63 Ma’or va-Shemesh (Coriat) 92–95 Ma’or va-Shemesh (Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon) 92–95, 92, 93, 94 Marcaria, Jacob 471 Marcheses, Samuel ben Solomon 548–554, 549, 551, 552, 555, 555 Marcia, Jacob ben David 607 marginalia 143, 202, 471, 623

676 Marie Louise, Duchess of Parma 487 marine pressmarks 63 Marino, Marco 555 Marino, Solomon ben Isaac 342 Tefilah le-Zman shelo Tavo ha-Mageifa 356 Tikkun Olam 353, 356–357, 359 Marot ha-Zove’ot (Alshekh) 122, 277, 284 Mars 22n22, 50–52, 58–59, 65–66, 492 Marx, Alexander 491, 601, 622 Mary of Hungary 158 Masat Moshe (Alshekh) 580–582, 582, 591, 628 Masoret ha-Berit ha-Gadol (Angel) 165 masoretic notes 35 Mat, Moses, Ho’il Moshe 119 Matteh Yehudah 280, 284 Ma’yan Gannim (Archivolti) 134–136, 135 Mayyin Amukim (Mizrahi) 191 Mazia, Isaac 69, 475 Me’ammez Ko’ah (Almosnino) 67 Mebo Shearim (Spira) 378 medieval period, Christian-Hebraism in  427–428 Medina, Moses de 58, 493 Medina, Samuel ben Moses de (Maharashdam) 58, 493 Medjed fish 63 Meelführer, Rudolf Martin (Rudolfo Martino Meelführero), Jesus in Talmude 416, 417, 418 Megalleh Amukkot (Spira) 131, 379 Megillah (tractate) 550 Megillat Antiochus 595 Megillat Esther 447–448, 563–565, 577–591, 628 Megillat Shir ha-Shirim 44 Megillot (Moses ben Abraham Mat of Przemysl) 44 Mehir Yayin (Isserles (Rema) 563–565, 564 Mehlman, Israel 171 Mehlmann Collection, Jewish National and University Library 162 mehokek (scepter) 35 Mei ha-Yam (Mussafia) 216 Me’ilah (tractate) 375 Meir ben Baruch (Maharam) 232, 460, 462, 471, 514–515

Index responsa of 44 Sefer She’ilot u’Teshuvot 11 Sefer Tashbez 53–54 Meir ben Baruch ha-Levi 396, 470 Meir ben Ephraim 55 Meir ben Levi, Likkutei Shoshanim 77 Meir ben Moses 462 Meir ben Samuel, Zok ha-Ittim 262–263n15, 568–569 Meisels, Menahem Nahum 9–10 Meishiv Nefesh, Sirkes, Joel (Bah) 71 Mei Zahav (Mezahab epistola) (Mussafia)  320 Mekom Binah 301 Mekor Hokhmah 336, 337 Melamed, David ben Judah, Magen David  585–587, 586, 588, 591 Melamed, Shem Tov ben Jacob 3–4, 111 Keter Shem Tov 87–90, 88 Ma’amar Mordekhai 90 Melan, Frantz Ferdinand 209–210n5 Meldola, Solomon 342, 357 Meliz Yoher (Ashkenazi) 128 Menachem Mendel of Liska 101 Menasheh 485 Menasseh Ben Israel 17–18, 19, 209, 217, 220n23 Nishmat Hayyim 221–222 Mendelssohn, Moses 50n24, 522 Be’ur 522 Menorat ha-Me’or (Aboab) 55, 55, 236, 284 Me’or Einayim (Pinto), Pinto, Josiah ben Joseph 175, 182–185, 182n11, 183, 184, 188–189 Me’or Einayim (Twersky) 361, 378 Merkavah of Ezekiel 91 Mesapperet Yahasuta de-Zaddikei de-Ara de-Yisrael (Richietti) 352 Meshal ha-Kadmoni (Ibn Sahula) 484, 504–506, 505 Meshullam, Jehiel ben 117 Meshullam Cusi ben Moses Jacob 32–33 Meturgeman (Levita) 56 Metzah Aaron 370 Meyer, Franz Sales 31 Mezahab epistola (Mussafia) 156, 215–216 Mezhirech, Aaron of 378

Index Michelangelo, Jeremiah 623, 626 Midrash Aseret ha-Diburot (Richietti) 352 Midrashim 7, 119–120, 352, 353, 359, 453 Midrash Shemu’el (Uceda) 167–168 Midrash Tanhuma (Tanhuma bar Abba) 55, 59–60 Migdal David (David ben Aryeh Leib) 73 Migdal David (Hayyim ha-Kohen) 150 Migdal Oz (Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon) 93 Mi Kamokh (Judah ha-Levi) 595 Mi-Khamokhah (Moses ben Zechariah ha-Kohen) 585 Mikhlol Yofi (Ibn Melekh) 429 Mikra’ot Gedolot 196 Milan, Felix 209–210n5 Milan, Gabriel 209, 209–210n5 Milan, Itlay 65 Minagim (Tyrnau) 26, 27 Minahagei Maharil 276 Minerva 22n22, 50–52, 58–59, 65–66, 492 Minhag 95–97 Minhagim 25n26, 87, 95–98, 470–471, 474–476, 474 Minhat Kohen (Joseph ben Schneur ha-Kohen) 172, 173 Minhat Yehudah (Eilenburg) 119 Minhat Yehudah (Hayyat) 561–563, 562 Mink, Moses Zekel 279 Minkovtsy, Ukraine 374, 374–375n26 Minz, Judah 559 Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (Abrabanel) 50–52, 52, 65–66, 268 Mirkevet ha-Mishneh (author unknown)  8–9, 9, 27, 42–43n19 miscellanea 87, 108–110 Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri duo (Hackspan) 392–394, 392 Miscellaneous Discourses relating to the traditions and usages of the Scribes and Pharisees (Wotten) 432, 435, 441, 443 misdates 507–536 Misheli Shu’alim (Fox Fables) (Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan) 32–33, 66 Mishnah. See Mishnayot Mishnayot 83, 250, 389, 424, 426, 427, 429–430, 438n23, 438n24, 488, 494, 531, 539–540. See also specific tractates

677 English translations of 385–386, 424, 425–426, 432–440 tractates 407–409, 407, 408 Mishneh Torah (Maimonides), Maimonides 93, 179, 197–198n14, 409, 450, 478 mispronunciations, confusion due to 508, 531–536 Mitzpeh Yokteil (Berlin) 522 Berlin, Saul Hirsch (Hirschel) 522n26 Mizrahi, Elijah (Re’em) 45, 116–119, 518 Mayyin Amukim 191 Mizrahi, Israel 507–508n2 Mizrahi movement 517–518 Modena, Diana 231 Modena, Isaac 230–231 Modena, Leon (Judah Aryeh) 115, 134, 136, 196, 227, 233n20, 347–348, 492, 584 Ari Nohem 230 Beit Lehem Yehudah 230, 347–348n19 Beit Yehudah 347–348n19 family of 230–231 Hayyei Yehudah 228–229, 231–232, 239, 253 Historia dei Riti Ebraici 230 Kinah Shemor 228 Lev ha-Aryeh 230 Sha’agat Aryeh 230 Sod Yesharim 229–230, 351–352, 355, 356, 359 Sur me-Ra 156, 225–255, 229, 233– 234n23, 233n20, 529–531 Talmid Zakhan Musari 249, 250–253, 251, 252 Zemah Zaddik 230 Zori la-Nefesh u-Marpe la-Etzem 230 Modena, Mordecai 230 Modena, Moses di 584 Modena, Zevulon 230 Mo’ed Katan (tractate) 550 Moellin, Jacob ben Moses (Maharil) 471, 473 Sefer She’ilot u’Teshuvot 11, 12 Mohr, Abraham Menahem Mendel, Keter Shem Tov 101, 102–106, 103, 104 Molina, Isaac di 522–523, 523–524n28 monograms, mirror-image 533–534, 534, 545, 545

678 Monopoli (Apulia) 65 Montefiore, Moses 87, 101–102, 104–106, 104, 105, 111, 573 Mordecai 47 Mordecai ben Baruch 369, 370, 377 Mordecai ben Gershom ha-Kohen 607 Mordecai ben Naphtali Hirsch, Ketoret ha-Mizbe’ah 72, 72 Mordecai ben Samuel 377 Mordecai Gumpricht ben Moses 269, 270 Mordecai ha-Kohen 332 Mordecai of Eisenstadt 401, 587 Mordecai of Kremsier, Le-Korot ha-Gezerot 259 Mor Deror (Mordecai ben Enoch Judah) 26 Moreh Nevukhim (Maimonides) 50, 50n24, 51, 140, 349 Morocco 120 Moses 42, 44, 75–76, 113, 544, 544 Moses ben Abraham, Massa Gei Hizzayon  462 Moses ben Basola 175 Moses ben Israel 279 Moses ben Jacob (Semag) 413, 495 Sefer Mitzvot Gadol 454, 455 Moses ben Joseph 374–375n26 Moses ben Joseph (ha-Mabit) 98 Moses ben Joseph Bezalel 44 Moses ben Mahrasdam 168 Moses ben Maimon. See Maimonides (Moses ben Maimon, Rambam) Moses ben Nahman (Ramban) 484, 500 Perush ha-Torah 604 Sefer ha-Malkut 94, 95 Moses ben Zechariah ha-Kohen Mi-Khamokhah 585 Patshegen Ketab ha-Dat 585 Yashir Moshe 582–585, 583, 584, 591 Moses ha-Kohen 452 Moses Judah ha-Cohen 541, 545 Moses of Burgos 504 Moses of Znaim 470 Moses Sofer, Hatam Sofer 524 Moshiat El (Joseph ben Abraham ha-Kohen) 166, 173 Mosque of Omar 47 Mossad Harav Kook 515 Mount Sinai 75–76

Index Muelhausen, Yom Tov Lipmann 396n8, 471 imprisonment of 396 Sefer Nizzahon (Liber Nizachon Rabbi Lipmanni) 385, 388, 396–400, 397, 398, 399n11, 404, 409, 412 Müller, George 316 Müller, Johannes Joachim (Regiomontanus) 452n6 Judaismus oder Judenthum 216, 216n16 Murad, Sultan 163, 169 Murner, Beatus 554, 611 Murner, Thomas 554, 611 Logica Memorativa 611 Musaf he-Arukh (Mussafia) 156, 208, 210, 217–220, 218, 219, 224, 320 Musar Hasel be-Melizah (Hai ben Sherira Gaon) 320, 321 Mussafia, Benjamin ben Immanuel (Dionysius) 156, 208–224, 214–215n11, 314 eulogy to 221–222 Le-Einei Kol Yisrael 224 Mei ha-Yam 216 Mei Zahav (Mezahab epistola) 320 Mezahab epistola 156, 215–216 Musaf he-Arukh 156, 208, 210, 217–220, 218, 219, 224, 320 reputation of 220–221 Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ ex Bibliis 156, 214–215 Shta’im Esreh She’elot 224 Simhat Purim 222–224, 222, 223n29, 224n31 use of name Dionysius 214, 214–215n11 Zekher Rav 156, 208, 209, 210–214, 211, 212, 213–214n10, 213, 224, 320–321, 321 Mussafia, Leah 224 Mussafia, Sarah 156 Mylius, Crato (Krafft Müller) 32 mythological figures 60, 82. See also specific figures Nagelio, Johanne Andre 400, 400 Nahalat Avot (Abrabanel) 603, 607, 609n24 Nahalat Binyamin (Lipman) 73 Nahalat Shivah 73, 74, 76 Nahman ben Meir Kohen 269 Nahmias, David ibn 158, 453, 603–604

Index Nahmias, Samuel ben David ibn 35–38 Nahmias, Samuel ibn 158, 453, 603–604 Nahmias brothers press 598–599, 603–604 Nahum of Bratlsav, Lekutei ma-Haran 370 Najara, Israel 175 Pizei Ohev 166, 173 Nakdan, Brechiah ben Natronai ha-, Mishlei Shu’alim 66 naming methodology 3 Naphtali 68–69 Naphtali Hertz ben Menahem, Perush le-Midrash Humash Megillot Rabbah 71 Naphtali Zevi ben Jacob 343, 344 Naples, Italy 35, 65, 488 Napoleon 294, 339, 487 Napoleonic Wars 369 Nashon bar Zadok, Sefer Re’umah 140 Nasi, Gracia 168 Nasi, Joseph, Duke of Naxos 155, 158, 163, 168, 169, 172 Ben Porat Yosef 138, 140 Nasi, Reyna 155, 158–159, 163–164, 166, 167, 169, 172, 173 Nasi family 157, 159. See also Belvedere mansion; specific family members Nathan ben Jehiel, Arukh 55–56, 135–136, 156, 208, 217, 220, 320, 325, 460n15, 495 Nathanson, Joseph Saul 334 National and University Library of Israel (NULI) 189, 327, 338n1, 385, 388–389, 502–503 National Library of Israel 491, 594 Natonek, Josef, Keter Shem Tov (Ehrenkranz des guten Rufes) 106–108, 106, 107, 108 Neben, Konrad 275 Neg’aim (tractate) 407, 409 Nekkudot ha-Kesef (Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen) 151 Nekuddot ha-Kesef 151 Nekuddot ha-Kesef (Laniado) 203–204, 203, 205 Nepi, Hananel 256 Ner Mitzvah (Loew) 578, 580 Ner Mitzvah (Pesante) 565, 630–631 Neta Ne’eman (Hannover) 271 Neta Sha’ashu’im (Hannover) 260, 265, 271 Nethaniel ben Levi 460 Neuwied, Germany 277

679 Nevidot, Samuel ben Isaac 599 Nevi’im Rishonim (Alshekh) 195, 277, 510n6 Niddah (tractate) 287, 291, 494–495, 496, 533–534 Niggunei Maharil (Jacob ben Moses (Maharil) 469 Nikolsburg, Moravia 44 Nimukei Yosef (Shalit) Shalit, Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi  623–626, 624, 625, 628 Shalit, Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi of Padua 73 Nishmat Hayyim (Menasseh Ben Israel)  221–222 Nisselius, Johannes Gorgius 242–243, 254, 530, 538 Nivhar mi-Kesef (Pinto) 187–189, 187 Noah Elimelech (Elimelech) 361, 365 Nofet Zufim (Judah ben Jehiel (Messer Leon) 459 Nomologia o Discursos Legales, Compuestos por el Virtuose Hakam Rabi Imanuel Aboab de Buena Memoria (Aboab) 233 non-Jews 60 Notzar Adam: Hosafah Notzar Adam (Setthon) 516 Nowy Dwor, Poland 67–68, 68n14 Nowydwor, Poland 253 numerology 64 Nun 62 Nuremberg, Germany 385 Nuremberg Chronicle 616 Obadiah 485 Observationes Philologicae Ex Sacro Potissimum Penu Depromtae (Hackspan) 389 Ockley, Simon 442 Oels, Silesia 39 Offenbach, Germany 155, 273–292 Offenberg, Adrian K. 484, 487, 491, 595 Ohel Moshe (Aaron Moses ben Zevi Hirsch)  526 Ohel Ya’akov (Sasportas) 221 Ohel Ya’akov (Simeon of Tomashov)  262–263n15 Ohel Yissakhar (Issachar Behr) 587–588, 589, 591

680 Ohel Yissakhar, Ma’aseh Hosen u-Ketoret (Perlhefter) 401 Ohr, Phillip van 79 Olat Aharon (Feibush) 277–279n17 Olat Yitzhak (Isaac (Eisak) ben Joshua ben Abraham of Prague) 44–45 Olivetti, Sergio 295 Oliveyra, Solomon de 145 Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith 427–428 Oneg Shabbat (Katz) 361 Onkeneira, Isaac ben Samuel Ayumah ka-Nidgaloth 136–140, 139 Sefer Anak 140 Zafenat Pa’ne’ah 140 Oppenheim, David ben Abraham 545, 546 Oppenheim, Judah Leib, Birkat ha-Mazon  279 Orah Hayyim (Rofe) 188, 328, 459, 476, 575 Oratio de laudibus et utilitate trium linguarum Arabice Chaldaice et Hebraice (Wakefield) 429 Order Nezikin 473 Order of Jesuits in Olomouc 490 ordination 174, 174n3, 580, 580n3 Or Hadash (Bochner) 73 Or Hadash (Hayyim ben Benjamin Ze’ev Bochner) 19 Or Hadash (Loew) 578–580, 579, 591 Orhot hayim 484–485 Orhot Zaddikim (anonymous) 48, 361, 369 Or Kadmon 14–15 Orlando furioso (Ariosto) 228 Ariosto 228n9 Or Noga 213–214n10 Ortaköy 157 Ortona, Abraham Hai 342, 357 Or Yakar (Cordovero) 322 Or Zaddikim (Popper) 332 ostrich motif, pressmarks 192 Ostropoler, Samson 257, 265–266 Ot le-Tovah 296–298, 299, 300, 340 Otolingi, Eliezer Menahem 92, 94 Ottolenghi, Joseph 607 Ottoman Empire 109, 175 Otzar ha-Sefarim (Benjacob) 249 Ovadia, Jacob ben Hayyim of Adrianople 191 Ovadiah bar Barukh Ish Polanya 522

Index Oxford, England 249–250, 253 Oxyrhynchus, Egypt 63 Padera 510, 510n8 Padova, Abraham 305 Padova, Gershom 305 Padova, Samuel Hayyim 307 Padova Judah ben Abraham 308 Padua, Italy 13, 309, 502, 559 palindromes 533–534 palm trees 50–53, 52, 65–66, 77 Paltiel, Hayyim 471 Pappenheim, Naphtali 127 Paquda, Bahya ben Joseph ibn, Hovot ha-Levavot 67 parashat Bereshit 49 Pardes Rimmonim (Cordovero) 67, 146, 151 Pardo, Joseph 196 Parenzo, Asher 15 Parenzo, Meir 310 Parenzo, Meir ben Jacob 477 Paris, France burning of Talmud in 462 printers’ marks of 32 vignettes of 32 Parnas, Moses 630 Parnas press 630 Pasquato, Lorenzo 13–14 Patai, Raphael, The Jewish Alchemists 215–216 Patshegen Ketab ha-Dat (Moses ben Zechariah ha-Kohen) 585 Paul I 367 Paul IV 500 peacock motif 65–66, 239 Pearlstein, Solomon Zalman 199 Pelah ha-Rimmon (Bezalel ben Solomon)  130–132, 130 Pelah ha-Rimmon (Fano) 147, 151 Pellicanus, Conrad (Pellican) 120 Pentateuch 13, 18, 38–39, 361, 363, 368, 370, 488–489, 492 1544–1545 41 commentary on 119–120 Perez ben Elijah 455 Perez ben Isaac, Ma’arekhet ha-Elohut  561–563, 562 Perez ha-Kohen 349

Index Peri Megadim (Teomim) 334 Peringero, Gustavo (Gustav von Lilienbad Peringer) 385, 407–409, 407, 408n20 Duo Codices Talmudici Avoda Sara et Tamid 427 Perles, Moses Meir, Toharot Aharon 279 Perlhefter, Bella 401 Perlhefter, Jacob (Yekel) 587 Perpsectives on Hebrew Scriptures and its Contexts 20: Keter Shem Tov (Tzoref and Young) 110 Perush al ha-Torah (Moses ben Nahman [Ramban, Nahmanides]) 35, 36 Perush al ha-Torah le-R. Ya’akov (Jacob ben Asher) 35–36, 37 Perush al ha-Torah le-R. Ya’akov (Tur) 37 Perush Hamesh Megillot (Ibn Yahya) 559 Perush ha-Rosh ve-ha-Ravid zʾ”l 26 Perush ha-Torah (Moses ben Nahman (Ramban)) 604 Perush le-Midrash Humash Megillot Rabbah (Naphtali Hertz ben Menahem) 71 Perush Ma’amar she-be-Midrash Rabbah (Lattes) 295, 307 Perush Nevi’im Rishonim (Abrabanel) 328 Perush Rashi al ha-Torah (Alkabez) 594 Perush Rav Saadiah Gaon (attr. Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon) 44–45, 45 Perush Sodot ha-Torah (Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon) 95 Pesahim (tractate) 166, 171, 550, 570 Pesah le-ha-Shem (Ibn Gabbai) 501, 502–503, 628–630, 629 Pesak al Agunah 46–47, 46 Pesante, Moses ben Hayyim ben Shem Tov 565–566 Hukkat ha-Pesah 565, 630–632, 632 Ner Mitzvah 565, 630–631 Yesha Elohim 565–566, 566, 631 Pescarol, Zanvil 10, 53, 606 peshat (literal meaning) 35 Petah Teshuvah (Schlussburg) 262–263n15 Peter III 367 Pethahiah, Moses (Issachar Baer ben Pethahiah of Kremnitz) 45 Pethahiah of Regensburg 190–191 Petri, Henric 32 Pfefferkorn, Johannes 612–613

681 Pfeiffer, August 246n37, 249 Philistines 62–63 Phineas ben Abraham 365, 379–380 Phineas ben Menahem 335 Phinehas ben Abraham 364 Pinehas 361 Pinto, Daniel 186 Pinto, Joseph 174–175, 174n2 Pinto, Josiah ben Joseph (Rif) 174–189, 174n2, 189 Kesef Mezukkak 181–182 Kesef Nivhar 59, 155–156, 175–181, 177, 178, 180, 181, 181, 182 Kesef Tzaruf 185–186, 185 Kevuzzot Kesef 188 Me’or Einayim 175, 182–185, 182n11, 183, 184, 188–189 Nivhar mi-Kesef 187–189, 187 Pinto, Moseh de Semuel 186 Piove di Sacco, italy 32 Pirkei Avot 106, 111 Pirkei Avot (Sephardi) 52 Pirkei Avot (Wulff) 277 Pisces 62, 64 Pisk (Pisek), Judah Leib ben David, Dimyon Aryeh 44 Piskei Halakhot (Recanati) 460–461 Pisket ha-Rosh (Asher ben Jehiel [Rabenu Asher, Rosh) 37–38 Pitron Halomot (Hai ben Sherira Gaon) 501 Pius IV 500 Pizei Ohev (Najara) 166, 173 place of printing, misidentification of 508, 525–531 plagiarism, accusations of 508, 518–524 plague 488–489, 611 Pococke, Edward 435 Podgorze, Poland 262 Poggetti, Jacob ben Mordecai 331 Poland 76, 314 Jewish community in 495–496 Jewish market in 538 market for Hebrew printing house of Amsterdam in 19–20 Polish monarchy 21 Pollock, Jacob ben Joseph ha-Levi 46 Popper, Meir ha-Kohen, Or Zaddikim 332 Popper, William 510, 513

682 Porat Yosef 369 Portaleone, Abraham ben David Dialoghi tres de duro 132 Shiltei ha-Gibborim 132–134, 133 Portaleone, David 132 Portaleone, Eleazar 132 Portaleone, Judah 132 Portugal forced conversion of Jewry in 119 Jews exiled from 65, 158, 174, 347, 540, 540n6, 596, 599 Pozailov, Giyora 174n2 Prague, Bohemia 19, 26, 41, 43–45, 57–58, 69, 73, 81, 494–496, 529–530, 578, 579, 585, 587, 598 coats of arms of 42–43n19 Haggadot printed in 609–610, 609, 613–617, 614, 615, 616, 621, 622, 623 Hebrew printing in 38, 39, 49n23, 239–242, 241, 242, 248, 253 as important city for European Jewry 38 Jewish community in 495–496 Prague style 10 pressmarks from 47–48 title pages from 44–46 Zevah Pesah printed in 607–610, 608, 609 prayer books 71, 345–346, 353, 369. See also specific kinds of prayer books printers. See also printers’ devices and marks identity of 366 names of 33, 284 non-Jews 33, 33–34n8 printers’ devices and marks 3, 8, 15–16, 16, 34, 555, 555 of Alantansi 34 Athias 24 of Bath-Sheba family 59 of Benveniste 60, 555 of Conti 53–54, 53, 54 of di Gara 239 eagle motif 21, 22, 24 first Hebrew printer to use 34–35 fish motif in 63–65 of Foa 50–53, 51, 52, 66 of Giustiniani 44, 47–49, 48, 49n23, 49, 57–58, 604, 604–605n21, 605 of Gottschalk 545, 545

Index of Jaffe 71 lion motif in 21, 22, 32, 33, 34–35, 36–37 of Manutius 63 marine 63 meaning of 27 mirror-image monograms 533–534, 534 of Nahmias brothers’ press 598–599 as ornamental 66–67 ostrich motif 192 of Paris, France 32 from Prague 47–48 of Prostitz 68, 71 reuse of 24–25, 25n26 of Sasoon 36–37 of Shalit 52, 65, 66–67, 66, 239 of Soncinos 598–599 the Temple in 44, 47–49, 57–58, 72, 103, 132–134 typesetting errors 534 of Uri Phoebus 71–73 Proops, Abraham 556 Proops, David ben Jacob 91 Proops, Jacob 556 Proops, Joseph 556 Proops, Solomon ben Joseph 91, 400, 548, 548–554, 550, 551, 552, 556 Prophets and Writings 374–375, 374–375n26 Prostitz, Aaron ben Isaac 495–496, 497–498n15 Prostitz, Baruch ben Moses 249 Prostitz, Isaac ben Aaron 67–68, 633 entreaty for children 68 flees plague in Cracow to Nowy Dwor 67–68 pressmark of 68, 71 Prostitz, Mordecai ben Isaac 495–496, 497–498n15 Prostitz family 9 Prostitz press 14, 587, 68–69, 68, 71, 587 Protestant books, smuggling of 493–494 Protestant Reformation 243 Provenzalo, Jacob ben David 459 Pujari, Anjali 273–274n4, 290 Pukhovitser, Judah Leib Derekh Hokhmah 336 Divrei Hakhamim 332, 334–336, 337 Keneh Hokhmah 336 punctuation, modern 134

Index putti 35. See also cherubim quires 495 Quirino, Carlo 310 Qumran scholarship 110 Rabbati, (Samuel) Zinvel (ben Jacob) 328, 331 Rabbenu Bahya ben Ashwer ben Hlava 519–520 Kad-ha-Kemah 520 Kitvei Rabbenu Bahya 520, 520n23 Shulhan shel Arba 520 Rabbenu Ben Jehiel (Rosh) 168 Rabbenu Ya’akov ba’al ha-Turim 369–370 Rabbinovicz, Raphael Nathan Nata 168– 169, 171–172, 370, 490, 496–497, 497–498n15, 510, 538, 541, 545, 550, 552, 554–556, 599 Ma’amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud 287 Rabinowitz, Dan 522 Rafael Hayyim of Mantua 184–185 Rappaport, Baruch ben Moses Meir 551 Rappaport, Solomon Yarsh 77 Rasa’il ikhwan as-safa’ wa khillan al-wafa,’  66 Rashi 45, 48, 116–119, 167, 195–196, 204, 287, 347, 470, 495–496, 506 Avot de-Rabbi Nathan 164 exegeses of 491 Reggio di Calabria Rashi 484, 486–487, 486, 487n9, 532 Torah commentary of 484–487, 486, 487n9 Rashi script 486, 497 Rashi type 11, 53, 309, 500, 606 Rav Yeivi (Jacob Joseph ben Judah Leib)  361, 362 Ray, John 430 Raz-Krakotzkin, Amnon 513–514 Razuf Ahavah (Algazi) 353–356, 359 Rebenlini, Georgi 321, 323–324, 324 Rebenlini, Jacob 212–213, 213, 320, 321, 326 Recanati, Menahem ben Benjamin Perush al ha-Torah 460 Piskei Halakhot 460–461 Ta’amei ha-Mizvot 460 Reckendorf, Germany 496

683 Refu’ot ha-Talmud 501 Regiomontanus, Johannes, Calendarium  114n7 Reich, Chaim Elozer 274 Reis, Hertz 275–276 Reis, Seligman ben Hertz 275–277, 289 Reischer, Jacob ben Joseph (Jacob Backofen) Hok Yaakov 525 Shevut Ya’akov 277 Solet le-Minhah ve-Shemen le-Minhah 525 Rembolt, Bertholt 32 Reshit Bikkurim (Zundel) 526 Reshit Hokhmah Kazar (De Vidas) 166, 172, 329, 331, 361, 366, 378 restrictions 537–557 Reuben bar Eliakim 260 Reyna, Doña. See Nasi, Reyna Richietti, Joseph ben Shallit ben Eliezer 352 Hokhmat ha-Mishkan 352 Ma’aseh Rabbi Bostani 352 Ma’aseh Yerushalmi 352 Mesapperet Yahasuta de-Zaddikei de-Ara de-Yisrael 352 Midrash Aseret ha-Diburot 352 Riva di Trento, Italy 607 River Elbe 313 Rivkind 363 Roberts, William 32 Roedelsheim, Zussman ben Isaac 419n32 Rofe, Aaron ben Moses 533 Rofe, Hertz Levi 184 Rofe, Hirtz Levi 25 Rofe, Israel Samuel ben Solomon (Calahorra) Orah Hayyim 328, 575 Yismach Yisrael 327–328 Yoreh De’ah 328, 572, 575 Rofe, Judah ben Jehiel 537–538 Rokki, Rachel 308 Roma (Roman ritee) 345 Romaniot 56 Rome, Italy 50, 485, 485n6, 485n7 Romemot El (Alshekh) 122 Rose, Johann 326 Rose, Thomas 326, 327–328 Rose press 326–337 Rosenfeld, Moshe Nathan 23, 387n1, 396n8, 496

684 Rosh Amanah (Abrabanel) 607 Abrabanel, Isaac ben Judah 152, 603, 604, 607 Rosh Ha-Shanah (tractate) 67, 276, 301, 483, 550 Rosh Mor Deror (Ashkenazi) 204–207, 206 Rosh Yosef 16, 17 Roth, Cecil 101, 158, 172, 210, 228, 233n20, 295, 482 Rothschilds 103 royal authority 27 Royal Library 505 Royal University Press 199 Ruderman, David B. 257, 442 Rufinelli, Giacomo 54 Rufinelli, Tommasso 54 Rufinelli, Venturin 54–55, 66, 239, 619 Rufinelli family, press of 54–55 Russia 109 Rylands Haggadah 595 Saadiah Goan 190 Saadun, Eliezer 94 Saba, Abraham ben Jacob Eshkol ha-Kofer 120 Zeror ha-Mor 119–120, 513–514, 513–514n11 Sabbioneta, Italy 11, 22n22, 50, 52–53, 59, 64–65, 239, 492 lion motif in 49–50 Sabbioneta press 498 Sacra Biblia 538 Sacro-Medicæ Sententiæ ex Bibliis (Mussafia) 156, 214–215 Saertel, Moses ben Issachar ha-Levi Be’er Moshe 46 commentary on Avot 46 Safah Berurah (Hannover) 156, 266–268, 267, 271 Safed, Palestine 56, 93, 121, 168 salmon 63. See also fish motif Salonika 16, 21–23, 22n22, 37–38, 50, 58, 65, 103, 121, 168, 347, 492–493, 496, 565, 569, 580, 583–584, 596, 598–599 Haggadot printed in 630–632 Hebrew press in 179 Hebrew printing in 200 Samegah, Joseph ben Benjamin 369

Index Sampson of Sens 456 Samson 32, 40, 40 Samson, Jacob 374, 380 Samson ben Eleazar 396 Samson ben Isaac, Sefer Keritut 11, 349–350, 354, 359 Samson ben Moses, grandson of Witmond, Abraham ben Samuel 84 Samson ben Zadok, Sefer Tashbez 514–515 Samuel, Simeon ben, Adam Sedkheli 14–15, 15 Samuel bar Moses ha-Levi 260 Samuel bar Shilat 587 Samuel ben Joseph ha-Kohen 191 Samuel ben Meir (Rashbam) 269, 456 Samuel ben Nathan Nuta 361 Samuel ben Solomon of Chateau-Thierry  413 Samuel Eliezer ben Judah ha-Levi Edels (Maharsha) 76 Samuel ha-Levi 630 Samuel of Evreux 453 Samuel Zanvil ben Israel 150 Sangushka, Yevshtai 368 Sanhedrin (tractate) 277, 510, 513, 513 Saphir, Jacob Even Saphir 104 Kol Kitvei Rabbi Ya’akov Saphir ha-Levi 104 Sarajevo Haggadah 595 Sardian, Samuel, Sefer ha-Terumot 199n18 Sar Hasid, Machir ben Isaac, Avkat Rokhel 125–128, 126, 127 Sarphati, Samuel 145 Sar Shalom 396 Sarug, Israel 322 Saruq, Joseph ben Hayyim 122 Sarzino, Giacomo 197–198n14 Sasportas, Jacob 220, 545 Ohel Ya’akov 221 Va-Yakum Adut be-Yisrael 224 Zitzat Novel Zevi 221 Sasson, Abraham 187, 188 Appiryon Shelomo 151 Sasson, Elijah Hai ben Abraham 187 Sasson, Joseph 353 Sassoon, Elijah Hai ben Abraham 200 Sassoon, Judah ben Joseph 36–37, 598, 599

Index Saubertus, Johannes, Bereshit 129 Saul ben Moses, Givat Shaul 534 Saxonem, Iohannem (Johann Sachs) 317 Schäfer, Peter 416 Schechter, Solomon 86, 113 Schedel, Abraham 57 Schedel, Azriel 57 Schedel, Judah Loew ben Moses 57–58, 58 Schedel, Moses ben Abraham 57 Scheiber, Alexander 596, 598–599 Schickard 402 Schiff, Meir bein Jacob ha-Kohen (Maharam Schiff), Hiddushei Halakhot 81, 82 Schlussburg, Joshua Heschel, Petah Teshuvah 262–263n15 Schmidius, Sebastianus 440 Schmidt, Michael 275 Schmidt, Sebastian 435 Schneersohn, Menachem Mendel 100n11, 370 Schneider, Hans 273–274n4, 275, 279 Schneur, Joseph ben Solomon Zalman 77 Scholem, Gershom 142, 220, 270–271, 322–323, 329, 365 Bibliographica Kabbalistica 374 Schöne magelone 276 Schönnerstadt, Johannes Henricus 408, 409 Schotten, Judah Aryeh Loeb ben Joseph Samuel ha-Kohen 548 Schotten, Moses 553 Schotten, Samuel ben Joseph 551, 552, 553 Schrifften. (Van Ruusebroec) 283 Schwarzband, Jerry 273–274n4, 387n1 Schwenter, Daniel 389 Scorpio 77 seals, lion motif in 32 sealstones 31 Sedeh Yehoshu’a 16–17 Seder Agggadah 502 Seder ha-Nikkur (Sorzino) 236 Seder ha-Yom (Ibn Makhir) 361, 365, 369 Seder Mishpatim (Joseph ben Schneur ha-Kohen) 574 Seder Mo’ed 440, 495 Seder Olam 428 Seder Tohorot 370, 534 Seder Vayikra 329

685 Seder Zera’im (tractate) 353, 370, 550, 551, 555 Sefarad 346 Sefat Emet (Algazi) 144 Sefer Anak (Onkeneira) 140 Sefer Gal shel Egozim, derashot (Egozi) 159, 162–166, 163, 173 Sefer ha-Aguddah (Suslin) 471–474, 472 Sefer ha-Agur (Landau) 457, 458–460, 537–538 Sefer ha-Bahir 500 Sefer ha-Hayyim (Hayyim ben Bezalel)  567–568, 567 Sefer Ha-Hezenot (Vital) 200–201n21 Sefer ha-Malkut (Moses ben Hahman (Ramban)) 94 Sefer ha-Minhagim (Klausner) 476 Sefer ha-Mispar 599 Sefer ha-Roke’ah (Eleazar ben Judah (Roke’ah)) 87, 114n7, 149, 150, 447, 451, 452–453, 595 Sefer Hasidim (Judah he-Hasid) 232 Sefer ha-Tehiyyah ve-Sefer ha-Pedut (Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon) 66 Sefer ha-Terumah (Baruch ben Isaac)  456–458 Sefer ha-Terumot (Samuel ben Isaac ha-Sardi (Sardian)) 22n22, 58–59, 59, 199n18 Sefer Hazon (Landau) 458–459 Sefer Keritut (Samson ben Isaac) 349–350, 354, 359 Sefer Maharil (Jacob ben Moses (Maharil))  284, 468–469 Sefer Mesharim (Jeroham ben Meshullam of Provence (Rabbenu Jeroham)) 469–470 Sefer Mitzvot Gadol (Moses ben Jacob (Semag)) 454, 455 Sefer Nezikin 83 Sefer Nizzahon (Liber Nizachon Rabbi Lipmanni) (Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen) 385, 388, 389, 396–400, 397, 398, 399n11, 404, 409, 412 Sefer Pardes Rimmonim 52 Sefer Re’umah (Nahson bar Zadok) 140 Sefer She’ilot u’Teshuvot 44 Sefer shel R. Anshel 8 Sefer Tanya Rabbati (Jehiel ben Jekuthiel ben Benjami ha-Rofei Anav) 463–465

686 Sefer Tashbez (Meir ben Baruch (Maharam) 53–54 Sefer Tashbez (Samson ben Zadok) 514–515 Sefer Tefillot (prayer book/Ashkenaz rite)  38, 39 Sefer Tehilim 484, 489 Sefer Tsefune Tsiyoni (Zioni) 500 Sefer Yere’im (Eliezer ben Samuel) 460 Sefer Yuhasin (Zacuto) 409 Sefer Ziyyoni (Zioni) 499–500 Sefirot 91, 95, 501 Seforno, Solomon Shamia 308 Segal, Dov Baer ben Israel 363, 365–366, 368, 369, 370, 374, 375, 378 Segal, Meir ben Eliezer Liberman (Meir ha-Shahar) 25 Segelmassi, Samuel ben Solomon 89 Segre, Judah ben Abraham 297 Segre, Simon 295 Selden, John 435, 441 self-published presses 309, 310 selihot 80, 81, 374 Selihot with ma’artv be-zemanah 80, 81 Selim, Solomon ben Isaac 476 Selim, Sultan 155, 158 semikhah 174, 174n3, 181, 580, 580n3 Send: Schreiben 281 Sendschreiben an seine hinterlassene (Horchens) 283 Sephardi, Judah ben Samuel, Pirkei Avot 52 Sephardic authorities, halakhah and 37–38 Sephardic font 491, 623 Sephardic printing 157–173, 596 Sephardic rite prayer books 17–18, 23 Sephardic tractates 491, 491n12 Sephardim 56, 158, 313–314, 491 in Amsterdam 548–549, 571–572 rite of 17–18, 23, 346 Setthon, Eliezer Mansour, Notzar Adam: Hosafah Notzar Adam 516 Settin, Samuel 548, 549–550 Sha’agat Aryeh (Modena) 230 Sha’arei Dura (Spira) 378 Sha’arei Kiddushah (Vital) 200, 200n20 Sha’arei Orah (Gikatilia) 140, 276 Sha’arei Zedek (Danzig) 572–573 Sha’arei Ziyyon (Hannover) 19, 19, 156, 268–271, 269

Index Sha’ar ha-Sho’el (‘Azriel of Gerona) 501 Sha’arie Gan Eden 369 Shabbat (tractate) 385, 510, 513n10, 550, 551, 570 Shabbat and Eruvin (Wotten) 424, 430, 432–440, 433, 436, 437, 439, 441–443, 442 Shabbataian movement 220–221, 220n23, 503 Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen Gevurat Anashim 525–526 Nekkudot ha-Kesef 151 Siftei Kohen 73 Shabbetai Zevi 73, 74, 208, 209, 220–221, 220n23, 324, 334, 341, 353, 401, 503, 587 Shahor (Schwarz), Hayyim ben David  38–39, 40, 40, 41, 42, 70, 125–128, 613, 617 family of 49n23 Hebrew printshop established by family in Lublin 47 Shahor (Schwarz), Isaac ben Hayyim 47, 70, 125 Shahor, Joseph ben Yakar 125 Shahor family 42–43n19 Shakhna, Shalom 567 Shalaoh, Solomon 98 Shalhani, Menahem 348 Shalit, Jacob 64–65 Shalit, Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi 50, 64–66, 192 Nimukei Yosef 73, 623–626 pressmarks of 65, 66–67, 66, 239 printer’s device of 52 Shalom, Joseph, Haftarot 277 Shalom ben Isaac (Sar Shalom) 468, 475 Shalom Shakhna ben Noah 369, 370, 373, 377, 378 Shalosh, Solomon 98 Shalshelet ha-Kabbalah (Ibn Yahya) 416–417 Shantz, Douglas 273–274n4 Shapira, Berechiah Berakh ben Isaac Eisik El Male Rahamim 329 Zera Baruch 328–329, 330, 331 Shapira, Moses 360–361, 363, 365–367, 370, 373–381 Shapira, Phinehas ben Abraham 365 Shapira, Samuel Abraham 375

Index Shapira, Wolf 590 Shapira press 364 Shapiro, Marc B. 515, 516 Shaprub, Shem Tov bar Iaac ibn [of Tortosa]  52 Sharabi, Sar Shalom 95 Sharbishin, Zvi Hirsh 549–550 She’elot u’Teshuvot (Ibn Lev (Maharival))  166, 168, 173 Sheelot Yitzhak (Kossowsky) 516 She’erit Yehudah (Taitazak) 22, 22n22, 22, 59, 59 She’erit Yosef (Ibn Verga) 349–350 shefokh hamathka 40, 40 Shehem 73 She’ilot u’Teshuvot (Alshaker) 52 She’ilot u’Teshuvot ha-Geonim 44, 45, 45, 164 Shekalim (tractate) 409, 550 Shelumiel ben Zurishaddai 249 Shemaria, Manoah Hendel ben, Manoah Matsa Hen 49 Shem ha-Gedolim (Azulai) 524 Shemot ha-Sefarim ha-Ivrim: Lefi Sugehem ha-Shoim, Tikhunatam u’Te’udatam (Slatkine) 86, 113 Shem Shemu’el (Samuel ben Moses) 25, 26 Shem Tov 86, 87, 114 Shem Tov ben Abraham ibn Gaon Keter Shem Tov 92–95 Ma’or va-Shemesh 92–95, 92, 93, 94 Migdal Oz 93 Perush Sodot ha-Torah 95 Sheringham, Robert 440 Joma: Codex Talmudicus, in quo agitur de sacrificiis 429 Shevat, month of 84 Shevu’ot (tractate) 20–21, 20, 27 Shevut Ya’akov (Reischer) 277, 284 Shibbolei ha-Leket (Zedekiah (ha-Rofei) ben Abraham) 460–463, 462, 463n16, 465 shield and crown 290 Shiltei ha-Gibborim (Portaleone) 132–134, 133 Shimon, Moses 179 Shimon, Solomon 179 shin 41 Shir ha-Shirim 77

687 Shir ha-Shirim (Song of Songs), entitling books from 112–155 Shklov, Lithuania, Hebrew printing in 377, 377n30 Shomer Emunah 284 Shomer Ziyyon haNe’eman (Kornfeld)  573–574 Shoshannat ha-Amakim (Alshekh) 122, 123–124, 123 Shoulson, Israel Jacob Yuval 397 Shraga, Jacob Uri Feival ben Menahem Nachum Bet Ya’akov Esh 526 Shta’im Esreh She’elot (Mussafia) 224 Shulhan Arukh (Caro) 77, 187–188, 334, 363, 369, 377, 447, 450, 451, 469, 471, 477–481, 523–524n28, 563, 575 Shulhan Arukh Ha-Ari (Luria (Ari)) 361 Shulhan Arukh Hoshen Mishpat 79, 98, 526 Shulhan ha-Panim (Misa de El Almah) (Ibn Me’iri) 447 ibn Mei’iri, Meir Jacob 451, 477, 479–481 Shulhan shel Arba (Hlava) 520 Siddur mi-ha-Ari Kol Ya’acov 369, 374, 378 Siddur Tefilot he-Hadesh (Angel) 159, 164, 173 Sidorko, Clemens P. 273–274n4, 283, 285n19 Siftei Kohen (Shabbetai ben Meir Ha-Kohen)  73, 332 Siftei Yeshenim (Bass) 144–146, 146 signatures 285–286 Simeon, Eliakim ben Moses 142 Simeon Bar Yohai, Zohar 12, 112, 134, 151, 181–182, 331, 349, 363, 366, 368–370, 374, 379, 459, 500 Simeon ben Judah ha-Levi of Guenzburg (Simon zur Gemze) of Frankfurt 69 Simeon of Tomashov, Ohel Ya’akov  262–263n15 Simhah ben Samuel of Vitry, Mahzor Vitry 457 Simhat Purim (Mussafia) 222–224, 222, 223n29, 224n31 Simon ha-Levi 464–465 Sirilyo, Samuel ibn 168 Sirkes, Joel (Bah) 333 Meishiv Nefesh 71

688 Sive Legum Mischnicarum, Liber qui inscribitur (Surenhuis) 427 Sixtová, Olga 41 Sixtus V, Pope 55 Siyumah ha-Parshiot me-ha-Torah 279, 284 Siyumat ha-Parshiot seine hinterlassene me-ha-Torah 282 Skippon, Philip 430 Slater, J. R. 490–491n13 Slatkine, Menahem Mendel, Shemot haSefarim ha-Ivrim: Lefi Sugehem ha-Shoim, Tikhunatam u’Te’udatam 86, 113 Slavuta, Ukraine 155, 360–381, 526 first printers in 360–381 Talmud printed in 363, 368–369, 370–373, 371, 372, 375, 376–377, 376, 378, 556, 557 Slavuta press 360–381 smuggling 493–494 Sobieski, King John 19–20 Sode Razaya (Eleazar ben Judah (Roke’ah))  500 Sod Yesharim (Modena) 229–230, 351–352, 355, 356, 359 Sofer, Mordecai ben Eliezer 38 Sofer, Moses (Hatam Sofer) 524, 559, 587 Solet le-Minhah 302 Solet le-Minhah ve-Shemen le-Minhah (Reischer) 525 Solomon 113, 544, 544 Solomon ben Adret (Rashba) 91, 93, 95, 232 Solomon ben Mordecai ben Gershom ha-Kohen 607 Solomon ben Samuel ha-Levi 38 Solomon Hayyim 626, 628 Solomon Hayyim ben Jehiel Raphael ha-Kohen 460 Solomon ibn Aderet (Rashba) 349 Solomon Zalman Jaffe ben Jacob Kalmankes of Turobin 70 Soncino, Eliezer 630 Soncino, Gershom 128, 321, 452, 458, 501, 510, 513, 598 Soncino, Gershom ben Eliezer 500–501 Soncino, Italy 488, 600, 600–601, 600, 601 Soncino, Joshua Solomon ben Israel Nathan  488–489, 598, 600 Soncino, Moses 598

Index Soncino family 484, 487–489, 599 Soncino press 287, 487–489, 598–599, 600, 630 Soncino Publications 438n23 Sonnenfeld, J. H. 473 Soria, Spain 93 Sorzino, Jacob (Giacomo), Seder ha-Nikkur  236 Sotah (tractate) 385 Sota: Hoc est: liber mischnicus de uxore adulterii suspecta (Wagenseil) 403, 404, 405, 406, 427 Sotheby 613 Sotto i Tetti 339 Spain 34, 35, 38, 91 Haggadot printed in 593–594, 594, 636 Jews exiled from 50–51, 65, 66, 175, 191, 347, 540, 540n6, 596, 599, 602 sphinx 31 Spinoza, Baruch 220 Spira (Shapira), Nathan Nata 328 Be’urim 88 Megalleh Amukkot 131 Spira, Isaac 518, 519 Spira, Nathan Nata ben Reuben David Tebele 379n31 Spira, Nathan Nata ben Samson 518 Imrei Shefer 378, 518, 519 Mebo Shearim 378 Sha’arei Dura 378 Spira, Nathan Nata ben Solomon 378–379, 518 square letters 53, 309 stag motif 71 Stamparia Vendramina 263 Stampfer, Shaul 259 Star Chamber 535 Steinschneider, Moritz 67, 68, 81, 124, 224, 243, 256–257, 285, 287, 289–290, 295–296, 308, 315–316, 327, 530 St. John the Divine 7 stop-press corrections 100, 100n10 Strassburg, Austria 32 Strimmers, Jacob 145 subscriptions 550 Suesskind, Jekuthiel ben Solomon Zalman ha-Levi 76 Dat Yekuthiel 76–77

Index Sukkah (tractate) 20, 155, 274n5, 279, 284n21, 285–290, 288, 289, 291, 292, 409, 496n14, 550 Sukkot (tractate) 279 Sullam, Moses 115 Sulzbach, Germany 23, 78, 556 Sulzbach Black 556 Sulzbach Red 556 Sulzbach Talmud 556 Surenhuis, Wilhelm 435, 442 Dissertatio de Tephillin sive Phylacteriis 409 Sive Legum Mischnicarum, Liber qui inscribitur 427 Versio Latina Mischnae 409 Surenhusius, William 429, 440 Sur me-Ra (Modena) 156, 225–255, 229, 233–234n23, 233n20, 529–531 Amsterdam 1698 edition 250–253 financing of 253 Leiden 1656 edition 242–243, 253 Leipzig 1683 edition 247–249, 247, 248, 253 Oxford 1698 edition 249–250, 253 popularity of 225, 253, 254 Prague 1615 edition 239–242, 241, 242, 248, 253 Venice 1595 edition 236–239, 237, 239, 240, 253 Venice 1615 edition 248 Wittenburg 1665 edition 243–246, 244, 245, 246, 253 swans 313 Sweden 314 Swift, Jonathan 431 Szebrsziner, Jacob 268 Ta’ait (tractate) 289 Ta’amei Sukkah (Hannover) 156, 260–262, 261, 262 Ta’am le-Mussaf Takanot Shabbat (Joseph ben Abraham ha-Kohen) 166, 173 Ta’anit (tractate) 20, 276, 550, 555 Taharani, Avishai, Keter Shem Tov 97–98, 111 tah ve-tat. See Chmielnicki Massacres of 1648–49 (tah ve-tat) Taitazak, Joseph 121, 168, 580 Taitazak, Samuel ben Solomon, She’erit Yehudah 59, 59

689 Talmid Zakhan Musari (Modena) 249, 250–253, 251, 252 Talmud 345, 365, 370, 374, 379, 416–418, 426, 529n40, 550 Amsterdam Talmud 555–556 approbations and restrictions and 557 Babylonian Talmud 71, 347, 369, 453, 462–463, 526 Basel Talmud 67, 359, 475, 509, 510, 544 Benveniste Talmud 510, 510n6, 513, 539–540, 539–541, 544 Berman Talmud 538, 541, 543–544, 544, 545, 545, 548, 550, 551, 552 Bomberg editions 496–497 burning of 236, 347, 462, 483, 496, 546 Christian scholars of 441 Cracow Talmud 291 eagle motif in 7 expurgation of 508, 509–513, 541 financing editions of 171 Frankfurt on the Main Talmud 539, 554–556 Frankfurt on the Oder Talmud 276, 510, 511–512, 533–534, 538–539, 541–547, 548, 550, 552, 556 Jerusalem Talmud 236, 291, 529 Lublin Talmud 510n6 pilpul method of learning 494 price of 538 printed in Italy 556–557 printing of 447, 537–557 printing rival editions of 537–556 publication permitted by Council of Trent 347 published in sections 171 rarities 490–497 Slavuta Talmud 363, 368–369, 370–373, 371, 372, 375, 376–377, 376, 378, 556, 557 Soncino edition 513n10 Sulzbach Talmud 556 tractates (see specific tractates) typesetting errors in 531–532 Vilna Talmud 510, 531–532, 556, 557 Talmudists, Christian 427 Talmud Torah 21, 492 Tal Orot (Saul ben David) 49 Tam, Rabbenu 460 Tamar bat Eliakim of Sangioni 308 Tamid (tractate) 385, 407–409, 407, 408

690 Tammuz 77 Tanhuma bar Abba 55 Midrash Tanhuma 59–60 Tanna de’Vei Eliyahu 87 Tanya (Likkutei Amarim) (Zalman) 361, 364, 365, 376–377, 377n30, 380, 465 Tappuhei Zahav (Alshekh) 166, 173 Tarfon, R. 164 Targum Jonathan 587, 588–589, 590 Targum Onkelos 18 Targum Rishon 585–587, 589, 591 targums 18, 585, 587, 588–589, 590, 591 Targum Sheni 587, 588–589 Tartas, David 145 taryag mitzvot 73, 76, 77 Tauberum, Johannum 392 the Taunus 81 Taylor-Schechter Genizah Research Unit, Cambridge University Library (CUL) 491 Tefilah le-Moshe 276 Tefilah le-Zman shelo Tavo ha-Mageifa (Marino) 356 Tehilim 489–490, 489 Tehillat Hokhmah (Hagiz) 349–350, 359 Teicher, J. L. 492 Tela Ignea Satanae (Wagenseil) 389, 400, 409–412, 410, 411, 412n26, 413, 415 the Temple in Jerusalem 44, 47–49, 57–58, 72, 103, 132–134 Temurah (tractate) 375 Teomim, Isaac Meir Fraenkel 184 Teomim, Jonah ben Isaac, Kikayon di-Yonah  73 Teomim, Joseph ben Meir, Peri Megadim  334 Tepfer, Moshe 85n1, 209n1, 226n1, 338n1, 424–425n1, 507–508n2 Teru’at Melekh (Laniado) 199–200 Teshuvot (Elijah ibn Hayyim) 164 Tetragrammaton 87, 90–92, 491 Teutsch, Betsy Platkin 62 Texts relating to the religious observation of one day in seven, with annotations (Wotten) 432 Thalmud- Übersetzungen (Bischoff)  442–443 Thannhausen, Bavaria 69

Index Theologiae Talmudicae Specimen (Hackspan) 394–395, 395 Theologia Judaica (Hulsius) 127 Thiengen, Germany 14–15 Tiberias, Palestine 87 Tiferet Yisrael (Loew) 103, 361 Tikkunei Zohar (Loew) 361, 365 Tikkun Hazot (midnight prayers) 19 Tikkun Olam (Marino) 353, 356–357, 359 Tikkun Sefer Torah 23 Tiktin, Zalman ben Abraham 559 Tishbi (Levita) 56 Tit ha-Yaven (Feitel) 262–263n15 title pages 19, 73–74, 74, 76, 279, 284–285, 359, 361, 363, 366, 452n6, 458, 525–526, 533–534, 586, 589, 590 architectural 77–78 dates on 302n16 eagle motif 25–27 lion motif on 33–34 with mythological frames 82 from Prague 44–46 reused 44 in Talmud 543–544 Titus 55 Toharot Aharon (Perles) 279, 284 Tola’at Ya’akov (Ibn Gabbai) 502, 628 Toledano, Eliezer ben Jacob 599, 604 Toledot Adam ve-Havvah (Jeroham ben Meshullam of Provence (Rabbenu Jeroham) 469, 470 Toledot Jeshu 412n26 Toledot Ya’akov Yosef (Kohen) 100 Toledot Yizhak 68 Torah discourses on 87–95, 111 giving of at Sinai 23 homilies on 87 Kabbalistic discourses on 111 literal and Kabbalistic discourses on 87–95 literal discourses on 87–95, 111 Talmud Torah 21, 492 (see also Pentateuch) Torah Or (Ibn Yahya) 447, 559–561, 560 Torat ha-Bayit (Adret (Rashba)) 361, 365 Torat ha-Olah (Isserles (Rema)) 43, 48 Torat ha-Zazir (Hutner) 516

Index Torat Hesed (Jabez) 159, 160, 161, 162, 172, 204 Torat Kohanim 77 Torat Moseh (Alshekh) 159, 165–166, 172 Torat Moshe (Egozi) 173 Torat Yekuteil (Kohen) 522 Tosafists 453–454, 456, 457–458 Tosafot 412–415 tosafot 287, 491, 494, 495 Tournes, Jean de 57 Toze’ot Hayyim (De Vidas) 166, 172 tractates. See also specific tractates miniature 290–291 published in Amsterdam 548 Sephardic 286 small-format 284n21 Traitel, Joshua ha-Levi ben Jehiel Fischel 574, 575 Ha-Birkei Yehoshua 574 Hedvat Yehoshua 574–576 Treina bat Jonah 380 Treves, Eliezer ben Naphtali Hertz 14–15 Treves, Jacob ben Mattias 241, 242, 530 Treves, Joseph ben Naphtali Hertz 14–15 Troki, Isaac ben Abraham, Hizzuk Emunah 414, 415–416 Tsefig, Abraham ben Judah 576 Einei Avraham 570–572, 571 Tudescos 314 Tur (Caro) 59, 599 Turei Zahav (David ben Samuel ha-Levi (Taz)) 151, 332–334, 335, 337 Tur Hoshen Mishpat 236 Turkey 155 Turnaer, Caspar 617 Tur Orah Hayyim, Arba’ah Turim (Jacob ben Asher) 34–35, 34 Tur Y.D. (Caro) 22 Twersky, Isadore 478–479 Twersky, Menahem Nahum Me’or Einayim 361 Yismah Lev 361 typesetting errors 531–532, 534 Typis & Sumptibus Universitatis Typographi 392 typography 23, 309, 389. See also specific types typographical equipment 16

691 typographic devices 342–343, 343 Tyrnau, Isaac 471 Minhagim 474–476, 474 Tzevi Hirsch 522 Tzoref, Shani Keter Shem Tov 110 Perpsectives on Hebrew Scriptures and its Contexts 20: Keter Shem Tov 110 Uceda, Samuel ben Isaac 164 Iggeret Shemu’el 166–168, 167, 173 Lehem Dimah 167 Midrash Shemu’el 167–168 Ulricae Eleonorae 408 unicums 447, 482, 483, 484, 487, 488, 492, 494, 495, 501, 505, 506 Unicum Tehilim (Psalms) 489–490, 489 University of Altdorf 385, 389, 401 University of Ingolstadt, censor at 69 University of Wittenburg 243, 246n37 Uri Phoebus ben Aaron Witmund ha-Levi  3, 18–20, 73, 269, 538 death of 77, 78n19 establishes first Hebrew press in Zolkiew 76 grandsons Aaron and Gershon 77 press of 75 printers’ devices of 71–73 relocates from Amsterdam to Poland 76 returns to Amsterdam 78n19 son Hayyim David 77 title pages of 73–74 Utrecht, Netherlands 426 Uziel, Isaac 324 Valdemar II 313 Valmadonna Trust Library 505 Van Dijck, Christoffel 23 vanity presses 309 van Ruusebroec, Jan, Schrifften. 283 van Sichem, Christoffer (Cornelis) 223n29 Vanunu, Shimon 174n2, 216, 220, 325 variations 507–536 Varrini, Giulio 341 Va-Yakum Adut be-Yisrael (Sasportas) 224 Vaybertaytsh 8, 8n11, 21, 129, 419, 607, 617 Vayikra Shenei 329 Vega brothers 341

692 Vendramin, Giovanni 263, 343 Vendramin press 182, 263, 343 Venetian Republic 339 Venice, Italy 13, 39, 47–50, 59, 87–88, 116, 231, 309–310, 323, 339, 493–494, 505, 569, 580–581, 582 book burning in 498 burning of Talmud in 236 as center of printing in sixteenth century 49 cessation of printing in 236 Haggadot printed in 599–600, 626–628, 627 Hebrew press in 194n7 Hebrew printing in 178–179, 195, 197–198n14, 200, 236–239, 237, 239, 240, 248, 253 Zevah Pesah printed in 604, 605 Verona, Italy 21, 59, 155, 309, 338–359 Hebrew printing in 338–359 imprints from 310n21 Jewish community in 339 quality of typography in 359 in Shakespeare’s play 338 Versio Latina Mischnae (Surenhuis) 409 Viadrina (university) 543 Vidas, Elijah ben Moses, Reshit Hokhmah Kazar 329, 331 vignettes 73 Vikku’ah Rabbenu Yehiel im Nicholas Jehiel ben Joseph of Paris (Jehiel ben Joseph) 412–415 Jehiel ben Joseph 413 Wagenseil, Johann Christoph 412–415, 413, 414 Vilna, Lithuania 253 Vilna Talmud 510, 531–532, 556, 557 Vinograd, Yeshayahu 150, 250, 370, 531 Virtual Judaica 338n1 Vital, Hayyim 121, 164, 166, 174, 175, 269, 580 Etz ha-Hayyim 269–270 Sefer Ha-Hezenot 200–201n21 Sha’arei Kiddushah 200, 200n20 Vital, Samuel 188 Vogther, Heinrich 32 Voit, Petre 41 Voltaire 415 von Breitenbach, Juliana Regina 209–210n5

Index Voragine, Jacobus de, Laudes beate Marievirginis 314, 315 Wagenseil, Johann Christoph 385, 389, 399–400, 401–402n15, 401–407, 409–416, 423, 587 Belehrung der Judisch-Teutschen Red-und Schreibart (An Instruction Book in the Method of Speaking and Writing Judeo-German 409 Exercitationes sex varii argumenti (1697); Denunciatio Christiana de Blasphemiis Judæorum in Jesum Christum (1703); and Disputatio Circularis de Judæis (1705) 416 Negaim 407 Sota: Hoc est: liber mischnicus de uxore adulterii suspecta 403, 404, 405, 406, 427 Tela Ignea Satanae 409–412, 410, 411, 412n26, 413, 415 Vikku’ah Rabbenu Yehiel im Nicholas Jehiel ben Joseph of Paris 412–415, 413, 414 Wakefield, Robert, Oratio de laudibus et utilitate trium linguarum Arabice Chaldaice et Hebraice 429 Walraven, Moen-Van 491 Wandsbeck, Germany 79, 80, 81, 314 Warburg, Leib 81 watermarks 285–286, 594 Waxman, Max 254 Waxman, Meyer 234, 397–398 Weidmannum, Mauritium Georgium  328 Weil, Jacob (Mahariv) 459, 468, 473, 474 Weiner, Samuel 374 Weinryb, Bernard D. 258 Weiss, Ms. 273–274n4 Weiss, Uri Shraga of Shklov 335 Wengrow, Charles 41 Werlin, Steven H. 7 Wertheimer, Samson 554–555 Wesselius, J. W. 441 Wessely, Naphtali Herz, Divrei Shalom ve-Emet 522 Whittington, “Dick,” 295 Wibel, Johann Christoph 496 Wicked Bible 535

Index Wilhelm, Yitzhak 226n1, 338n1, 507–508n2 Wilhermsdorf, Germany 496 William Bowyer the Elder 433, 433–434n19 William V of Montferrat 294 Willis, Brown 435 Witmond, Abraham ben Samuel, Ahavat Hesed 82–84, 83 Witmund, Germany 75 Wittenburg, Germany 243–246, 244, 245, 246, 253, 530 Witzenhausen, Joseph 75 Wolff, Judah Leib, Avodat ha-Gefen 277 Wolfgang Ernst 274 woodblock illustrations 41, 429, 596, 599–600, 609, 622 woodcuts 40, 57, 587, 612–613, 612, 617–619, 622, 622, 626–628, 627 Netherlandish 35 Worms, Germany 567–568 Worrell, Richard 430 Wotten, William 385–386, 424–448 History of Rome 431 Legis Wallicae 431 Miscellaneous Discourses relating to the traditions and usages of the Scribes and Pharisees 432, 435, 441, 443 Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning 431 Shabbat and Eruvin 424, 430, 432–443, 433, 436, 437, 439, 442 Texts relating to the religious observation of one day in seven, with annotations 432 Wulferus, Johannes 440 Wulff, Benjamin ben Yekutiel, Pirkei Avot  277 Wulff, Moses Benjamin 81, 525 Wyer, Robert 7 Xenophon, Cyropaedia 6 Yaari, Avraham 3, 7–8, 24, 27, 33–34, 65, 84, 109, 173, 200, 342, 363, 483–484, 501, 544, 569, 599 on Foa’s device 51–52 on lion motif 33–34, 35 on Prostitz’s use of pressmark 68–69 on Shalit’s pressmark 66–67

693 Yad Avi Shalom 277, 278, 284 Yafik Razon (Jabez) 159–160, 162, 172–173 Yakar, Joseph ben 47, 70 Yalkut Hadash (Israel ben Benjamin of Belzec) 18–19, 18 Yam shel Shelomo (Luria (Maharshal)) 49, 49, 276 Yashir Moshe (Moses ben Zechariah ha-Kohen) 582–585, 583, 584, 591 Yatom, Abraham ben Moses, Hok leYisrael 501 Yavin Shemu’ah (Algazi) 350 Yayin ha-Rekah (Eleazar ben Judah Roke’ah)  149–151, 149 Yehudah Mehokeki (Del Bene) 349 Yemen 492 Yeri’ot Shelomo (Luria (Maharshal)) 45, 116–119, 117, 118, 119 Yerushalmi, Yosef Hayim 40, 77, 596, 599 Yesha Elohim (Pesante) 565–566, 566, 631 Yeshua’ah ben Joseph ha-Levi, Halikhot Olam 349–350 Yessodato be-harerei (Kohen) 349 Yevamot (Luria (Maharshal)) 49 Yevamot (tractate) 550 Yeven Mezulah (Hannover) 156, 256, 257, 258, 260, 262–266, 264, 271 Yevstai Sangushka, Duke 366 Yiddish fables 21 translation of Bible into 538 Yismach Yisrael (Rofe) 327–328 Yismah Lev (Twersky) 361 Yitzi’at Mitzra’im (The Exodus)  592–637 Yoma (tractate) 429, 529n40, 550 Yonat Elem (Fano) 323 Yoreh De’ah (Rofe) 188, 328, 572, 575 Yosef, Ovadia 524 Yosef Halel (Brachfeld) 532–533 Young, Ian Keter Shem Tov 110 Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures and its Contexts 20: Keter Shem Tov 110 Yudlov, Isaac 42–43n19, 69, 491, 593, 594, 595, 598–599, 635

694 Zacuto, Abraham, Sefer Yuhasin 409 Zacuto, Moses 198 Zadok, Samson ben 54 Zafenat Pa’ne’ah (Kohen) 100 Zafenat Pa’ne’ah (Onkeneira) 140 Zahalon, Yom tov ben Moses (Maharit Zahalon) 188 Lekah Tov 56–57 Zahav Mezukkak, David ben Samuel ha-Levi (Taz) 334 Zahkan Melummad u-Misharet, Erben, Friedrich Lanckischens 247 Zainer, Gunther 32 Zalman, Eliezer 76 Zalman, Elijah ben Solomon (Vilna Gaon)  541 Zalman, Meshulam 184 Zalman, Schneur 365, 370, 372–373, 376, 377, 378, 380 collected letters of 373, 373 Tanya (Likkutei Amarim) 361, 364, 365, 376–377, 377n30, 380, 465 Zanetti, Cristophel 202n23 Zanetti, Daniel 146, 147, 151, 152, 201, 201n22, 202n23, 580–581 Zanetti, Matteo 88, 202n23 Zanetti, Zanetoo (Zuan) 202n23 Zanetti press 194n7, 201, 201n22, 202, 202n23, 628 Zantzenet ha-Man (Man) 279, 281, 284, 285n19 Zarefati, Joseph 314 Zedek, Samuel ben Perachiah ha-Kohen 631 Zedekiah (ha-Rofei) ben Abraham, Shibbolei ha-Leket 460–463, 462, 463n16, 465 Zedekiah ha-Rofei, Shibbolei ha-Leket 631 Ze’ena u-Re’ena (Ashkenazi) 128–129, 128, 129n114 Ze’ev Yitrof (Landsberg) 524 Zefirat ha-Tiferet 296, 298 Zeidah la-Derekh (Ibn Zerah) 450, 465–468, 466, 514–515n13 Zekher Rav (Mussafia) 156, 208–209, 210–214, 211, 212, 213–214n10, 213, 224, 320–321, 321 Zemah Avid (De’ Pomis) 55–56 de’ Pomis, David ben Isaac 56

Index Zemah David (Joseph David) 132 Zemah Zaddik (Modena) 230 Zephaniah ben Mordecai 415 Zera Baruch (Shapira) 328–329, 330, 331 Zera Yehudah (Judah Leib ben Simeon) 279 Zera Yisrael (Lipshutz) 85 Zerihan, Jacob Hai 516 Zeror ha-Mor (Saba) 119–120, 513–514, 513–514n11 Zevah Elokim (Angel) 159, 164, 165, 173 Zevahim (tractates) 458 Zevah Pesah (Abrabanel) 593, 601–611, 603, 605, 606, 609n24, 609n25, 631–632, 636 abridgement of 609, 609n24, 609n25 enduring popularity of 611 printed in Bistrowitz, Poland 610–611, 610 printed in Constantinople, Ottoman Empire 595, 601–604 printed in Cracow, Poland 611 printed in Cremona, Italy 605–606, 606 printed in Prague, Bohemia 607–610, 608, 609 printed in Riva di Trento, Italy 607 printed in Venice, Italy 604, 605 Zevin, Solomon Joseph 524 Zifroni, Elishema 236–237 Zifroni, Israel 236 Zikaron ha-Zadikim 364 Zinberg, Israel 233, 259, 419, 419n32, 421 Zioni, Menahem ben Meir Sefer Tsefune Tsiyoni 500 Sefer Ziyyoni 499–500 Ziskind, Mordecai (Maharam Ziskind) 332 Zitzat Novel Zevi (Sasportas) 221 Ziyunim le-Divrei ha-Kabbalah (Kornfeld)  573–574 zodiac 626 Zohar (attr. Simeon Bar Yohai) 12, 112, 134, 151, 181–182, 331, 349, 363, 366, 368–370, 374, 379, 459, 500 Zohar Hadash (Ezekiel ben Phinehas) 361, 365, 366, 378 Zok ha-ittim (Meir ben Samuel)  262–263n15, 266, 568–569 Zolkiew, Poland 20, 27, 76, 526–527 Zoltot 69, 70

Index Zoppino, Nicholaus 60 Zori la-Nefesh u-Marpe la-Etzem (Modena)  230 Zundel, Judah Leib ben Enoch Hinuukh Beit Yehudah 526 Reshit Bikkurim 526

695 Zurat ha-Aretz (Abraham bar Hiyya) 279, 280, 284 Zusal, Meshullam 377 Zussman, Israel Abaham ben Meshullam  361