Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga: A Frontier Mission in South Texas 9780292795549

Citation preview

espíritu santo de zúñiga

Texas Archaeology and Ethnohistory Series Thomas R. Hester, Editor

Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga a frontier mission i n s o u t h t e xa s Tamra Lynn Walter

Foreword by Thomas R. Hester

university of texas press Austin

Copyright © 2007 by the University of Texas Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First edition, 2007 Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to: Permissions University of Texas Press P.O. Box 7819 Austin, TX 78713–7819 www.utexas.edu/utpress/about/bpermission.html The paper used in this book meets the minimum requirements of ansi/niso z39.48–1992 (r1997) (Permanence of Paper). library of congress cataloging-in-publication data Walter, Tamra Lynn. Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga : a frontier mission in South Texas / Tamra Lynn Walter. — 1st ed. p. cm. — (Texas archaeology and ethnohistory series) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-292-71478-6 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-292-71478-5 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga Site (Tex.) 2. Frontier and pioneer life— Texas—Mission Valley Region. 3. Spaniards—Texas—Mission Valley Region—Antiquities. 4. Indians of North America—Texas— Mission Valley Region—Antiquities. 5. Spanish mission buildings— Texas—Mission Valley Region. 6. Material culture—Texas—Mission Valley Region—History. 7. Food habits—Texas—Mission Valley Region—History. 8. Mission Valley Region (Tex.)—Antiquities. 9. Mission Valley Region (Tex.)—History. 10. Guadalupe River Region (Tex.)—Antiquities. I. Title. f394.e86w35 2007 976.4'492—dc22 2006032050

For Don and my grandmother Nellie

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

CONTENTS

Foreword ix Acknowledgments xiii one

Introduction 1

two

The Historical Record 7

three four five six

The Archaeological Record 27 Mission Architecture 48 Investigations at Related Sites 74 Mission Material Culture 84

seven

Mission Foodways: The Faunal Collection 162

eight

Conclusions 187 Bibliography 199 Index 211

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

FOREWORD

H

aving been trained as a prehistoric archaeologist, I had never had much interest in the archaeology of the Spanish missions—even though I spent a month in summer 1966 as a crew member on the first team to conduct archaeology at the Alamo. However, in the 1970s and 1980s, while teaching at the University of Texas at San Antonio, I gained a great deal of exposure to Spanish colonial archaeology through projects by the Center for Archaeological Research and largely through the efforts of Anne A. Fox and Jack D. Eaton. This gave rise to a continuing interest in the material culture of the Native Americans of the missions, and how data on that culture might be used to evaluate their transition into Spanish life. Most of the time, our excavation projects were very specific and limited exploration to test pits. While we were able, for example, to trench the front wall of the Alamo right next to its main entrance and to do test excavations at Espada to locate its bastion, we had no opportunity to look at a broader view of mission layout. However, in 1976–1977, Eaton, Fox, and I, along with Fred Valdez Jr. and R. E. W. Adams (who had procured the grants), carried out excavations at Missions San Bernardo and San Juan Bautista at Guerrero, Coahuila, Mexico. These were the Gateway missions that Robert Weddle covered so extensively in his book San Juan Bautista: Gateway to Spanish Texas, published by the University of Texas Press in 1968. Though we had specific goals in our research program at the Gateway missions, most of these centered on the lives and activities of the Indian groups who lived at these missions, as reflected in architecture. But to understand the context of the Mission Indian occupations we needed to know a great deal more about the layout of the missions, as plans of these complexes never surfaced in the Spanish Colonial archives. We were able to locate and identify many buildings and assess building functions at both missions. This was made possible through judicious testing and through Jack Eaton’s unnerving accuracy in predicting where the corners of buildings (and rooms within them) would be found! Unfortunately,

x

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

the broad array of structures linked to both these missions was obliterated or at least heavily damaged after our fieldwork—by a root-plowing rancher on private property adjacent to San Bernardo and, at San Juan Bautista, by a Pemex worker seeking ‘‘treasure’’ with a bulldozer. I knew little about the Espíritu Santo missions other than what I obtained in visiting the state park in Goliad where the final location of the mission, established in 1749, had been heavily restored. Espíritu Santo started out in 1722 somewhere on Matagorda Bay, and has been the object of several searches. Clergy at that first location tried to proselytize the Karankawa, who were definitely not interested in the Spanish or their religion. The priests heard of less hostile Indian groups on the Guadalupe River and in 1725 began the transfer of Espíritu Santo to that more pleasant environment. An interim second location of the mission may have been briefly established in what is now the City Park of Victoria, Texas. In the early 1960s an amateur historian in Victoria exposed some of the ruins known as Tonkawa Bank. But the definitive work was carried out in 1997 and 1998 by V. Kay Hindes, with the important assistance of Kathleen Gilmore. There remains some debate as to whether Tonkawa Bank is the second location of Espíritu Santo or an outpost, a visita, linked to another location of Espíritu Santo (likely its third) about five to six miles north of Victoria on the west side of the Guadalupe River. A presidio was established downstream on the east side that was briefly studied by the Texas Archeological Field School in June 1968. Whether it was the mission’s second or the third location, Espíritu Santo at this site on the Guadalupe was a substantial undertaking, and records indicate that it remained there from 1726 to 1749. After the site was abandoned, the mission was covered by brush and first recorded scientifically by C. A. Calhoun in 1965. The mission ruins were by then on private property, and access to them was denied by a series of landowners for many years. Since the mission was in brush near the riverbank and could be easily accessed by boat, the main portion of the mission complex had been looted, bulldozed, and otherwise disturbed for decades. Indeed, it was only through the continued efforts, starting around 1975, of E. H. (Smitty) Schmedlin and Bill Birmingham, avocational archaeologists from Victoria, that researchers visited the mission from time to time. In 1989 a landowner cleared the brush from the ruins, and Smitty and Bill were permitted to photograph the area, collect materials, and make a site sketch. But when John and Judy Clegg bought the property, new opportunities arose. Smitty arranged for the Texas Historical Commission to do limited testing near the remaining standing ruins in spring 1995. And since Michael Collins

Foreword

xi

and I were slated to teach a UT-Austin field school at a prehistoric site in Victoria the coming summer, Smitty and Bill put on a full-court press for at least a little attention to be directed to Espíritu Santo. Tamra Walter, the author of this volume, contacted me in early 1995 when she was a graduate student at the University of Montana. She was looking for a possible master’s thesis involving a Spanish mission. It is always great when a plan comes together! So, in 1995 I supervised Tamra Walter and several other field-school students in doing some test excavations at Espíritu Santo. For my part, I never expected much more than a good sample of mission Indian material culture to be used as comparative data with other missions in Texas and northeastern Mexico. Fortunately, Walter developed an attachment to the site that has led to many important new discoveries since. She went on to do her master’s thesis (published in 1997) on the site, based on the summer 1995 investigations and some follow-up fieldwork. And there was no doubt that her Ph.D. research would be expanded to further explore Espíritu Santo. Much of what Dr. Walter presents in this book stems from field schools held at Espíritu Santo by the Texas Archeological Society in June 1997 and June 1998. I served as project director, though all the hard work was done by Walter and her graduate student colleagues (and collaborators like Anne Fox and Jack Eaton)—and the hundreds of TAS members (454 in 1997) who did such skilled excavation. It could have been chaos, but the TAS is well organized, and many of its top fieldworkers served as excavation supervisors. With a workforce of that size and level of enthusiasm, many areas of the site and associated locales were investigated. During this period, as Tamra’s book details, the quarry for the mission was found and studied, a dam and acequia system was rediscovered and mapped, and remnants of a more ambitious dam upstream on the Guadalupe were found. The sharp eyes of an equipment operator doing landscaping for the Cleggs led to the discovery of a large, well-formed lime kiln, fully excavated in 1997–1998. And excavation at a ‘‘prehistoric’’ site just south of the mission indicated that many of the neophytes may have lived at that spot, given the amount of eighteenth-century Indian and Spanish material culture found there. We have at these sites a local record of Native American continuity from Late Prehistoric times right into the Mission era. The abundant data presented in this book offer the first detailed view into a mission that was a poorly known establishment whose location was often in dispute, and that played a major role on the coastal plain of what is now Texas in the early and middle eighteenth century. The mission at this site provided the foundation for the establishment of the final setting of Es-

xii

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

píritu Santo, in Goliad, by involving the Aranama and Tamique Indians in the mission process and starting the cattle herds that greatly expanded after the move to Goliad. From the work at the second location of Espíritu Santo on the Guadalupe River in Victoria County, Dr. Walter has obtained a more detailed, scientifically based picture of the overall mission complex and its inner workings. It is one of just a few missions that can be viewed in a broad perspective. Most Texas missions are heavily restored (much of this occurring in the federal Work Projects Administration programs of the 1930s), even resplendent, and they are major tourist attractions. But those WPA programs, sometimes supervised by architects and ‘‘cleared’’ with minimal scientific recording, resulted in reconstructions often verging on the imaginative. The ruins of Espíritu Santo, by contrast, remain buried and covered by brush, and evidence of the many endeavors that took place there is spread broadly across the landscape. The mission has been restored only in the pages of this book. Thomas R. Hester

ACK NOWLEDGMENTS

A

s a graduate student at the University of Texas at Austin I had the privilege of working at the site of Espíritu Santo for my dissertation research. Under the direction of Dr. Thomas Hester, a University of Texas field school and two Texas Archeological Society (TAS) field schools were conducted at the mission. These archaeological excavations formed the basis of my research. I would like to thank John and Judy Clegg for permitting us to work at the mission and for their enthusiasm for the project. Smitty Schmieldin, Bill Birmingham, Cecil Calhoun, and the countless volunteers and TAS field school participants who worked at the site were invaluable to the completion of this project. Also I am indebted to Thomas Hester, who made all of this possible and has provided guidance and support throughout the years. Jack Eaton, Anne Fox, Kay Hindes, the ‘‘Mission Belles’’ (Betty Inman, Marilyn Shoberg, Jane Lakeman, and Patsy Goebel), Dale Hudler, Brad Jones, Greg Ketteman, Kinley Coyan, and Don Badon contributed both time and expertise to the project since it began in 1995. Paul Edward De La Rosa provided several of the illustrations, and Milton Bell photographed the artifacts. Harry Shafer also provided much-needed guidance and constructive criticism of the initial manuscript. Funding was provided by the Texas Historical Foundation and the TAS Donor’s Fund for the work completed at the mission in 1995 and 1996. Additional funding was provided by the Summerlee Foundation and a Bromley F. Cooper endowed fellowship. The Texas Archeological Society supported both the 1997 and 1998 field schools, and the Southern Texas Archaeological Association was very generous in providing local support for the excavations.

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

espíritu santo de zúñiga

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

One

INTRODUCTION

T

he Spanish Colonial era in Texas began in the sixteenth century with the arrival of explorers such as Álvarez de Piñeda and Cabeza de Vaca. The period lasted into the early nineteenth century and is marked by the remains of missions, presidios, ranchos, visitas (visiting or outlying missions), and various Spanish settlements. The region we now call Texas includes a much greater area than the Hispanic Texas known to the Spanish as Tejas or the New Kingdom of the Philippines, as it was called from 1694 to 1715. During the Spanish occupation of the region, the area encompassed the lands to the north of the Medina River and east of its headwaters into Louisiana (Chipman 1992, 1). Although Texas lacked the rich mineral resources found in northern Mexico, it was nonetheless an important province for the Kingdom of New Spain. Foreign intrusions into Spanish territory from other European groups, especially those from French colonies in the New World, were a constant threat to Spain’s landholdings and natural resources. The province of Tejas served as an important buffer zone between the northern boundaries of New Spain and the rich silver mines of Mexico (Bolton 1915, Céliz 1935). In theory, Spanish officials hoped to colonize the frontier of New Spain through conversion. Once Christianized, the native groups would eventually be converted into loyal Spanish citizens through the mission system. Ideally, these faithful neophytes would then help protect the land and resources of New Spain from foreign incursions (Bolton 1960). The missionary efforts in Texas, carried out by the Franciscan order, therefore played an integral part in the attempts to colonize the region. From the viewpoint of the government, the work of the missionaries was not only to Christianize but also to civilize the lands north of Mexico and to work toward holding and expanding this frontier (Bolton 1915, 10). Hence, much time and effort were devoted to establishing missions among the various in-

2

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

digenous groups of Texas. At least five missions were established in South Texas alone for the Indian groups of the area. The Spanish Colonial mission of Espíritu Santo in present-day Mission Valley serves as an excellent example of a Franciscan mission complex. Although research has been conducted at many of the missions established in various parts of the state, the missions in South Texas remain poorly understood. In many cases archival information is sparse or nonexistent. For example, available historical records documenting the mission’s third location, the focus of our investigations, are limited to brief mentions of the site, usually in relation to the nearby fort known as Presidio Nuestra Señora de Loreto de la Bahía. To date, no descriptions of the mission’s layout or architecture have been recovered from the archival records, much less information on daily events and lifeways of the mission inhabitants. The archaeological investigations of recent years have begun to bring these pictures into focus, rendering material clues to who resided at the mission, what their work entailed, and how they sustained themselves. Recent investigations at the Espíritu Santo site in Mission Valley, therefore, provide an opportunity to examine the mission system in a more detailed manner. Both history and historical archaeology enrich our understandings of the past; however, the two disciplines often ask very different questions. Historians may focus on prominent individuals in the past or on unique historical events, while historical archaeologists trained in the field of anthropology, for example, seek to reconstruct the everyday lives of both the renowned and the anonymous. Each discipline can clearly supplement the other, yet historical and archaeological data are not always equally accessible. In the case of Mission Espíritu Santo, the archaeological record is obviously more extensive than the few brief historical records that document the mission’s third site near the Guadalupe River in what is now called Mission Valley. Our investigations centered on this third location among the four sites Mission Espíritu Santo occupied during its more than one hundred years. Here, archaeology must serve not only to answer anthropologically oriented questions (e.g., questions concerning daily life, subsistence economies, ethnicity), but it also can serve to flesh out the historical record. The archaeology of Espíritu Santo thus greatly enhances our understanding of this eighteenthcentury Spanish Colonial mission. As a graduate student at the University of Montana and later at the University of Texas, I had the good fortune of meeting and working with Thomas R. Hester, then a professor of anthropology at UT. Dr. Hester had become interested in investigating an old Spanish mission in South Texas and

Introduction

3

suggested that I conduct excavations there for my master’s thesis. I quickly accepted his offer. I eventually entered the doctoral program at UT and continued my research at Espíritu Santo in conjunction with fellow graduate students and two Texas Archeological Society field schools. The first formal investigations at Mission Espíritu Santo in Mission Valley began in the summer of 1995 and continued until the spring of 1999. A historical marker was erected at the site in 1936 to commemorate the mission, although no formal research had been conducted to verify that this location was indeed the third site of Mission Espíritu Santo. Between 1936 and 1995, occasional investigations were carried out at the site. Limited archaeological testing and surface collections constitute most of the work that was completed there prior to the 1995 excavations. In 1965 a treasure hunter discovered a burial within the mission ruins, and Cecil Calhoun, a local avocational archaeologist, recorded it. The burial proved to be from the late nineteenth century, and thus it was not associated with the Spanish Colonial occupation of the mission (Calhoun 1965). Archeologists did not return to the site until 1975, when E. H. Schmiedlin, A. Fox, and C. K. Chandler completed a nonrandom survey and surface collection of artifacts. The crew noted evidence of extensive looting and disturbance by pot hunters inside the mission ruins. In 1989 Schmiedlin, a steward for the Office of the State Archeologist (OSA), reexamined the site and drew several preliminary sketches of the mission layout. Schmiedlin produced a report on his investigations that brought the site to the attention of the OSA. In the spring of 1995 the OSA conducted limited excavations at the site to assess its potential for future research. Encouraged by the findings, the OSA recommended further research. That summer Dr. Hester directed archaeological investigations during the 1995 UT field school, and I participated as part of my thesis research. Students and local avocationalists completed test excavations at the site during the summer, and more testing followed in the fall. UT students and the TAS continued excavations there until the fall of 1999. Considering the limited nature of the historical record, the archaeological record serves as the main source of information for Mission Espíritu Santo. Accordingly, excavations were oriented toward answering specific questions that the written records alone did not address. My goals in presenting this research are: first, to give an overall picture of the mission layout and its related sites; second, to provide a description of the history and everyday life at Espíritu Santo; and finally, to exemplify the importance of archaeology to both the history and ethnography of eighteenth-century Spanish Texas.

4

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Ideally, the study of Mission Espíritu Santo will serve as a model for research at similar early Colonial sites in Texas and elsewhere. In the following chapters I will present archival, archaeological, and architectural data relating to the site as a way to bring the mission experience to life. Chapter 2 presents a historical overview of Spain in the New World and of Spanish Texas as context for the founding of Espíritu Santo. The history of the mission is discussed in its entirety, from its establishment on the coast to its virtual abandonment in the late eighteenth century and eventual secularization in the early nineteenth century. Through the use of historical and ethnohistorical accounts and the archaeological record, I offer an overview of the Native American residents of Espíritu Santo. Chapter 2 also presents a discussion of Late Prehistoric cultural patterns that are related to those evidenced at Espíritu Santo. The mission Indians affiliated with Espíritu Santo are clearly related to the prehistoric groups that occupied the Guadalupe River Valley prior to the arrival of Europeans. Chapter 3 presents an overview of the archaeological work at the site. Archaeological excavations helped to define living areas inside and outside the mission compound. The investigations provide information concerning the locations of particular habitation areas for the indigenous residents and the Spanish occupants of the site. Excavations in a large area believed to be located outside the mission compound revealed cultural materials indicative of a mission Indian occupation. Additional excavations of a small mound inside the mission plaza strongly suggest the presence of activity and living areas related to presidial soldiers and their families who were probably stationed at the mission during its tenure in Mission Valley. Chapter 4 focuses on the mission architecture. In particular, the architectural investigations within the mission ruins are supplying information regarding the building styles and plan of the compound. The chapter presents detailed discussions of each identified mission structure and the layout of the mission complex as well as the construction and possible functions of the mission buildings. For example, the remains of wall foundations that were exposed during the investigations helped to outline the arrangement of the mission complex and provided insight into the possible functions of some of the structures. Ultimately, all of the data recovered from the architectural investigations are combined to reconstruct a more comprehensive picture of the mission’s organization. In Chapter 5, an overview and discussion of work completed at the nearby sandstone quarry, the associated dams, and the acequias emphasize the importance of the numerous components that make up a mission compound. In

Introduction

5

Chapter 5 I review the results of our investigations and their relationships to the entire mission complex to reconstruct how the mission and all of its related parts functioned together as a whole. Reviewing the mission system in its entirety contributes to a much fuller understanding of the inner workings of an eighteenth-century mission complex. The analysis of cultural materials including artifacts in Chapter 6 and animal bones in Chapter 7 provides further insight into daily life at the mission. In particular, these analyses explore such aspects of mission life as diet, access to European goods, daily activities, and residents’ overall health. Delineating habitation zones and activity areas across the site through the analysis of cultural remains therefore adds to reconstructing aspects of mission life and the lifeways of its inhabitants. The analysis of the material record at the mission likewise helps to consider questions concerning the ethnic affiliations of the mission residents. Although ethnohistorical accounts and historical records provide some information regarding the different groups residing at the site, the material record offers a more in-depth look at the mission population. Historical records tell us that the Aranama and Tamique were among the only indigenous groups living at the mission. However, cultural materials recovered from the excavations, especially those inside the mission compound, indicate the presence of members of other groups and/or interactions among these groups and the mission residents in the form of trade. Spatial analyses of the cultural materials are used to make some preliminary inferences about the ethnic affiliations of the native residents and their relationships with other native groups. The faunal remains, both animal bone and shell, are particularly useful for examining issues of subsistence-related economic behaviors. For instance, the two refuse middens, one inside the mission compound and one outside, contain large amounts of faunal remains and supply a great deal of information about mission foodways. I emphasize comparisons between the middens as a means to reveal distinctions suggestive of the activities that led to the accumulation of each midden. Furthermore, quantifying domestic and wild faunal materials present in each feature contributes significant information about the food resources available to the mission occupants and the importance of cattle to the mission diet and economy. I employ a multidisciplinary approach to address the research goals and multiple lines of evidence to explore the Mission Espíritu Santo holistically, encompassing archaeological, architectural, historical, and ethnohistorical data. By examining and combining all available data, we can develop a better

6

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

understanding of the mission inhabitants and the social and cultural surroundings at Espíritu Santo. Written records alone cannot tell the story of the mission. The archaeological record, however, provides us an opportunity to piece together a much more detailed picture of the mission and frontier life in eighteenth-century Texas.

Two

THE HISTORICAL RECORD

A

lthough Spain’s presence in the New World began in the late fifteenth century, the expansion of its empire into North America did not officially begin until the middle of the sixteenth century. Spanish explorers beginning in the early 1500s had already penetrated parts of North America. Ponce de León, who explored the coastline of Florida, undertook one of the earliest recorded journeys to the region, in 1513. Motivated by the prospect of gold and other rich resources (Céliz 1935), several Spaniards undertook subsequent journeys into the region of North America. Álvarez de Piñeda investigated the area along the Gulf Coast in 1519, and Pedro de Quejo explored the Atlantic coastline from Florida all the way to Virginia in 1525. Cabeza de Vaca’s adventures in North America began in 1528 when a shipwreck left him stranded on the coast of Texas and ended in 1536 when he eventually made his way back to Mexico (Covey 1961). Hernando de Soto’s journey from 1539 to 1543 took him across much of the southeastern United States, while in 1540 Francisco Vázquez de Coronado was leading an expedition into the southwest interior of North America that reached as far north as present-day Kansas (Chipman 1992, Weber 1992). The exploration of New Mexico led by the conquistador Juan de Oñate in 1598 resulted in the establishment of the first European settlement west of the Mississippi (Simmons 1991). These Spanish expeditions during the sixteenth century led to the founding of modest colonies in Florida and New Mexico. The real transformation of the North American frontier of Spain’s empire, however, began in the seventeenth century. Significant changes in the growth of the frontier across La Florida, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California can largely be attributed to the missionaries and their evangelical spirit that accompanied the expanding colonization efforts of northern New Spain (Weber 1992). The Spanish occupation of Texas exemplifies the great efforts exerted by Spanish missionaries to colonize and civilize this frontier.

8

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Spain in Texas Although Spanish explorers entered the area of Texas prior to Spain’s official occupation of the province, foreign incursions, especially those of the French into the interior region of the Mississippi Valley, served as the catalyst for permanent settlement. Arguably the biggest push for colonization of the border province of Texas occurred after the French explorer René Robert Cavalier de La Salle established a small colony along Espíritu Santo Bay in what is today Matagorda Bay (Figure 2.1). Fort Saint Louis lasted only five years, from 1684 to 1689. The colony met its demise when it was attacked and burned by Karankawa Indians. The attackers killed all the colonists except for a few children, whom they took captive. At the time, La Salle was away on an expedition to find the mouth of the Mississippi River, and during the journey he perished at the hands of his own men (Foster 1998). Recognizing the threat that the French posed, Spanish officials began an aggressive campaign to populate the region. Even though the primary motivation for occupying the area was territorial possession and the prevention of foreign intrusions, they viewed conversion of the native populations as a key element in colonizing the province. Therefore, the mission system was enacted as a way to cope with the native groups of Texas and was intended, ideally, to Christianize and convert the Indians into loyal Spanish citizens. Presidios, or forts, commonly accompanied the establishment of missions, supplied protection for the friars and their new converts, and served to secure the frontier from foreign encroachments.

Missions of Texas Mission and presidio settlement began in the late seventeenth century and gained momentum in the eighteenth century. The practice developed of establishing a mission and presidio together after the first missionization attempts in East Texas failed. In 1690 and 1691 San Francisco de los Tejas and Santísimo Nombre de María were among the earliest missions established in Texas. Both were located near the Neches River and were intended for the Caddo ( John 1975), but by 1694 both had been abandoned. The Caddo, who lived in villages with cultivated fields and who had already established trade relations with the French, had no real incentive to enter the Spanish missions. The missions had been placed in less than ideal loca-

The Historical Record

9

tions, and shortly after they were established their crops began to fail and food supplies ran short. After these first attempts failed, the padres blamed the downfall of the missionary enterprise on the lack of sufficient military force to back their endeavors. Father Damian Massanet, who had volunteered his services to the missionary effort in East Texas, suggested three courses of action to ensure the success of the next missionary attempt: first, a presidio was needed in order to gain the Indians’ respect for the padres; second, the mission compounds should be placed in more favorable locations; and lastly, the Indians should be gathered into pueblos to promote religious instruction. The East Texas mission experience familiarized the Spaniards with the landscape of Texas and convinced Spanish officials that the only way to successfully convert and Hispanicize the native populations was through coercion and persuasion (Chipman 1992, 99–100). It would take several years before missionary efforts in Texas were renewed. At the start of the eighteenth century, the ‘‘gateway’’ missions— San Juan Bautista, San Bernardo, and San Francisco Solano—were founded along the Rio Grande (Weddle 1968). These missions (also now called the Rio Grande missions or Guerrero missions because of their proximity to the present-day town of Guerrero) served as launching point and supply station for many of the expeditions into South, Central, and East Texas during the first half of the 1700s. From 1713 to 1717, missions and presidios were again established in East Texas in an effort to reoccupy the Caddo region and prevent foreign intrusions into the Spanish borderlands. In South Texas a total of nine missions were founded among the hunting and gathering groups of the area. These regional bands of Indians are often referred to as ‘‘Coahuiltecans,’’ although there appears to be significant diversity among the groups (Campbell 1983; Hester 1989a, 1998). In 1718 San Francisco Solano was moved to the San Antonio River and became San Antonio de Valero. Eventually, five additional missions (San José y San Miguel de Aguayo, San Francisco Xavier de Najera, San Juan Capistrano, San Francisco de la Espada, and Nuestra Señora de la Purísima Concepción) would be founded between the years 1722 and 1731 along the San Antonio River in what is today the city of San Antonio. In 1722 the mission of Nuestra Señora del Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga was established on Garcitas Creek near the Texas coast. The two later missions, Nuestra Señora del Rosario (1754) and Nuestra Señora del Refugio (1793), were meant for the Karankawa, a group of hunters and gatherers who lived along the coast. Despite the considerable efforts of the Spanish missionaries, none of the

10

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

South Texas missions fully succeeded in converting the native populations brought into the mission system, although the San Antonio missions can be said to have experienced the greatest success. Spanish-Indian relations along the frontier of New Spain were strained from the beginning. Historical documents have provided limited information about the failure of many of the South Texas missions. Besides economic and geographical factors and the spread of diseases, the prevailing reason cited by the Spanish for the failure of missionization attempts was the Indians themselves. Desertion rates of the mission Indians were high, something that the Franciscans often equated with a dislike of hard work and discipline. Although most of the friars brought to the frontier were concerned with the social and economic conditions of the Indians, they nonetheless viewed the indigenous peoples as children who were quite often incapable of civilization (Sylvest 1975). Such antagonistic attitudes could not have been conducive to good relationships with the mission Indians. Furthermore, the onslaught of raiding by outside groups such as the Apache and Comanche was particularly menacing to the Spaniards and their converts.

Role of the Franciscans The spiritual conquest of Texas was undertaken entirely by missionaries from the Franciscan order. Accounts of friars entering Texas in search of native groups begin as early as 1535 and continue until 1675, when preparations for the founding of missions began (O’Rourke 1927). Franciscan missionary colleges de Propaganda Fide, institutions founded for the education of missionaries charged with spreading the Catholic faith, were established in Querétaro and in Zacatecas. These two institutions assumed the primary responsibility for establishing and operating the Texas missions (Bolton 1915, John 1975). The Apostolic College of Santa Cruz at Querétaro was founded at the end of the seventeenth century, followed by the College of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe at Zacatecas. Both colleges served as training centers for the Franciscan missionaries who would eventually be sent to proselytize the native groups found in the northern borderlands (Almaráz 1989). In the case of Espíritu Santo, friars from the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas were in charge of the care and administration of all locations of the mission (Ramsdell 1938). The missions were to function as frontier institutions that were responsible for introducing the Catholic faith to the indigenous populations and civilizing the farthest reaches of the Spanish Empire. Ideally, missionaries

The Historical Record

11

would educate and train neophytes in agricultural practices, herding, and other skills thought necessary for civilization. In theory, after ten years the process of conversion would be complete and the missions secularized (Bolton 1915). Moreover, at the time of secularization, the lands of the mission were to be equally divided among the mission converts, who would become independent landowners and farmers (Habig 1977, 3). Rarely were these plans carried out, especially in Texas, where conversion attempts were at best only partially successful and took several decades to implement. Nevertheless, the Franciscans remained optimistic, establishing thirty-seven missions during the Spanish occupation of Texas (Habig 1990). While each mission was unique, historical, architectural, and archaeological data reveal a general pattern for the management, organization, and layout of these institutions. All of the missions were designed to become self-sufficient, and the Franciscans, having taken a vow of poverty, received only a small yearly stipend (sínodo) from the royal treasury. They used most of their stipends to buy supplies for the mission and kept only small amounts for their personal use (Castañeda 1936). The Franciscans obtained grants from the royal treasury to cover the costs of founding missions and usually could secure supplementary funds from alms and on rare occasions private donations. Friars commonly relied upon older missions for aid in establishing new missions (Bolton 1960). In the case of Espíritu Santo, the primary sources for supplies were the San Antonio missions and the gateway missions on the Rio Grande. The administration of the Texas missions, regardless of the college from which the missionaries were sent, varied little. In fact, the ‘‘method of founding a mission, the style of buildings erected, the system of catechetics employed, the crafts and trades taught the Indians, and the regulations followed in the admission of the Indians to Baptism, were practically all alike’’ (O’Rourke 1927, 77). In theory, two missionaries were supposed to be stationed at each mission, but in many cases there was only one. In addition to the friars, two or three presidial soldiers were regularly attached to the mission to provide protection and to aid in the discipline and instruction of the neophytes (Bolton 1915). Geographically the missions were often placed on high knolls or hills close to streams (Corbin 1989) and when possible near Indian camps (Eaton 1989). Available water resources and arable land for farming and stock raising were emphasized in the search for a suitable location. After an appropriate site was selected, a crude church or chapel was usually built. Later, a more substantial structure typically made of stone may have replaced the original church. The mission eventually encompassed buildings such as the monastery, granary, storerooms, living quarters for the

12

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

mission Indians, and workshops where residents learned carpentry, blacksmithing, tailoring, and other trades and crafts (Oberste n.d., III-4). In many cases, the housing provided for the neophytes consisted of small huts, or jacales. Castañeda (1936, 180) describes the mission Indian quarters at Goliad in 1758 as jacal structures made of brush and plastered with clay and thatched with grass. The mission compound was usually built around a plaza area or courtyard with restricted access to the inside. Compound walls or enclosures around the complex were common, and the close grouping of buildings also served as a defense at some missions (Eaton 1989, 248). An acequia, or water canal, was built to irrigate the agricultural fields (Weddle 1968).

History of Espíritu Santo Due in large part to the fear of French intrusions, as mentioned, in 1722 the mission of Nuestra Señora del Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga was established on Garcitas Creek near the Texas coast and Espíritu Santo Bay (Figure 2.1), and the corresponding presidio, La Bahía, was built upon the site of La Salle’s ruined colony. When the Spanish learned of a French colony in territory claimed by Spain, they sent several entradas (expeditions) to locate the site. When Spanish soldiers finally arrived at Fort Saint Louis in 1689, the fort already had been destroyed. Nevertheless, the Spanish decided to found a presidio and mission at this location to discourage future colonization attempts by the French. The mission was built near the presidio, but its exact location is not known. The hostile natural environment of the Texas coast in combination with poor relations with the Karankawa prompted the Spanish to move the mission and the presidio to a more hospitable location with ‘‘friendlier’’ natives (Almazán 1724). Sometime before 1725 the mission was moved to an interim site near a place called Tonkawa Bank in what is today the city of Victoria (Hindes 1995a). Sometime in 1726 the mission was moved to the Guadalupe River in present-day Mission Valley (Figure 2.1). Once the mission began to function at Mission Valley, the intermediate site probably served as a visita or auxiliary (Walter and Hester 1998). Espíritu Santo remained in Mission Valley for the next twenty-three years before it was moved a final time, in 1749, to a location along the San Antonio River in Goliad. The mission continued to operate at this location until it was secularized in the 1830s (Walters 1951). Many of the Texas missions, especially those in San Antonio, housed a myriad of fragmented native groups from various parts of northeastern

The Historical Record

13

Mexico and South Texas. Historical and archaeological evidence indicates that the Aranama and Tamique, however, were the two primary groups living at Espíritu Santo. John (1990, 85) notes that in Texas ‘‘Franciscans realized that linguistic and cultural disparities, as well as deep-rooted enmities, forbade the lumping together of many groups. Therefore ministry to most of the new supplicants would require new missions in environments acceptable to them.’’ This appears to be the case at Espíritu Santo, where its third site, in Mission Valley, was primarily selected for its proximity to the local native groups of the Aranama and Tamique (Almazán 1726), who are thought to speak the same language and to be related. The Aranama and Tamique, it was hoped, would be more receptive to missionization attempts. During their tenure at Mission Valley, the Spanish—usually one Franciscan friar and probably a few presidio soldiers with the help of Indian labor— attempted to irrigate the mission fields. They invested several years in constructing an acequia system and two mission dams (Bolton 1915; Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999). After ten years of trying unsuccessfully to irrigate the mission fields, they abandoned the acequia system. Shortly thereafter, the Spanish found a switch to dry farming to be much more productive and successful (Castañeda 1936). During these first difficult years, the primary missionary, Father Mariano de Anda y Altamirano, relied on supplies from distant missions. Espíritu Santo was relatively isolated from the other Texas missions, and supplies were oftentimes insufficient for sustaining the mission Indian population. Supplies had to be transported sixty leagues from San Antonio or more than one hundred leagues from the gateway missions. Frequently, Father Anda relied on his own allowance to pay mission expenses, and it was common for the Indians to leave the compound for the greater part of the year to find their own food (Bolton 1915). At Mission Valley, Father Anda served as Espíritu Santo’s principal missionary from 1727 to 1747. He was preceded by Father Agustín Patrón y Guzmán, who accompanied the move from Garcitas Creek to the Guadalupe River before he returned to Zacatecas in 1726. During Father Anda’s tenure, Father Andrés de Aragón also was assigned to the mission from 1737 to 1741, and Father José Cosmé Borruel stayed for a brief time in 1737. Father Anda was succeeded by Ignacio Antonio Ciprián and Juan José González, who were both at the mission in 1747. Father Ciprián returned to Mexico City in 1749, while Father González accompanied the mission to its new location in Goliad (Figure 2.1), where he served as a missionary until 1756 (Leutenegger 1973).

figure 2.1.

Locations of Mission Espíritu Santo and related sites. (1) First site of Presidio La Bahía (same locale as Fort Saint Louis). (2) Approximate location of the first site of Mission Espíritu Santo. (3) Approximate location of second site of Mission Espíritu Santo. (4) Second site of Presidio La Bahía. (5) Third location of Mission Espíritu Santo, in Mission Valley. (6) Final location of Mission Espíritu Santo. (7) Final location of Presidio La Bahía. (8) Mission Rosario.

The Historical Record

15

Mission Indians Prior to the arrival of Europeans, indigenous groups had long occupied the area we now know as Texas. Archaeological evidence suggests that human occupation of the area started as early as the Late Pleistocene period (Hester 1989a). A predominately hunter-gatherer way of life persisted throughout the prehistory of most of the region, especially in South Texas, where it appears to have endured well into the protohistoric era (Hester 1995), the period prior to sustained interaction with Europeans. When Spaniards reached the area, they encountered various groups with differing lifeways, including the sedentary Caddo groups in East Texas who practiced agriculture and the hunting and gathering groups in South and West Texas who relied on the seasonal collection of local plants and animals (Hester 1989a). Thus, in colonizing and expanding their new frontier, the Spanish faced varying responses from the diverse indigenous population. In South Texas, the Spanish exerted great efforts to missionize the hunting and gathering groups that occupied the region. Despite the missionaries’ failure to convert the Caddo in East Texas, they hoped that the native populations of South Texas would more readily accept conversion.

Late Prehistoric Period During the Late Prehistoric period (1300–1700 c.e.), a distinct cultural pattern known as the Toyah Horizon dominated much of the area (Black 1989) and was characterized by an emphasis on bison hunting. This adaptive pattern lasted well into the protohistoric period in South Texas, although it was fading in parts of Texas west of San Antonio in the 1600s (Hester 1995). The material culture associated with this hunting and gathering pattern consisted of a variety of objects, including arrow points, gravers, end scrapers, knives, drills/perforators, bone tools, bison faunal remains, and bone-tempered pottery referred to as Leon Plain (Hester 1989b). Similar assemblages of artifacts and faunal remains are found at many of the South Texas missions. Clearly the continuity of material culture observed from the Late Prehistoric to the mission era links the mission Indians of the eighteenth century to the prehistoric and protohistoric groups in the area prior to the arrival of Europeans.

16

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Protohistoric Period The protohistoric era in South Texas encompassed the period from roughly 1350 to the 1700s (Hester 1995). Recently the use of the term protohistoric to describe the period between the Late Prehistoric and Historic eras in South Texas has been criticized (Hindes 1995b, McGraw 1991). Much of the criticism derives from a lack of definition concerning the period between the Late Prehistoric era and long-term interaction with the Spanish. Hindes (1995b, 25) suggests that ‘‘Late Prehistoric/Historic Aboriginal Contact Construct’’ is a more useful term for describing the protohistoric period. Although the period is difficult to define, Ricklis (1994) describes the protohistoric in the area of the Lower Mississippi River Valley as the period when initial interactions between native groups and Europeans were occurring, beginning around 1500 c.e., and he associates the closing of the protohistoric around 1700 c.e. with the French and Spanish colonization of the Gulf coastal plain. Aboriginal groups of that area had limited access to some European manufactured goods, but no drastic changes in lifeways are noted (Ricklis 1994, 23). The term protohistoric as it is applied here, however, refers to the period between ‘‘the defined Late Prehistoric cultures in parts of south Texas and the recognizable historic groups’’ (Hester 1995, 2) and marks the period prior to long-term sustained interaction between native and Spanish groups that begins with the first appearance of Europeans in the early sixteenth century. The native peoples who inhabited southern Texas and northeastern Mexico during the protohistoric and mission eras have commonly been referred to as Coahuiltecan. The groups that have erroneously been lumped under this category comprised the majority of the South Texas mission Indian population. Campbell (1983) notes that Coahuilteco was probably a second language that may have been learned in the missions. The Coahuiltecan classification is based primarily on a shared secondary Coahuilteco language among the mission Indian populations and similar cultural traits rather than any specific ethnic affiliation. Equating this language, which was probably learned after native groups entered the missions, with culture has led to the myth of a ‘‘Coahuiltecan people,’’ an ethnic entity that has never existed (Hester 1998, 5). Recent linguistic and archaeological research indicates that there were several distinct languages (including Coahuilteco, Comecrudo, Cotoname, Tonkawa, Solano, Karankawa, and Aranama) and varying cultural patterns across the region (Hester 1989b, 215). These regional variations are most likely related to the multitude of small bands that inhabited

The Historical Record

17

South Texas and northeastern Mexico and who shared similar traits but displayed local variations and differences in language (Hester 1989a, 194). Consequently, we possess only a broad understanding of these groups, and this must be kept in mind when making references to specific groups or bands that have been labeled Coahuiltecan. The Aranama, who in the past have been affiliated with the Coahuiltecans (Newcomb 1961), maintained their identities into the early part of the nineteenth century and were, in fact, not Coahuiltecans (Hester 1998, 5). The indigenous groups that entered Espíritu Santo in Mission Valley resembled other hunting and gathering groups of the area. In general, we know that the indigenous people of South Texas lived in mobile bands of various sizes and that they fished and hunted bison, deer, rabbits, mice, and other local fauna and seasonally collected pecans and prickly pear fruit. Spanish accounts record the use of bows and arrows, possible rabbit-hunting clubs, and nets and baskets for collecting plant foods (Hester 1989a). They wore little clothing, usually consisting of loincloths and fiber sandals and, when weather dictated, cloaks or robes made of animal hides (Newcomb 1961). The groups had no formally designated chiefs and only minimal political and social organization (Campbell 1983).

Mission Era Unfortunately, written records have provided little information about the Aranama and Tamique groups that were brought into the mission for religious instruction and labor in the mission fields. Although historical records have offered only limited details about the Aranama, even less is known about the Tamique, who may have been a subgroup of the Aranama. The few existing historical and ethnohistorical accounts of the Aranama and Tamique provide varying descriptions that are reviewed below. In general, most researchers agree that the Aranama were a hunting and gathering group that inhabited a large area around the Guadalupe River Valley (Foster 1995, Ramsdell 1938, Walter and Hester 1998). Friar Juan Augustín Morfí (1935) identifies the Aranama and Tamique as small bands that were not related to the Coahuiltecans and that lived along both sides of the lower Guadalupe. Several scholars have identified the Aranama as the Mariames, a group of natives that Cabeza de Vaca encountered in Texas (Castañeda 1936, Davenport and Wells 1918, Krieger 1955, Newcomb 1961). However, Campbell (1988, 23) argues that the Aranama were not related to the Mariames

18

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

and attributes the confusion to the ‘‘presumed similarity in names and in the belief that both groups were associated with the same section of the Guadalupe River.’’ The Franciscans established Espíritu Santo at its third location, in Mission Valley on the Guadalupe River, particularly for the Aranama. In a letter to the viceroy, Governor Almazán (1726) specifically refers to the Aranama in his report concerning the removal of Espíritu Santo from its original location on Garcitas Creek. Almazán states that the site of the new mission on the Guadalupe River is in the neighborhood of the Aranama, for whom the mission was to be established. The recorded pre-mission appearance of Aranama groups in the vicinity of the Guadalupe River in combination with the archaeological record supports the theory that these groups are linked to the populations associated with the Toyah cultural pattern of the Late Prehistoric. At the time of its founding, as many as four hundred Aranama and Tamique may have congregated at the mission (Ramsdell 1938). During Brigadier Pedro de Rivera’s (1727) inspection tour, he described the native inhabitants at Espíritu Santo as nomads who practiced paganism and wore animal skins of deer and buffalo. For the mission Indians the promise of food and protection may have been the biggest incentive to enter the mission. Initially, conditions at Espíritu Santo were so poor, however, that native inhabitants could not rely on a steady supply of food. In 1736 the dams and acequia were abandoned in favor of dry farming, and as Bolton (1915, 20) notes, the ‘‘Indians raised, by their own labor, plentiful maize and vegetables, and cared for large herds of stock.’’ Cattle were vitally important to this mission, and eventually cattle ranching became its primary economic activity. Ramsdell (1949) observes that by 1735, Espíritu Santo was the most important ranch in Texas. Starting with only a few hundred head of cattle at Mission Valley, the mission herds grew to at least forty thousand head at the Goliad location of the mission during its best years (Ramsdell 1949). Throughout their tenure at the mission, the neophytes in addition to farming were instructed in ranching, and many became skilled vaqueros (Oberste n.d.). When the mission was moved in 1749 to the San Antonio River at Goliad, the padres attempted to congregate groups of both the Aranama and Karankawa there (Mounger 1959). Hostilities and tension between the Aranama and Karankawa proved that combining these two groups at the same mission was a mistake. In an effort to resolve the problem, Spanish authorities established a separate mission, Nuestra Señora del Rosario, in 1754 for the Karankawa. The remaining residents at Espíritu Santo consisted of the Ara-

The Historical Record

19

nama and Tamique as well as the Piquianes and Manos de Perro (Forrestal 1931), who may represent different nations of the Aranama. Information regarding the daily lives of the mission Indians at the Mission Valley location is lacking. Nevertheless, some insight into what life may have been like can be gained from a review of the social and cultural conditions of the mission at its final location, in Goliad, for which historical records are more abundant. In particular, reports generated by the missionary Friar José Luis Mariano Cardeñas provide valuable information about the daily mission routine. Daily life at the mission consisted of morning prayers and religious instructions, after which men, women, and children were separated for labor and chores. Children were gathered together to learn the Spanish language and the catechism. Some of the men labored in the mission fields, while others raised cattle or helped build homes and fences. They were overseen by other natives who were ‘‘superior in carefulness and judgment’’ and who ‘‘inform Father on the doings of the day and ask what will be done on the following day’’ (Cardeñas 1778, 6). Besides the priests, other Spanish residents from the civilian settlement of La Bahía were hired as cowhands to teach the Indians how to ranch (Ramsdell 1938). They worked from sunrise until midday, when they ate and rested, and then continued to work until sundown. The women spun cotton and wool, and the married women stayed at home to take care of their children. Boys over the age of seven helped the native foreman at the workshop where a loom was used to weave clothing, blankets, and mantas. From a 1773 inventory at Goliad created by Cardeñas we know that in addition to the workshop used for weaving, there were also a tallow workshop and a forge. At the end of the day all of the neophytes were expected to reconvene for evening prayers and worship. The priests said mass on Saturday morning for the women and girls and again at evening time, when everyone, ideally, attended. On Sundays and holy days everyone assembled to hear mass and pray the stations of the Blessed Sacrament. Priests said additional masses on Fridays for all the peoples of the pueblo (Cardeñas 1783). Although this was the expected routine for the mission, whether the mission Indians followed it is another matter, and much of what Cardeñas recorded may represent an idealized version of how mission life was supposed to be structured. In fact, many mission Indians in Texas and throughout the Spanish borderlands fled from the missions to avoid the restrictive and oftentimes oppressive atmosphere and the harsh punishments administered if they did not adhere to the rules of mission life. Abandoning the mission was among the most common form of the resistance displayed by the Indians. At the Texas mis-

20

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

sions, as elsewhere, abandonment was a frequent complaint of the Franciscans ( Jackson and Castillo 1995). Ironically, the missionaries at the third location of Espíritu Santo had to turn natives away during its earlier years due to food shortages and lack of supplies needed to properly operate a mission. As conditions improved at this location, however, native residency likely stabilized, and the friars undoubtedly began to require more labor from the mission Indians and a stronger commitment to mission life and the Christian faith. As life at the mission became more restrictive for the Native Americans, the desertion rate certainly increased. The problem of runaways continued at Espíritu Santo at its fourth location up until the mission’s demise. Unlike Mission Valley, incidents of runaways at the mission’s final location are well documented in the historical record. Father Cardeñas (1783), for example, blamed the failure of Espíritu Santo on the lack of support for the missionary effort by the secular authorities and particularly the military. Natives were leaving the mission, according to Cardeñas, because troops at the nearby Presidio La Bahía neither helped protect them nor returned the runaways. Likewise at Mission Concepción, the friars dealt with fleeing natives and often traveled to the coast to bring them back and gain new recruits in the process. The Franciscans feared that if the mission Indian population continued to decline, the missions would come to an end (Leutenegger 1994). Initially, the missions may have been very attractive to the nomadic groups like the Aranama and Tamique who were seeking refuge from war, hunger, and disease. However, as the mission era in Texas progressed, many Indians grew disillusioned by what the Franciscans offered. Populations continued to decline due to disease, and mission life demanded much and offered little to the neophytes. Ultimately, a return to traditional lifeways may have been a welcome change for those who fled. The entire mission community planted crops on a yearly basis. They planted corn, fruit, and cotton, but the success of these crops depended largely on the amount of rain that fell during the year. Gaspar José de Solís, a Franciscan friar who visited missions in the province of Texas in 1767, recorded his observations in a diary of the journey. The diary gives a detailed account of many of the missions, including Espíritu Santo at its fourth location. Solís (in Forrestal 1931) notes that watermelons, cantaloupes, sweet potatoes, peaches, and figs were also harvested at the mission. The economy of the mission relied heavily on the cattle herds that were raised there. Cattle also comprised a significant portion of the mission diet. Twice a week cows were killed and divided among the families, and additional cattle were slaughtered when deemed necessary by the padres. The mission diet was

The Historical Record

21

also supplemented with wild fauna including bison, deer, bear, turkey, duck, quail, geese, and fish (Forrestal 1931). Besides cattle, tobacco, corn (when available), clothing, and other rations were also supplied to the mission Indians. Tobacco was dispensed twice a week, and once a week everyone was given a bar of soap. Salt and candy were given out as needed. The dispersal of clothing varied from year to year. Men and boys were usually given a pair of cloth trousers, a chulo, or head cap, underwear, cotton work shirts, blankets, a hat with a chin strap, and a pair each of woolen hose and leather shoes. The women and girls received woolen skirts, petticoats, blouses, shawls, blankets, top hats, ribbons, coarsespun silk stockings, Cordoban shoes, and jewelry including rings, bracelets, necklaces, and combs. Special clothing was given to those men and women who ‘‘stand out from the others in good judgment, rationality and cleanliness, (and) those who are more diligent and more Christian, more careful and helpful and more concerned about their pueblo’’ (Cardeñas 1778). Indigenous overseers, alcaldes (mayors), governadores (governors), and fiscales (custodians of the granary) received clothing made of a high-quality cloth such as fine scarlet and silk. Additional supplies included large knives for the men, when needed, saddles, bridles, spurs, and other horse trappings. Women also received knives, and families were provided with supplies for the kitchen and home. Each household was given a metate, a pot, an iron griddle, and a kettle. According to Solís, at least thirty of the Native American residents were armed with guns, bows and arrows, lances, and boomerangs (Forrestal 1931). In general, historical accounts of the everyday operations of the missions established in Texas are scarce. Nonetheless, a review of the routines of the friars and the structured daily regime imposed on the Indians at other missions in the region provides further insight into Spanish Colonial mission lifeways. Particularly informative is a document believed to have been written in 1787 or 1788 by Friar José García (Leutenegger 1994). The translated document, ‘‘Guidelines for a Texas Mission: Instructions for the Missionary of Mission Concepción in San Antonio, Texas,’’ was meant to instruct newcomers in the administration of the missions (ibid., 76). The document details a wide range of activities to be carried out at the mission, including the procedures for electing Indian officials (e.g., governors, fiscales, and alcaldes), the distribution of foodstuffs and other supplies, religious observances, and appropriate tasks for male and female neophytes. A number of daily and weekly chores that the guidelines describe probably were similar to activities at many of the Texas missions. For example, at

22

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Concepción the head vaquero was expected to care for the horses and oversee the delivery of the mission’s meat supply on a weekly basis. Typically several vaqueros would leave the mission on Thursday in order to return by Saturday with the necessary number of cattle. When only a few natives were present, four to six cows were usually required to meet their needs, and an additional cow was slaughtered for the friary. The cattle were slaughtered on Sunday morning and cooked to prevent spoiling particularly during the summertime. The tallow and fat were to be collected and fried before storing. On Sundays after mass, the fiscal gave out tobacco to both men and women. On Mondays women received rations of corn, kept securely in the mission granary. On Fridays during Lent, the fiscal directed the preparation of pots of beans and occasionally squash, meanwhile also ensuring that none of the neophytes consumed meat. Other holidays such as Christmas called for special meals such as beans, squash, sweet potatoes, and sweet breads. During Easter the friars would present each Indian with a bar of chocolate or a sugar cone if available. Similar activities certainly took place at other missions, although the daily routines may have varied at bit. At Mission Rosario, for instance, a typical day involved waking at dawn and preparing for morning prayers. After prayers, the laborers ate breakfast and resumed work in the mission fields. At noon, the midday meal was served, and an hour or two was allotted for an afternoon siesta. The neophytes returned to the fields until the evening meal, never working more than six or seven hours a day (Gilmore 1974, 16). At the fourth location of Espíritu Santo, in Goliad, the padres divided tasks according to sex and age, with only slight variations from the practices at other missions. Females’ chores were primarily domestic in nature and included sewing, cleaning, and cooking for their families, while the men worked in the fields and took care of the livestock. At Concepción, both males and females of Spanish descent lived among the neophytes. The handful of Spanish men worked as servants, and their wives were assigned chores such as kneading flour to make biscuits and bread for the missionary’s breakfast. If no Spanish women were available, the friar advised that an Indian woman be asked to prepare his morning meal. After mass on Saturday, the Indian women swept out the friary patios, the church, and the sacristy. Although the women normally did not work in the fields, they would pick cotton and help out at harvest time if there were not enough men to complete the task. Both Indians and Spaniards worked as shepherds, making sure the sheep were sheared by March or April. The boys of the mission, with occasional

The Historical Record

23

assistance from the women, would first wash wool in the acequias and later aid the weavers by making spools and adding thread. Women and children helped with processing wool by serving as carders. Carding involved cleaning and straightening the fibers of raw wool before it was made into cloth. Once carded, the material was given to the children, who made thread. Uncarded wool was given to the women to spin on a spinning wheel and eventually made into blankets. In 1716 Friar Olivares in a letter to the Viceroy observed that the Indians in the San Antonio missions kept busy making bows and arrows, and women in particular strove to excel in this activity (Morfí 1935). Olivares noted that the women cut and tanned the hides of buffalo that the men hunted. Most of the work performed by the men consisted of manual labor in the mission fields and tending the livestock. The Indians tilled the soil and planted cotton, fruit, chiles, beans, and corn in the late spring and early summer. When the fruit ripened and the crops were ready for harvest, a few men were sent to guard the orchards and fields to prevent theft. Those assigned to the mission livestock were responsible for corralling the cattle and oxen every evening and letting them out to pasture in the mornings. Older males were also expected to contribute, although their workloads were much lighter. For example, they were responsible for bringing in hay for the horses. Moreover, at Mission San José, old men were observed making arrows for the warriors (Forrestal 1931). Some men were assigned to maintain the dams and acequias, while others repaired walls within the mission compound. Boys and men also helped to make soap. Boys were sent out to cut quelite, an edible grass that was burned to ashes and used with lye to make soap. According to ‘‘Guidelines for a Texas Mission,’’ during Lent and Advent, a neophyte was employed to work solely as a fisherman catching fish for the missionary’s meals. The author indicated that at Concepción, men were responsible for fishing. In contrast, Solís, during his visit to Mission San Miguel de Aguayo in 1767, noted that old women caught fish for the padre stationed there (Forrestal 1931). A number of tasks performed by males required training, and Spaniards performed many of these jobs. Candle makers at Concepción, for instance, came from the nearby presidio, although mission boys usually assisted them. Moreover, all of the San Antonio missions, according to the author of the Concepción document, had saddles made only by Spaniards. Nevertheless, a neophyte was usually selected and trained in blacksmithing, although it was sometimes necessary to borrow a blacksmith from the presidio. Blacksmiths produced and maintained iron tools for the mission and were particularly

24

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

important for keeping the plowshares sharpened. Natives were also chosen to learn carpentry for the many tasks and building projects needed at the mission. The weavers, at Concepción anyway, were apparently males of native descent who were responsible for making the fabric used in the neophytes’ clothing. At Mission San José, however, older girls were observed weaving cloth, carding wool, and sewing (Forrestal 1931). Interestingly, native men were also employed as cooks for the missionary’s kitchen, although women did provide bread for the friar’s breakfast. The conversion of young boys was of utmost importance to the missionaries. The friars believed that the younger neophytes could be Christianized much more easily than their older counterparts. For this reason, the boys frequently lived close to the missionaries separated from their families, as was the case at Mission Concepción. Typically, the boys would live in the friary, only going home to eat breakfast and clean up. They were taught to serve mass and learned the catechism, and some were taught to play instruments for church services as well. When they were old enough, the boys were sent out to help in the mission fields, but they continued to reside in the convento until they were either fully grown or married. In addition to their daily chores, the neophytes enjoyed celebrations and recreational activities. At Mission Concepción, after a particularly good harvest, the Indians would sing and play music, and the last cart of food brought from the fields was decorated with ribbons. On occasion the missionary would supply wine to the revelers. On religious holidays such as Christmas Eve or during the Corpus Christi procession, the neophytes would wear special outfits and dance and sing. The custom of dancing and celebrating at the missions may have been a response to the native dances, or mitotes, that many of the Indians continued to hold even after entering the missions. The mitotes are documented at almost all of the South Texas missions and were exceptionally menacing to the priests. Oftentimes the Indians were forced to hide these dances from the friars for fear of punishment. The missionary at Concepción, however, viewed the mitotes differently. He believed that the dances were harmless as long as there were no superstitions involved or the performances of the mitote were not in celebration of an enemy’s death. From this point of view, the padre did not see the mitotes as unlawful but rather a diversion for the enjoyment of the mission population. Other diversions included games and gambling that were not condoned by the missionaries. The men at Concepción played a physical game known as patolo y chueca that involved the use of a ball and running, while the women engaged in another game called palillo.

The Historical Record

25

Supplies at Mission Concepción were similar to the goods distributed at Espíritu Santo in Goliad and presumably other missions. The friars primarily dispensed the items and decided which individuals were in greatest need. The males received homespun white cloth for their shirts and pants. Higherranking individuals were given cloth from Puebla. The Indian governor received a coat on an annual basis. Alcaldes and fiscales had coveralls that reached their knees. Moreover, all of the neophytes who held any positions of rank received lined trousers that were trimmed with buttonholes. The other men received plain trousers without linings. Women also were given homespun materials for their clothing, and ready-made underskirts were brought from the supply trains. Linen shifts were sometimes given to a few of the women. Blankets made at the mission were distributed to everyone. When new supplies arrived, presumably only a few times a year, baskets for the women and children were prepared that included three to four strings of beads, a necklace if available, 1.5 to 1.75 varas (a Spanish measure equaling somewhat less than a meter) of ribbon, 2.5 to 2.75 varas of straps, a rosary, occasionally a small brush, petticoats, Puebla camisoles at times, linen used for lining underskirts, flannel for making skirts, two linen cloths, skeins of thread including silk thread, and sometimes silk hose. If needed, some women were given shoes once or twice a year. Shoes were commonly ordered from Saltillo. Griddles, kettles, and copper pots were only given to those women who were truly in need. Men were given one hat, a large knife, and a pair of shoes. Additional items such as spurs, bridles, saddles, and other horse-related equipment were not rationed but rather doled out when deemed necessary. Some of the men received woolen stockings and cotton socks.

Post-mission Period At the time of secularization in 1832 (Walters 1951), approximately fifteen natives resided at the mission (Mounger 1959). Although some of the Aranama joined the Tonkawa or other tribes after the demise of the mission, many intermarried with the Mexican population or became servants in the homes of La Bahía residents (Ramsdell 1938). Father Días de León, their minister, tried unsuccessfully to secure part of the mission lands for the native peoples who once resided at Espíritu Santo. Instead he brought the remaining mission residents to a site called El Oso ten miles from the mission on the San Antonio River. Here Father De Leon ‘‘taught them to

26

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

farm in common and shared all their labors’’ (Ramsdell 1938, 32). An 1854 account of the Aranama by an early settler in Victoria provides this description (in Linn 1883, 28): The Aranames were located on the north side of the San Antonio River, and opposite the town of La Bahía (Old Goliad). They had a large and substantial church, which was enclosed within a stone wall. They had the bend of the river enclosed by a fence, and cultivated the ground. They owned much live stock, and were really a civilized tribe of Indians. Their women manufactured cloth, and also water-jars used by themselves. The Aranames were a temperate class of aborigines, and did not indulge in the use of ardent spirits at all. The young men and women of this tribe were very fond of painting their faces and bodies profusely, and nothing contributed more to their pleasure than to view themselves in a looking-glass when so arrayed. When their ‘‘numerous familiarity’’ would force the information that their company was not desirable they would reply with dignity, ‘‘Me gentleman! Me no Toncahua dog!’’

Three

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD

P

rominently situated on a knoll overlooking the Guadalupe River, the standing ruins are still visible of the third location of Mission Espíritu Santo (Figure 3.1), the focus of our investigations. Although for years it was referred to as an old Spanish mission, no formal investigations were carried out to verify the origins of the ruins until the University of Texas’ excavations in the 1990s. As a result, the first step in our examination of the site was to confirm that this location does indeed represent the actual mission site. Goals for the subsequent excavations included recovering data concerning the daily lives of the mission residents and defining the layout and arrangement of the compound. Accordingly, investigations were carried out across the site, both inside and outside what is believed to be the mission compound, in hopes of defining activity areas and delineating living quarters for the various residents. For the purposes of excavation, we divided the site into five areas (A–E) noted on the site map (Figure 3.2) and further described in this chapter. Area A represents the mission Indian quarters; Area B consists of a bone ‘‘bed’’ or midden (trash heap) outside the walls of the compound; Area C is the interior mission plaza; Area D includes the mission buildings and another bone midden near a structure; and Area E represents the lime kiln. Our excavations included the use of test units and block excavations to recover data. Test units are small-scale excavation areas typically used to sample a site before large-scale excavations begin (Fagan 2006). Block excavations focus on exposing large horizontal areas that allow the archaeologist to ‘‘obtain a larger (and more meaningful) sample of artifacts, features, activity areas, and buried remains’’ (Hester, Shafer, and Feder 1997, 80).

f i g u r e 3. 1 .

View of the standing ruins

f i g u r e 3. 2 .

Map of site showing excavation areas

The Archaeological Record

f i g u r e 3. 3.

29

View of Area A, mission Indian quarters

Area A: Mission Indian Quarters Area A is situated to the west and southwest of the mission structures (Figure 3.3; also see list of structures in Chapter 4). The area consists of an anaqua grove that sits on a long, low ridge and most likely represents the main mission Indian living area (Walter 1997). Large portions of Area A were excavated, and a number of artifacts were collected from the surface. The excavations were directed toward answering questions about the mission Indian occupants, their activities, and the layout of their living quarters. The cultural materials recovered from these investigations (Tables 3.1–3.4) strongly support the theory that Area A was the primary location of the living quarters for the native residents. Nevertheless, it should be noted that native groups visiting the mission or residing there for short periods camped all around the mission and perhaps inside and were probably not limited to the western perimeter of the site. Archaeologically, the area is composed of thinly scattered trash deposits. Although no architectural remains were uncovered in Area A, several small features were encountered that provided some insight into activities carried out there. The features consisted of two discrete concentrations of animal bone and three clusters of mussel shell. All five of the features rep-

30

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 3. 1 . s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m ar e a a t e st u n i t s Level (CMBS)

Native Non-Native Mussel Marine Bone Debitage Pottery Ceramics Shell Shell

 (–)  (–)

 ,

 

 





 

 (–)

 



 



 



(– )  ( – )  TOTAL 2,886

  2,418

  566

  23

  240

  18

Lithic Tools

Metal Glass

 Biface  Points  Biface  Core  Scraper  Points  Biface   12

 







  42

  6

CMBS—centimeters below ground surface

ta b l e 3. 2 . s u m m a ry o f cu lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m b lock a- i Level (CMBS)

Bone

Debitage

Native Pottery

Non-Native Ceramics

Mussel Shell

Lithic Tools

Metal

Glass

 (–)  (– )

  

,  

 

 



 

 

 ( –)

(– )





, 

  

 

 

 

 

( –)   (– )   ( – )  TOTAL 1,162

   

5,238

   1,009

   23

  ( Beads)   ( Bead) (Pendant)    126

   19

   14

   28

resent small trash heaps where food remains were discarded after being processed and consumed (Walter 1999, 109). These features and other materials collected during our investigations (Tables 3.1–3.4) reflect a mission Indian occupation. For example, although both European and aboriginal artifacts were found, items of native material culture clearly outnumber the Spanish-related items. Spanish Colonial ceramics, large quantities of ab-

31

The Archaeological Record

original wares, small amounts of metal and glass, wild and domestic faunal remains, and stone artifacts were all recovered. Furthermore, the lack of evidence for stone or even jacal-type construction in Area A is also telling. The absence of structures probably reflects the temporary residential status of many of the Indians who came to the mission. Given the mission’s impoverished state, particularly in the beginning years, it is likely that most of the mission Indians were not permanent residents but rather frequent visitors who camped temporarily outside the walls of the compound before moving on when the friars could no longer provide for them. Prehistoric materials also were encountered. The shallow deposits assota b l e 3. 3. s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m b lock a- i i Level (CMBS)

Bone

 (–)  (– )  ( –)

(– ) ( –)  (– )  ( – )  ( – )  ( – ) TOTAL

,  , ,        7,591

Native Non-Native Mussel Marine Lithic Debitage Pottery Ceramic Shell Shell Artifacts Metal Glass ,

         3,452

   

  

 1,850

  

     34

      

 523

         1

         28



       52

         26

ta b l e 3. 4 . s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ra l m at e r i a l s f ro m b lock a - i i i Level (CMBS)

Bone

Native Non-Native Mussel Marine Lithic Debitage Pottery Ceramic Shell Shell Artifacts Metal Glass

 (–)  (– )  ( –)

(– ) ( –)  (– )  ( – ) TOTAL

,

 ,  

   4,173

 , , 

   4,359

 

  

   1,351

      21

        754

       1

       56

      24

       4

32

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ciated with the Colonial occupation of the site are underlain by Late Prehistoric and protohistoric deposits. Although these are fairly similar in content, the prehistoric deposits are distinguished by a noticeable lack of Spanish Colonial materials such as metal, European ceramics, glass, and faunal remains from domesticated animals. Materials such as Perdiz arrow points, stone scrapers, bone ornaments, mussel shell pendants, and bone-tempered pottery found just below the mission deposits indicate a Late Prehistoric occupation of the site similar to the Toyah horizon (Black 1986). Archaeologists define the Toyah horizon as a Late Prehistoric pattern characterized by specific cultural traits that are bounded by both geography and time. The Toyah horizon is best documented in South Texas and parts of the coastal bend dating from roughly 1250 to 1650 c.e. and may represent the cultural diffusion of traits apparently related to bison-hunting activities (Hester 1995, 444–446). Toyah-related artifact assemblages are distinguished by stone end scrapers, gravers, perforators or drills, knives, bone tools, bison faunal remains, bone-tempered pottery, and Perdiz arrow points (Black 1989, Hester 1989). Many of these Late Prehistoric cultural materials persisted into the mission period, suggesting that some native traditions and technologies continued during that time. Obviously, hunting was still very important to the mission Indians despite the introduction of domesticated animals, and stone tools continued to be manufactured in order to hunt and process wild game. Even though a number of wild species including deer and rabbit were being hunted during the mission era, the importance of bison hunting is unclear. Large quantities of bovid (cow or bison) bone were removed from across the site; however, as yet, positively identifying the bovid faunal remains as either cattle or bison has not been possible. We know that a small cattle operation began at the mission’s third site, so it is likely that a large portion of the faunal remains are from cattle. However, inferences from historical records, including documents related to the final location of the mission on the San Antonio River and other missions in the region, indicate that bison were still being hunted by the native residents (Cardeñas 1783, Forrestal 1931). The possibility therefore exists that the neophytes continued to hunt buffalo despite the mission’s growing dependence on cattle.

Area B: Exterior Bone Midden Attention was called to this area when construction of a driveway leading to the landowner’s nearby home exposed a discrete refuse mid-

The Archaeological Record

33

den full of animal bone, pottery, and other Colonial trash. Designated Area B (Figure 3.4), the bone midden is located northeast of Area A along the edge of the knoll upon which the mission ruins are situated (Figure 3.2). Approximately 10 square meters of the feature was exposed during excavations, and it is estimated that at least 75 percent of the midden was removed at this time. The faunal and cultural materials recovered from the excavations suggest that mission Indians’ activities largely accounted for compiling the midden (Walter 1997). More specifically, the trash reflects butchering and animal-processing activities that were likely performed outside the mission compound and discarded nearby. The majority of artifacts collected from Area B are of aboriginal manufacture, although a few European items were found (Table 3.5). Bone-tempered pottery, stone tools, freshwater mussel shell, shell pendants, and remains of native mammal, bird, and reptile species comprise the greater part of the sample removed from the midden. The few European items recovered include glass beads, ceramics, and pieces of unidentified metal, although a number of the animals represented in the refuse may have been domesticated. The faunal sample is dominated by bovid bone including cow and perhaps bison bone, though the bulk of the sample may belong to cattle. Positively identified domesticates include the remains of one burro, one pig, and at least two sheep or goats. Comparisons between the exterior midden in Area B and the interior midden found near the refectory in Area D (discussed in more detail in Chapter 7) provide some interesting clues about the butchering patterns and the mission diet. A series of excavation units was opened near the building forming Block D-I, where the midden feature was uncovered.

Area C: Interior Mission Plaza and Soldiers’ Quarters Area C is situated east and southeast of the mission ruins on a long, flat terrace (Figure 3.5). Investigations included nonsystematic collections of artifacts from the surface, small test units, and eventually large-scale excavations. In addition to hand excavations, several trenches were excavated by machine in Area C (Figure 3.2) and produced numerous Spanish Colonial related artifacts. Moreover, a random metal-locator survey indicated the presence of Spanish Colonial metal artifacts near a small mound just east of the mission ruins and around the northern buildings. Initially three excavation blocks (C-I, C-II, and C-III) were opened in

f i g u r e 3. 4 .

View of Area B, exterior bone midden

ta b l e 3. 5. s u m m ary o f cu lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m ar e a b e xt e r i o r m i d d e n

Bone , 

 bone beads

Debitage

Native Pottery

Non-Native Ceramics

Mussel Shell

Marine Shell

Lithic Artifacts

, 

, 



MNI = 

MNI =

 Guerrero points  scrapers  hammerstones

modifed flakes  abrader  chopper

MNI—Minimum number of individual specimens

Metal  iron fragment  copper pieces  nails  wire fragment

36

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 3. 5.

View of Area C, interior compound

Area C (Figure 3.2). Block C-I was placed directly east of the mission church (Structure 1) on a small mound next to one of the trenches that produced a number of Spanish Colonial items (Table 3.6). Blocks C-II and C-III were located east and southeast of C-I, respectively. Cultural deposits in Blocks C-II and C-III were limited (Tables 3.7 and 3.8), so excavations were discontinued. The lack of Spanish Colonial materials may be the result of modern grading that had removed the upper deposits in the area of C-II and C-III. Unfortunately, written documentation is limited concerning land modifications and other impacts to the site after the mission was abandoned, and thus it is difficult to assess where the most intact deposits may be found. Excavations in C-I, however, were much more fruitful. Located on a slight mound, Block C-I revealed midden-like deposits. The cultural materials recovered from the midden deposits strongly indicate the presence of a presidial soldier or soldiers. Lead sprue, musket balls, horse bridle parts, metal tools and buttons, and a variety of Spanish Colonial ceramics suggest that activities related to a presidio soldier and perhaps his family were occurring here, and thus the area possibly represents their living quarters. Stratigraphically, C-I was divided into three major zones (Figure 3.6) based on its natural depositional layers. The zones represent early, late, and post-mission periods of the site. Each zone is distinguished by a variation in soil composition and inclusions and slight differences in artifact content.

37

The Archaeological Record

Zone 1, for example, consists of a black/brown clay loam with very few Colonial-era artifacts. Cultural materials removed from Zone 1 included mostly modern trash and a few post-Colonial artifacts that date to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This layer obviously accumulated after the mission era ended. Zone 2 is characterized by a very dark gray clay loam with caliche rocks and gravels interspersed throughout the stratum. Mission-period artifacts begin appearing in Zone 2 and increase near the bottom of the zone. This zone represents the late occupation of the mission. Zone 3, which lies below Zone 2, was the thickest of the three zones. None of the excavation units was excavated below Zone 3, so pre-mission ta b l e 3. 6. s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m b lock c- i

Zone  /  / 

Bone (g)  ,  ,   ,

Debitage

Lithic Artifacts

      

—  

 

Native Pottery

 ,  ,

Non-Native Ceramics     

Shell

Metal

Daub

Glass

    

   



g — g —  g

    

ta b l e 3. 7. s u m m a ry o f cu lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m b lock c- i i

Level  (– cm bs)  (– cm bs)  ( – cm bs)

Shell —



Bone Native Non-Native (g) Pottery Ceramics   

 





Lithic Stone Metal Debitage Artifacts   —



 

  —

ta b l e 3. 8. s u m m a ry o f cu lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m b lock c- i i i

Level  (– cm bs)  (– cm bs)

Shell

Bone

Native Pottery

Non-Native Ceramics

Metal

Lithic Debitage

Glass

 

 

 

—

 

 

 —

38

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 3. 6 .

Stratigraphy of excavation Block C-I

deposits were not investigated. Zone 3 is distinguished from Zone 2 by a slightly darker color of loam with a high content of clay. Culturally, Zone 3 also contains a great number of Spanish Colonial artifacts and probably represents the early years of Spanish occupation. Because the block was excavated arbitrarily and not according to the natural stratigraphy, several levels encompassed more than one stratum. Therefore, two additional categories (Zones 1/2 and 2/3) were included to account for the cultural materials recovered from these levels. A systematic metal locator survey was conducted inside the mission compound. An area of approximately 50 by 100 meters (m) that runs north-south across the interior compound (Area C) of the mission complex was selected for an intensive metal-locating survey (Figure 3.2). More than five hundred metal artifacts were collected from this survey. The overwhelming majority (88 percent) of the metal artifacts were either modern or unidentifiable. Only 2 percent of the sample could be positively identified as belonging to the mission era. The remaining 10 percent of the sample is composed of metal artifacts that date to the nineteenth century or post-abandonment period.

Area D: Mission Ruins and Interior Bone Midden Investigations in Area D focused on the ruins and archaeological features associated with the mission buildings. Five structures, a large trash midden filled with butchered animal remains, and a cobble pavement were identified during excavations. The architectural remains are discussed separately in Chapter 4. The midden and cobble floor features associated with the mission structures yielded large quantities of Spanish Colonial materials. Both features are discussed below.

The Archaeological Record

39

Excavations near the mission ruins were prompted by the recovery of a number of native-made pottery sherds and metal nails detected during a random metal-locator survey close within the immediate vicinity. An excavation block designated D-I was opened just southeast of the mission structures (Figure 3.2) to explore these findings further. Eventually the block was expanded to encompass more than 10 square meters. The excavations in Block D-I revealed an extensive bone midden (Figure 3.7) just beneath the first level, or approximately 10 to 15 centimeters (cm) below the ground surface. Like the midden found in Area B, large bovid (cow or bison) remains comprise most of the faunal materials recovered from the deposits, with ceramics, metal, shell, lithics, and glass artifacts interspersed among the bone. In some places the midden was as thick as 40 cm. Below the midden a layer of river cobbles was detected (Figure 3.8) that formed a pavement. The cobbles ranged in diameter from 6 to 8 cm. Immediately below the larger cobble, a smaller layer of cobbles was encountered. The cobble pavement extended across most of the excavation block (Figure 3.9). It is unclear whether the smaller cobble layer represents an earlier floor or merely part of the larger cobble pavement above. However, a small amount of faunal remains and midden materials was noted between the two layers. The pavement was constructed from cobbles collected from the banks of the Guadalupe. Similarities between the pavement cobbles and modern cobbles found along the river support this theory. The excavations revealed that trash was swept or thrown on top of the cobble floor and eventually spilled over the edge of the pavement as it extends southward. In contrast to the exterior midden, this midden was located within the plaza area inside the mission walls and near a structure. The deposit is situated just outside of Structure 5, the possible kitchen/refectory, not far from its splayed doorway (Figure 3.2) and may be related to the function of the building. The excavations indicated that the midden extends southward at least 5 m from the southern wall of Structure 5. Only part of the refuse pile was exposed, and minimally the feature ranges in width from 3 to 4 m. As in the exterior trash feature, most bone from this midden is bovid. European-introduced species include domesticated pig, chicken, horse, and sheep or goat. A similar variety of native species is also identified in the sample from Block D-I; however, fish are much more abundant in the interior midden. Bone-tempered pottery, a few Caddo sherds, a wide array of Spanish Colonial and Mexican ceramics, metal artifacts, and several bone and glass beads also were recovered from the midden deposit. Notably, only a few stone tools were found within the deposits. A summary of the cultural remains from the block is listed in Table 3.9. The interior midden provides

f i g u r e 3. 7.

View of Area D-I, interior bone midden

f i g u r e 3. 8.

Cobble pavement

f i g u r e 3. 9.

Extent of cobble floor in excavation block (Courtesy M. Shoberg)

42

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 3. 9. s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ral m at e r i al s f ro m b loc k d - i in t e r io r m id d e n Bone (g)

Level  (–)  (– )  ( –)

(– ) ( –)  (– )  ( – )  ( – )  ( – )  ( – )  ( –)  (–)

 ,

, , ,  , ,   

 

Debitage

Lithic Artifacts

            

  



  — —  — —

Native Pottery   ,            

Non-Native Ceramics

Shell

Metal

Daub

Glass

      

 — —

      



   



    —   —  — —

.g — — .g . g — — — — — — —

        — — —

an excellent opportunity to compare this feature with the bone bed feature found outside the mission compound. Comparing the types and quantities of animal remains and the kinds of artifacts found in each feature provides important information regarding the mission occupants who created the middens and the specific activities that were occurring in these locations.

Area E: Lime Kiln The Spanish relied on lime for construction, but they also certainly needed it for other activities, such as tanning leather, killing insects, cooking, and sterilizing waste in privies. In 1997 the remains of a kiln to extract lime from caliche for mortar were exposed just south of the Guadalupe River (Figures 3.10–3.12). Subsequent efforts focused on excavating and defining the feature under the supervision of Cecil Calhoun and Bryan Jameson. Due to the similarity between this kiln and lime kilns in San Antonio, it is believed that this feature also functioned as a lime kiln. The kiln was dug into the edge of a recent Holocene river terrace that once formed part of a gully bank that has since filled in (Calhoun 1998). The feature is a simple, updraft, subterranean-bank kiln that measures 1.5 m wide and approximately 1.6 m long. Mission Indian laborers probably completed the construction of

The Archaeological Record

43

the kiln, which consists of a large vertical chamber and a horizontal barrel vault firebox that were connected by a flue (Figure 3.12). The kiln chamber is funnel-shaped and tapers inward toward the flue. The inside walls of the chamber and the firebox were plastered with several layers of clay and sand mortar. The clay lining provided extra support and improved heat retention (Calhoun and Jameson 1998). Four equidistant, steplike notches were modeled into the clay lining near the bottom of the kiln chamber and were probably used to hold metal rods or bars in place. The metal rods would have formed a grate used for supporting the raw materials that were loaded into the kiln. The actual height of the chamber is not known; however, it was probably even with the original surface. A large portion of the chamber was destroyed when previous landowners removed part of the terrace into which the kiln was built to use it as fill (Calhoun and Jameson 1998). The firebox, which was placed underground in the west bank of the gully, was used to heat the materials in the kiln chamber. Its roof angles down-

f i g u r e 3. 1 0. Map showing location of Area E, lime kiln, in relation to mission ruins

f i g u r e 3. 1 1 .

View of excavated lime kiln

The Archaeological Record

45

f i g u r e 3. 1 2 . Sketch of kiln

ward from the kiln toward the firebox mouth, where fuel was loaded (Calhoun and Jameson 1998, 39). A tunnel, near the bed of the gully and angled slightly, reached just beneath the kiln chamber. Its northwest-southeast orientation allowed the prevailing winds to improve the draft through the firebox mouth and the entire kiln. Fragments of clay lining, charcoal, and lime were recovered from the excavations within the firebox, providing further support that this was indeed a lime kiln (Calhoun 1998). Lime was most commonly used for mortar that was needed for construction of stone buildings. Presumably, not all of the structures present at this mission were of stone, and initially most were likely wattle-and-daub, or jacal, structures. Nevertheless, the standing ruins that survive today attest to the importance of stone buildings to this mission. Lime was desirable to ensure the longevity of stone buildings (Calhoun 1998). At Mission Valley, the abundance of naturally occurring caliche provided a source of lime for the mission residents. The kiln chamber would have been loaded with caliche rock, with the larger rocks placed on the grate and smaller rocks placed on top. A substantial fire would have been kindled in the rear end of the firebox

46

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 3. 1 3.

Silver thread found in kiln excavations

directly below the grate. An additional fire would then have been started near the firebox mouth using fast-burning wood for fuel. The fire was kept burning, and as the temperature increased in the kiln, the thermal reaction of the raw material would be initiated, and steam was vented up along with hot gases. When the temperature reached 2,000 to 2,500°F, the calcium carbonate in the caliche decomposed into calcium oxide or lime that sloughed off in lumps. The process continued until the entire load of raw materials was reduced to lime and collected in the bottom of the kiln. From beginning to end this process probably took two to three days. The lime was then raked out through the firebox and pulverized into powder. The lime would have been stored in a shed or lime house until it was ready to be used (Calhoun and Jameson 1998, 41). Excavations eventually exposed the remains of the firebox entirely. Bits of lime and fired clay along with small amounts of lithic debitage and animal

The Archaeological Record

47

bone were recovered from the kiln. The remains of an adult male domestic dog (Canis familiaris) were found in the firebox along with a large marine shell that might have been used as a tool for scooping lime from the kiln. The dog appears to have either been placed in the firebox or more likely crawled inside before dying after the kiln was out of use. Also a small piece of silver thread (Figure 3.13) was collected from the Area E excavations and may have come from a religious garment or robe worn by a friar.

Four

MISSION ARCHITECTURE

C

urrently, no historical references concerning the general layout or architecture of the mission compound have been found, but a few sketch maps and photographs from the early twentieth century do exist. What we have learned about the construction and configuration of the site has therefore come almost entirely from the archaeological investigations. A primary objective of these investigations was to define the layout of the mission complex and describe its construction. Consequently, architectural research focused on exposing and delimiting the remains of the mission buildings. As a result of intensive investigations, five structures were defined: • Structure 1 • Structure 2 • Structure 3 • Structure 4 • Structure 5

Church Apse Friars’ quarters Function unknown Kitchen or refectory

The mission buildings are situated on an elevated knoll and are aligned along a general north-south axis (Figure 4.1). Jack Eaton, an expert in Spanish Colonial architecture, supervised the excavation of the friars’ quarters and the preliminary investigations of what is believed to be the mission church. Historical archaeologist Anne Fox directed the work at the other buildings (Structures 2, 4, and 5) and continued investigations inside the church. Later investigations of the church were completed by architect John Garner. The results of the excavations from each structure are discussed below.

Mission Architecture

figure 4.1.

49

Map of mission buildings

Structure 1: Mission Church A photo taken of the mission in 1912 (Figure 4.2) shows a large portion of the mission buildings still standing. Today only part of one building remains intact above the ground. Structure 1 (Figure 4.3), which consists of three standing walls, represents the only above-ground ruins. Relic hunters who have looted the site through the years have undoubtedly aided in the rapid deterioration of all the mission buildings. Consequently, the excavation and recording of the remaining mission architecture was of utmost importance. Initial investigations of Structure 1 focused on verifying its construction style as Spanish Colonial and determining its dimensions (Walter 1997). The excavation of several strategically placed architectural units and a machine-

50

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

figure 4.2.

Photograph of mission ruins in 1912

dug trench (Figure 3.2) helped to define the layout, size, and construction style of the structure. The investigations exposed a long, linear, sandstone building (Figure 4.4) with at least three separate rooms (Rooms 1A–1C). Excavations near the south end of the structure revealed a cross wall, while a long trench, excavated through the center of the structure running northsouth, exposed the remnants of at least two more cross-walls to the north. The southernmost room, Room 1A, had either a window or door in its eastern wall that would have presumably opened up into the mission plaza. In addition, Eaton (personal communication, 1995) noted the presence of a doorway that connected Room 1A with the adjacent room, designated Room 1B. Room 1C, the northernmost room of the structure, is also attached to Room 1B. No archaeological evidence for a doorway connecting the two rooms was found, although one likely existed. Interestingly, Rooms 1B and 1C do not align with Room 1A, suggesting that they were constructed at different times. Furthermore, Rooms 1B and 1C as well as the foundations of Room 1A are of earthen mortar construction. The standing walls of Room 1A, in contrast, were built using lime mortar. The differences in construction styles indicate two building phases. Rooms 1B and 1C were constructed first. Later, the footings of Room 1A were constructed using earthen mortar, and sometime thereafter the upper walls were finished using lime mortar. Construction on Room 1A may have ceased for a short time and then was renewed sometime after the lime kilns were in use. The interruption in building probably coincided with a lack of available

f i g u r e 4 . 3.

View of Structure 1, mission church

figure 4.4.

Map of Structures 1 and 2

52

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

help during the early years of the mission when maintaining the mission Indian labor force needed for construction was difficult. Notably, the walls of Room 1A are clearly more formal in construction style. The rubble stone construction of Rooms 1B and 1C, for example, contrasts with the more carefully selected sandstone blocks used in building the wall courses of Room 1A (Garner personal communication, 2000). Based on these observations, Garner suggests that Room A was finished after building efforts were discontinued at the mission dam in 1736. The labor needed to build the dams and acequia system would certainly have had an effect, as did the inconsistent presence of the mission Indians, on the amount of building construction that was completed during the mission’s first ten years at the site. After attempts to build and maintain the dam were abandoned, more labor would have been available to build sturdier and more formal structures, such as Room 1A. The entire building measures more than 19 m long and 6 m wide. The walls of the structure range in thickness from 70 to 75 cm, or approximately one Spanish vara, a measure brought from Spain. The vara ranged from 0.768 m to 0.906 m, although in the New World 0.836 m was mandated as the official standard vara. This standard, however, was not always followed in the provinces of New Spain (Eaton 1998, 28–29). Room 1A, measured from its exterior walls, is 6.8 m by 6.3 m. Room B is approximately 5.14 m by 6.5 m, and Room C measures 8.5 m by 6.1 m. The base of the wall footings is 30 to 34 cm below the present ground surface. Plaster can still be seen on the standing walls of Room 1A; however, no plaster was observed on the walls of the other rooms. Nevertheless, the above-ground walls of Rooms 1A and 1C were probably plastered and possibly painted. Although extensive excavations were conducted in the building, only a few artifacts were collected. The investigations inside the structure revealed that all three rooms of the building sit on top of a prehistoric midden. The dark, organic midden soil sharply contrasts with the construction rubble and mortar found in the fill above it. Cultural materials found inside the structure include a metal hinge, a few square nails, and a few stone artifacts associated with the prehistoric occupation of the site. Based on the information obtained from these investigations, it was concluded that Structure 1 was either the mission granary or perhaps the church. The building is well made, and its sturdy construction suggests that the structure was meant to last. Although it may have originally served some other purpose, excavations in the attached Structure 2 and within Room 1B indicate that at least part if not all of the building served as the mission church. Some of the rooms, however, could also have been used for storage at differ-

Mission Architecture

53

ent times during the tenure of the mission. The most compelling evidence to support the building’s use as a church was the discovery of human remains inside two of the rooms and the associated apse-like Structure 2 connected to the north end of the building. The presence of nineteenth-century burials uncovered in 1999 in Rooms 1A and 1B offers additional support for the theory that Structure 1 represents the mission church. When foundations and wall remnants of Structure 1 were exposed as part of a plan to stabilize the mission ruins, human skeletal remains were encountered in the southwest corner of Room 1B and in the southern half of Room 1A. The intact skeleton found in Room 1B was only partially exposed during excavations (Figure 4.5). The presence along the sternum of the skeleton of porcelain calico buttons decorated with transfer prints indicates that the burial dates to the nineteenth century, as calico buttons were not introduced until the 1800s (Luscomb 1992). More skeletal remains found in Room 1A represent at least two burials. All of the rooms within the building have suffered extensive looting throughout the years, so not surprisingly neither of the burials is intact, and both are in a poor state of preservation. Several metal ornaments in the shape of ribbons or bows that do not appear to date to the mission period were found along with the skeletal remains, suggesting that the burials postdate the eighteenth century. However, given the disturbed context and badly preserved state of the bone, it is difficult to make any definitive statements about the skeletal remains. The presence of nineteenth-century burials in Structure 1 implies that people living in Mission Valley during the 1800s were aware of the mission and may have recognized this building as the church. Furthermore, the apparent lack of mission-related burials may have resulted from the reuse of the mission buildings after its abandonment. For example, mission-era burials were possibly removed so that later individuals could be buried beneath the floor of the church. The identification of this building as the church in the nineteenth century, a time when undoubtedly more of the mission structures were standing, lends support to the premise that at least some of the rooms in Structure 1 represent the church.

Structure 2: Apse The discovery of a semicircular wall (Figure 4.6) or what appears to be an apse just north of the church also strengthens the argument that Structure 1 served as the mission church. The structure is attached to

f i g u r e 4 . 5.

Partially exposed burial found in mission church

Mission Architecture

figure 4.6.

55

View of Structure 2, the apse

the north end of Structure 1 (Figure 4.4) and was designated as Structure 2. It measures 6.1 m wide and 9.3 m long from the exterior and 4.6 m by 8 m in the interior. The semicircular building is slightly lopsided and not well constructed. Because the apse has no remaining above-ground walls, investigations focused on exposing all of the buried walls and finding a builder’s trench. The inside of the building was not entirely excavated, but excavation units were placed in the center of the building forming one long trench and two smaller ones (Figure 3.2). A small trench was also dug outside the apse near the place where it adjoins Room 1C of the church. Initially, the apse was thought to be an extension of the church. As the buried walls were uncovered, however, the poor construction style and the lack of symmetry suggested that the structure was added at a later date (Walter and Hester 1998). The exterior excavation unit exposed the juncture between the two buildings (Figure 4.7), revealing that the apse was butted against the north wall of the church. The profile also shows a difference in construction style between the two buildings. The sturdy construction of the church contrasts with the more haphazardly built walls of the apse. The building stones vary greatly in size and are less uniform than the cut building stones from Structure 1. Furthermore, as the northern semicircular wall was being exposed, no foundations or footings were found. Despite our extensive excavations, no evidence for a builder’s trench was found. Instead it

56

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

appears that the walls of the structure were built upon the original ground surface. The remaining walls are on average 58 cm thick, compared to the 85 cm walls of Structure 1. Perhaps this indicates that the building was openended, and the apse may have served as an open-air chapel or ramada. Open-air churches were not uncommon during the Spanish Colonial period, but they tended to occur more frequently during the earlier part of the mission era, when many could be found across the Spanish Colonial landscape (Burkhart 1989; Mullen 1997). The advantage of an open-air chapel is that it can accommodate more people than an enclosed church. A priest could say mass inside the chapel, and the neophytes could view the services from the outside. The apse may have been added to the existing church after the economy of the mission stabilized and the population began increasing. Perhaps the needs of the mission residents outgrew the original church, and the addition of an open-air chapel may have served as a temporary solution until a larger, more substantial church could be built. Of course, the mission was moved a final time before any major construction on a new church could be completed. No evidence for roofing was found in any of the mission buildings; however, a thatched roof most likely covered the apse. Since the bases of the wall could not have supported the weight of stone walls without entrenched footings, it is more likely that the roof was held up by vertical posts spaced

f i g u r e 4 . 7.

Juncture between the church structure and the apse

Mission Architecture

f i g u r e 4 . 8.

57

Profile of excavations inside the apse

along the lower wall base of the structure. Also, plaster was not found inside the apse although portions of an intact floor were uncovered. The floor consists of a thin layer, approximately 2 cm, of plaster and packed caliche. Seemingly, similar flooring was also present in the church, although the amount of disturbance to the structure has likely destroyed any trace of it. A profile (Figure 4.8) of the excavations from inside Structure 2 shows both the floor and the prehistoric midden that the apse is sitting on. Despite extensive disturbance, all of the artifacts recovered from the investigations within the apse were collected. The overwhelming majority of artifacts were native-made and appear to predate the Spanish Colonial occupation, suggesting that most of the mission deposits had previously been removed. Cultural materials recovered from these excavations are quantified in Table 4.1.

Structure 3: Friars’ Quarters Before our investigations of the mission architecture began, an alignment of wall stones was noted on the surface of a mound (Figure 4.9) just south of the standing ruins of the mission church. Limited testing in Structure 3 indicated that the buried walls were relatively intact. Formal

ta b l e 4 . 1 . s u m m a ry of c u lt u ra l m at e r i a l s f ro m st ruc t u r e 2 a p s e

Material

Unit A

Unit B

Unit C

Bone (g) Debitage Stone artifacts Ground stone Native pottery Non-native pottery Shell Glass Metal Fire-cracked rock

—

   

 — — 

    — —  —  —

 

 —

   

Unit D —      —  —  

Unit E

Unit F

Unit L

Unit M

Unit N

Unit U

Unit V

Unit X

— 

      



  —

  — — 

—



   —   — 

—     —  — —

—    — — —  —  

—  —  —  — — 

—   —  — — 

—  —  —   —

Mission Architecture

f i g u r e 4 . 9.

59

View of Structure 3, the convento

investigations within the building were the most complete architectural excavations conducted at the site. Consequently, more is known about Structure 3 than any of the other mission buildings. The primary goals in researching this structure were to expose the buried remains of the building, document the findings, and offer interpretations (Eaton 1998). Large-scale excavations led to the complete uncovering of the structure. As a result, we know that the building consists of a one-room structure (Figure 4.10) that is detached from the rest of the mission complex. Believed to represent a convento, or friars’ quarters, the building is located 13.7 m south of the mission church. Test trenches were excavated between the mission church and the friars’ quarters to determine if there were any buried wall remains indicative of structures or other architectural features connecting the two buildings. None of the excavated trenches (Figure 3.2), however, exposed evidence of walls or other architectural remains. Any such remains between the two buildings may have been removed during a ‘‘cleanup’’ effort in 1935 to prepare for the 1936 centennial commemoration of the mission. Despite the lack of evidence for structural remains, the large area between Structures 1 and 3 was probably not empty (Eaton 1998, 31). At the very least, a compound wall probably connected the western walls of the convento and the church. Two more trenches (Figure 3.2) were excavated to the south of Structure 3 to investigate the possibility of another structure that was indi-

60

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 4 . 1 0. Diagram of Structure 3

cated on a 1935 sketch map made by Ray Stripling. No wall remnants were found in either of the trenches. The long axis of the convento runs north-south and is oriented 4 to 5 degrees west of magnetic north (Eaton 1998). The room measures 3.75 m by 5.85 m from the interior walls and 5.4 m by 7.47 m from the exterior. The walls are 85 cm in thickness, or about one Spanish vara (Walter 1997). The exterior walls were exposed by trenching around the outside of the building down to the preconstruction ground level. The structure was originally built atop a prehistoric midden that sits above a caliche base or bedrock. The trenches revealed the rubble sandstone construction of the walls, which still had plaster adhering to the surface (Eaton 1998). The remaining walls extended from 70 to 80 cm above the original ground level, and the foot-

Mission Architecture

61

ing trenches were excavated approximately 50 cm into the midden and the underlying caliche bedrock. The footing wall was then built in the trench to provide a stable base on which to construct the walls. The structure probably ‘‘rose to a height of around four m or so, to provide a high room ceiling and support roofing’’ (Eaton 1998, 25). The height of the wall would allow for good insulation and heavy beam-and-mortar roofing of a type usually reserved for formal or permanent construction (Eaton 1998). Most of the materials needed for building could be found locally. Sandstone was quarried from the mission quarry, and lime was extracted from naturally occurring caliche rock and gravels that were reduced in lime kilns such as the one found near the south bank of the Guadalupe. Excavations on the inside of the building helped to remove most of the interior fill. The interior walls were exposed, and parts of the floor were cleared (Figure 4.11). A looter’s hole in the northeastern portion of the building, however, had disturbed a portion of the room and was dug below the floor level. In 1965 a human burial was removed from this part of the structure after a treasure hunter had exposed the remains (Calhoun 1965). The remains of the burial were mapped and recorded, and it was later determined that the burial was too recent to be associated with the mission period. The interior walls are plastered and painted red and are excellently preserved.

f i g u r e 4 . 1 1 . Overhead view of the convento

62

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

The flooring consists of compact caliche and plaster and is about 12 cm thick. Just beneath the floor is a thin layer of charcoal and ash that might represent the remains of a burned roof or ceiling that collapsed. No large burned fragments of wood or wall scorching were noted, however, to help verify the occurrence of a roof burning (Eaton 1998, 25). In the center of the east wall, an inward splayed doorway with painted and plastered doorjambs was uncovered. The splayed doorway would have accommodated a door that could have been opened wide to the interior and bolted on the inside. The doorway, like the window or doorway in the church, also opens up into what is believed to be the plaza area. Although the walls of the convento are too low to verify their presence, splayed windows with interior shutters were almost certainly placed inside the walls. Just outside the doorway, evidence for a flagstone pavement was also found in the form of large sandstone slabs near the door and around the building’s exterior (Eaton 1998). Another interesting feature identified in the friary is a small shrine or altar (Figure 4.12) that was uncovered just opposite the doorway along the center of the west wall. The altar was constructed of cut and dressed limestone in the shape of rectangular tile slabs. This contrasts with the rest of the building, which is made of sandstone, a locally available material. Interestingly,

f i g u r e 4 . 1 2 . Limestone altar in friars’ quarters

Mission Architecture

63

f i g u r e 4 . 1 3. Sketch of friars’ quarters

limestone rock is not found naturally in the mission area and would have to have been procured from another location (Eaton 1998, 27). The exact source of the rock is unknown, but procuring the material was clearly not difficult, since both of the mission dams are also made of limestone. The stepped altar includes a lower step for kneeling and an upper step where religious items such as a cross or statue could be placed. It measures 85 cm wide, 62 cm long, and 57 cm high and is completely plastered over. Unlike the surrounding walls, however, the shrine is not painted. A masonry projection on the exterior west wall accommodates the niche needed for the shrine. It is 2.25 m wide and extends about 75 cm from the wall (Eaton 1998). The building served as the main residence for the missionaries and as an office. It had thick walls, a sturdy doorway, a shrine, and an altar and was relatively spacious (Eaton 1998). Figure 4.13 provides an image of what the building may have looked like when it was completed. It is certainly possible that this structure could have been used as a chapel before a larger church was built, and undoubtedly temporary buildings were being used while the stone buildings were under construction. Unfortunately, we do not know when the mission buildings were completed or how long if at all the friars lived in temporary structures before they moved into the convento.

64

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 4 . 2 . s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ra l m at e r i a l s f ro m st ruc t u r e 3 f r ia r s ’ quart e r s Bone (g)

Debitage

Stone Artifacts

Native Pottery

Non-Native Pottery

Shell

Glass

Metal

Fire-Cracked Rock

,

















The collection of artifacts from the architectural investigations in the friars’ quarters was limited. Spanish and native-made pottery was collected, as well as projectile points, bone, and grinding implements such as manos (stone slabs atop which plant foods are ground) and metates (hand-size stones used for processing foods such as corn, seeds, and nuts). The friary, like the other mission buildings, had been looted throughout the years, leaving little to no intact deposits within the structure. Without good context, the artifacts can tell us little. Nevertheless, some cultural materials were collected during the investigations of the structure. A summary of these items is provided in Table 4.2.

Structure 4 The buried remains of Structure 4 were partially visible on the surface, and the objectives of the investigations were to expose these walls and learn the dimensions of the building. The structure is northeast of the apse and oriented east-west (Figure 4.14). A substantial looter’s hole in the center of the structure has disturbed the interior deposits, and looting activities have destroyed some parts of the structure. A large anaqua tree growing up through the south wall of the building has caused additional disturbance. Although Structure 4 was not entirely excavated, enough of the walls were exposed to determine the size of the building, and excavations below the original ground surface yielded information about the footings and the builders’ trenches. Excavations began in the northeast corner of the building and gradually moved westward and southward to expose the northern and eastern walls. Although the fill inside the structure was not entirely removed, it is believed that Structure 4 was a one-room building (Figure 4.15). The exterior measurements are approximately 8 m by 6.5 m, and the interior room measures 6.4 m by 5 m. A feature composed of very large sandstone rocks was encoun-

Mission Architecture

65

tered along the exterior of the northeast corner. Once exposed, the alignment of rocks proved to be the remains of a fan-shaped buttress (Figure 4.16). The remains of the buttress measure 3 m long by 2.5 m wide at its thickest point. The northeast corner of Structure 4 sits near the sloping edge of the knoll on which the mission complex is situated. A buttress would have provided extra support for this corner of the building. Excavations eventually exposed all of the walls of Structure 4. Large amounts of construction rubble and overburden had to be removed in order to define the walls. Due to the amount of disturbance and wall fall, it was necessary to dig down to the bottom courses of the wall to continue following its alignment. Once exposed, the walls were measured, and similar to the walls of the church, they ranged in thickness from 75 to 80 cm. A doorway was found in the northwest corner, and red-painted plaster was noted on the interior north wall near the doorjamb. The doorway is not splayed; it was probably meant to allow access to the outside of the mission confines only and did not serve as an entryway into the interior compound. Excavations in the southwest corner revealed that the corner walls were plastered and painted. In contrast to the convento walls, the walls in Structure 4 appear to have been painted red, and then cream-colored segments were added. A prehistoric trash midden was encountered at 75 cm below

f i g u r e 4 . 1 4 . View of Structure 4

66

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 4 . 1 5. Map of Structures 4 and 5

f i g u r e 4 . 1 6 . Buttress in Structure 4

the surface and is probably associated with the cultural deposits that both the church and the apse overlay. Although a definite floor was not found, it is postulated that the floor zone probably lies on top of the midden just below a layer of wall fall and construction rubble that can be viewed in the profile (Figure 4.17). The profile also revealed a builder’s trench that was dis-

Mission Architecture

67

tinguished by the contrasting color of the fill and the midden soil into which the trench was dug. Most of the cultural materials collected from the excavations within this building appear to be associated with the prehistoric midden rather than the mission deposits. Table 4.3 lists the cultural materials recovered from these excavations. An exterior test unit placed along the south wall of the structure was excavated to determine the lower extent of the walls and their construction style. The unit exposed the bottom of the wall foundations at approximately 80 to 90 cm below the modern surface (Figure 4.18). In the east wall pro-

f i g u r e 4 . 1 7. Profile of excavation inside Structure 4

68

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 4 . 3. s u m m a ry of c u lt u ra l m at e r i a l s f ro m st ruc t u r e 4

Bone (g) Debitage Stone artifacts Ground stone Native pottery Non-native pottery Shell Metal Fire-cracked rock

SW Corner

Exterior Test Unit

Door Excavations

Unprovenienced Finds

—    — 

 



  — — — 



 — —  — — —

—   —

   —



f i g u r e 4 . 1 8. Sketch of Structure 4 walls showing looting activity

file of the unit, parts of the footings were also identified. The test unit also revealed a section of wall that had been destroyed and removed by looters. No Spanish Colonial artifacts were recovered from the test unit. The function or purpose of this building is not known. Largely due to the extensive disturbance and looting that had affected this structure, intact deposits were not encountered, and very few Spanish Colonial artifacts were found. Thus, information regarding the mission occupation of the structure is limited. The majority of cultural materials recovered from the excavations are related to the prehistoric midden below the base of the structure.

Mission Architecture

69

Structure 5: Kitchen or Refectory Structure 5 (Figure 4.19) was not visible from the surface and only came to light after remote sensing revealed its presence. The building was located with the aid of ground-penetrating radar (in this case Subsurface Interface Radar, or SIR) that helped to detect subterranean walls. Once it was found, the goals of the excavations were to define the walls, find a floor, and determine the function of the building. The structure is just east of Structure 4, and the two buildings are connected by the eastern wall of Structure 4 (Figure 4.15). Backhoe trenches helped expose the south wall and northeast and southeast corners of the building. Based on our investigations, we were able to determine that the structure consists of a one-room building measuring 7.5 m by 6 m from the outside and 6 m by 5 m on the inside. Excavations also exposed a splayed doorway in its southern wall that opened into the plaza. Excavations directly outside the building and above the ruins were limited to finding the tops of the walls and exposing architecture. Work was also completed on the interior of the building in hopes of finding intact deposits and a possible floor. No floor was identified during these investigations, al-

f i g u r e 4 . 1 9. View of Structure 5, kitchen/refectory

70

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 4 . 4 . s u m m a ry o f c u lt u ra l m at e r i a l s f ro m st ruc t u r e 5 k itc h e n / r e f e cto ry

Material

Unit A

Unit C

Unit E

Unprovenienced Finds

Bone (g) Debitage Stone artifacts Native pottery Non-native pottery Shell Glass Metal Fire-cracked rock

  —



 —  —

 

 



  

     — —



—     — 

—

though certainly there was either a caliche or hard-packed surface within the building during the mission’s occupation. Most of the fill was disturbed and consisted primarily of decaying plaster and mortar as well as construction rubble. Vegetation and human disturbance have greatly diminished the integrity of the structure’s archaeological remains. Although an intact mission deposit was not encountered, numerous Spanish Colonial artifacts suggest that at least some of the Colonial deposits, despite being jumbled, are still present. None of the excavations reached the underlying prehistoric midden; however, a number of aboriginal artifacts were recovered. Cultural materials collected from these excavations are summarized in Table 4.4. Once the tops of the walls were exposed, it was clear that Structure 5 was not built at the same time as Structure 4. Instead it appears that Structure 5 was added at a later time. For example, the north and south walls do not align with the north and south walls of Structure 4, even though the buildings share a common wall. The northwest corner of Structure 5 meets the east wall of Structure 4 about 1 m south of its northeast corner. Also, Structure 5 tilts slightly more to the south, giving the two buildings a bent appearance. Furthermore, the walls of Structure 5 are not nearly as thick as those in Structure 4. Structure 5 has walls with a maximum width of 55 cm, in comparison with the 75 to 80 cm walls of Structure 4. The construction styles of the two buildings also contrast. Structure 5 more closely resembles Structure 2 in the way it was constructed with randomly selected rubble stone. Judging from the wall profiles, more care was taken in building Structure 4. Excavations in Structure 5 provided little information about the func-

Mission Architecture

71

tion of this building. Excavations in the interior midden (outside of Structure 5), however, did render some clues to its purpose. The trash midden (Block D-I) is located just outside Structure 5 near its southeast corner. A cobble pavement was also encountered during the excavations of the block, and it appears to extend to the south wall of the building. Excavations revealed that the pavement extends at least 2 m east of the splayed doorway. Although no excavations were conducted directly in front of the door, it is speculated that the pavement is also present around the doorway and the rest of the south wall, perhaps forming a walkway or patio. Furthermore, part of a large cobblestone pavement was encountered in a recent excavation just south of Structure 4. In all probability this feature is related to the pavement found just outside of Structure 5, and the two were likely connected. Large amounts of processed faunal remains including cow or bison, freshwater fish, and deer that were found in the interior midden are clearly related to the usage of Structure 5. The building may have been used as a kitchen or perhaps a refectory where the remains of meals were tossed outside the structure, resulting in the midden’s accumulation. A large quantity of Spanish Colonial artifacts including various kitchen-related items (e.g., colonial tableware ceramics, parts of copper cooking vessels) were also collected from the midden and provide additional clues to the purpose of the building. The cuts of meat and the butchering stages represented by the animal remains suggest that food preparation and cooking activities were likely occurring within Structure 5. Chapter 7 presents a more detailed discussion of the contents of the midden and the activities it reflects.

Overview of the Mission Compound Much like other missions, Espíritu Santo was laid out in such a way that the buildings formed an enclosure around an interior courtyard where chores and daily activities took place. When viewed as a whole, the mission complex forms an L-shaped pattern, with the buildings surrounding a plaza. With the exception of the doorway in Structure 4, all of the buildings open into the inside of the compound. The west walls of the church (Structure 1), the apse (Structure 2), and the convento (Structure 3) and the north walls of Structures 4 and 5 (the kitchen) formed the western and northern boundaries of the complex and may also have served as part of the compound wall. Presumably a stone or more likely a wooden palisade wall would have protected the enclosed area. Archaeological investigations at other Texas

72

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

missions (Gilmore 1969, 1974; Greer 1967; Hindes, Fox, and Schmiedlin 1995; Mounger 1959; Schuetz 1969; Scurlock and Fox 1977) and historical accounts (Bolton 1960, Eaton 1989, Newcomb 1990) indicate the presence and importance of compound walls for Spanish settlements along the frontier. Despite efforts to identify the remains of a wall, evidence for a palisade has yet to be found. Therefore, the actual size of the compound remains unknown; however, the shape of the mission enclosure was almost certainly square or rectangular. In general, mission compounds formed a square or quadrangle, and Espíritu Santo appears to follow the same pattern. Most of the Texas missions also shared in common the presence of similar buildings, including a church, storerooms, a granary, a refectory, workshops, and living quarters for the priests, soldiers, and neophytes. Evidence was found at Espíritu Santo for a church, a possible granary, a friary, living quarters for a presidio soldier, mission Indian quarters, and a kitchen. Despite some general similarities among the missions, their churches did vary somewhat in both layout and shape. At more established missions such as those at Goliad and San Antonio, the churches were either cruciform or basilican in shape. Many of the smaller mission churches consisted of only one or two rooms like those at the second and third locations of Espíritu Santo (Hindes 1995a). The roofs of larger churches were usually formed of low masonry domes or tunnel vaults. Smaller churches like the one at Espíritu Santo in Mission Valley and minor or less permanent structures had roofs that were low-pitched and constructed from timber (Newcomb 1990, 27–78). Materials for constructing the buildings were procured locally, as evidenced by the sandstone quarry approximately 1 kilometer (km) south of the ruins. Caliche deposits are abundant in the area and had a variety of purposes. Perhaps most important to the Spanish was its use as a source for making lime for mortar and plaster. Although only one lime kiln was discovered, several probably were built to process and extract lime. Caliche also appears to have been used as clean fill in the construction of floors. Along with lime mortar, earthen mortar was employed in the construction of the mission buildings. Evidence for other building materials was recovered from investigations inside the mission compound (Area C) in the form of fired clay or daub. Temporary shelters and wattle and daub, or jacal, structures were often the first buildings constructed at early mission sites. Later, many of these structures were replaced by stone construction; however, it was not unusual for jacales to be rebuilt and reused continuously during the entire span of a mission’s existence. The daub found inside the compound is related to a presidio soldier occupation and may represent the remains of the soldiers’

Mission Architecture

73

quarters. Likewise, daub found in other areas inside and outside the confines of the mission’s interior may have come from temporary housing built for the mission Indians. At the fourth and final location of the mission, in Goliad, the Indians lived in jacal structures. Similar structures were certainly present at Mission Valley, although no direct evidence has yet been found to verify their existence.

Five

INV ESTIGATIONS AT RELATED SI TES

A

unique aspect of the research at Espíritu Santo at the Mission Valley site was the identification and investigation of a number of sites related to the mission. Research at two mission dams and the associated acequia system as well as the mission quarry, while producing no artifacts, offered an opportunity to fill in details that contribute to our understanding of the history and operation of the site. Perhaps most important, the information gathered from all of the sites allows us to view the mission in a much more comprehensive manner. By exploring so many aspects of the mission system, we can look beyond the site’s physical boundaries as dictated by the architectural ruins and begin examining the mission in its entirety as a frontier institution.

Sandstone Quarry An outcrop of sandstone, originally discovered by avocational archaeologist E. H. Schmedlin, is located approximately 1 km south of the mission structures and represents the mission quarry (Figure 5.1). Initially, sandstone from the outcrop was compared to stone from the mission ruins. The stone matched, prompting a more intensive look at the site. A thorough survey and limited testing of the site were conducted that resulted in determining the vertical and horizontal extent of the quarry, producing a site map (Figure 5.2), and obtaining information regarding the methods used in quarrying the sandstone. Shovel tests, hand excavation units, and a backhoe trench 10 m long were excavated at the site (Figure 5.2). The shovel probes revealed that the sandstone outcrop, which dips below the current ground surface, extends another 10 m south of the visible face of the quarry ( Jones 1998). The outcrop is more than 50 m long and ranges from 1 to 3 m in thickness. However, it ap-

Investigations at Related Sites

f i g u r e 5. 1 .

75

Mission quarry

pears that approximately 10 m of stone material has been removed from the vertical face of the outcrop in some areas (Walter 1997). Archaeological evidence suggests that the colluvial deposits around the sandstone outcrop were removed until the underlying caliche bedrock was reached. This strategy could have exposed a larger area of sandstone and allowed for greater access to the quarry. No quarrying tools were recovered from the excavations. However, lithic debitage and bone were found in several of the test units. Despite the absence of tools, scars along the face of the quarry indicate that some type of iron chisel or bar was used to remove the stone. Jones (1998, 45) describes the marks as ‘‘cross sections of cylindrical holes, on average 8.3 cm in diameter, with a maximum length of at least 80 cm.’’ The chisel or bar would have been driven into the rock in order to break and remove it. One sandstone rock from the mission ruins displayed a distinct round hole that was drilled completely through the stone. Interestingly, the size and dimensions of the hole are clearly similar to markings on the face of the quarry ( Jones 1998). The particular technique employed in quarrying the sandstone is known as cold mining. Cold mining a quarry typically involved the use of a metal bar and manual labor (Young 1978). Presumably, the mission Indians were providing the bulk of the labor needed to mine the quarry. As is the case at other Spanish Colonial mines in New Spain, an iron bar—either a barramina

f i g u r e 5. 2 .

Map of quarry investigations ( Jones 1998). Courtesy Texas Archeological Society.

Investigations at Related Sites

77

or a cuña that varied in length, weighed 20 to 30 pounds, and terminated in a chisel or pyramidal tip—was probably used to drill and pry out the rock (Simmons and Turley 1980, Young 1978). The barramina and cuña were simple tools that a blacksmith in the field could easily resharpen. Judging from the scars on the quarry face, miners used these instruments to drive vertical shafts into the sandstone to remove the stone blocks needed for mission construction ( Jones 1998, 46–47). To the west of the quarry face is a depressed area that runs parallel to the outcrop. Originally this depression was thought to be the remnants of a haul road or perhaps the presidio road opened by Juan Antonio Bustillo y Cevallos around 1726 (Walter 1997). In a letter to Governor Almazán, Bustillo, the commander at the Presidio La Bahía, made reference to a spot near a road he had just opened that he felt would be a good location for the new (third) mission. Hand excavations and the backhoe trench (Figure 5.2) that bisected the depression failed to produce any conclusive evidence that there was a road in this area. A pedestrian survey also failed to provide evidence of a road. Notably, colluvial deposits sit directly atop a layer of sandstone spall that is underlain by caliche bedrock. The downward slope of the depression follows the gradual downslope of the bedrock, which may account for the appearance of a road ( Jones 1998, 45).

The Mission Dams and Acequia System Initial investigations at the mission dams and acequia system consisted of surveying and partially mapping the dams and the canals. Archaeologists J. Rinker, W. Cox, and C. Bousman would later conduct more intensive investigations at the dams and acequia. The results of these investigations when combined with the historical record provide a much clearer picture of the use and abandonment of these features. The following discussion is based largely on Rinker, Cox, and Bousman’s (1999) observations of both dams and the canal system. From historical documents we know that shortly after the mission was moved to Mission Valley, attempts were under way to build a dam and acequia system for irrigation purposes. Several years were invested in the construction of a dam across the Guadalupe River. However, attempts at irrigation were largely unsuccessful, and in 1736 efforts to finish the dam were abandoned (Bolton 1915). A switch to dry farming was much more successful, and after 1736 planting was done during the rainy season (Leutenegger 1979). A second dam built across Mission Creek is not mentioned in any of the

78

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 5. 3.

Aerial view of acequia system (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999). Courtesy Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society.

existing historical documents. Nonetheless, both dams appear to have been constructed during the Colonial era. The Guadalupe River dam (designated site No. 41VT135) is located approximately 300 m south of the De Witt County line (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999). The Mission Creek dam (designated site No. 41VT13) is located on the left bank approximately 8 miles, or 13 km, northwest of presentday Victoria (Calhoun 1966). Both dams are diversion dams or weirs. The

Investigations at Related Sites

79

purpose of the dams was to divert the flow of water into the acequias, not to impound the water. The dams were constructed from hewn limestone block quarried from nearby locations, and both appear to have been completed and then abandoned (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999, 124). Presumably the mission Indians also provided the necessary labor force to complete construction on the dams and the irrigation canals. The Guadalupe dam (Figure 5.4) measures 23.4 m long and has an average width of 1.7 m. The height of the dam is 75 cm above bedrock; however, originally it was most certainly higher. The dam reaches only part-way across the river and was intended to slow the water flow and redirect it through an off-take into the acequia. The placement of the dam in this particular location depended largely on the proximity of the dam to the mission fields, the suitability of the surrounding landscape to accommodate the acequia, and a solid foundation for the dam. Lands suitable for agriculture can be found in the floodplains and low terraces along the banks of the Guadalupe River. Therefore, the particular location of the dam was primarily based on its ability to provide a stable foundation. In many areas, the banks of the Guadalupe are high in clay content, with sands and gravels that would not have proven suitable for the placement of the dam. In addition to an appropriate location, a proper grade was also needed to allow the flow of water to reach the mission fields. Due to the steep topography between the river and the presumable mission fields, the acequia (Figure 5.3) would have to have paralleled the river for some distance before the canal was diverted away from the river (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999). Although no evidence of a canal was found, the topography of the surrounding landscape ‘‘dictates that unless they had devised some way to make water go uphill, this is the only possibility’’ (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999, 126). The dam at Mission Creek is smaller than the Guadalupe dam. It is 14 m in length and 2.7 m high and reaches about 5 m into the creek (Figure 5.5). The acequia off-take is located at the center of the dam in the form of an intentional opening. A set of slots cut into the dam indicates that a sluice gate was used to control the flow of water into the canal (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999, 126). The accompanying acequia is wide and shallow and can be seen along most of its 2 km course, which eventually meets up with the Guadalupe River (Figure 5.3). An extensive survey conducted in 1998 identified the pathway of the canal, which runs along the side of the creek for over 1 km before a bend in the creek causes the two to diverge from one another. Rinker, Cox, and Bousman (1999) propose that the first attempts to build a dam and acequia system were made on the Guadalupe River. After the first

f i g u r e 5. 4 .

Plan sketch of Guadalupe dam (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999). Courtesy Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society.

Investigations at Related Sites

f i g u r e 5. 5.

81

Remains of Mission Creek dam

heavy rains, the acequia may have been badly damaged. At some point in time, efforts to control the Guadalupe were abandoned, and a more controllable water source was selected. The second diversion dam and canal were built on Mission Creek where irrigation efforts continued until sometime in 1736, when the dam and acequia system was abandoned altogether. Several reasons may explain the ultimate abandonment of the irrigation system, including erosion of parts of the acequia, lack of water during the drier months, realization that the yearly rainfall might provide enough water for dry farming, and increasing awareness that raising cattle made a better investment of labor and resources than growing surplus food through irrigation (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999, 128). A review of the local tree-ring record provided additional support to these interpretations. The tree rings indicated that in 1726 and 1727 the local area of the mission experienced a wet period and that the period from 1728 to 1732 was much drier both locally and regionally. Initially the success of an irrigation system may have seemed entirely feasible. The years from 1733 to 1735 brought three alternating wet and dry periods. During this time rising waters could have damaged the dam at the Guadalupe River. Moderate local rainfalls are indicated for the years 1733 and 1735. It is suggested that during this time the Mission Creek dam was probably constructed (Rinker, Cox,

82

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

and Bousman 1999, 129–130). A dry year followed in 1736 and perhaps dried up Mission Creek and stopped the flow of the acequia. Historical records cite 1736 as the year irrigation attempts ceased (Bolton 1915). In the following years conditions were wet enough to ensure the success of dry farming, and irrigation systems were no longer needed. Historical records tell us that the third location of the mission had an abundance of resources, including building stone, good water, and land for farming. We also know from the documentary record that during the early years of the mission, efforts were made to operate an acequia system. What history does not tell us, however, is how the dams and canals were built or where the quarry was located and how stone was extracted. By locating, identifying, and documenting the mission dams, acequias, and quarry, we have a better understanding of the energy invested in the construction and maintenance of these features and their impact on daily mission life. Given that only one to two friars were typically assigned to the mission at any one time and likely only a few presidial soldiers were stationed there, the bulk of the mission work was carried out by the Indians. Building and maintaining two dams and nearly 2 km of canals would have required a great deal of energy. The mission Indians at Espíritu Santo, as at other missions, were probably assigned the task of clearing the canals to keep water flowing. Furthermore, heavy rains or flooding, as evidenced in the tree-ring data, may have caused damage to the acequias, and repairs were also part of the mission workload. Due to the importance of the mission fields, tending these crops and the associated irrigation system was certainly a daily activity for the neophytes. Attempts to dam and control water from the Guadalupe River were ambitious, and despite the eventual failure of this undertaking, they continued their efforts to irrigate crops. A second dam, built on Mission Creek, attests to their determination. A great deal of energy was focused on the construction and operation of the dams and acequia system, and much of the neophytes’ time was probably devoted to these tasks. Once a switch to dry farming took place, however, their energies could be redirected to raising and tending cattle and perhaps constructing stone mission buildings. The mission Indians, in addition to building dams and canals, also helped to build structures most likely under the direction of the presidio soldiers assigned to the mission. From our investigations at the mission quarry we know that stone was cold mined and then carried approximately 1 km to the compound. The first buildings, however, were probably jacal structures, some of which were later replaced by stone. Most of the stone construction may have taken place after attempts were abandoned to irrigate the mission

Investigations at Related Sites

83

fields. If, as the historical record indicates, these later years at Mission Valley were more stable, the native population was probably more permanent. With the growing stability of the mission, the priests had access to a steady labor supply provided by the Aranama and Tamique. Daily tasks were now divided among working in the mission fields, tending livestock, and constructing stone buildings as Espíritu Santo continued to prosper.

Six

MISSION MATER IAL C U LT U R E

A

wide variety of cultural materials was recovered from the investigations at the mission. Although a tremendous amount of data was recovered from the investigations at the quarry, the mission dams, and the acequias, no artifacts were found in association with these features. The discussion of material culture therefore focuses on the remains collected from the mission excavations. To understand the significance of the material record, all classes of artifacts needed to be described and quantified. The next step in the analysis was to try to detect patterns in the assemblage that reflect evidence of specific activities or behaviors of the mission population. In particular, the analysis of the material remains focused on defining living areas of the various mission residents (friars, mission Indians, and presidio soldiers), identifying mission diet, and assessing economic conditions (e.g., access to European trade goods and the supply system). Artifacts of both Spanish and aboriginal manufacture were found across the site. The material record includes native and non-native ceramics, stone tools and artifacts, metal, glass, clay daub, shell and bone artifacts, and faunal remains of shell and animal bone. All of these categories are addressed in detail below, with the exception of the faunal remains, which are discussed separately in Chapter 7.

Ceramics Large amounts of native-made pottery and a small number of imported ceramic wares were present in the sample. Due to their durability, ceramics are frequently found at archaeological sites where pottery was made and used. Even when a pot breaks, the fragments or sherds that make up the vessel are nearly indestructible (Rice 1987, 24). From an archaeological standpoint, ceramics are very informative. For example, the types of pottery found at a site may potentially reflect the presence of ethnic groups, trade

Mission Material Culture

85

activities, access to raw materials and finished products, degrees of wealth, and specific activities and their spatial locations within a site. At Espíritu Santo, native wares are classified as unglazed ceramics that were made by aboriginal groups within the region. The non-native wares include all other ceramics that were not produced by indigenous groups. European ceramics from Spain and France, imported Mexican wares, and porcelains from China make up most of the non-native ceramics. Attempts were made to type all of the sherds and quantify them accordingly. Unfortunately, no complete vessels were recovered. Historical references, however, provided valuable information regarding the form and function of many of the ceramic types identified at the mission. Other sherds were large enough that inferences could be made concerning the use and appearance of the original vessels. The ceramic analysis is helping to answer questions pertaining to the mission’s access to both native and European trade goods, living and activity areas associated with various groups, and reliance on imported versus locally produced or procured items.

Native-Made Pottery Aboriginal pottery is abundant across the site. The indigenous wares strongly contrast with the imported colonial ceramics that make up only a small percentage of the collection. Technologically the native wares are almost identical to their prehistoric counterparts and do not appear to have changed with the arrival of the Spanish, although new shapes and forms may have been introduced. The potter’s wheel did not appear until after European contact, and kilns were rarely used (Rice 1987, 20). Overall, the pottery shares many characteristics with other aboriginal wares in the Americas. For example, pre-Columbian ceramics in the New World lack glazes but often are finished with slips, that is, coatings of fine clay and water applied to the vessel’s surface prior to firing. All of the native sherds recovered from the mission were handmade and unglazed, and many of them show evidence of surface treatment including slips, engraving, and painted designs. The varieties of native wares found at the mission site show distinctions in surface treatments and tempers, the mineral or organic materials added to a clay’s paste to enhance its working, drying, or firing properties (Rice 1987). Three varieties of native wares—bone-tempered pottery, Caddoan pottery, and Rockport ware—were recovered from the excavations. Late Prehistoric groups who occupied the area prior to the arrival of Europeans were making and using bone-tempered pottery, and the mission Indians

86

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 . nat iv e p ot t e ry r e cove r e d, b y ar e a Area A B C D

Bone-Tempered

Rockport Ware

Caddo Pottery

, , 

, 

, 

— —  

— —  

continued to produce these wares during the mission era. By far the most common type of ceramic collected at the site, bone-tempered pottery comprises 93 percent of the total native ceramics collected. Clearly the Aranama and Tamique were producing large quantities of bone-tempered wares for themselves and perhaps for the priests as well. Rockport wares, associated with coastal Karankawa bands, make up 6 percent of the sample. The appearance of Rockport ceramics may reflect trading activities or perhaps indicates the presence of a few Karankawa residing at the mission. A total of 181 Caddo sherds were recovered, comprising less than 2 percent of the sample. The Caddo Indians lived in parts of what are today East Texas, Arkansas, Louisiana, Missouri, and Oklahoma (Perttula 1992). Known for their widespread trading activities, the Caddo traded with Europeans, particularly the French, and native groups, and the Caddo pottery sherds are likely a reflection of these activities. The native ceramics are summarized in Table 6.1. Accordingly, the greatest percentage of bone-tempered pottery was collected from investigations in the mission Indian quarters (Area A), where we conducted most of our excavations. No partial or complete vessels were recovered; however, some rim sherds and pot handles are present in the collection. The pastes vary from buff to reddish brown in color, while most of the sherds exhibit a gray-colored paste. Slips are present on some of the sherds and range in color from buff to orange to red. The unslipped sherds include buff, orange, black, and gray surface colors. Most of the sherds are too small and fragmented to infer the forms or functions of the vessels. Rim sherds and pot handles (Figure 6.1) do provide some insight into manufacturing techniques and styles of vessels. The handles were formed from a long, rolled piece of clay that was placed through the wall of a vessel and then smoothed over on the interior side. An additional layer of clay was then wrapped around the outside of the original handle core (Raschkow and Free 1996). An analysis of the bone-tempered sherds collected from the Indian quarters measured the degree of curvature of the rim pieces that were large enough to be assessed. Five of the rim sherds showed arcs that resembled

Mission Material Culture

87

the curvatures of either a shallow bowl or plate shape (Walter 1997, 29). No other forms could be assessed; however, many of the bone-tempered wares may have served primarily as utilitarian items such as ollas (water jars) or other storage vessels, as observed at many missions in South Texas (Hester 1989b, 224). Mission-period deposits were limited to the upper 15 to 30 cm in each excavation block of Area A. Prehistoric deposits were found below the mission deposits ranging from 15 to 50 cm below the ground surface. Bone-tempered pottery was found in both the mission and prehistoric deposits, but most was recovered from the upper levels. Bone-tempered pottery found at Late Prehistoric sites in southern Texas is commonly referred to as Leon Plain ware (Hester 1989b), while bone-tempered pottery found at South Texas mission sites is often called Goliad ware (Gilmore 1973, Mounger 1959). Despite the difference in names, no clear-cut technological distinctions have been successfully recognized; hence Leon Plain and Goliad ware probably represent a continuation of the same pottery tradition. The differences are marked only by their contexts in either prehistoric or mission-era deposits. Nearly all (99 percent) of the ceramics collected from the exterior trash midden in Area B are bone-tempered sherds. Excavations in the interior compound, Area C, also produced a large amount of bone-tempered pot-

figure 6.1.

Bone-tempered pottery rims and handles

88

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

tery. However, in contrast to the mission Indian quarters and the bone midden in Area B, bone-tempered pottery comprised 83 percent of the sample from the presidio soldiers’ living area. A larger percentage of Mexican and European wares was found inside the mission plaza. Moreover, the appearance of two additional native-manufactured wares, Rockport and Caddo pottery, denotes a marked difference between the nature of the cultural deposits inside the mission plaza and outside the compound in Areas A and B. Similarly, excavations near the mission structures and particularly the refectory produced both Rockport and Caddo pottery sherds and a wide variety of Spanish Colonial ceramics. Bone-tempered pottery still constitutes 94 percent of the ceramics collected from within and around the mission buildings.

Rockport Ware Rockport pottery (Figure 6.2) was the second most common native ceramic type found at the site. Overall, Rockport wares made up only 6 percent of the total sample of ceramics represented. Nevertheless, the distribution of Rockport sherds hints at some interesting clues about the composition of the mission population and residential patterning across the site.

figure 6.2.

Rockport pottery

Mission Material Culture

89

No Rockport pottery has been found in the Indian quarters, and in fact the only place it appears is inside the proposed mission compound. Excavations near the soldiers’ quarters produced 860 pieces of Rockport pottery, or 15 percent of the total sample. Excavations in the architectural ruins (Area D) yielded 22 Rockport sherds, or about 1 percent of all of the ceramics from this area. In general Rockport pottery can be described as a thin-walled pottery with a sandy paste. Vessels were built by the coiling method and fired in an oxidized atmosphere. Vessel forms include bowls, jars, and ollas (Suhm and Jelks 1962). Ricklis (1995, 198–199) identifies five types of Rockport pottery: • Rockport Plain is described as having a sandy clay paste with occasional sparse to moderate bone tempering. It ranges in color from light buff to orange and red depending on the atmosphere in which the vessel was fired, and the exterior surfaces sometimes exhibit striations from a ribbed shell used to scrape the clay. Vessel shapes primarily include wide-mouth vessels such as bowls and jars. • Rockport Crenelated vessels are marked by the small rectangular or square notches that are removed from the lips of the vessels. Vessel forms of Rockport Crenelated include bowls and jars. Sherds of this type often exhibit small or moderate amounts of crushed bone used for tempering. • Rockport Incised includes vessels that have incised geometric designs on their exterior rims. Vessel shapes include mostly wide-mouth bowls and jars. • Rockport Black-on-Gray I is distinguished by a painted band of asphaltum along the lip of a vessel that may extend onto the exterior rim. A coating of asphaltum on the lower portion of vessels may also be present. Vessel colors include buff, light gray, and dark gray. Again, bone tempering is also noted in some of these vessels. Bowls and jars represent the primary vessel forms for this category. • Rockport Black-on-Gray II exhibits several different diagnostic designs, including an asphaltum band along rims, wavy lines that extend vertically from the rim to the base of the vessel, and an occasional circular patch of asphaltum on the base of the pot. A large majority of this type also exhibited an interior coating of asphaltum. Vessel shapes seem to be restricted to ollas with restricted necks or bottle-like forms, and almost none of

90

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

the vessels were tempered with crushed bone. Colors include buff, pale reds, and pale oranges. The interior coating of asphaltum that seals the vessel and the predominance of bottle or olla shapes suggest that this type of pottery was probably used to transport or store water or other liquids. Furthermore, the lack of bone-tempering may indicate that these vessels were not used for cooking, since crushed bone often serves to decrease the effects of thermal shock (Ricklis 1995, 199).

At least one of the above types, Rockport Black-on-Gray II, is present at the mission. Most of the Rockport ware was collected from the investigations in the soldiers’ quarters. All of these sherds exhibit asphaltum coating on one side, and several are distinguished by wavy asphaltum lines painted on their exterior side. Rockport ware is commonly associated with Karankawa groups and is found at sites along the coastal region (Ricklis 1996). Historical accounts do not mention the presence of Karankawa at this particular location of the mission. However, the first site of Espíritu Santo was specifically established for the Karankawa. Several reasons may account for the presence of this type of pottery at the third location of the mission. First, Rockport vessels may have been transported from the original location of the mission at Garcitas Creek to Mission Valley when the mission was moved. Second, the vessels may have been obtained through trade through the missionaries themselves, the presidial soldiers who were stationed at the mission, or perhaps the Aranama or Tamique. Finally, the occurrence of Rockport pottery may indicate the presence of Karankawa natives at Mission Valley. The small amount of Rockport wares across the site, however, suggests that if Karankawa Indians were present, there were either very few of them or those who were present were only producing a small amount of Rockport wares. No Rockport pottery was found in the mission Indian living quarters (Area A) or in the trash midden just outside the mission structures in Area B. Excavations in the interior courtyard and midden (Areas C and D) produced the only Rockport sherds found at the mission. Cultural materials collected from the excavations in Block C-I (Figure 3.2) strongly suggest that a presidial soldier or soldiers were living and/or working in this area. Frequently a small group of soldiers would be stationed at a mission to provide protection and support to the friars. The concentration of Rockport pottery in C-I may represent the presence of a Karankawa woman who married a soldier. It was not uncommon for soldiers to marry indigenous women, since women of Spanish descent were rarely brought to the frontier (Weber 1992). While

Mission Material Culture

91

the scenario of an indigenous wife seems the most likely, a combination of these possibilities may account for the presence of Rockport wares.

Caddo Pottery A small amount of Caddo pottery was collected from inside the mission plaza. The total sample represents less than 1 percent of the ceramic assemblage. Like the Rockport ware, Caddo pottery sherds (Figure 6.3) were only found inside the mission compound in Areas C and D. More specifically, 11 sherds were found near the soldiers’ quarters, and 170 were collected from the interior bone midden (Area D-I). Despite the low number of sherds, the analysis of the different designs depicted suggests that at least two styles of Caddo pottery are represented. Three sherds of Patton Engraved (Figure 6.3A–C) pottery were identified as well as several incised and engraved sherds, including one with white pigment inside the engravings (Figure 6.3D). Patton Engraved pottery is distinguished by a number of design elements such as ticked horizontal lines around the rims of the vessels, concentric circles and spirals on the body, and frequently two horizontal lines at the top and bottom of the rim (Suhm and Jelks 1962). Vessel forms include mainly bowls and olla-like shapes. One incised and engraved sherd is distinguished by the white pigment that is present inside its engraved

f i g u r e 6 . 3.

Caddo pottery

92

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

designs. The sherd is similar to one found at the Deshazo site in Nacogdoches County (Story 1995, 193). Both of the sherds exhibit a scroll-like design with diagonal lines. Although untyped, these sherds may be reminiscent of Womack Engraved, Hodges Engraved, Ripley Engraved, Taylor Engraved, Natchitoches Engraved, and Ebarb Engraved pottery types that are commonly found in Late Prehistoric and historic Caddo contexts (Story 1995, 191). Vessel forms for these sherds include mostly bowls. The remaining sherds are all southern Caddo/Hasinai pottery (D. Creel and J. Lakeman personal communication, 2000). Caddoan pottery is most often found at prehistoric and historic sites in Northeast Texas and is linked to the Caddo peoples. Decorations and vessel forms are abundant. Vessel forms include bowls, jars, cylinders, plates, platters, barrel shapes, bottles, ollas, compound vessels, and goblets. Decorations include engraved and incised designs, pinching, fingernail-impressed, ridged, banded necks, stamped designs, brushed designs, nodes, punctated and punctated-incised designs, and appliqués (Perttula et al. 1995, 177–179). Caddo wares from the historic period often exhibited scroll designs with circles or ticked lines, diagonal lines, pendant triangles, and S-shaped motifs (Perttula et al. 1995). Various types have been identified to classify the numerous design elements and motifs exhibited in Caddo pottery. Story et al. (1981), for example, identified several types of Caddo vessel ceramics at the George C. Davis site in East Texas, a Caddoan settlement with both early and late components. Early style Caddoan ceramics, circa 780 to 1260 c.e., include Holly Fine Engraved, Hickory Fine Engraved, Crockett Curvilinear Incised, Pennington Punctated-Incised, Bowles Creek Plain, Davis Incised, Dunkin Incised, Weches Fingernail-Impressed, and Duren Neck Banded vessels. Maydelle Incised, Bullard Brushed, Poynor Engraved, Taylor Engraved, Pease Brush-Incised, Maddox Engraved, Plaquemine Brushed, Killough Pinched, and Hollyknowe Ridge Pinched are all examples of late style vessels dating to a period after 1260 c.e. Excavations at Mission Dolores de los Ais yielded a number of Caddo vessel ceramics (Corbin et al. 1990) that were probably being utilized by the padres who occupied the mission from 1717 to 1719 and again in 1722 until 1773. Engraved ceramic types from Mission Dolores include Natchitoches, Patton, Womack, and Ebarb (Corbin et al. 1990, 91). Numerous punctated and incised sherds were also present at the site and include the Emory PunctateIncised type as well as several untyped vessels (Corbin et al. 1984). Caddoan ceramics were traded throughout many parts of Texas during prehistoric and historic times (Perttula 1995, Story 1990). Written accounts document trade relations between the Caddo and the French as well as be-

Mission Material Culture

93

tween the Caddo and other aboriginal groups but rarely with Spaniards, who prohibited trade with the Caddo (Bolton 1915; Perttula 1992, 231). Documentation of trade fairs among indigenous groups from northern Mexico and western and southern Texas and the Tejas Indians from East Texas date to as early as Alonso de Leon’s 1689 expedition (Foster 1995). The small amount of Caddoan pottery found at the mission suggests that this pottery was probably obtained through trade between the Aranama and the Caddo, who traveled widely. Aranama groups were also known to travel beyond the confines of the mission to hunt bison (Kinniard 1958). These outings may have provided opportunities to obtain Caddoan pottery. The presence of Caddo Indians living at Espíritu Santo is highly unlikely. Despite concerted efforts by the Spanish to convert the Caddo, they successfully resisted missionization attempts and maintained their independence. Consequently, the low percentage of Caddo pottery sherds recovered from the site strongly indicates trade rather than a Caddo occupation at the mission.

Non-native Pottery The sample of non-native colonial ceramics consists of a total of 836 sherds, or 6 percent of the total sample of both native and non-native pottery. Most non-native sherds can be categorized as either Mexican– produced majolica (Figure 6.4) or coarse earthenwares (Figure 6.5) that are kiln-fired. Majolica is defined as an earthenware or low-fired nonvitreous ceramic with a tin-lead glaze that is often applied over a painted decoration. Almost all of the majolicas were produced in Puebla, Mexico, where a majolica industry had developed in the seventeenth century and continues to the present day (Deagan 1987), although other pottery centers, such as Mexico City, were also producing wares that undoubtedly made their way to the frontier. Strongly influenced by the popular Chinese export porcelains, Mexican potters who produced majolicas often borrowed Oriental design elements to decorate their wares, although Islamic and European themes were also influential (Lister and Lister 2001). In general, majolica forms include tablewares such as deep plates, bowls, and small drinking cups. The coarse earthenware category includes both glazed and unglazed vessels and is comprised of mostly non-tablewares or utilitarian vessels. Utilitarian wares served as storage and cooking vessels and were also used for cooking and transporting (Deagan 1987, 30). Forms range from short-necked bottles and jugs to basins, chamber pots, bowls, and plates. Most of these wares were

94

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

probably obtained in Mexico and brought to the mission either through supply trains from the gateway missions along the Rio Grande or from the San Antonio missions. Additional ceramics represented in the sample include Chinese porcelain (Figure 6.6), 1830s whiteware, nineteenth-century stoneware, French faience, and French saintonge (Figure 6.7). French saintonge, a coarse earthenware, was produced in southwestern France from 1700 to 1800. Saintonge vessel forms include bowls, tripod cooking pots, skillets, mugs, colanders, storage jars, and jugs (Barton 1977, 48; 1981, 10). Porcelains are high-fired vessels that are usually translucent and white (Rice 1987) and are often intricately painted. As popular as porcelains were in the New World, only a small amount appears to have reached the frontier of New Spain. Nevertheless, Oriental porcelain is found in most Spanish Colonial assemblages from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries (Deagan 1987, 96). The whiteware sherds postdate the occupation of the mission and were not analyzed. Likewise, the stoneware that also dates to the nineteenth century is noted in the collection, but no further analysis was completed. French faience is earthenware with an opaque tin-lead glaze (Rice 1987, 476), while saintonge is a wheel-thrown ware distinguished by a white paste with reddish round hematite inclusions. Surface treatments of saintonge include a characteristic green lead glaze (Lakeman 2000, 78). Excavations across the site yielded a small but varied assortment of colonial wares. A summary of the non-native wares for each area of the site is provided below.

Area A: Mission Indian Quarters Excavations in Area A yielded more than one hundred nonnative ceramic sherds. Majolica sherds make up 49 percent of the sample; coarse earthenwares make up 35 percent; and Chinese porcelain, 1830s whiteware, and unidentifiable non-native sherds comprise the remaining 16 percent (Table 6.2). Of the majolicas, Puebla Blue on White (Figure 6.4E) is the most common variety found in Area A. Deagan (1987) notes that Puebla Blue on White is the most abundant and widespread type of eighteenth-century Puebla majolica at Spanish Colonial sites. Several polychrome majolicas were also recovered from Area A, including Puebla Aranama and Abó Polychromes. With the exception of the Aranama Polychrome sherds, all of the other majolica types date well within the range of the mission’s occupation. Aranama Polychrome (Figure 6.4C) was first produced in the latter half of the eighteenth century (Goggin 1968), after the mission had been moved to its fourth

95

Mission Material Culture

ta b l e 6. 2 . n o n - nat iv e ce ram i cs f ro m ar e a a m is s io n in d ia n qua rt e r s Ceramic Type Majolica Puebla Blue on White Blue on White Puebla Polychrome Aranama Polychrome Abó Polychrome Undecorated Coarse Earthenware Brown lead-glazed Green lead-glazed Unidentified lead-glazed Olive Jar Burnished ware Tonalá/Guadalajara Polychrome Other Chinese porcelain s whiteware Unidentified TOTALS

 Test Units

A-I

A-II

A-III

 — — — — 

 —   — 

 —  —  

—    —

—    — 

 —   — —

— —    

    — —

   23

—   35

   34

  — 21

location. Its appearance at the mission indicates the continued use of the site even after the missionaries left. Abó Polychrome, somewhat similar in appearance to Aranama Polychrome, dates from approximately 1650 to 1750 (Deagan 1987). The lead-glazed earthenwares, with the exception of olive jar ware, are more difficult to date than the majolicas, given the lack of decorative elements present on these sherds. Lead-glazed wares (Figure 6.5C) often make up a large majority of the total non-native sherd sample at Spanish Colonial sites (Gilmore 1974, Tunnell and Newcomb 1969). Lead-glazed wares not identified as olive jar were categorized according to glaze color. All of the earthenwares from the mission Indian quarters including olive jar sherds are lead-glazed wares (Figure 6.5A and B) and nondescript lead-glazed sherds. Olive jar ware is found throughout the New World at Spanish Colonial sites and spans the period from 1490 to 1800 (Deagan 1987, 31). The vessels are amphora-shaped and were largely used to store and transport liquids such

figure 6.4.

Mexican majolicas

f i g u r e 6 . 5.

Coarse earthenwares

Mission Material Culture

figure 6.6.

97

Porcelains

as wine and olive oil. Other coarse earthenwares include sherds of Guadalajara or Tonalá Polychrome (Figure 6.5D and E) and an untyped burnished ware. Tonalá/Guadalajara Polychrome is a slipped earthenware that was produced in Tonalá, Mexico, during the eighteenth century (Charlton and Katz 1979; Deagan 1987). The remainder of the sample includes pieces of Chinese porcelain (Figure 6.6A–C), 1830s whiteware sherds that were all found in the upper deposits, and several unidentifiable sherds. Chinese porcelain is common at Spanish sites and was brought to the New World through the Manila galleon trade (Deagan 1987). The porcelain sherds collected during the excavations are probably of the Ch’ing Dynasty. Only two kinds of Chinese porcelain, either of the Ming or the Ch’ing Dynasty, were brought to Spanish New World sites. The Ming Dynasty porcelain dates from 1368 to 1644, nearly a hundred years before Espíritu Santo was occupied, while the Ch’ing Dynasty porcelain dates from 1644 to 1912 (Deagan 1987, 96–97), overlapping the period in which the mission was in operation. Small cups without handles and small bowls are typical of most porcelain vessels.

Area B: Exterior Bone Midden Of the more than one thousand ceramic sherds recovered from Area B, only eight, or less than 1 percent, are of non-native manufacture. Almost all of these sherds are undecorated majolicas. The remaining Colonial wares include two pieces of blue-on-white majolica and one of green lead-glazed coarse earthenware. Comparatively, the exterior midden yielded the smallest number of non-native ceramics from across the site.

98

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 3. n o n - nat iv e ce ram i cs f ro m ar e a c- i p r e s id io s o l d ie r s ’ quart e r s Ceramic Type

Zone  Zone / Zone  Zone / Zone 

Majolica Blue on White Unidentified polychrome San Elizario Polychrome Puebla Polychrome Aranama Polychrome Abó Polychrome Undecorated Coarse Earthenware Brown lead-glazed Green lead-glazed Orange lead-glazed Red lead-glazed Yellow lead-glazed Unidentified lead-glazed Olive jar Burnished ware Tonalá/Guadalajara Polychrome Other Chinese porcelain Unidentified TOTALS

— — — — — — 

—   —  — 

  —  — — 

— — — — — — —

   — —  

—  — — —  — — —

— — — — —   — —

 

 

 — 

—  —

—    —

—   

   —

— — 4



18



 170

—

 52

  265

Area C: Interior Compound and Presidio Soldiers’ Quarters All three excavation blocks in Area C yielded non-native ceramics. Excavations in the area of the soldiers’ quarters (Block C-I), however, produced the largest quantity of Mexican and other non-native ceramics (Table 6.3). The sample represents 61 percent of the total sample of non-native ceramics found at the site. More than five hundred non-native ceramic sherds were collected from C-I (Table 6.3), comprising 11 percent of the entire pottery sample recovered from this area. Coarse earthenwares make up the largest percentage (53 percent) of the non-native ceramics, followed by unidentified wares (37 percent), majolicas (8 percent), and Chinese porcelain (2 percent). Two hundred lead-glazed wares ranging in color from brown to green

99

Mission Material Culture

and red, orange, and yellow dominate the earthenware sample recovered from the soldiers’ quarters. Seventy sherds of olive jar ware, five Guadalajara/Tonalá Polychrome sherds, and three pieces of burnished ware make up the remainder of the sample. Ninety-five percent of the earthenware sherds were found in Zone 2 and below, and more than half were found in Zone 3 (Figure 6.3). A wide variety of majolicas were also found. Half of the majolicas are undecorated. The remaining half consist of San Elizario Polychrome (Figure 6.4A), Puebla Polychrome (Figure 6.4B), Aranama Polychrome (Figure 6.4C), Abó Polychrome (Figure 6.4D), unidentified polychrome, and untyped blueon-white sherds. The overwhelming majority (88 percent) of majolica sherds is also found in Zone 2 and below. All of the majolica dates within the period in which the mission was occupied, except for the Aranama Polychrome and the San Elizario Polychrome, which both date from 1750 to the nineteenth century. Chinese porcelain comprises the rest of the diagnostic sherds and makes up less than 2 percent of the non-native ceramic sample from C-I. One piece of porcelain was found in Zone 1/2 as well as Zone 3, while Zone 2 yielded six sherds of porcelain. Accordingly, additional excavations inside the mission compound (Blocks C-II and C-III) yielded only a small number of non-native ceramics (Table 6.4). Of the more than three hundred sherds recovered from these investigations, only 3 percent were non-aboriginal. Eight of the sherds are coarse earthenwares, one is a Puebla Polychrome sherd, one is a Chinese porceta b l e 6. 4 . n o n - nat i v e c e ra m i c s f ro m b loc k s c - i i a n d c - i i i Ceramic Type Majolicas Puebla Polychrome Coarse Earthenwares Brown lead-glazed Green lead-glazed Unidentified lead-glazed Olive jar Other Chinese porcelain Unidentified TOTALS

C-II

C-III

  

 

  6

 5

100

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 5. n o n - nat iv e ce ram i cs f ro m b lock d - i a n d m is s io n ru in s Ceramic Type Majolicas Puebla Blue on White Blue on White Huejotzingo Puebla Polychrome Aranama/Abó Polychrome Untyped Polychrome Undecorated Coarse Earthenwares Brown lead-glazed Green lead-glazed Yellow lead-glazed Unidentified lead-glazed Olive jar Burnished ware Tonalá/Guadalajara Polychrome French saintonge Other Chinese porcelain French faience s whiteware Nineteenth-century stoneware Unidentified TOTALS

Block D-I

Mission Ruins



—  — 

      

 — —  

— — —  — —

 — — — — 140

  

 55

lain sherd, and the remaining sherd is unidentified. The coarse earthenwares include brown, green, and unidentified lead-glaze wares and two sherds of olive jar.

Area D: Mission Ruins and Interior Bone Midden The second-largest sample of non-native ceramics came from the excavations in the interior bone midden (Block D-I) and the architectural investigations in Area D. More than one hundred non-native ceramic sherds were recovered from the block excavations in D-I, and more than fifty sherds were collected from the investigations in Area D (Table 6.5). A wide

Mission Material Culture

101

variety of non-native ceramics is represented in the sample recovered from the interior midden. In addition to several varieties of majolicas and coarse earthenwares, Chinese porcelain (Figure 6.6), French faience (Figure 6.7B), and several nineteenth-century ceramic sherds were also found in D-I. Majolicas include Puebla Blue on White, Huejotzingo, Aranama/Abó Polychrome, undecorated, and untyped blue on white. Of the majolicas, 57 percent fall under the category of untyped blue on white, while another 18 percent are categorized as undecorated. Several sherds of either Aranama or Abó Polychrome make up another 12 percent of the majolica sample. None of these sherds has been positively identified as belonging to either category. Difficulty in defining the sherds is not surprising, given the similarities in element designs between Aranama and Abó Polychromes (Deagan 1987). Also present but in smaller numbers are sherds of both Puebla Blue on White and Huejotzingo Blue on White. Huejotzingo Blue on White was produced in Huejotzingo, Mexico, and dates from 1700 to 1850 (Goggin 1968). Coarse earthenwares include mainly untyped lead-glazed wares and several sherds of burnished ware. The majority of sherds are distinguished by a green lead glaze, although brown and yellow glazes were also noted. No olive jar was found in D-I, but at least three sherds of Guadalajara/Tonalá Polychrome were collected. One sherd of French saintonge (Figure 6.7A) was also

f i g u r e 6 . 7.

French faience and French saintonge

102

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

recovered from D-I. The appearance of saintonge at the mission may have resulted from trade between the mission Indians and the French or possibly the Spanish and the French. It is also possible that the Spanish reused intact ceramic vessels they recovered from the ruins of Fort Saint Louis after building the presidio and mission at the same location and eventually brought them to Mission Valley after the mission was removed from Garcitas Creek. The remaining diagnostic sherds include two pieces of Chinese porcelain. The porcelains comprise nearly 6 percent of the non-native ceramics from Block D-I. Both of the sherds also appear to be of the Ch’ing Dynasty ( J. Lakeman personal communication, 2000). Architectural investigations in Area D yielded fifty-five sherds of nonnative manufacture. Of the sample, 62 percent are majolicas. Chinese porcelain, French faience, nineteenth-century ceramics, and several unidentified sherds make up the remainder of the sample. More than half the sherds, 53 percent, were collected from a trench excavated just outside the kitchen (Structure 5) next to the east wall. Excavations in the mission ruins also yielded non-native ceramics along with a few surface finds that were collected from around the structures. Majolicas include varieties of Puebla Blue on White, undecorated, untyped blue on white, Huejotzingo, Puebla Polychromes, Aranama/Abó Polychromes, and untyped polychromes. Of the majolicas, 41 percent are classified as Puebla Blue on White, followed by undecorated majolicas (26 percent), blue on white (9 percent), Aranama/Abó Polychrome (9 percent), undecorated polychrome (6 percent), Puebla Polychrome (6 percent), and Huejotzingo (3 percent). Huejotzingo Blue on White is characterized by a blue-painted band along the rim of the vessel and dates from 1700 to 1850 (Deagan 1987). Several pieces of coarse earthenwares were also identified. Among the sample were at least five sherds of olive jar ware and six pieces of unidentified lead-glazed wares. Additional ceramic varieties include two sherds of Chinese porcelain and several pieces of nineteenth-century pottery. One sherd of 1830s whiteware and four sherds of nineteenth-century stoneware were found along the surface near the mission ruins and in trench D1 (Figure 3.2) between Structures 1 and 2. One sherd of French faience (Figure 6.7B) was recovered from Area D. Faience refers to tin-enameled ceramics that are technically similar to majolica but are produced in France (Calhoun 1999, Deagan 1987). Several varieties of French faience were also found at Presidio de Loreto across the Guadalupe River from the mission (Calhoun 1999). Like the saintonge pottery, the French faience may also have come from the original location of the mission, or it may be the result of trading activities. With the exception of San Elizario Polychrome (1750–1850) and Aranama

Mission Material Culture

103

Polychrome (1750–1800), all of the majolicas collected date within the time frame in which the mission was in operation. Mexican majolica vessels were usually produced in the form of brimmed platos (plates), bowls, and tazas, or cups (Deagan 1987, Goggin 1968). For the Spanish missionaries these vessels would most likely have served as tablewares. Coarse earthenwares, however, functioned as utilitarian or non-tablewares. Olive jars, produced in Spain and brought to the New World on Spanish galleons, served largely as storage vessels, particularly for storing and transporting liquids; they are common at Spanish Colonial sites in the New World (Deagan 1987, 30–31). Similarly, other lead-glazed earthenwares were used to store liquids and came in a variety of shapes including bacines (cylindrical vessel with an everted rim), bowls, jarras ( jars or pitchers), tinajas (large water vessels), and orzas (wideshouldered jars). Burnished wares and slipped coarse earthenwares such as Guadalajara/Tonalá Polychrome that came in the form of open and lidded bowls may have served as both utilitarian wares and tablewares (Deagan 1987, 43– 46). However, due to the small size of most of these sherds, determination of vessel forms has not been possible. French saintonge is another variety of utilitarian earthenware that may have been used for cooking and storage. Only one sherd of this type, however, was found, making it difficult to assess its original form. Although Chinese porcelains make up only a small percentage of the nonnative wares identified at the mission, they are nonetheless a common ceramic type found at Spanish Colonial sites. Common vessel forms of Chinese porcelain include small handleless cups, small bowls with foot rings, and plates (Deagan 1987). Porcelain wares were probably used as tablewares along with the majolica wares. Likewise, French faience wares were probably used as tablewares at the mission. By the mid-eighteenth century, French faience was being produced as a cheaper substitute for porcelain (Calhoun 1999, 349) and reached Spanish sites most likely through trade. Although no vessel forms for the French faience sherds found at the mission have been identified, Calhoun (1999) identifies at least three vessel forms from the faience ceramics recovered from the excavations at the nearby Presidio de Loreto. These vessel forms include plates, pitchers, and platters. Similar vessels were surely present at the mission. The presence of nineteenth-century whiteware and stoneware is indicative of post-mission-era occupation of the site. None of these ceramics was found directly associated with intact mission deposits, and most were found in disturbed contexts or were collected from the surface of the site. Not surprisingly, most of the non-native wares were found near the structures and the inside of the mission compound. Both of these areas are asso-

104

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ciated with what appears to be a predominately Spanish occupation. Interestingly, majolicas or tablewares dominate the sample (74 percent) from the midden outside the refectory (Block D-I), while coarse earthenwares or utilitarian wares make up 53 percent of non-native ceramics in Block C-I. If Structure 5 is indeed the refectory or kitchen, the large amount of tableware sherds found in the midden outside the doorway might indicate that food was being served and eaten inside this building. Likewise, the large number of sherds from utilitarian wares and relatively small number of imported tablewares found in the presidial soldier quarters (C-I) may indicate that the soldiers and their families either ate their meals elsewhere—in the refectory, for example—or relied more on native manufactured tablewares. Although fewer non-native ceramics were found outside the mission compound in Areas A and B, varieties of earthenwares and majolicas are still present. The presence of non-native pottery in the Indian quarters and the exterior midden suggests that the Aranama and Tamique may have had some access to these wares. The friars probably distributed many of the vessels to the neophytes. Nevertheless, judging from the volume of native wares collected, the mission Indians were still relying primarily on the traditional bone-tempered wares that they produced.

Lithic Artifacts Lithics represent another abundant artifact type recovered from the mission excavations. Stone tools and chipping debris, commonly referred to as debitage, from tool manufacture were found across the site. Stone artifacts, like ceramics, are nonperishable items frequently recovered from archaeological sites. The great majority of lithics consists of debitage and tools made from locally available chert, a sedimentary rock similar to flint. In general, lithic artifacts are fairly abundant at mission sites in South Texas. Hester (1989b, 220) notes the presence of three sets of lithics that can be recognized in the these assemblages: lithics produced during the Archaic period that were picked up and brought into the mission or lithics that are representative of pre-mission occupations of the site; lithics produced during the mission era; and lithics such as gunflints that are associated with Spanish technology. The collection of stone artifacts from Espíritu Santo includes specimens representing all three categories. Ultimately, the types and quantities of stone tools found at Colonial-period sites like Espíritu Santo will help to inform archaeologists about stone tool technologies, reliance on and access to stone tools versus metal tools, and the impact of European contact

Mission Material Culture

105

on the continuation of native technologies. All of these issues are addressed in detail below, after the assemblage is fully described. For the purpose of analysis, lithic artifacts were divided into two main categories: chipped stone artifacts and ground or pecked stone artifacts. The production of chipped stone artifacts involves the systematic removal of pieces or flakes of stone to achieve a desired shape (Turner and Hester 1993, 12). Hammers usually made of stone, antler, wood, or bone serve as the tools used to chip the stone. Unlike chipped stone, ground stone artifacts consist of implements with surfaces that are modified by pecking or grinding. Ground stone tools were typically used for milling and grinding activities involved in food preparation (Turner and Hester 1993, 286). Ground stone artifacts also include implements used for sharpening, hammering, and grinding other tools. Within the stone assemblage recovered from the site, chipped stone artifacts far outnumber ground stone tools. All of the lithics were quantified according to the specific area from which they were recovered, and general descriptions for each area of the site is provided below.

Area A: Mission Indian Quarters A wide variety of lithic artifacts was recovered from the Area A excavations. Chipped stone tools, ground stone artifacts, and debitage were collected from the pre-mission-era deposits and the mission deposits (Table 6.6). Only a small sample was obtained from the pre-mission deposits, since most of our excavations were concentrated in the upper levels. Despite the discrepancy in the size of the samples taken from these deposits, we can make some preliminary observations about the changes in stone tool technology through time. The overall collection of lithic artifacts from Area A is strikingly similar to Late Prehistoric lithic assemblages in South and Central Texas. More specifically, the sample includes artifacts that closely resemble Toyah horizon assemblages. Toyah assemblages include a variety of tools that are typically related to hunting and processing bison, such as Perdiz arrow points, end scrapers, perforators, blades, and beveled knives (Black 1989; Hester 1995). Stone end scrapers consist of lithic tools typically made by chipping a steep edge at the end of the long axis of a flake or blade. Although the name scraper implies scraping, studies of these tools indicate that they were also used for cutting (Turner and Hester 1993). Scrapers were certainly used in processing animal hides, among other activities. Likewise, perforators or drills could be used in hide working and processing bison and other animals. Perforators produced during and after the Late Prehistoric period were usually made on

106

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 6. l it h ic a rt ifac t s f ro m ar e a a PRE-MISSION DEPOSITS

Material Chipped Stone Bifaces Unifaces Guerrero points Cuney points Perdiz points Ensor points Marcos points Pedernales Darl points Unidentified arrow points Perforators Gunflints Cores Choppers Beveled biface Blades Edge-modified flakes Preforms Ground stone Hammerstones Ground stone fragments Debitage

MISSION DEPOSITS

 Test Units

A-I

A-II

A-III

 Test Units

A-I

A-II

A-III

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —  —

— — — — — — — — — — — —  — — —  —



— — — — —  — —  —      

    — — —  — — — — — — —  —



 — — — — — —  —  — — —  —

   —    — —  —   — —   —

   — — — — — —  —  —  —   —

— —  — — , , ,

 — , 

 — 

 



 — , 

— — 

flakes and are characterized by a long, tapered bit that is diamond-shaped in cross-section (Turner and Hester 1993). Blades are defined as flakes that are more than twice as long as they are wide; these made excellent tools for woodworking and processing game (Whittaker 1994, 219). Interestingly, blade manufacture is documented at only a few mission sites, including San Juan Capistrano, San Bernardo, and the third and fourth locations of Espíritu Santo (Hester 1989b). At the Espíritu Santo missions, blades were commonly used in the production of end and side scrapers. Finally, beveled knives are characterized by steep bevels on alternating edges and are common across

Mission Material Culture

107

much of Texas and the southern Plains region (Turner and Hester 1993). Several of these lithic artifacts were recovered from our excavation, primarily in the mission Indian quarters and the exterior bone midden, Areas A and B. Among the artifacts collected from the mission Indian quarters that are similar to artifacts found in association with the Toyah Horizon are arrow points including Perdiz points, drills, a beveled knife, blades, and end scrapers (Figures 6.8–6.12). Similar stone artifacts were also found beneath the mission-era deposits. The presence of these artifacts strongly suggests a continuation of Late Prehistoric traditions and technologies into the protohistoric and historic eras. Lithic artifacts that were found in the mission deposits only and were not produced in the prehistoric era included Guerrero points (Figure 6.13) and gunflints (Figure 6.14). The Guerrero projectile point is the most common point type found at the site. Table 6.7 provides exact dimensions and detailed descriptions for all of the Guerrero points found. Guerrero arrow points were an entirely new point form introduced during the mission period and

f i g u r e 6 . 8.

Perdiz projectile point

108

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 9.

Drills/perforators

are most frequently found in mission Indian middens and Spanish ranchos, small ranches where mission livestock was often kept and overseen by neophytes who were more trusted by the missionaries (Hester 1989b; Turner and Hester 1993). Accordingly, a number of Guerrero points were collected from the excavations within the mission Indian quarters. In general, the points range from lanceolate to triangular in shape and have been recovered from many of the South Texas and northeastern Mexico or Coahuila missions as well as several historic Indian sites in the same area (Hester 1989b, 220). The triangular forms of Guerrero points are common at the Guerrero missions (San Bernardo and San Juan Bautista), while the other lanceolate, carefully flaked style is more prevalent at the Espíritu Santo missions (Ricklis 1998, Walter 1997). The close association between the lanceolate form and the Espíritu Santo missions may indicate a link between this point style and the Aranama Indians (Hester 1998, 100). The origins of the Guerrero point are unknown, but it was clearly popular among the mission Indians. Further-

Mission Material Culture

109

more, the presence of arrow points underscores the continued importance of hunting and the limited access the neophytes may have had to firearms. Despite the presumed lack of guns among the native residents, four gunflints were found in the mission Indian living area. Flintlock firearms required the use of gunflints to produce sparks in order to ignite a charge to set off the gunpowder. Flintlock muskets and rifles were the major arms used by all of the European nations from the late seventeenth century to the early nineteenth century (Whittaker 1994, 52). France and England had thriving gunflint industries, although acquiring these imported items on the frontier was difficult for many Spanish colonists (A. Fox 1977 cited in Hester 1989b). Not surprisingly, none of the gunflints in the collection resembles

f i g u r e 6 . 1 0. Beveled knife

f i g u r e 6 . 1 1 . Flake blades

f i g u r e 6 . 1 2 . Unifacial end scrapers

Mission Material Culture

111

f i g u r e 6 . 1 3. Guerrero projectile points

either British or French gunflints. Furthermore, all of the specimens appear to be made from local chert. Clearly, gunflints were produced on site either by the mission Indians or the Spanish themselves. Presidio soldiers stationed at the mission were certainly armed and in need of gunflints. Thus, aboriginal flint knappers may have manufactured gunflints to meet the Spanish demand for these items. A similar pattern is

112

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 1 4 . Gunflints

seen at other sites. For example, gunflints found in mission Indian deposits at San Bernardo and San Juan Bautista are believed to be the products of native manufacture (Hester 1989b, 223) for use by the Spanish. The possibility that some of the mission Indians also had guns should not be overlooked. Records of armed Indians at the San Antonio missions as well as Espíritu Santo at its fourth site, in Goliad, indicate that at least some neophytes had acquired guns, most likely through trade with other natives or perhaps with the French. When examining the distribution of gunflints and arrow points across the site, an interesting pattern emerges. Notably, only four gunflints were recovered from the excavations within the Indian living quarters. Measurements and descriptions for each of the gunflints are provided in Table 6.8. In comparison, thirteen gunflints were collected from inside what is believed to be the mission compound where the friars and presidio soldiers resided and perhaps a few of the more trusted neophytes. In contrast, arrow points are more numerous in the excavations outside the mission complex. Eighteen arrow points, including Guerrero and other varieties such as Cuney and Perdiz, were collected from the Indian quarters and the exterior bone midden (Area B), in comparison with only eight arrow points—including Perdiz, Guerrero, and Scallorn—found in the excavations of the mission ruins and

113

Mission Material Culture

ta b l e 6. 7. at t r ibut e s o f gu e r r e ro p ro j e ct i l e p o i n t s, b y ar e a

Area

Length (mm)

Width (mm)

Thickness (mm)

A-I





A-II



A-II

Material

Description



Gray/brown chert



.

Tan chert







Light brown chert

A-III







Brown chert

B B

 

 .

 

Tan chert Brown chert

B







Brown chert

B



.



Tan chert

B







Brownish tan chert

B







Gray/brown chert

B

.





Brownish tan chert

C-I D-I

 

 

. 

Tan chert Brownish tan chert

D







Brown chert

D







Tan chert

Lanceolate with bifacial, parallel flaking Triangular with bifacial flaking Triangular with bifacial flaking Lanceolate with bifacial, parallel flaking Distal end, unifacial Triangular with bifacial flaking Distal tip with bifacial flaking Triangular with bifacial flaking Lanceolate with parallel, bifacial flaking, distal tip broken Lanceolate with unifacial flaking Lanceolate with bifacial, parallel flaking Lanceolate; unifacial Proximal end; bifacially flaked Lanceolate with bifacial, parallel flaking Lanceolate with bifacial flaking; part of base missing

114

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 8. at t r ibut e s o f gu n f l i n t s r e cove r e d, b y ar e a

Area

Length (mm)

Width (mm)

Thickness (mm)

A-I A-II A-II A-III C-I C-I C-I C-I C-I C-I C-I D-I D-I D-I D-I D-I D-I

    



  

 

    

                

             .   

Material

Description

Tan chert Brown chert Brown chert Tan chert Tan chert Light tan chert Gray chert Gray chert Yellow/tan chert Gray chert White chalcedony Dark brown chert Brown chert Dark brown chert Dark brown chert Gray/brown chert Dark brown chert

Broken; unifacial Bifacial Bifacial Unifacial Bifacial Unifacial Unifacial Broken; bifacial Unifacial Bifacial Broken; bifacial Bifacial Bifacial Unifacial Unifacial Unifacial Broken; unifacial

interior midden (Area D) and inside the compound (Area C). This pattern suggests that the mission Indians continued to rely on the bow and arrow for hunting and that access to firearms was largely restricted. Other chipped stone artifacts from excavations in the Indian living area include untyped unifaces and bifaces, choppers, and dart points. A number of lithic artifacts excavated from the mission Indian quarters are broadly defined as unifaces. These specimens are flaked on one face only, and their exact functions are difficult to discern without the aid of use-wear studies. Usewear analysis involves the microscopic examination of tool edges to discern patterns of use or damage that indicate certain activities, such as cutting, scraping, slicing, and chopping. A large number of unifaces were present in the mission deposits, and three were found below the Spanish Colonial occupation zone. All of the unifaces were manufactured from chert material. Several appear to be end scrapers made on blades (Figure 6.12A) whose bit ends show evidence of use. Other unifaces are more round or oval in shape (Figure 6.12B and C) and exhibit retouch along 75 percent to 90 percent of the working edge. Due to the potential for use-wear analysis and their presence in both mission and pre-mission deposits, the unifaces from the mission

Mission Material Culture

115

Indian quarters (Figures 6.15 and 6.16) were singled out for more intensive investigation. Through an examination of the unifaces, an attempt was made to identify significant changes in the forms and functions of these artifacts through time. Although the unifaces from the deposits are similar in form (i.e., they

f i g u r e 6 . 1 5. Unifaces from pre-mission deposits

f i g u r e 6 . 1 6 . Unifaces from mission-era deposits

116

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 1 7. Use-wear on a uniface from mission deposits

all resemble hide-scraping tools reminiscent of the Toyah Horizon), whether they were used for the same task or tasks is not known. The introduction of metal tools during the mission era certainly had an effect on native lithic technologies, and ultimately these effects might be identified in the changing function of lithic tools. Two specimens were selected for use-wear analysis: one from the mission-period deposits (Specimen 1, Figure 6.17) and one from the pre-mission deposits (Specimen 2, Figure 6.18). The microwear patterns evidenced on the edges suggest that the tools were used for different activities. Both of the unifaces were examined under high-power microscopy at 200x magnification. A portion of the bit end and sides of each specimen was examined. Specimen 2 (Figure 6.18) exhibits high polish and parallel and perpendicular striations adjacent to a flake scar (markings left on the surface of a core after the removal of a flake). The flake scar appears to have been the result of edge damage that may have resulted from contact with a hard substance such as wood or bone (B. Inman personal communication, 1998). Specimen 1 (Figure 6.17) exhibits a generic, invasive polish with no evidence of striations or flake removals due to edge damage. The pattern of wear on the uniface from the pre-mission deposits (Specimen 2) suggests

Mission Material Culture

117

that it was used primarily for defleshing and hide working. Microwear on the uniface from the mission deposits (Specimen 1) indicates that the tool was used primarily for working softer surfaces such as hides and may have been used exclusively for hide scraping. Although only two tools have been examined, other evidence also indicates that with the introduction of metal tools the function of some lithic artifacts changed in response. For example, the butchering marks found on many of the animal bones recovered from the exterior bone midden (Area B) reflect the use of metal tools. The lack of stone tool cuts and the identification of markings made primarily by metal tools indicate that metal implements were replacing stone tools for butchering animals. On the other hand, the abundance of scrapers collected from the midden does imply a continuing reliance on stone tools for certain activities such as working hides (Walter 1997). Certainly, microwear analysis from a larger sample of tools is needed to support these conjectures, and analysis of other tool types such as the blades and edge-modified flakes may also reveal changes in functions and use through time. Nevertheless, it is clear that metal did not completely replace stone and that in some situations stone tools were viewed as superior, or comparable metal implements were not available. Bifaces are also a part of the sample of stone tools from the mission

f i g u r e 6 . 1 8. Use-wear on a uniface from pre-mission deposits

118

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 1 9. Dart points from mission Indian quarters

Indian quarters. Technically, a biface is any tool that is chipped on both sides (Whittaker 1994). The category of bifaces is broad and includes such tools as projectile points and knives. Many tools within this category, however, cannot be specifically identified according to function but rather are categorized by their bifacial form. A number of lithics were found in the mission Indian quarters whose exact functions are unknown but that are nonetheless bifacally flaked. Several of these bifacial tools may have been used as knives, while others probably represent unfinished tools. Use-wear analysis, although not completed on any of the bifaces, may provide insight into the function of these implements. Choppers are tools made from stone nodules or cobbles with a few large flakes removed in order to create a sharp edge. As indicated by their names, choppers were used for chopping and cutting activities. The chopping tools from the Espíritu Santo collection were probably used for butchering animals or perhaps for plant processing. Three choppers were collected from the Area A excavations. Two of the choppers were found in the pre-mission deposits, and the other was removed from the upper, mission-period deposits. Five dart points (Figure 6.19) were found in the mission Indian quarters. Dart points predate arrow points and were used to tip spears prior to the introduction of the bow and arrow. The darts, including one Pedernales point (Figure 6.19A), the base of a Marcos point (Figure 6.19D), and part of an Ensor (Figure 6.19E), date from the Middle Archaic (circa 2000–1200 b.c.e.) to the Late to Transitional Archaic period (circa 600 b.c.e.–200 c.e.), respec-

Mission Material Culture

119

tively (Turner and Hester 1993). Two unidentified darts points (Figure 6.19A and B) were also recovered. All of the dart points with the exception of the Pedernales point were found in the mission deposits. Since the mission is situated on top of an earlier Indian campsite, it is not surprising to find Archaic-period dart points. The recovery of the darts within the mission occupation suggests either mixing of the colonial and prehistoric deposits or the recycling of these artifacts by the mission inhabitants. The reuse of dart points is a likely possibility. Any readily available material that could be reused or reshaped into a functional tool was probably collected, and similar activities are evidenced at other Texas missions. Fox (1979), for example, notes that inhabitants at the San Antonio missions recycled Archaic points. Hester (1989b, 220) has found that Indian populations residing at San Bernardo and San Juan Bautista collected dart points from Archaic campsites in the immediate vicinity and reused them as knives, drills, and possibly projectile points. Ground and pecked stone artifacts consisting of hammerstones and unidentified ground stone fragments were also present in the mission Indian quarters. The ground stone fragments were too small to infer either form or function for any of these specimens. The majority were recovered from the pre-mission deposits, although two ground stone artifacts were found in the Spanish Colonial deposits. All of the specimens are made of quartzite materials except for one chert fragment. Quartzite is a metamorphic rock commonly found in riverbeds in the form of cobbles and is an excellent material for hammerstones (Whittaker 1994). The hammerstones, eighteen in all, were found in both the mission deposits and the deeper prehistoric deposits. The majority, fourteen specimens, are made of purple quartzite, although a few of the hammerstones are made of chert. Almost all of the hammerstones exhibit evidence of battering and pecking on at least one end. Undoubtedly these implements were used for making stone tools during both the prehistoric and historic eras.

Area B: Exterior Bone Midden The midden in Area B filled with bone and other colonial trash is located outside the mission compound just northeast of the excavations in the mission Indian quarters. The contents of the midden indicate that both the natives and the Spanish contributed to its formation; however, most of the items present are likely the result of mission Indian-related activities. The types and quantities of lithic artifacts removed from the trash heap provide insight into the behaviors that led to the formation of the mid-

120

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 9. l it h ic a rt i fact s f ro m ar e a b Chipped Stone Type Bifaces Unifaces Guerrero points Choppers Edge-modified flakes Cores Debitage

Ground or Pecked Stone Count    

 , 

Type Hammerstones Manos

Count  

den. Artifact counts for the lithics recovered from the feature are supplied in Table 6.9. The exterior midden produced the largest concentration of unifaces and Guerrero projectile points. Other flaked stone artifacts from Area B include bifaces, choppers, and edge-modified flakes. Ground stone artifacts include hammerstones, abrading stones, and manos. Abrading stones include implements that were used to smooth the edges of other stone tools or even to shape or polish bone or wood tools such as needles or awls (Turner and Hester 1993). Manos are small, oval-shaped hand tools often of quartzite or sandstone. Typically, manos are used in combination with metates, or milling stones, to process plant materials. The mano is moved back and forth along the surface of a metate to grind plant foods (Turner and Hester 1993). All of the unifacial scrapers from the exterior bone midden were made of chert that was probably collected from the nearby Guadalupe River. At least two of the scrapers were made from blade flakes. As previously noted, few stone tool cuts were observed on the faunal remains within the midden. Rather, it appears that most of the animals were processed with metal cutting tools. Interestingly, very few metal artifacts were recovered from the midden; however, stone scraping tools were abundant. Clearly, stone tools were still being used during the mission era, but their functions were changing. As indicated by the microwear study of two unifaces from the mission Indian quarters, the lithic scrapers were probably used for working and scraping hides instead of butchering. While lithic tools were used for butchering and hide working during the prehistoric era, it appears that metal tools, once introduced, were preferred for cutting and dismembering animals. Either comparable metal tools for hide working were not available, or stone tools were simply preferred. In general, metal artifacts were scarce at eighteenth-

Mission Material Culture

121

century Spanish Colonial sites along the frontier; hence the lack of metal tools in the midden is not surprising. Guerrero arrow points were also abundant in the exterior midden, again attesting to the importance of hunting. Seven of the eight Guerrero points from Area B are of the parallel flaked, lanceolate variety, and the remaining Guerrero point is triangular in shape. The points were all made of cherts of various colors. Although domesticated animals were present at the mission, a number of wild species were identified in the assemblage (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of the animal bone). Obviously, the mission Indians continued to hunt and gather wild animals and plant foods. The first half of the mission’s tenure at this site was plagued by troubles. Food was in short supply, the irrigation canals were failing, and the friars had little to offer the native populations who came to the mission for help. Most of the mission Indians who came to the mission, at least for the first eight to ten years of its existence, stayed only briefly while food was available before moving on. The Guerrero points reflect hunting activities for local fauna. Wild animals such as deer, birds, and possibly bison were procured locally and helped to supplement the mission diet. Bifaces, choppers, edge-modified flakes, and cores make up the rest of the flaked stone artifacts from Area B. All of the tools were made of chert that was presumably obtained locally. No use-wear analysis has been completed on any of the tools from Area B, so the purpose or function of these artifacts is unknown. However, many of these tools were probably used for animal processing. Only a few ground or pecked stone artifacts were found in the exterior bone midden, including hammerstones and a mano. Most of the hammerstones from Area B were made of quartzite, although one hammerstone is of an unidentified yellow material. Hammerstones are often used for making stone tools, but the hammerstones found in the midden may also have been used for cracking open long bones to extract protein-rich marrow. A small number of the long bones excavated from the feature exhibited spiral fractures, which frequently result from crushing and battering with a stone implement in order to expose marrow on the inside of the bone. Bone marrow extraction was probably practiced more often when food was scarce, especially during the earlier years of the mission. The only remaining ground stone artifact collected from the interior midden was a quartzite mano. The mano is broken and shows evidence of burning. In general, manos are scarce within the collection. Any usable grinding stones may have been taken to Goliad when the mission was relocated there in 1749, thus accounting for their paucity at Mission Valley.

122

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 0. l it h ic a rt i fact s f ro m b lock c- i Material Chipped Stone Bifaces Unifaces Perdiz points Guerrero points Gunflints Cores Blades Edge-modified flakes Ground Stone Metates Abrading stones Hammerstones Debitage

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 

— — — — — — — —

  — — — — —

—  — 

  

— —  —  — — 

  — —  — — 

— — — 

— —  

—   

— — —  

 — —  

Area C: Interior Compound and Presidio Soldiers’ Quarters Three excavation blocks (C-I, C-II, and C-III) were opened in the interior mission plaza area (Figure 3.2), although the majority of Spanish Colonial artifacts were recovered from Block C-I or the area believed to be occupied by a presidio soldier or soldiers. The cultural deposits in C-I are among the thickest across the site. The excavation block was placed on a slight mound that clearly accumulated as a result of continued occupation. More than 2,200 pieces of debitage and 58 lithic tools were recovered from the excavations in Block C-I. Eighty-five percent of the lithic artifacts were found below Zones 1 and 1/2. No lithic artifacts were recovered from Zone 1. Complete lithic artifact counts from Block C-I are provided in Table 6.10. Chipped stone artifacts from C-I include projectile points, gunflints, bifaces, unifaces, cores, blades, and edge-modified flakes. Edge-modified flakes make up the majority of chipped stone tools, comprising 61 percent of the sample. They consist of expedient flake tools whose exact functions are not known but that are characterized by one or several edges that have been sharpened through flaking. Blades make up 2 percent of the sample, gunflints and cores make up 19 percent, unifaces comprise 10 percent, bifaces 4 percent, and Guerrero and Perdiz points make up the remaining 4 percent of the collection.

Mission Material Culture

123

Not surprisingly, only two arrow points were recovered from the excavations within the presidio soldier occupation. The Guerrero point was found in Zone 2. It is lanceolate in form and is unifacially flaked (Figure 6.13D). The point is made from a brown-colored chert that was probably obtained locally. The Perdiz projectile point came from Zone 2/3 and is also unifacially flaked and made from a tan-colored chert (Figure 6.8C). A total of seven gunflints were recovered from C-I. Four of the specimens came from Zone 2, one from Zone 2/3, and two from Zone 3. All of the specimens are made from chert except for one gunflint made of white chalcedony that was found in Zone 3. The gunflints range in shape from rectangular to square. Table 6.8 provides detailed measurements and descriptions for each specimen. All of the gunflints appear to be of either Spanish or native manufacture that were produced on site. Native American gunflints tend to be square or subrectangular in shape. They are usually made on flakes that were modified through pressure flaking along one or more margins or that were bifacially reduced along all four sides. In contrast, European or imported gunflints were commonly made on blade flakes and are more regular in shape (Kenmotsu 1991, 202–206). All of the gunflints from C-I exhibit evidence of pressure flaking on at least two sides, and several have been modified along all four margins. Pressure flaking involves the removal of flakes from the edge of a tool by pressing against it with an antler or bone tool (Whittaker 1994, 33). The remaining chipped stone artifacts consist of two bifaces, several unifacial tools, a chert blade, fragments of cores (stones from which flakes were removed), and a number of edge-modified flakes. Lithics were recovered from all three zones within C-I, and most of the tools were made from local chert. The edge-modified flakes make up the largest percentage of lithic tools found in C-I. All thirty-two of the flakes were made of chert. Over 50 percent of the specimens were found in Zone 3. A large percentage was also recovered from Zone 2. The remaining five edge-modified flakes were removed from Zones 1/2 and 2/3. Modified flakes can serve a variety of purposes and were likely the result of activities that required an expedient tool. Ground stone artifacts comprise only 9 percent of the sample of lithic tools. Hammerstones make up the majority of the ground stone artifacts, although a metate and an abrading stone were also recovered. All of the hammerstones are made of purple quartzite and show evidence of use. Pecking and striations are present on the battered ends of all four specimens. Three of the hammerstones came from Zone 2, and one was recovered from Zone 1/2.

124

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 2 0. Basalt metate fragments

Zone 3 yielded one broken metate fragment (Figure 6.20A). The metate is made of a dark gray, porous, vesicular basalt material that is not native to the area. Most likely the metate was brought from Mexico on a supply train. Supply trains from Mexico provided necessities to the missions and presidios on the frontier and were among the only ways European and imported goods reached many of the outlying Spanish communities (Almaráz 1980). One additional ground stone, an abrading stone, was found. The tool, recovered from Zone 2, is made from chert and shows evidence of abrasion along one side of the artifact (Figure 6.21). Due to the limited excavation of Blocks C-II and C-III, only a few lithic tools were recovered (Table 6.11). Debitage comprised the majority of lithic artifacts found in C-II and C-III. Four edge-modified flakes and one hammerstone were collected from these areas. Three of the edge-modified flakes came from C-III, and one was removed from C-II. All four of the flakes are made of brown-colored chert and display edge modification on at least one side. One hammerstone was recovered from C-II. The hammerstone is a chert cobble that shows evidence of battering on one end.

Area D: Mission Ruins and the Interior Bone Midden Lithic artifacts including chipped stone and ground stone were recovered from the excavations in the midden (Block D-I) and the ar-

125

Mission Material Culture

chitectural investigations. General descriptions of all the lithic artifacts from Block D-I are provided below. Due to the disturbed contexts of many stone artifacts from the architectural investigations (Area D), only diagnostic tools and artifacts that can be definitively linked to the mission occupation are discussed. However, all of the lithic artifacts from these investigations are quantified in Table 6.12. Forty-one lithic tools and more than six thousand flakes were recovered from the excavations in Block D-I. The majority of lithic tools are chipped stone artifacts. Only one ground stone artifact was found. Edge-modified flakes comprise 58 percent of the stone tool sample, followed by gunflints at

f i g u r e 6 . 2 1 . Abrading stone

ta b l e 6. 1 1 . l it h ic a rti fact s f ro m b locks c- i i an d c- i i i Material

C-II

C-III

Edge-modified flakes Hammerstones Cores Debitage

   

 — — 

126

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 2 . l it h ic a rt i fact s f ro m ar e a d an d b lock d - i Area D Mission Ruins Chipped Stone Bifaces Unifaces Guerrero points Perforator Gunflints Core Edge-modified flakes

Count

Ground Stone

Count

      

Hammerstones



Debitage

,

Block D-I Interior Midden Chipped Stone Bifaces Blades Cores Edge-modified flakes Unifaces Archaic dart point Catán point Guerrero points Lange point Marcos point Perdiz points Scallorn points Unidentified point fragment

Count  

         

Ground Stone Hammerstones Metate Mano Ground stone fragments

Debitage

Count    

,

15 percent and unifaces at 15 percent. The remaining 12 percent of the sample includes one Guerrero point, a biface, one perforator/drill, one core, and a hammerstone. All twenty-four edge-modified flakes are made of chert. Six of the specimens are broken, and one specimen shows evidence of heat treating. The flakes exhibit at least one to three modified edges that are either unifacially or bifacially retouched. A total of six gunflints were found in the midden (Figure 6.14). All of the specimens are made of chert and range in color from brown to gray-brown.

Mission Material Culture

127

Two of the gunflints are unifacially flaked, and the remaining four are all bifacial. The gunflints range in shape from square to rectangular. Detailed measurements and descriptions for each gunflint are provided in Table 6.8. Each specimen exhibits at least two worked edges, and two of the gunflints were modified along all four margins. A number of unifacial tools were also collected. All of the unifaces are made of chert, and at least one specimen shows evidence of heat altering. One uniface is made on a blade (Figure 6.12A) and was worked on one edge. It seems likely that several of these artifacts were used as scrapers; however, microwear analysis has not been performed on any of the specimens. Four of the unifaces show heavy use-wear along the bit and lateral edges. Future wear pattern analyses may help to identify the function or functions of these particular tools. Only one projectile point was recovered from the midden. The projectile point is the proximal end of a Guerrero made of a brownish tan chert (Figure 6.13). The point is bifacially flaked and appears to be lanceolate in form. The exact dimensions for the point are listed in Table 6.7. Other lithic artifacts include a biface, a perforator/drill, and a chert core. The incomplete chert biface was found near the bottom of the excavations. The brown chert perforator (Figure 6.9D) was unifacially worked and exhibits a high degree of polish along its working edges, suggesting contact with a soft material; perhaps it was used in hide working. The core appears to have been heat-treated and was collected from the upper levels of the excavation. Only one ground stone artifact was found in the interior midden. A hammerstone made of purple quartzite was collected from the excavations. It shows evidence of battering and pecking on both ends. More than 280 stone tools and 10,000 pieces of debitage were collected during the architectural investigations in Area D. Most of the artifacts recovered from these excavations were from disturbed, unknown, or pre-missionera deposits. An extensive amount of looting inside and directly outside the mission structures prior to our investigations left little to no intact mission deposits in these areas. Therefore, only the diagnostic or identifiable lithic tools and mission period artifacts are discussed in detail. Most diagnostic stone artifacts from the investigations consist of arrow and dart points. Twelve projectile points were found, including two Perdiz points (Figure 6.8), two Guerrero points (Figure 6.14), three Scallorn points (Figure 6.22), one Marcos (Figure 6.23A), one Lange (Figure 6.23C), one Catán (Figure 6.23E), and two unidentified dart points (Figure 6.23B and D). The Guerrero points are undoubtedly linked to the mission occupation of

128

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

the site, and the Perdiz points may also date to the Spanish Colonial period. Both of the Guerrero points are made of chert and are bifacially flaked and lanceolate in form. Detailed descriptions of all the Guerrero points are provided in Table 6.7. The Perdiz points are also made of chert. One specimen is unifacially worked, and the other is bifacial. The Scallorn points, which were common throughout much of Texas during the Late Prehistoric period (Turner and Hester 1993), may either have come from pre-mission deposits or possibly could have been made or reused during the mission era. Two of the points are serrated, and all three are made of chert material (Table 6.13). Likewise the Catán point (Figure 6.23E) also dates to the Late Prehistoric, although it also appears in the Late Archaic period (Turner and Hester 1993). The point is made from brown chert and shows evidence of heat damage. The Catán point may be related to the Archaic midden deposits encountered beneath the mission buildings. Similarly, the Marcos (Figure 6.23A), Lange (Figure 6.19C), and two unidentified dart points (Figure 6.19B and 6.19D) were probably removed from the same midden deposits that predate the mission era. Typically, Marcos points date to the Late or Transitional Ar-

f i g u r e 6 . 2 2 . Scallorn projectile points

Mission Material Culture

129

f i g u r e 6 . 2 3. Dart points from excavations in the mission ruins

chaic (600 b.c.e.–200 c.e.), and Lange points date to the Late Archaic (850– 600 b.c.e.) (Turner and Hester 1993). The Marcos point is manufactured from brown chert and has one broken barb. The Lange point is made from tan chert and is missing its distal tip. The unidentified Archaic dart point consists of a proximal fragment only. It is made of brown chert and was probably a stemmed point. Exact dimensions for each of the points collected from Area D can be found in Table 6.13. Only one ground stone artifact from the Area D architectural investigations can be tentatively linked to the mission era. A basalt metate fragment (Figure 6.20B) similar to the metate fragment from Block C-I was collected from the surface in Area D. It appears to be of the same vesicular basalt material that was probably imported from Mexico and brought to the missions. Basalt is not available locally and would have been brought from another location.

Metal Artifacts Metal artifacts were collected from all areas across the site. In general, identifiable objects were divided into categories based on material type. Iron, copper, brass, and lead comprise the four main categories. The ‘‘Other’’ category is reserved for modern metal objects such as steel wires or unidentifiable fragments. Metal artifacts collected from the different areas of the site are quantified in Tables 6.14–6.18 according to the area in which they were found. A discussion of each area is provided below.

130

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 3. at t r ibut e s o f ot h e r p ro j e ct i l e p o i n t s, b y ar e a Length (mm)

Width (mm)

Perdiz Cuney





 

A

Cuney



A A-I

Pedernales Unidentified dart

A-II

Area

Point Type

A A

Thickness (mm)

Material

Description

 .

Light tan chert Tan chert





Brown chert





 



.

Tan chert Gray chert

Ensor







Gray chert

A-II

Perdiz







Gray chert

A-II

Marcos







Brown chert

A-III







C-I D

Unidentified dart Perdiz Perdiz?

 

 

 .

Dark brown chert Tan chert Tan chert

D

Perdiz



.

Tan chert

D

Catán







Brown chert

D

Scallorn

.

 .



D D D D D D

Scallorn Scallorn Lange Archaic dart Marcos Unidentified dart









 

.  .   

 .  

Light brown chert Tan chert Brown chert Tan chert Brown chert Brown chert Brown chert

Unifacial Proximal end; Bifacial Proximal end; bifacial Barbs missing Proximal end; Heavily patinated Proximal end; Bifacial Distal tip missing; bifacial Proximal end; bifacial Medial fragment; bifacial Bifacial Bifacial; base is missing Unifacial; Base Fragment Heat-altered; bifacial Bifacial; missing distal tip Bifacial; serrated Bifacial; serrated Distal tip missing Expanding stem Broken barb Proximal end; stemmed

.

131

Mission Material Culture

ta b l e 6. 1 4 . m eta l a rt i fact s f ro m ar e a a

Iron Artifacts Square nails Hook Copper Artifacts Child’s ring Patches/sheets Fragments Lead Artifacts Bullets Buttons Fragments Other Modern round nails Modern screws Fencing staples Steel wire Unidentified fragments

 Test Units

A-I

A-II

A-III









  

   





 

  





Area A: Mission Indian Quarters A total of 144 metal artifacts were recovered from Area A. Most of the sample, however, is made up of unidentifiable fragments. Nevertheless, of the identifiable objects, 14 artifacts including hand-wrought square nails, copper patches, and a copper ring date to the mission period. The remaining 10 diagnostic pieces postdate the occupation of the mission. Artifacts made of iron include eight square nails and a door hinge or latch. The square nails are all hand-wrought and range in size from 17 to 41 millimeters (mm) long. Several of the nails consist of the shanks only and are missing the heads. One hand-wrought nail was also recovered. Often referred to as ‘‘7’’ or ‘‘L’’ nails, the shanks are offset from the center of the head, giving the nail a 7 or L shape (Gilmore 1974; South, Skowronek, and Johnson 1988). Several nails of this style were recovered from across the site (Figure 6.24). In addition, an iron hook and a door hinge or latch (Figure 6.25A and B) were collected from the surface. The square door hinge is hand-wrought and probably dates to the mission period. The hook is badly corroded, so it is dif-

132

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 2 4 . Spike (A), hand-wrought square nails (B–G)

ficult to determine how this piece was manufactured. Furthermore, dating the piece is difficult because its specific context is unknown. Several copper artifacts were collected from the mission Indian quarters. Copper artifacts include a small ring with a blue glass inset (Figure 6.26) that was recovered from the mission deposits. Due to its small size, it is speculated that the ring was meant for a child and may have been given to one of the native children as a gift from the missionaries. Gifts of jewelry and glass beads among other trinkets were commonly given to native groups as a way to entice them to enter the missions (Bolton 1960, Gilmore 1974, Tunnell and Newcomb 1969). Likewise, children, especially boys, were often the first to be targeted for conversion (Leutenegger 1994) since young children, it was believed, were easier to indoctrinate into the faith. A copper patch (Figure 6.27) and two copper fragments comprise the rest of the copper artifacts from Area A. Copper patches are common at many of the Texas missions and were often used to patch copper pots, vessels, or other objects in need of repair (Gilmore 1974, Ricklis 1999, Schuetz 1969, Tunnell and Newcomb 1969). Sheets of copper were frequently brought to the frontier from Mexico for making tools and repairing items (Schuetz 1969). Both of the copper fragments are too small and corroded to be identified but were probably also used for patching.

f i g u r e 6 . 2 5. Door latch? (A), hook (B), rein chain (C)

f i g u r e 6 . 2 6 . Metal cross (A), child’s ring (B), button with glass inset (C)

134

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 2 7. Copper artifacts: scissors (A), candle wick trimmer (B), copper pot handles (C–D), copper patch (E)

Only three lead artifacts were found in the mission Indian quarters. Two of them, a bullet and a button, are diagnostic, and the third object is an unidentified fragment. The lead bullet (Figure 6.28G) postdates the occupation of the mission and was probably manufactured in the nineteenth century. The button (Figure 6.29), recovered from the mission-period deposits, was either made from lead sheeting or hammered from a musket ball. It is circular in shape with a diameter of 2.7 cm. The button has two drilled holes in the center and measures 2 mm in thickness. Musket balls or lead shot were often reused for other purposes. Shot could be flattened, drilled, or cut for use as buttons, fishing line weights, or other unknown uses (South, Skowronek, and Johnson 1988, 86). Given the scarcity of metal on the frontier and the general lack of supplies available to the friars at Mission Valley, recycling lead shot as well as other items was probably a regular occurrence. The majority of metal artifacts from Area A fall under the ‘‘Other’’ category. Unidentifiable fragments comprise 77 percent of the sample. Modern or post-mission-era metal artifacts make up 10 percent of the sample and include modern round nails, screws, fencing staples, and steel wire. Most of these artifacts were recovered from the topsoil or overburden in the excavation blocks.

f i g u r e 6 . 2 8. Lead shot (A–E) and lead bullets (F–G)

f i g u r e 6 . 2 9. Hammered lead button

136

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 3 0. View of metal locator survey area

Area B: Exterior Bone Midden The excavations in Area B yielded almost no metal artifacts. Five pieces of copper, one piece of lead shot, one modern nail, and one unidentifiable fragment were the only metal objects recovered from the exterior midden (Walter 1997). All five of the copper pieces are heavily corroded, making it difficult to determine how they were used or from what type of artifact they came. Like the copper pieces collected in Area A, they may have been used for patching. The lead shot (Figure 6.28A) was collected from the surface. It has visible mold markings and measures 13 mm in diameter.

Area C: Interior Compound and Presidio Soldiers’ Quarters In addition to the block excavations in Area C, metal locator surveys were also conducted. A 50 m by 100 m area (Figures 3.2 and 6.30) was selected for an intensive metal locator survey. As a result, a large sample of metal artifacts was collected within the mission plaza. Metal artifacts recovered from the survey are summarized in Table 6.15. More than five hundred metal artifacts were recovered from the survey. Ninety-eight percent of these artifacts postdate the Spanish Colonial occu-

137

Mission Material Culture

ta b l e 6. 1 5. a r e a c m etal locato r s u rvey art i fact s

Iron Artifacts Square nails Flint lock Horse bridle fragment Cast iron pot fragment Buggy harness parts Wagon bow stapler Copper Artifacts Sheets/patches Rivet-post-mission period Cross with Glass Inset Lead Artifacts Musket balls Lead sprue Bullet Buttons Sheets Brass Artifacts Ring Brass pot handle Brass buckles Higo charms Other Tin fragments Tin can lid Modern round nails Washers Steel wires Barbed wire Metal strips Scissors blade Fencing staples Chain links Screw Bolts Wheat penny Nineteenth-century horseshoe Unidentified fragments





    



      

   

  

    

       

   

138

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 3 1 . Flintlock

pation of the site. Nearly 50 percent of the sample consists of unidentifiable fragments. Thirty of the metal objects recovered, however, are diagnostic and are identified as eighteenth-century artifacts. Diagnostic metal includes iron, copper, lead, and brass artifacts. Iron objects include square nails, a flintlock, horse bridle fragments, a cast iron pot fragment, buggy harness parts, and a wagon bow stapler. All eight of the square nails are hand-wrought and date to the mission period. In addition, the iron flintlock (Figure 6.31) and two horse bridle parts (Figure 6.32) also appear to date to the eighteenth century. Due to the corroded condition of the flintlock, the exact origins of the specimen are unknown. However, the style of the flintlock’s hammer is very similar to that of a hammer recovered from excavations at Espíritu Santo in Goliad, the mission’s fourth location (Ricklis 1999). The horse bridle fragments were once part of a headstall plate or plates from Spanish bridles. Vestiges of Colonial riding equipment are commonly recovered from Spanish sites such as ranchos, missions, and presidios (Di Peso 1953, Ivey 1983, Ricklis 1999, Schuetz 1969). The remaining iron artifacts postdate the Spanish Colonial occupation of the site. The cast iron pot fragment and the buggy and wagon parts are most likely nineteenth-century artifacts. Five artifacts including three copper sheets or patches (Figure 6.27E and

Mission Material Culture

139

F), a rivet, and a copper pendant comprise the sample of copper items collected from the survey. Presumably the copper sheets or patches were used to repair copper vessels or utensils and are probably contemporaneous with the mission period. The copper rivet is not Spanish Colonial and instead dates to the twentieth century. The pendant in the shape of a cross (Figure 6.26A), however, is a typical style seen at many missions and other Spanish Colonial sites in Texas (Ivey 1983, Ricklis 1999, Schuetz 1969). The cross is decorated with faceted clear glass insets and was probably worn on a necklace. With the exception of one lead bullet (Figure 6.28F), all of the lead artifacts recovered date to the eighteenth century. Lead shot, sprue, buttons, and sheets comprise the majority of the lead artifacts. The lead ball is moldmade and measures 15 mm in diameter. Six pieces of lead sprue were also found. Sprue refers to the leftover waste from the manufacture of musket balls and lead shot (South, Skowronek, and Johnson 1988). Interestingly, five of the six pieces came from the 1998 survey near Blocks C-I and C-II. The remaining piece was collected during the locator survey. The lead buttons (Figure 6.33) are also believed to date to the mission era. Decorative elements are noted on at least two of the buttons (6.33B and C) while the other two (6.33A and D) are more poorly preserved and distinguishing surface patterns is difficult. One of the buttons is broken; however, an intricate design is still noticeable on the surface. The raised design and excess lead along the edges indicate that this button was probably mold-

f i g u r e 6 . 3 2 . Iron headstall plates

140

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 3 3. Metal buttons

made (Figure 6.33B). A loop on the back of the artifact was used to attach the button to a garment. The other button probably came from an eighteenthcentury civilian coat. No holes are drilled in the button; however, a metal loop attached to the back would have been used to fasten the button to a coat or jacket. The button is dome-shaped and has a raised design along its edges (Figure 6.33C). A number of brass artifacts were located in Area C, including a brass ring, a pot handle, two buckle fragments, a brass tack, and four bridle charms (Figures 6.34 and 6.35). The brass buckles (Figure 6.34B and C) and the ring (Figure 6.34D) are difficult to date but do not appear to be of modern origin. The pot handle (Figure 6.34E), however, is similar to other pot handles that date to the Spanish Colonial period and is almost identical to a chocolate pot handle found at the San Xavier missions (Gilmore 1969). The two circular fasteners at the end of the piece were used to attach the handle to the body of the pot. The bridle charms, or higas (Figure 6.35), are amulets usually in the shape of a clenched fist that were used to ward off the evil eye and were popular during the Spanish Colonial era ( Jelks 1966, 109). The charms have metal loops at the top in order to attach them to bridle plates. Each piece is made from molds and probably related to the presidio soldiers stationed at the mission. Similar charms have been found at the Gilbert site in Northeast Texas ( Jelks 1966), Presidio San Agustín de Ahumada (Tunnell and Ambler 1967), Presidio La Bahía in Mission Valley (B. Birmingham personal communication, 1999), and Fort Saint Louis ( J. Bruseth personal communication, 2000). The two remaining artifacts consist of lead sheets. Lead, like other metals, was probably brought to the mission in sheet form and later reworked or melted to make shot or other needed items.

f i g u r e 6 . 3 4 . Brass artifacts: nail (A), buckles (B–C), ring (C), chocolate pot handle (D)

f i g u r e 6 . 3 5. Brass higas or bridle charms from soldiers’ quarters

142

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 6. m eta l a rt i fact s f ro m b lock c- i Zone  Iron Artifacts Square nails Horseshoe nails Horse bridle part Spike Hook Awl Brass and Copper Artifacts Tack Higas Button Lead Artifacts Sprue Musket balls Bullet worms Other Tin can Barbed wire Steel wire Metal eyelet Modern round nails Screws Fencing staples Washers Unidentified fragments

Zone /

Zone 



 

Zone /

Zone 

  

   





 

        



   







The remaining diagnostic artifacts all postdate the mission occupation of the site. Modern nails comprise a large portion of the sample, followed by steel wire, bolts, and fencing staples. Fragments of tin, a tin can lid, a washer, part of a scissors blade, one screw, several metal strips, chain links, two wheat pennies, and a nineteenth-century horseshoe were also collected. Like the metal locator survey, the excavations in C-I yielded a number of metal artifacts (Table 6.16). These indicate a presidial soldier occupation or activity area. For instance, horse trappings, lead sprue, and shot are relatively abundant in this area. Of the lead, iron, copper, and brass items recovered from the block, 31 percent are unidentifiable, and 18 percent postdate the

Mission Material Culture

143

Spanish Colonial period. The remaining 51 percent of the sample is contemporaneous with the mission era. Twenty-one hand-wrought square nails including two oxen or horseshoe nails (Figure 6.36) constitute the majority of the iron artifacts encountered. The nails range in length from 97 to 33 mm. Zones 1/2 and 2 yielded the largest number of square nails; Zone 3 produced four nails. Part of an iron horse bridle (Figure 6.32B) similar to the ones found during the metal locator survey was also recovered from Zone 3. A large iron spike (Figure 6.24A), a hook, and an awl (Figure 6.37) were collected from Zone 2. Brass and copper artifacts from C-I include one brass tack, one copper tack, two brass higas, and two copper buttons. The brass tack has a domed head (Figure 6.34A) and came from Zone 3. It was probably used as furniture hardware, and it was the only tack of this kind that was found at the site. South, Skowronek, and Johnson (1988, 69) note that the scarcity of these objects from Spanish contexts suggests that they are status-related items that are not found in all households. A tack made from a rolled sheet of copper (Figure 6.38) was collected from Zone 2/3. No other copper tacks were found; however, a number of these same style tacks were found at Fort Saint Louis (C. D. Tunnell personal communication, 2000). Possibly the copper tack was salvaged from Fort Saint Louis and brought to the mission after the Spanish moved the mission and presidio to Mission Valley. As previously noted, metal was scarce during the

f i g u r e 6 . 3 6 . Horseshoe nails

144

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 3 7. Iron awl

f i g u r e 6 . 3 8. Rolled copper tack

eighteenth century in Texas, so it was not uncommon for reusable metal objects to be salvaged whenever possible (Ivey and Fox 1981). Zone 2 also yielded two small copper buttons. One is decorated with a faceted green glass inset (Figure 6.26C). The other copper button (Figure 6.33A) is decorated with a faint raised design on the surface. No other copper artifacts were encountered in Block C-I. Two higas similar to those found during the metal locator survey were recovered from Zone 2. Both are made of brass and have loops at the tops that were used to attach them to bridle plates. One of the higas (Figure 6.35A)

Mission Material Culture

145

shows a clenched fist, while the other charm ends in a small circle (Figure 6.35B). Lead artifacts recovered from the block include sprue, lead balls or shot, and bullet worms or possibly fishing weights. Bullet worms were used to retrieve lead shot trapped inside gun barrels. Sprue can take the form of spilled lead or waste cut away from the shot after it was removed from a mold (South, Skowronek, and Johnson 1988). Twenty-four pieces of sprue weighing more than 120 grams were found. Most of these pieces are waste cut from lead shot, although several pieces of melted lead were also recovered. A number of lead sprue pieces (Figure 6.39) consisting of several nipples where shot was once attached indicate that gang molds (i.e., molds used for making more than one piece of shot) were being used. These types of sprue are sometimes referred to as sow sprue (South, Skowronek, and Johnson 1988). Despite the large quantity of sprue, only two musket balls and one cut piece of shot were found in the block. One of the musket balls is oval (Figure 6.28C), and the other is still attached to a nipple (Figure 6.28D). The piece of cut shot (Figure 6.28E) comes from a quartered lead ball. Shot was frequently reused or melted down to make other things. Shot cut into halves or quarters are common at many Spanish Colonial sites but the particular use for these pieces is unknown (South, Skowronek, and Johnson 1988). Two lead bullet or gun worms (Figure 6.39B) were collected from Zone

f i g u r e 6 . 3 9. Bullet worms (A–B), lead sprue (C–E)

146

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 7. m eta l a rt i fact s f ro m b locks c- i i an d c- i i i

Square nails Modern round nails Steel wires Barbed wire Fencing staples Shell casings Unidentified fragments

C-II

C-III



  



   

1/2. According to Tunnell and Newcomb (1969, 67) these artifacts were mounted on a wooden rod that was used for clearing the barrel of a firearm. The distal end of the tool was hammered into a solid piece and then twisted into a spiral with a sharp tip. Modern and post-mission-era metal artifacts were also collected, most of them from Zones 1 and 1/2. Modern nails comprise the majority of these items, followed by tin can fragments and barbed wire. One piece of steel wire, one metal eyelet, one screw, one fencing staple, and a washer were also recovered. More than seventy metal artifacts were recovered from Blocks C-II and C-III. Only two can be linked to the mission-era occupation of the site. Two hand-wrought square nails, one from each excavation block, are the only Spanish Colonial metal artifacts found from these two blocks. The remaining artifacts either postdate the eighteenth century or are too fragmented to identify. Table 6.17 summarizes the metal artifacts from both excavation blocks.

Area D: Mission Ruins and Interior Bone Midden A large sample of metal artifacts was collected from both the block excavations in D-I and the architectural excavations within the mission structures. Spanish Colonial and post-mission artifacts were recovered from D-I and the architectural excavations. Artifacts from both investigations are summarized in Table 6.18. Artifacts made from iron, copper, brass, and lead are present in the collection of metal items from the interior midden (Block D-I). Part of a rein chain was found, but the iron artifacts include mainly square nails. Fourteen

147

Mission Material Culture

ta b l e 6. 1 8. m eta l a rt i fact s f ro m ar e a d

Block D-I Iron Artifacts Square nails Rein chain Ramrod holder Nineteenth-century draft horseshoe Iron buckle fragment Copper Artifacts Loop handle Fastener for loop handle Part of candle snuffer/wick trimmer Patch/sheeting Button Scissors handle Lead Artifacts Sprue Pole holder? Bullet worm Lead slug Other Round nails Fencing staples Screws Bolt Washer Modern bottle cap Barbed wire spool fragment Steel wire Jeans buttons Nineteenth-century buckle Suspenders buckle Tin fragments Shell casings Unidentified fragments

Architectural Investigations



          

 

  



 

    

   





148

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

hand-wrought square nails were collected. The nails vary in length from 24 to 86 mm. At least two of the nails are incomplete and missing their heads. The rein chain (Figure 6.25C) probably came from a bridle bit and is very similar to one found at Rancho de las Cabras (Ivey 1983). Copper artifacts include one loop handle, a handle fragment, one copper patch, copper sheeting, and a copper button. The copper loop handle (Figure 6.27C) was probably attached to a large pot. The handle is almost identical to a specimen found at Mission San Lorenzo (Tunnell and Newcomb, 1969). A copper bar hammered flat at both ends was used to form the handle. The bar was then bent in the center to form a loop, the two overlapping flattened ends were hammered together, and a rivet hole was punched through the center. A small fragment of hammered copper was also found and may represent part of a similar handle (Figure 6.27D). The circular fragment shows part of a small punched hole where a rivet would have been placed to attach the handle to the pot. The copper patch was probably square in shape originally but appears to have been cut and reshaped. Two pieces of heavily corroded copper sheeting were found near the bottom of the midden. One is irregularly shaped, and the other appears to be rolled. The rolled copper is lighter than the other copper sheet and was hammered into a very thin sheet. Finally, one copper button (Figure 6.33D) makes up the rest of the sample. The button is heavily corroded, making it difficult to determine the type of design, if any, the button once had. The specimen has a broken loop on the back that would have been used to fasten the button to a garment. In contrast to the excavations in the presidio soldiers’ quarters, excavations in the interior midden produced only two lead artifacts. One small piece of lead sprue and a part of a bullet worm (Figure 6.39A) make up the entire collection of lead artifacts from D-I. Both pieces were found in the lower part of the midden. The remaining metal artifacts postdate the eighteenth century or are unidentifiable. In the upper mixed levels of the midden, 183 modern nails were encountered. Level 1 also yielded screws, steel wires, two buttons from jeans, several shell casings, one bolt, a nineteenth-century buckle, and a suspenders buckle. More than fifty unidentified fragments were also collected from the midden. From excavations within the mission ruins, more than seventy metal items were recovered, 62 percent of them unidentifiable. Diagnostic iron, copper, and lead items were found in Area D. Identifiable iron artifacts include one ramrod holder, a draft horseshoe

Mission Material Culture

149

f i g u r e 6 . 40. Draft horseshoe

(Figure 6.40), and a buckle fragment. The ramrod holder (Figure 6.41) was found between Structure 1 and Structure 2. Ramrod holders held the metal rods used to pack powder into a gun barrel. The artifact measures 11.4 cm in length and 2.4 cm in diameter. The draft horseshoe was found on the surface near Structure 2 and dates to the nineteenth century. The small broken iron buckle was found near the apse (Structure 3). The date of origin for this artifact is unknown. No other diagnostic iron artifacts were found. Only two copper artifacts were collected from the architectural investigations. A handle from a pair of scissors (Figure 6.27A) was found near Structure 2. Similar scissors have been found at other Spanish Colonial sites such as Mission Dolores (Corbin 1977), Espíritu Santo at Goliad (Mounger 1959), and Mission San Sabá (Hindes et al. 1995). In addition, part of a copper candle snuffer (Figure 6.27B) was collected from a spoil pile on the east side of Structure 1. The artifact was originally attached to the end of a scissors blade. Metal scissor snuffers were used in the home as well as in churches (Di Peso 1953). Lead artifacts consist of one piece of lead sprue, a lead slug, and a possible pole holder. The impacted lead slug was found near Structure 1 and is probably from a .45 pistol. The item thought to be a pole holder (Figure 6.42)

f i g u r e 6 . 4 1 . Iron ramrod holder

f i g u r e 6 . 4 2 . Pole holder?

Mission Material Culture

151

was recovered from an excavation unit in the church structure. The object is cylindrical in shape and has a V-shaped opening in the back. Three holes along the top were probably used to secure something such as a flagpole inside the object.

Glass Artifacts Overall, the excavations across the site yielded very few glass artifacts. The architectural investigations in Area D produced the most glass (376.2 g), followed by the mission Indian quarters (97.5 g), the interior bone midden (66.9 g), and the presidio soldiers’ living area (14.3 g). The exterior bone midden was practically devoid of glass items, producing only one glass bead. Glass beads are the most common diagnostic glass artifacts found at the mission. More than one hundred glass beads were recovered during our investigations. Whenever possible, the glass beads were identified using the R. King Harris bead charts (Harris and Harris 1967) and are summarized in Table 6.19. When specific identifications are not possible, general descriptions are given instead. The beads ranged in size from small (2–4 mm in diameter) to medium (4–6 mm in diameter) to large (6+ mm in diameter).

Area A: Mission Indian Quarters Of the sixty-eight glass artifacts collected from Area A, only six are believed to date from the Spanish Colonial period. The majority of glass from the Indian quarters consists of small unidentifiable shards of modern glass or window pane (Table 6.20). Glass beads and a bottle fragment comprise the sample of mission-period glass from Area A. The glass fragment is heavily patinated and may have come from a wine bottle. The beads collected include one small round blue bead, a large angular black bead, a blue iridescent bead with a badly pitted surface (Walter 1997), and one large clear ‘‘mulberry’’ bead (Figure 6.43B) and a blue seed bead (Figure 6.43J), or Harris Types #42 and #48, respectively (Harris and Harris 1967). The mulberry bead and the blue seed bead are both of simple construction. Beads of simple construction ‘‘are those composed of a monolithic, structurally undifferentiated mass of glass,’’ while compound beads consist of ‘‘two or more concentric layers of glass, one over the other’’ (Harris, Harris, and Hester 1999, 387).

152

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 6. 1 9. h a r r is ty p e d e s cr i p t i o n s o f glas s b e ad s

Dates

Area A

Area C

Descriptions

Size

# White, opaque, barrel-shaped necklace bead of compound construction # Peacock blue, barrel-shaped necklace bead of simple construction # Peacock blue, opaque barrel-shaped garter bead of simple construction #  Clear, barrel-shaped necklace bead, mandrel wound, pressed facet, simple construction #

White, opaque doughnutshaped garter bead of simple construction #  Peacock blue, doughnutshaped garter bead of simple construction #  Dark bluebird blue, translucent doughnut-shaped garter bead of simple construction #  Clear, doughnut-shaped garter bead of simple construction #  Black, opaque doughnutshaped garter bead of simple construction #  Red opaque, doughnutshaped garter compound construction; outer layer is brick red, inner layer is translucent green # Pearly white, opaque, doughnut-shaped garter bead of simple construction.

Medium

–

Large

–

Medium

–

Large

– 

Small

–

Small

–

Small

–

Small

–

Small

–



Small

–



Medium

 –

Area D

























153

Mission Material Culture

ta b l e 6. 1 9. co n t inu e d

Descriptions

Size

Dates

# Colonial yellow to brass colored translucent, doughnutshaped garter bead of simple construction. # Emerald green, translucent, doughnut-shaped garter bead of simple construction. # Clear, faceted necklace bead of simple construction.

Small

 – 

Small

 – 

Large

?

Area A

Area C

Area D 





Source: Harris and Harris 1967

table 6. 20. g lass artifact s from area a  Test Units Bottle/vessel fragments Window pane fragments Glass beads Unidentified fragments

 

A-I

A-II

A-III

 





 

 

Area B: Exterior Bone Midden The excavations in the exterior midden produced only one glass bead. No other glass artifacts were collected. Like the other colonialera glass recovered, the bead is extremely weathered. The glass bead is a small green seed bead of simple construction and has an iridescent and pitted surface (Walter 1997).

Area C: Interior Compound and Presidio Soldiers’ Quarters A total of thirty-three glass artifacts including eighteen beads were recovered from Block C-I (Table 6.21). The remaining fifteen artifacts are all unidentifiable glass shards. Several of the shards from Zones 2 and 3 are heavily patinated and probably date to the Colonial period. All of

154

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 4 3. Glass beads

ta b l e 6. 2 1 . g la s s a rt i fact s f ro m b lock c- i

Glass Beads Unidentified Fragments

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 











the glass beads were found in Zone 2 and below. They include four Harris Type #46 beads, two #50 beads, two #83 beads, one #51 bead, and one #11 bead. Additionally, a spiral fluted, medium-sized red bead (Figure 6.43E), a black doughnut-shaped small bead of simple construction, two clear beads of simple construction, a yellow-green seed bead, one white seed bead, three small doughnut-shaped beads of simple construction—two black and one iridescent in color—and a white medium-size bead of simple construction.

Area D: Mission Ruins and Interior Bone Midden Most of the glass beads were recovered from the exterior bone midden near Area D, the refectory (Table 6.22). More than eighty beads and more than thirty glass artifacts were collected from the midden. The only diagnostic glass artifact is a bottleneck fragment (Figure 6.44B) that came from an eighteenth-century wine bottle. The rest of the sample consists of broken shards that are too small and fragmented to identify. They range in color from clear to brown to green. Despite significant patination, several

155

Mission Material Culture

of the shards from the upper, mixed levels above the mission deposits are modern in origin. Identified glass beads consist of eleven #11 beads, five #50 beads, four #4 beads, two #46 beads, two #172 faceted rosary beads, one #49 bead, one #82 bead, and one #10 bead. Additional beads that could not be typed include the following: thirty-one small doughnut- to barrel-shaped coral beads of simple construction; two small, blue doughnut-shaped beads of simple construction; seven light green small, doughnut-shaped beads; two large, iridescent barrel-shaped beads of simple construction; two small yellow seed beads; one small, white doughnut-shaped seed bead; a burned seed bead; one small blue-green seed bead of simple construction: and a light green olive-shaped bead of simple construction. A black jet higa (Figure 6.45A) was also recovered from the interior midden. The clenched-fist amulet was table 6. 22. glass artifact s from area d

Block D-I Bottle/Vessel Fragments Beads Unidentified Fragments

  

f i g u r e 6 . 4 4 . Spanish Colonial glass shard (A), glass bottle neck fragment (B)

Architectural Investigations



156

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 4 5. Higa bead (A), earrings and bead cluster (B–C) from interior bone midden

found in a cluster of beads (Figure 6.45C) that had adhered to a pair of earrings. The beads and earrings apparently fused together after being exposed to high temperatures, most likely from a fire. Approximately twenty-five beads including seventeen coral beads and several medium-size blue (Harris Type #11) and white (Harris Type #4) beads are still attached to the cluster and were probably part of a necklace at one time. Thirteen more beads were found in association with the cluster and appear to be part of the same necklace.

Clay Daub Clay daub, a form of fired clay commonly used as building material in jacal-type structures, was recovered from excavations in Area C in the presumed soldiers’ quarters and in the interior bone midden near Structure 5 (kitchen/refectory). Interestingly, no daub was found in Area A where we had hoped to find architectural evidence of living quarters for the mission Indians. Nevertheless, chunks of daub weighing more than 417 g were removed from the soldiers’ quarters. The majority of daub was found in Zone 2 or within the Spanish deposits. More specifically, the daub was concentrated in two units in the northwestern end of the excavation block. Presumably, the daub represents the remains of a structure that is related to a presidio soldier occupation, given the nature of the artifacts collected from these ex-

Mission Material Culture

157

cavations. The concentration of daub suggests that the structure or structures from which the materials came was or were located outside our investigation area just north of the excavation block. Concentrations of daub near the kitchen may indicate that a jacal-type structure was built next to Structure 5, or perhaps the daub represents remnants of a temporary building that was later replaced by the existing stone structure. In all, more than 150 g of clay daub was collected from the excavations within the midden. All of the daub was found in the northern part of the excavation block next to the southeast corner of Structure 5.

Modified Shell and Bone Artifacts Modified bone and shell artifacts of aboriginal manufacture were also recovered from the excavations. Most of the modified bone artifacts consist of tubular beads (Figure 6.46B–G). Excavations in the mission Indian quarters yielded eight bone beads, the exterior bone midden produced two, the interior plaza nine, the interior bone midden eleven, and

f i g u r e 6 . 4 6 . Bone needle (A), tubular bone beads (B–G)

f i g u r e 6 . 4 7. Carved bone pendant

f i g u r e 6 . 4 8. Modified shell

f i g u r e 6 . 4 9. Shell pendants (A–D), shell button (E)

f i g u r e 6 . 50. Shell beads (A–C), Oliva tinklers (D–E)

160

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

f i g u r e 6 . 5 1 . Shell cross

the architectural excavations yielded three beads. Additional bone artifacts include a bone needle (Figure 6.46A) from the mission plaza and a carved pendant from the interior bone midden (Figure 6.47). Most of the tubular bone beads are made from the long bones of birds. Similar beads are commonly found at Late Prehistoric sites along the coast and the southern coastal plains of Texas (Hester 1980). They have also been observed at Mission Rosario and Espíritu Santo in Goliad (Mounger 1959, Ricklis 1999). Modified shell artifacts include beads, tinklers, pendants, buttons, and cut shell. The forty-five cut or grooved and snapped mussel shell (Figure 6.48) make up the bulk of the modified shell sample. The cut and grooved specimens represent the remains of processed shell used to make pendants or other items. Two rectangular pendants made of freshwater mussel with drilled holes near the top (Figure 6.49B and C), a small shell bead (Figure 6.50C), and twenty-three pieces of cut mussel shell were collected from Area A. Three cut mussel shells, five rectangular mussel shell pendants, and one Oliva

Mission Material Culture

161

shell tinkler (Figure 6.50D) were found in the exterior midden in Area B (Walter 1997). Also, a cross made of mussel shell (Figure 6.51) was collected from back dirt compiled during the construction of the landowners’ house northwest of the mission ruins. Excavations within the mission plaza and the soldiers’ quarters yielded seven cut shell fragments and one button fragment (Figure 6.49E) that postdates the occupation of the mission. The interior bone midden produced one Oliva shell tinkler (Figure 6.50E), one post-colonial shell button, and a broken rectangular pendant (Figure 6.49A). The rectangular, perforated pendants are similar to shell ornaments that have been found at Espíritu Santo in Goliad (Mounger 1959), in Late Prehistoric contexts at the Berger Bluff site (Brown 1983), and in other parts of Texas ( Johnson 1979). The Oliva shell tinklers are characterized by a drilled hole near the apex for stringing. The Native American residents were probably using them to string necklaces. Similar ornaments have also been found at the Goliad site of the mission (Mounger 1959).

Seven

M I S S I O N F O O D WAY S The Faunal Collection

E

xploring foodways requires examining not only diet but also how food was procured, processed, butchered, and served (Hann and McEwan 1998). Given the quantity of faunal remains, including animal bone and shell, frequently recovered from Spanish Colonial sites, archaeologists can directly address questions concerning Colonial foodways. In a mission setting, the makeup of a faunal collection depends on many factors. For example, the availability of local resources, access to domesticated or European-introduced species, the ethnic composition of the mission population, and religious restrictions all affect the types of foods that are consumed. Consequently, a primary goal of the faunal analysis was to identify the range of species represented in the mission sample. Assessing the distribution of the faunal remains across the site and identifying butchering patterns are important components of the analyses. Ultimately, the faunal study provides insight into the mission diet and its related food economies. For example, we are gaining insight into the kinds of foods eaten by the missionaries and the neophytes, how and where food was processed and prepared, and which animals contributed most to the mission diet. Faunal remains including animal bone, freshwater mussel shell, marine shell, and land snails were recovered from all of the excavations. All of the animal and shell remains are described according to the area of the site from which they were collected. Although the entire assemblage was identified (deFrance 1996; McClure 1999, 2000), particular attention was given to the bone middens uncovered outside the mission compound (Area B) and near the refectory (Block D-I). In addition to quantifying and identifying animal remains, evidence for bone modification was also examined for these two features. Therefore, the exterior and interior bone middens (Area B and Block D-I) are discussed together for comparative purposes.

Mission Foodways

163

Vertebrate Remains Vertebrate animal remains were collected from all areas of the site. The majority of animal bone, however, was recovered from the two middens in Area B and Block D-I. The mission Indian quarters (Area A) and the mission plaza (Area C) produced bone in much smaller concentrations. The largest quantity of bone was recovered from Area B (27.48 kg), followed by Block D-I (26.54 kg). Areas A and C yielded 12.5 kg and 10.7 kg of faunal bone, respectively.

Area A: Mission Indian Quarters Investigations in the Indian quarters yielded more than 12 kg of bone. Not surprisingly, more than 70 percent of the animal bone was collected from the upper mission deposits, where most of the excavations were concentrated. Although most bone was widely scattered throughout Area A, two small but discrete clusters of bone were uncovered in the excavations. The bone features (Features 1 and 2) were both encountered about 10 to 15 cm below the ground surface within the mission deposits. Feature 1 covered an area of approximately 1 square meter. The feature consisted primarily of processed faunal remains in association with lithic debitage, bonetempered pottery, one Spanish Colonial ceramic sherd, mussel shell, one unifacial tool, and a Guerrero projectile point. The sample of animal bone from the feature includes domestic and wild taxa. Catfish, unidentified fish, pit viper snake, softshell turtle, turkey, deer, cow/bison, sheep/goat, and a number of unidentified large mammal remains comprise the collection of faunal remains from Feature 1 (Walter 1999). The feature represents the accumulation of a small trash heap where food remains were probably discarded after being processed and consumed. Moreover, the presence of the Guerrero projectile point and the Spanish Colonial sherd that are associated with the feature indicates that the midden was contemporaneous with the mission period (Walter 1999, 107–109). The second feature consists of a smaller concentration of bone. Feature 2 also was encountered 10 to 15 cm below the surface. Like the larger bone concentration, this feature represents a small trash midden that is directly associated with or perhaps an extension of Feature 1. Feature 2 was found directly southeast of Feature 1. The contextual association of the two features indicates that they are contemporaneous and were accumulated during the mission occupation of the site. Faunal materials collected from Feature 2 include mostly cow or bison bone, although garfish and unidentified large

164

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 7. 1 . v e rt e b rat e r e m ai n s f ro m ar e a a ( m cclu r e 1 9 9 9 )

Common Name Fish Gar Longnose gar Smallmouth buffalo fish Catfish Flathead catfish Toad Frog Alligator Turtle Slider turtle Box turtle Softshell turtle Snake Rat snake Hognose snake Racer or Whip Snake Rattlesnake Pit viper Bird Turkey Mammals < deer Cow-size mammals Opossum Rat or Mouse Nine-banded armadillo Jackrabbit Rock squirrel Attwater’s pocket gopher Hispid cotton rat Black rat Raccoon Ringtail Striped skunk Cougar House cat Bobcat

Taxon Teleost Lepisosteus sp Lepisosteus osseus Ictiobus bubalus Ictalurus sp Pylodictis olivaris Bufo sp Rana sp Alligator mississipiensis Testudinata Chrysemys sp Terrapene sp Trionyx sp Serpentes Elaphe sp Heterodon sp Coluber or Masticophis sp Crotalus sp Viperidae Aves Meleagris gallopavo Mammalia Mammalia Didelphis viriginiana Rodentia Dasypus novemcinctus Lepus californicus Spermophilus vareigatus Geomys attwateri Sigmodon hispidus Rattus rattus Procyon lotor Bassariscus astutus Mephitis mephitis Felis concolor Felis domesticus Lynx rufus

MNI Mission Deposits

MNI Pre-Mission Deposits



 

       

                

    

 

    



    



165

Mission Foodways

ta b l e 7. 1 . co n t inu e d

Common Name

Taxon

Domestic pig White-tailed deer Cow or bison Sheep or goat Horse TOTALS

Sus scrofa Odocoileus virginianus Bos taurus or bos bison Ovis aries or capra hircus Equus caballus

MNI Mission Deposits     74

MNI Pre-Mission Deposits

   25

MNI—Minimum number of individual specimens

mammal remains were also found. In addition, freshwater mussel shell, numerous land snails, one burned rock, and several bone-tempered sherds were also recovered from the feature (Walter 1999, 109). In addition to the animal bone removed from Features 1 and 2, a wide variety of wild and domesticated taxa was also collected from the investigations within the mission Indian quarters (Table 7.1). Bovid, or cow/bison, bone dominates the sample. Due to the similar morphological characteristics of cow and bison skeletal remains, definite identifications of bison bone have not been made. The economic history of this mission as a cattle-raising operation (Ramsdell 1949) suggests that a great amount of the faunal material identified as bovid is probably the remains of cattle. Nevertheless, the presence of bison remains should not be ruled out, since bison comprised a significant portion of the diet of Late Prehistoric populations who inhabited the coastal plain ( Johnson 1994, Ricklis 1996). The related mission Indians clearly continued to hunt wild fauna such as deer and bison during the historic era, particularly when supplies were short at the mission. Other domesticated animals identified in Indian quarters include pig, sheep or goat, and horse. Sheep or goat remains, which are also difficult to distinguish, were found in both the mission and pre-mission deposits, probably as a result of disturbance, while the pig and horse remains were all found in the upper levels. The remaining fauna include wild taxa that were probably hunted locally. Following bovid remains, aquatic resources are the next most abundant category of fauna. Unidentified freshwater fish, garfish, catfish, alligator, and several species of freshwater turtle constitute food resources that were locally

166

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

available to native populations at the mission from the nearby Guadalupe River. Several species of freshwater fish and turtles were also found in the pre-mission deposits. Additional mammal resources from Area A include white-tailed deer, nondomesticated birds, opossum, rabbit, squirrel, raccoon, gopher, cougar, and bobcat. Although the minimum number of aquatic animals (22) is greater than the minimum number of deer (5) present in the sample, the amount of meat obtained from the fish and turtle remains does not exceed the amount yielded from deer. The wide range of avian and mammalian fauna indicates a continuing reliance on locally hunted animals, since the pre-mission deposits also produced a variety of aquatic species and indigenous mammals.

Area B and Block D-I: Exterior and Interior Bone Middens The similarities between the exterior and interior middens encouraged comparisons between the two features and provide insights into the particular activities that led to the formation of both bone beds. In the following discussion, each feature is presented separately, and then the two middens are compared. The dense bone bed in Area B yielded domesticated and wild fauna, freshwater and marine shell, land snails, lithic tools and debitage, bone-tempered pottery, a few European ceramic sherds, small amounts of metal, and one glass bead (Walter 1997). The midden covered an area of approximately 10 square meters. In all, more than 29 kg of animal bone was collected from the exterior midden. Initially, a small sample of the faunal remains recovered was selected from the feature for analysis. Zooarchaeologist S. deFrance completed the analysis of the sample and identified bone modifications. The remainder of the faunal collection was later identified by faunal analyst B. McClure. A complete listing of the vertebrate remains from the exterior midden in Area B is provided in Table 7.2 and based on the findings of deFrance (1996) and McClure (2000). Although aquatic and mammalian fauna are present in the sample, the exterior midden is dominated by cow or bison bone. A minimum of 10 individuals of cow or bison were identified. Distinguishing cow from bison was not possible; however, the representative sample of body elements suggests that the faunal remains are likely those of cattle. For example, a significant portion of the bovid skeletal elements consists of head, feet, and lower limb bones (Walter 1997, 36). These less-meaty skeletal elements suggest that the

167

Mission Foodways

ta b l e 7. 2 . v e rt e b rat e r e m ai n s f ro m ar e a b (defrance 1996; mcclure 20 0 0) Common Name

Taxon

MNI

Fish Bullhead catfish Slider turtle Box turtle Softshell turtle Mud turtle Rat snake Racer or whip anake Bird Songbird Opossum Cottontail Hispid cotton rat Raccoon Cougar Domestic pig White-tailed deer Cow or bison Sheep or goat Gray fox Burro Black bear TOTAL

Teleost Ictaluridae Chrysemys sp Terrapene sp Trionyx sp Kinosternon sp Elaphe sp Coluber or Masticophis sp Aves Passeriniformes Didelphis viriginiana Syvilagus floridanus Sigmodon hispidus Procyon lotor Felis concolor Sus scrofa Odocoileus virginianus Bos taurus / Bos bison Ovis aries / Capra hircus Urocyon cinereoargenteus Equus asinus Ursus cf. americanus

                      41

MNI—Minimum number of individual species

animals were being killed and butchered on site. If bison were being hunted, it is likely that the lower portions of the skeleton would have been left behind to facilitate transporting the carcasses back to the mission. Hence, the lower limbs of bison would not be a part of the midden. Other species present within the midden, however, do provide evidence for hunting. For example, the remains of white-tailed deer and other wild fauna were found. The lower limbs of the deer are largely missing, suggesting that only the meatier portions of the carcass were brought back to the mission. Moreover, the presence of fish, several species of turtle, nondomesticated birds, opossum, rabbit, raccoon, and fox is also suggestive of hunting activities within the general area of the mission (deFrance 1996).

168

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Identified domesticates in addition to cattle include sheep or goat, pig, and one burro element. Single elements of cougar and black bear are also present in the sample. Based on the exterior location of the midden and the skeletal elements present, this feature probably represents refuse accumulated from on-site butchering of locally hunted animals and Europeanintroduced domesticates, namely cattle. Given that only one or two missionaries were present at the mission at any one time and only a few presidial soldiers, it is likely that the indigenous population was responsible for butchering the animals that accumulated in the midden. However, the meat obtained from the animals represented in the feature was almost certainly consumed by both the Spanish and native residents. Comparisons between this feature and the bone midden inside the mission compound (Block D-I) provide information on the specific activities that led to the accumulation of these features and insight into Spanish Colonial subsistence patterns and animal economies. Also, some preliminary considerations of the ethnic factors that contributed to the formation of the two middens are presented. Excavations in the interior midden (Block D-I) were conducted just outside of Structure 5, the proposed mission refectory or kitchen (Figure 3.2). A bone bed was encountered approximately 10 to 15 cm below the ground surface. The exposed midden covered approximately 5 square meters; however, the boundaries of the feature extended beyond the limits of the excavations. The thickness of the midden ranged from 10 to 40 cm. Like the exterior bone bed, the interior refuse midden was dominated by processed animal bone, although Spanish Colonial ceramics, aboriginal pottery, glass, metal, shell, and lithic artifacts were also recovered. The feature sits on top of a cobble pavement and appears to spill over the southern edge of the pavement. A total of 27 kg of bone was recovered from the bone bed, and 28 vertebrate species were identified in the sample (Table 7.3). Like the exterior midden, both local and European-introduced animals are present. However, in contrast to Area B, the interior midden produced a much wider variety of aquatic fauna. The exterior midden yielded only two species of fish, while the inside midden has seven identified species represented. Several species of turtle are also present. Aquatic species account for 25 of the 50 individual specimens identified. The large number of fish is perhaps a reflection of a typical Spanish diet during the Colonial era. In adherence to the Catholic faith, most Spaniards ate fish on Fridays, on Wednesdays during Lent and Advent, and on other days of abstinence (Hann and McEwan 1998, 105; Leutenegger 1994). The interior midden also produced a greater quantity of indigenous birds than the exterior midden. White-tailed deer, coyote, rabbit,

169

Mission Foodways

ta b l e 7. 3. v e rt e b rat e r e m ai n s f ro m ar e a d an d bloc k d-i (mcclure 20 0 0) MNI Common Name

Taxon

D

D-I

Fish Gar Longnose gar Bowfin Smallmouth buffalo fish Catfish Flathead catfish Largemouth bass Leopard frog Tree frog Slider turtle Box turtle Softshell turtle Bird Wigeon Domestic chicken Pileated woodpecker Blue jay Red-winged blackbird Mammals < deer Opossum Armadillo Swamp rabbit Cottontail Attwater’s pocket gopher Hispid pocket mouse Hispid cotton rat House mouse Striped skunk Coyote Domestic pig White-tailed deer Cow or bison Sheep or goat Horse TOTALS

Teleost Lepisosteus sp Lepisosteus osseus Amia calva Ictiobus bubalus Ictalurus sp Pylodictis olivaris Micropterus salmoides Rana sphenocephala Hyla sp Chrysemys sp. Terrapene sp Trionyx sp Aves Anas americana Gallus domesticus Dryocopus pileatus Cyanocitta cristata Agelaius phoeniceus Mammalia Didelphis viriginiana Dasypus novemcinctus Syvilagus aquaticus Syvilagus floridanus Geomys attwateri Chaetopidus hispidus Sigmodon hispidus Mus musculus Mephitis mephitis Canis latrans Sus scrofa Odocoileus virginianus Bos taurus / Bos bison Ovis aries / Capra hircus Equus caballas



 

MNI—Minimum number of individual species





    

          

     

 

     

      24

     50

170

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

and opossum were also represented in the feature. Interestingly, the midden yielded a minimum of 2 cow or bison, in contrast with the bone bed in Area B, where a minimum of 10 cow/bison were identified. Other domesticates include sheep or goat and domestic pig. Given the close proximity of the interior midden to Structure 5, it is speculated that the two are related. The exact function or functions of Structure 5 are not known; however, the accumulated refuse just outside the doorway of the building suggests that at least at one time it may have served as the kitchen or refectory. The location of the feature inside the mission compound indicates that the accumulated refuse is probably more closely associated with the Spanish residents. If the midden is related to food preparation activities that occurred in Structure 5, then this strongly suggests that at least part of the faunal remains represented were consumed by the missionaries, the presidial soldiers, or both. Clearly, the Spaniards were living within the vicinity of the mission compound, and presumably any food preparation conducted inside the compound was influenced in some part by the Spanish residents. The Spaniards may have prepared the food themselves, but perhaps a more likely scenario is that the Spaniards directed the neophytes in processing and cooking food. The residence of the mission Indians was sporadic and inconsistent (Castañeda 1936). No permanent Indian quarters appear to have been constructed at the mission, and native populations probably did not reside permanently at the mission until much later, if at all. Archaeological and historical evidence suggests that as a result of seasonal occupation, the Aranama and Tamique were primarily living outside the main compound in nonpermanent structures. This does not rule out indigenous contributions to the midden. On the contrary, it is likely that most of the food represented in the deposit was prepared by a native resident or residents under the guidance and control of a Spanish overseer or missionary or perhaps a trusted Indian supervisor who was trained by the friars. Whether the food that resulted in the refuse compiled in the exterior midden was consumed by the friars and soldiers, by the mission Indians, or by all is not known; however, it is probable that all parties contributed to its formation. An examination of bone modification patterns on the faunal materials collected from both bone middens also provides information on the particular activities that helped form the features. Interpretations are also made about the patterning of certain activity areas across the site. More specifically, evidence of intentional modification in the form of butchering patterns and burning is identified and quantified for both middens. Butchering patterns were evidenced in the form of slices, cuts, and hack marks present on the

Mission Foodways

171

surfaces of skeletal elements. Low-power microscopy (10x–70x) was used in identifying cut marks. When possible, the taxa and skeletal elements were identified and the locations of butchering marks noted. Evidence of bone marrow extraction in the form of spiral fractures also was assessed. Faunal remains that exhibited evidence of burning were quantified. Weights were used to quantify all modified bone, and when possible the Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) was calculated. Based on the analysis of modified bone and the distribution of skeletal elements in the middens, it appears that the two features represent different stages in the butchering process. According to Lyman (1994, 300), there are three stages of butchering. The first stage includes kill-butchery, in which an animal is slaughtered, and then preliminary butchering (e.g., gutting, disarticulation of the skeleton, removing the hides) takes place at the kill site. Unwanted elements are discarded. The second stage involves further processing of the carcass; some secondary transportation or distribution of the carcass takes place, and any additional unwanted elements are discarded. Finally, the butchery-consumption stage includes the final processing and use of the carcass. Using these stages as guidelines, the skeletal elements present in the exterior midden most closely resemble the first or initial stages of butchering, while the interior midden reflects the secondary or final stages of butchering. Of the more than 29 kg of faunal material from the exterior midden, 21 percent (6.3 kg) of bone showed evidence of intentional modification (Table 7.4). Of the faunal remains, 13 percent display cut and hack marks from butchering, 7 percent are burned, and 1 percent exhibit spiral fractures. The sample is dominated by cow/bison bones, which comprise 56 percent of the total NISP (including butchered and burned bone and spiral fractures). Large and medium mammals constitute 29 percent of the NISP sample, while sheep/goat, deer, raccoon, and unidentified specimens comprise the remaining 15 percent. Almost all the cut and hack marks were the result of metal tools. Microscopic examinations did not positively identify any stone tool cuts. Notably, lower limb and foot elements comprise the majority of the modified cow/bison bone recovered from the exterior midden, although all portions of the skeleton are represented. Lower limb and foot bones, the least meaty and less desirable portions of the skeleton, represent 35 percent of the sample of butchered bovid bone. Cranial and axial portions make up 21.5 percent each of the sample. Unidentified bone including long bones make up the remaining 22 percent of the cow/bison butchered bone. A third of the modified bone sample from the midden is heat-altered. Burned bone, however, comprises less than 7 percent of the total bone col-

172

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 7. 4 . butc h e r e d b o n e f ro m a r e a b Taxon and Skeletal Portion Large mammal Cranial Axial Unidentified long bone Foot Unidentified Subtotal Medium mammal Axial Unidentified Subtotal Sheep/goat Cranial Cow/bison Cranial Axial Forelimb Forefoot Hindlimb Hindfoot Foot Unidentified long bones Unidentified Subtotal Deer Forelimb Unidentified Axial Foot Long bone Unidentified Subtotal TOTAL

NISP

%

Weight (g)

%

    12

    12

    403

>   > 10

  9

  9

 

120

>  3







>







    65







    65

     

   

3,158

         82







    12 100

    12 100

   

101 3,844

. > > >  3 100

Mission Foodways

173

lected from Area B. Similar percentages of burned bone were recorded for a bone bed at Mission San Antonio de Valero. Meissner (1999, 304) notes that much of the meat at Mission Valero was probably boiled, but the lack of burned bone in the feature indicates that most of the faunal remains present never reached the household level of processing. Presumably meat boiling occurred more frequently at the household level, and the bone midden at Mission Valero represents an earlier stage in the butchering process where meat was initially processed and then distributed to various households. Unwanted bone was likewise discarded at this stage and accounts for the relative lack of burned bone. The exterior bone bed may also represent a similar stage in the butchering process as seen at Mission Valero. Spiral or conchoidal fractures occur on 7 percent of the identified modified bone but comprise less than 1 percent of the total bone recovered from Area B (Table 7.2). Conchoidal fractures are usually the result of either human modifications or nonhuman activities such as carnivore gnawing, rock fall, and trampling (Fisher 1995). Fractures frequently occur on long bone shafts, ribs, or foot elements and can result from attempts to extract bone marrow. When a hammer and anvil technique is used to crush bone and remove marrow, it will often leave percussion pits and striations along the surface of the bone shaft. Pits and striations were not present on most of the bones that exhibited spiral fractures; however, if a smooth hammerstone was used to crush the bone, then many of these features might not appear (Fisher 1995). Perhaps both natural and cultural factors are responsible for the conchoidal breakage patterns noted on the bone. Given that cattle were abundant at least in later years at the mission, it is possible that the extraction of bone grease was not necessary and that enough beef was available to the mission residents to satisfy their protein requirements. Nearly 25 percent (6.5 kg) of the 27 kg of bone from the interior midden exhibits evidence of modification (Table 7.5). Of this, 20 percent displays butchering marks, 2.5 percent is burned, and 2 percent exhibits spiral fractures. Like the exterior midden, the majority of identified modified bone (NISP) is from cow/bison; however, only 2 individuals were identified, compared to 10 from Area B, the exterior midden. Modified cow/bison bone represents 66 percent of the sample. Unidentified bone constitutes 24 percent, large mammal remains make up 5 percent, deer remains 3 percent, and the remaining 2 percent consists of sheep/goat, horse, fish, turtle, and rabbit. No stone tool cuts were positively identified, and most of the butchering marks appear to be the result of metal tools. In contrast to the exterior midden, the axial portions of cow/bison skeletons represent a significantly higher percentage of the sample than any other

174

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 7. 5. butc h e r e d b o n e f ro m b lock d - i Taxon and Skeletal Portion Sheep/goat Cranial Axial Subtotal Horse Forefoot Fish Unidentified Turtle Unidentified Rabbit Hind limb Cow/bison Axial Foot Unidentified long bones Unidentified Subtotal Deer Axial Fore foot Unidentified long bone Unidentified Subtotal Unidentified Axial Forefoot Unidentified long bone Unidentified Subtotal TOTAL

NISP

%

Weight (g)

%

> > >1

  4

> > 1

  32



>





>



>



>

.

>



>



>

  

 301

 >  70

,    4,511

 > 

84

    13

> > >  3

    70

> > > > 1

   103 427

 > >  24 100

  

 676 5,374

.

 > >

12.5 100

skeletal portion. As previously noted, the interior bone bed yielded a minimum of 2 individual cows or bison. Although the skeletal elements for all of the bone in the midden have not been assessed, preliminary analyses suggest that the skeletal elements represented in the modified bone assemblage reflect the rest of the sample fairly accurately. Modified bone from cow/bison includes 87 percent axial elements, 5 percent lower limb elements, and 8 per-

Mission Foodways

175

cent unidentified. No butchered cranial remains were recovered. Axial elements significantly outnumber lower limb portions of the skeleton. Bovid ribs (195) and thoracic spines (57) comprise the majority of axial skeletal elements present. The lack of lower limb elements in the midden may be linked to the stage or type of butchering that was being performed in this area. After the initial dismemberment of the carcass, distribution of portions of meat were probably taken elsewhere and processed further in preparation for cooking. The lower limb elements would have been discarded during the initial butchering stage before the more desirable cuts of meat were divided. Therefore, if the interior midden represents a secondary stage of butchering, as proposed here, then fewer or no lower limb elements are expected. The abundance of butchered ribs and thoracic spines in the midden reflects the secondary and final stages of butchering. Cut marks on thoracic vertebrae near the point of rib articulation and perpendicular marks along the surface of rib bones suggest that ‘‘short ribs’’ or ‘‘spare ribs’’ were being prepared. Rib and vertebrae bones carry a much greater amount of usable meat than the lower legs of most animals (Meissner 1999, 290). Similar patterns of butchering bovid bone were observed at Mission San Lorenzo (Tunnell and Newcomb 1969). Heat altering was only noted on a few specimens (2.5 percent) within the modified bone sample (Table 7.6). The lack of burned bone may indicate that either bone was not heated to such an extent that it shows evidence of burning or that burned bone was discarded elsewhere. Likewise, spiral or conchoidal fractures were present on only 2 percent of the sample. As mentioned for the exterior midden, the general lack of bone fractures indicates that the extraction of marrow may not have been needed. The abundance of cattle during the later years at Espíritu Santo would have provided plenty of protein for the mission occupants. Furthermore, the paucity of lower limb elements, which generally are the most common portions of the skeleton targeted for marrow extraction, is a factor in the low occurrence of fractured bone recovered from the interior midden. In general, the patterning of modified faunal remains from the interior bone bed reflects a specific stage in the butchering process. Axial portions of the bovid skeleton are high in comparison with cranial and lower limb portions, suggesting that these parts of the animal were removed elsewhere. The abundance of butchered rib and vertebrae bones reflects processing of the meatier and more desirable portions of the animal. Given the close proximity of the midden to the kitchen/refectory (Structure 5), the preparation activities and or consumption of the food that resulted in the formation of the refuse heap may have occurred inside this building. As previously noted,

176

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 7. 6. ot h e r m o d i f i e d b o n e i n ar e a b an d b lock d - i Area B Burned Bone Taxon and Skeletal Portion Large Mammal Unidentified Sheep/Goat Forelimb Hindlimb Raccoon Cranial Unidentified TOTAL

Block D-I Burned Bone

NISP

Weight (g)

%

NISP

Weight (g)

%













 



> >

— —

— —

— —

 — —

 ,  1,989

>  100

— — —

—

 489

—  100

Area B Spiral Fractures Large Mammal Unidentified Long Bones Axial Unidentified Long Bones TOTAL

NISP

Weight (g)

%







—

468

100

Block D-I Spiral Fractures NISP

Weight (g)

%

  29

   662

   100

the link between the midden and Structure 5 strongly suggests that at least at one time this building served as a kitchen. Whether the Spanish residents, the mission Indians, or both were responsible for consuming the foods that are reflected in the midden is not known. The location of the midden inside the compound may indicate that the foods prepared there were more closely tied to the Spanish residents. If this is the case, then the importance of locally available animals to the Spanish diet is underscored. The variety of wild taxa noted in the faunal remains from the midden attests to the importance of nondomesticated animals. Fish in particular are well represented and probably reflect dietary restrictions as imposed by the Catholic faith. The midden also produced the same number of deer specimens as it did for cow/bison. Although meat weight or biomass estimates were not completed in the analysis, clearly the amount of meat that a single cow or bison yields is significantly higher than that of a fish or even a deer. Nevertheless, it is obvious from both of the bone features and from faunal remains collected from other parts of the site that wild fauna contributed significantly to the entire

Mission Foodways

177

mission population’s diet. From historical accounts we know that food resources at the mission were often scarce and unstable, especially during the early years of its existence. As a result, it was not uncommon for the missionaries to be faced with severe supply shortages (Castañeda 1936, Forrestal 1931). Although eventually the mission herds thrived, in the beginning cattle were not a stable source of food. Due to such shortages, the missionaries had little choice but to incorporate local fauna into their diets. The friars, no doubt, depended heavily on the Aranama and Tamique for much of the food that was locally hunted. Regardless of the presence of wild fauna, the sheer number of bovid animals from both middens (a minimum of 10 individuals in Area B and 2 in Block D-I) clearly underscores their importance to the mission diet. Based largely on indirect evidence, the bone in both middens appears to belong primarily to cattle. Other than the relatively small size of the bone and the representation of particular skeletal elements in the exterior midden, the history of the mission as a cattle ranch supports the belief that most of the bovid remains are from cows (deFrance 1996, 1999; Walter 1997). Ramsdell (1949, 21) states that Espíritu Santo at Goliad was the largest cattle ranch in Texas prior to the 1850s and had become the most important ranch in Spanish Texas by the year 1735. Although exact counts of cattle kept by the friars at Mission Valley are not known, Ramsdell (1949) estimates that in 1758, at the Goliad site, more than 3,000 branded cattle belonged to the mission. Historical accounts for many of the Texas missions note that cattle were distributed among the Native American families on a weekly basis (Cardeñas 1778, Habig 1978, Leutenegger 1994). It was not uncommon for several cattle a week to be slaughtered. Guidelines for Mission Concepción in San Antonio suggested that four to six cattle a week were slaughtered (Leutenegger 1994). A 1755 report from Mission San José notes that seven cattle a week were butchered for a population of 194 (Habig 1978). The exact native population of Espíritu Santo in Mission Valley is not known. However, Ramsdell (1949) estimated that as many as 400 Aranama and Tamique may have congregated at the mission at the time of its founding. The large amount of bovid remains that dominates the sample from the middens may reflect one week’s ration of beef for the native population. Certainly, if 400 Aranama and Tamique were present at the mission at the time the middens were formed, at least ten to twelve head of cattle would need to be slaughtered to feed a population that largely relied on meat as a part of their diet. Even though both middens share similarities in terms of the species represented, it is clear from the distribution of skeletal portions that the two features represent different stages in the butchering process. While the interior

178

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

midden represents a secondary stage of butchering, where carcasses were further processed and then consumed, the exterior midden is representative of a preliminary stage of butchering. The predominance of lower limbs and feet elements indicates that this was a place where initial processing (gutting, disarticulation, and skinning) took place. During the initial stage of butchering, much higher percentages of less meaty skeletal elements are expected, especially if the animals are killed on site. These remains would then be discarded within the midden. It is also expected that the more desirable cuts of beef including the meat attached to the ribs and vertebrae or axial elements would be poorly represented, since these portions of the animal presumably would be distributed and transported elsewhere for further processing. Cranial elements comprise 3 percent of the bovid skeleton, axial portions 47 percent, and lower limbs and feet portions 50 percent. If the exterior midden reflects initial butchering activities, then much higher percentages of lower limbs and feet and relatively low percentages of axial portions would be expected. The sample of the bovid remains from the exterior midden analyzed by deFrance (1996) yielded 35 percent cranial portions, 18 percent axial portions, and 46 percent lower limb and foot portions. The high percentage of cranial elements is a result of the large number of molar fragments recovered from the midden (deFrance 1999, 180). The sample of modified bovid bone yielded 22 percent cranial portions, 22 percent axial, and 52 percent lower limb and foot elements. In both of the samples, the percentages of axial elements fall far below the expected percentages. The low occurrence of axial skeletal elements in combination with the high percentage of lower limb and foot elements supports the argument that the exterior midden primarily represents on-site, initial butchering. The abundance of other animal remains within the middens stresses the importance of local and domesticated animals to both Spanish and native diets. In addition, the presence of other refuse such as ceramics, lithics, shell, glass, and some metal artifacts indicates that the features were also used for general refuse disposal. Identifying the animal species present in both middens provides significant information about the general diet of the mission inhabitants. Moreover, the identification and quantification of skeletal elements are clearly important for distinguishing different phases in butchering and processing animals. A more difficult challenge when looking at the faunal remains, however, is determining exactly who consumed what. For example, when contemplating who was responsible for preparing and consuming the food that is represented in the interior midden, issues of ethnicity, class, and gender are important factors that need to be considered. More in-depth analyses are needed to address these questions adequately; however, several possible sce-

Mission Foodways

179

narios are reviewed. First, the more meaty skeletal portions that dominate the faunal remains in the interior midden might be indicative of class divisions. The more desirable cuts of meat may have been distributed first to the Spanish soldiers and their families and the missionaries, while the majority of the native residents received the less meaty and hence less desirable portions of the animal. Secondly, it is also possible that the Spaniards and the mission Indians both contributed to the formation of the interior midden and that the bone bed represents the remains of food that were consumed by both groups. Perhaps the food was prepared here and then shared among all of the mission occupants or maybe a select few. Indian overseers or foremen, who were trusted members of the indigenous population chosen by the friars to oversee the work of the other neophytes, might have lived or worked inside the compound and may have been given special privileges such as higher-quality cuts of meat. Native American governors and alcaldes usually were elected by the male population of the mission and the fiscales appointed by the missionaries (Leutenegger 1994). A 1778 inventory for the final location of Mission Espíritu Santo notes that ‘‘Indian overseers, the alcaldes, governadores and fiscales are distinguished with a dress of special cloth’’ and ‘‘stand out from the others in good judgement, rationality and cleanliness, those who are more diligent and more Christian, more careful and helpful and more concerned about their pueblo. Among these are distributed some cloth shirts and other things of the best sort that is had among the provisions’’ (Cardeñas 1778). Fiscales, alcaldes, governadores, and overseers were almost always males. An overseer was expected to be a ‘‘man of judgment and maturity, since he deals with women constantly, and the boys whom he directs must find him worthy of respect’’ (Leutenegger 1994, 13). Men were also responsible for cooking at the missions. Guidelines written for Texas missionaries by an unknown Franciscan priest noted that ‘‘the missionary can change the cook when he wants to or alternate cooks by weeks or months, always selecting a man for the job. The employment of women could lead to disorder with single men in the kitchen’’ (Leutenegger 1994, 13). Women, on the other hand, were largely responsible for rearing children, grinding corn, making bread and tortillas, sewing, weaving, and cooking for their individual households (Bolton 1960, Cardeñas 1783, Leutenegger 1994). The location of the interior midden suggests that preparing food inside the mission compound was probably a task assigned to one or more male cooks. Women were more likely to contribute to food preparation and cooking at the household level and not within the confines of the mission kitchen. When examining the exterior midden, in all probability the meat butch-

180

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ered there was distributed to all of the mission residents. Assuming that the bovid remains accumulated in the midden represent a one-time butchering event, the slaughter of ten cattle meant that more than just the missionaries and one or two presidial soldiers and their families were being fed. After 1736, when the Spaniards abandoned their irrigation attempts, dry farming was more productive, and the mission herds were increasing (Bolton 1915, Ramsdell 1938). The greater food supply available after 1736 may have encouraged the Aranama and Tamique to spend more time at the mission. Certainly native laborers were needed to work the mission fields and tend the expanding herds of cattle. Therefore, it is conceivable that the midden was created after 1736, a time of increasing stability for the mission. Given that only two bone beds were exposed and extensively studied, it is important to keep in mind that the activities reflected in these features only represent what was going on at these particular locations of the site. The proportion of cattle bone in comparison with other animals identified in the middens does not necessarily reflect the importance of their use at the mission. As noted for the vertebrate remains recovered from excavations at Mission Valero (Meissner 1999), more domesticated animals or wild fauna may have been butchered elsewhere, and their representation in the middens may not reflect their importance to the mission occupants’ diet.

Area C: Interior Compound and Presidio Soldiers’ Quarters Excavations in the mission plaza produced more than 10 kg of bone. Wild and domesticated fauna were recovered. Summaries of the vertebrate remains from the Area C excavations are provided in Tables 7.7 and 7.8. The majority of the vertebrate remains from the presidial soldiers’ quarters consist of cow or bison bone (at least 7 individuals), white-tailed deer (5 specimens), and sheep or goat (7 specimens). A wide variety of aquatic fauna was also recovered from these excavations. Eight species of fish (32 specimens) and three varieties of turtles (13 specimens) were identified. Additional domesticated fauna include one pig, one dog, and two chickens. Other locally available animals were identified in the sample and include three varieties of bird, opossum, and cottontail rabbit. The remains of snakes and rodents were also found. Although snakes and rodents may have been eaten by the mission residents, it seems more likely that their remains are incidental or in the case of the rodents a reflection of scavenging activities. As previously noted, the cultural deposits excavated in Block C-I are di-

181

Mission Foodways

table 7. 7. vertebrate remains from bloc k c-i (mcclure 20 0 0) MNI

Common Name

Taxon

Fish Gar Longnose Gar Bowfin Smallmouth Buffalo Fish Catfish Flathead Catfish Sunfish Largemouth Bass Toad Frog Turtle Slider Turtle Box Turtle Softshell Turtle Racer or Whip Snake Garter or Ribbon snake Pit Viper Bird Wigeon Mallard Domestic Chicken Red-winged blackbird Mammals < Deer Opossum Rat or Mouse Cottontail Pocket mouse Hispid Cotton Rat Ringtail Domestic Dog Domestic Pig White-tailed Deer Cow or Bison Sheep/ Goat

Teleost Lepisosteus sp Lepisosteus osseus Amia calva Ictiobus bubalus Ictalurus sp Pylodictis olivaris Lepomis sp Micropterus salmoides Bufo sp Rana sp Testudinata Chrysemys sp Terrapene sp Trionyx sp Coluber/Masticophis sp Thamnophis sp Viperidae Aves Anas americana Anas platyrhynchos Gallus domesticus Agelaius phoeniceus Mammalia Didelphis viriginiana Rodentia Syvilagus floridanus Pergonatus merriami Sigmodon hispidus Bassariscus astutus Canis familiaris Sus scrofa Odocoileus virginianus Bos taurus or bos bison Ovis aries/ capra hircus

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 



 

  



  



 







     

   

  



  

  

  

   

 

   

 

  



  

    

  

  

182

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ta b l e 7. 7. co n t inu e d MNI

Common Name

Taxon

Domestic Sheep Domestic Goat Deer-Size Mammal TOTALS

Ovis aries Capra hircus Mammalia

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 

Zone /

Zone 

  3

 14

26

11

41

MNI—Minimum number of individual species

ta b l e 7. 8. v e rt e b rat e r e m ai n s f ro m b locks c- i i an d c- i i i (m cc lu r e 1 9 9 9 ) Common Name

Taxon

Gar Catfish Largemouth bass Box turtle Softshell turtle Snake Bird Rat or mouse Cottontail Raccoon Domestic dog White-tailed deer Cow or bison Sheep or goat

Lepisosteus sp Ictalurus sp Micropterus salmoides Terrapene sp Trionyx sp Serpentes Aves Rodentia Syvilagus floridanus Procyon lotor Canis familiaris Odocoileus virginianus Bos taurus /Bos bison Ovis aries /Capra hircus

MNI C-II     

MNI C-III

 

       

    

MNI—Minimum number of individual species

vided into three zones. Zones 2 through 3 are differentiated only by a slight change in soil color, and the cultural materials found in these zones appear to be the result of a continuation of the same occupation. Zone 3 produced the largest quantity of bone and the most variety. Notably, Zone 3 also yielded the only domestic chicken remains that definitely can be tied to the mission

Mission Foodways

183

period. Investigations in the architectural ruins also uncovered the remains of domestic chicken. However, the context of this find is questionable, given that most of the excavations within the mission ruins were conducted in disturbed deposits. Faunal remains from Zone 2 were also abundant, while the overburden in Zone 1 and the transitional deposits in Zone 1/2 produced a relatively small amount of faunal materials. Of the 95 individual species identified, 19 percent (18 species) are domesticated taxa, assuming that most of the bovid bone is cattle. Although an assessment of the skeletal portions of the bovid remains has not been completed, the general size of the bone suggests that most of the bovid remains are from cattle and not bison. The predominance of large mammals such as cattle and deer indicates that these animals were providing most of the meat, followed closely by sheep or goats. The wide variety of locally available fauna present in the C-I sample also suggests that indigenous animal species were incorporated into the Spanish diet. Possibly the soldiers themselves may have procured some of the animals represented in the sample. Based on the abundance of gunflints and lead sprue from C-I, it is evident that firearms were being used, and it is not inconceivable that the soldiers used their weapons to hunt local game when the opportunity arose. Apart from the excavations in the presidio soldier occupation, additional investigations in Area C (Blocks C-II and C-III) also yielded faunal remains. Overall, the general pattern of faunal materials from C-II and C-III closely resembles the collection of vertebrate remains from the other block excavations across the site. Only a small amount of animal bone, however, was recovered from both C-II and C-III. Nevertheless, both blocks yielded wild and domesticated species. Fish and turtle remains were abundant in the sample from C-II. Domestic dog was found in both of the block excavations as well as white-tailed deer and cow or bison. Nonfood items included snakes and rodents. The raccoon and cottontail rabbit remains and possibly bird were probably hunted within the mission locale. In addition, sheep or goat remains were recovered from C-II.

Area D: Mission Ruins At least 24 individual animals were identified from the architectural excavations in Area D (Table 7.3). Wild taxa include a variety of aquatic and land animals that can be found within the vicinity of the mission. The only domesticated animals include sheep or goat, chicken, and possibly cow. Due to the largely disturbed nature of most of the deposits in Area D, it is difficult to tie any of these animals to the mission era. Furthermore, the

184

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

sample of faunal remains recovered from these investigations is not representative. The collection of cultural materials from within the mission ruin was not systematic, and artifacts and faunal remains were only selectively collected.

Molluscan Remains Among the faunal remains, a number of mollusks are also present. Freshwater mussel shells (Amblema plicata) comprise the majority of bivalves recovered from the site (Table 7.9). The mussel shells represented in the sample were probably gathered from the Guadalupe River, where they are found in abundance. The distribution of Amblema plicata mussel shells ranges from the San Antonio and Guadalupe River system into other drainage basins to the north and east (Howells, Neck, and Murray 1996, 34). Overall, the mission Indian quarters yielded the most mussel shell (594 specimens), followed by the exterior midden in Area B (114 specimens), the mission ruins in Area D (105 specimens), the interior midden in Block D-I (36 specimens), and the presidio soldiers’ quarters in Block C-I (26 specimens). Fragments of mussel shell were also found in excavations inside the mission compound in Blocks C-II (7 specimens) and C-III (2 specimens). In addition to freshwater mussels, shell from marine species was also recovered. The assemblage of marine shells is small but varied. Only 4 percent (32 specimens) of the sample of shell is of marine or coastal estuarine species. Marine shell was found in all of the excavation blocks with the exception of C-II. Marine resources, like freshwater mussels, were probably collected as a source of food. The local availability of mussel shells in the nearby Guadalupe River in combination with the distance of the mission from the coast likely accounts for the predominance of freshwater shell. Excavations in the Indian quarters produced two fragments of scallops (Pectinidae), one cockle shell (Cariidae) fragment, and one unidentified fragment. Identified marine shells from the exterior midden include oliva (Olividae) and one scallop. Excavations within the mission plaza near the proposed soldiers’ quarters yielded the largest quantity of marine shell. Seven fragments of scallop shells, one of oliva, two cockle, and one broad-ribbed cardita (Carditamera floridana) were collected from these excavations, along with a number of unidentified shell fragments. Block C-III inside the mission compound also produced a fragment of broad-ribbed cardita. The architectural investigations in Area D only yielded one marine shell, a cockle shell fragment collected from an ex-

185

Mission Foodways

ta b l e 7. 9. m o l lu s c a n r e m ai n s ( m n i ) Area A  Test Units

A-I

A-II

A-III

Deposit

FW

Marine

FW

Marine

FW

Marine

FW

Marine

Mission Pre-Mission

  —

 —



—

 —

 

— —

 

— 

Area B Freshwater Marine





Block C-I

Freshwater Marine

Zone 

Zone  / 

Zone 

Zone  / 

Zone 

 —

 









Area D and Block D-I

Freshwater Marine

Architectural Units

D-I Excavations





 

MNI—Minimum number of individual species FW—Freshwater

cavation unit in Structure 2, the apse. The interior midden produced a wide variety of marine shell species including one cross-barred Venus (Chione cancellata), incongruous ark (Anadara brasiliana), five broad-ribbed cardita, and one cockle shell. The remaining marine shell fragments from the midden are unidentified. One large unidentified marine shell was also found in the firebox fill from the chamber of the lime kiln. The large size of the shell and its location inside the firebox suggest that it might have been used as a tool or a scoop to remove lime or ash.

186

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Snails Snails were collected from soil samples taken from each excavation block. Since a 100 percent recovery of snail was not conducted, quantitative comparisons are not possible. Nevertheless, identifications of species that are represented in the sample are listed. Areas A, B, C, and D all yielded Rabdotus, Polygyra, Oligyra, and Helisoma snails. In addition, Areas A and D produced Euglandina snail shell, Area B produced Praticollela snail shell, and Mesodon snails were recovered from Area C. A large concentration of Rabdotus snail shell was also encountered among a cluster of shells in an excavation block within the mission Indian quarters. The presence of snail shell within the small feature may indicate that snails were being consumed in addition to freshwater mussels.

Eight

CONCLUSIONS

T

he establishment of Spanish settlements including missions, presidios, ranchos, and civilian communities in the eighteenth century left a lasting mark on the landscape of Texas. Regrettably, many Spanish sites, such as the third location of Espíritu Santo in Mission Valley, are not well documented, and historical records remain scarce. The importance of archaeological research therefore cannot be overemphasized. Investigations at Espíritu Santo’s third location underscore the invaluable contributions that archaeology can make to Spanish Colonial studies. Furthermore, the scope of work at the mission is unique among mission studies. Rarely do we get the opportunity to explore so many aspects of the mission system. Spanish Colonial missions were not just places but institutions where people, lived, worked, and worshipped. They served as focal points of cultural interaction where Spaniards and indigenous populations experienced rapid cultural changes. By examining not only the mission architecture but also the areas where people lived and worked, their foodways, the related dam and irrigation system intended to support the mission fields, the quarry where stone was mined for construction, and the kiln where lime needed for building was produced, a much more complete picture of mission life is emerging. Even if extensive historical documents were available, many of our questions concerning the nature of the mission experience could not be answered without the aid of archaeology. With these thoughts in mind, excavations at the mission focused on recovering data that would not only supplement our historical knowledge of the site by providing an overall picture of the mission and its operations but also contribute a better sense of the people who resided there and their daily lives. In keeping with these goals, archaeological and architectural investigations at the mission concentrated first on defining the layout of the site and second on delineating habitation and activity areas. Accordingly, par-

188

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

ticular attention was given to those aspects of the archaeological record that yielded information about ethnic affiliations, native and Spanish diets, and the mission economy. The final goal was to utilize all of the information recovered to present a more comprehensive picture of the mission complex and its associated sites, including the nearby mission dams, the acequia, and the mission quarry.

The Mission in Overview Excavations in Area A yielded materials that indicate a mission Indian occupation. Aboriginal pottery, lithic tools and debris, marine and freshwater shell, glass, metal, Spanish Colonial ceramics, and wild and domesticated animal remains were recovered. No evidence of living structures was found; however, due to the seasonal occupation of the mission by the Aranama and Tamique, this is not surprising. Furthermore, mission Indians were probably for the most part living in nonpermanent jacal structures. Although not directly associated with the mission excavations, similar assemblages of artifacts also were collected from the upper deposits (B. Jones personal communication 1998) of a site northeast of the mission ruins. The site, known as 41VT129, was investigated at the same time as the mission. Although mission-era deposits were encountered, the focus of excavations was the prehistoric component of the site. Nevertheless, the proximity of the two suggests that the area designated 41VT129 was also part of the mission complex and may represent an additional living or activity area of the indigenous groups that seasonally occupied the mission. While we focused our investigation of the mission Indian living quarters on the area west of the ruins, it should be noted that the neophytes were not confined to this locale and probably camped all around the mission compound. Investigations in the mission Indian quarters also yielded information on the Late Prehistoric occupation of the site. Late Prehistoric deposits were encountered directly below the mission deposits. Comparatively, the sample of prehistoric materials is small in relationship to the mission materials. Nonetheless, comparisons between the prehistoric cultural remains and the mission-related materials provide some insight into continuity and change in native lifeways. In particular, archaeological evidence of certain native technologies including lithic and pottery traditions was identified in both the mission and pre-mission deposits. The recovery of bone-tempered pottery from the prehistoric and mission-era deposits indicates that the Indians continued to make use of native wares. Moreover, it appears, given the abun-

Conclusions

189

dance of bone-tempered pottery across the site, that the friars were relying on the Indians for at least some of their ceramic wares. This reliance was due to a general lack of supplies received by the missionaries at Mission Valley. The kinds of vessel forms produced at the mission by the natives are not known. Presumably, prehistoric forms such as bowls and jars continued to be made during the mission period, perhaps along with new shapes influenced by European interaction. Changes in vessel shapes and functions, however, have not been assessed, given that most of the bone-tempered sherds are too small and fragmented to infer forms. As a result, it is unknown whether production of Late Prehistoric vessel forms was continuing or if new forms were being made either for the Native Americans themselves or for the Spaniards. Likewise, a continuation of certain stone tool technologies is observed. The assemblage of cultural materials from the mission deposits strongly resembles that of the Late Prehistoric Toyah culture. Toyah assemblages are marked by Leon Plain wares, shell ornaments, Perdiz projectile points, perforators, unifaces, flake blades, and beveled knives. With the exception of the Guerrero projectile points and gunflints, a similar assemblage of artifacts is noted in the mission deposits and appears to be related to the Toyah culture. Bifaces, unifaces, flake blades, and Perdiz projectile points were present in the upper mission deposits. Although the pre-mission deposits did not yield any projectile points, a number of bifaces, perforators, and unifacial ‘‘scrapers’’ were recovered. A preliminary study of the wear patterns exhibited on a unifacial scraper from the mission-era deposits and a similar uniface from the pre-mission deposits indicates that despite continuations in form, functions of certain lithic tools such as unifaces changed over time. Unquestionably, the introduction of metal tools had some impact on the way stone tools were used. More extensive analyses, however, need to be completed to examine the full effect that the introduction of metal implements had on native lithic technologies. It is interesting to note that unifacial end scrapers, so abundant at the third location of the mission, are absent from the archaeological sample from Espíritu Santo at Goliad. Ricklis (1999) infers that the absence of these tools is a direct reflection of their replacement by metal forms. In addition to the artifacts recovered from the mission Indian quarters, faunal remains were collected from the upper and lower deposits. Wild and domesticated fauna are represented in the sample. Bovid bone comprises the majority of vertebrate remains found in Area A. Positively distinguishing the bone as either cow or bison was not possible. Espíritu Santo’s history as a cattle mission suggests that most of the bovid bone belongs to cattle; however, the presence of bison should not be ruled out, since historical accounts note the importance of bison to the Aranama diet (Cardeñas 1778, Forrestal

190

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

1931). Furthermore, the Aranama and Tamique frequently left the mission during times of need to return to traditional subsistence strategies and may have brought bison meat with them when they returned to Espíritu Santo. The presence of deer, opossum, cottontail, turkey, several species of fish and turtle, and other locally available animals emphasizes the importance of wild fauna procured by the mission Indians. Most local game represented in the faunal collection likely reflects the activities of natives. However, the soldiers assigned to the mission also may have engaged in hunting. The abundance of freshwater mussel shell from the Guadalupe River also stresses the significance of hunting and gathering activities within the vicinity of the mission. The exterior bone bed excavated outside the mission compound (Area B) yielded valuable information regarding the diets of the mission occupants as well. Local and European-introduced animals were present in the midden, but bovid remains dominate the sample. A minimum of ten cattle were identified from the feature. The general abundance of lower limb and foot elements or the less meaty portions of the skeleton indicates that most of the bovid remains are from cattle. An analysis of bone modifications and a quantification of bovid skeletal elements rendered useful information regarding the specific activities that resulted in the formation of the midden. The overwhelming majority of processed lower limb and foot elements in comparison to the lack of axial elements is the result of on-site initial butchering stages. Outside the confines of the mission walls, cattle were butchered. The carcasses probably were dismembered, gutted, and skinned at this location before being distributed to the mission kitchen or perhaps individual households. If this is the case, then the paucity of axial elements or the more desirable portions of the animal is expected in the exterior midden. Additional refuse such as bone-tempered pottery, stone tools, debitage, glass, metal, Spanish Colonial ceramics, and shell was found in association with the faunal bone, indicating that the midden was also used for general refuse disposal. Three excavation blocks were opened in Area C. Excavations in blocks C-II and C-III were limited, since both were discontinued in order to concentrate investigations in the more productive C-I block. Area C is believed to be the mission plaza or interior compound. The mission structures form an L-shaped pattern that opens up into the area east of the structures. Presumably, this central plaza area would have been protected by a surrounding wall or palisade and may have been covered at least partially with cobble pavements near the entrances to the mission buildings. Physical evidence of a palisade or compound wall has not been uncovered, but based on Spanish

Conclusions

191

records and the presence of similar walls at other missions in Texas, Espíritu Santo would have had a protective wall enclosing the plaza. Protection was a primary concern for the Spaniards, especially for Spanish settlements that were far removed from major supply centers and other settlements (Bannon 1974, Bolton 1960). Cultural materials from the mission and in particular from investigations within the plaza (C-I) include horse trappings, lead shot, lead sprue, metal tools, gunflints, and other artifacts that reflect a presidial soldier occupation. C-I also yielded Mexican and European wares, bone-tempered pottery, Rockport pottery, Caddo pottery, glass beads, bone artifacts including bone beads and a bone needle, shell, and faunal remains of European domesticates and wild species. The appearance of Rockport pottery may be attributed to one of several possibilities. First, Rockport pottery may have been obtained through trade with the Karankawa; second, the pottery could have been brought from the first location of the mission to Mission Valley; or third, the presence of Rockport sherds might be the result of Karankawas living at the site. Given that the Rockport sherds comprise less than 2 percent of the sample of native pottery, it is not likely that a large group of Karankawa were living at the mission. Instead, the Rockport ware may indicate the presence of a Karankawa woman who married a presidial soldier or even a Karankawan neophyte who accompanied the missionaries to the new location of Espíritu Santo. Similarly, Caddo pottery makes up less than 1 percent of the native pottery sherds recovered from the site. The presence of Caddo pottery is probably the result of trade rather than Caddo groups living at the mission. Faunal remains recovered from all three blocks in Area C indicate that both wild and domesticated species of animals were being consumed. Bovid remains comprise the majority of the sample, but deer and sheep or goat were also abundant. Local aquatic species including fish and turtle are also well represented in Area C and stress the importance of native animals to both the Spanish and indigenous diets. Whether the mission Indians were procuring local animals for the Spaniards is unclear. The presidial soldiers were obviously armed and may have hunted some of their own food. Certainly the missionaries would have relied at least in part on the soldiers or the Aranama and Tamique for locally available food resources to supplement their diet in times of need, particularly when crops were failing and supplies were low. Architectural and archaeological investigations were conducted in Area D. Architectural investigations helped to verify the Spanish Colonial construc-

192

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

tion of the buildings and exposed five mission structures including the convento or friary, the mission church, and possibly the mission kitchen. Excavations inside the mission ruins produced a variety of cultural materials, although most of the architectural units were placed in disturbed deposits. The exact dates for the construction of the buildings are not known. However, architectural data concerning the particular construction styles of each building allow us to make speculations about their relative ages. For example, two distinct building constructions were identified among the mission structures, suggesting that one construction style may have preceded the other. Rooms 1B and 1C inside the proposed church (Structure 1) were built using earthen mortar and rubble stone construction. In contrast, Room 1A, the apse (Structure 2), and Structure 4 represent a more formal and sturdy construction style and are the only buildings where lime mortar was used. Additional investigations of the kitchen/refectory (Structure 5) are needed to determine its construction type. Based on these observations, it appears that the construction of Rooms 1B and 1C in the church preceded the construction of Room 1A, the apse, and Structure 4. During the early years, work efforts were primarily concentrated on building the mission dams and acequia system. Presumably, only a limited amount of labor would have been available for producing lime for mortar and for building more formal mission buildings. Thus, structures using rubble stone and earth mortar probably predate the more formal mission buildings ( J. Garner personal communication 2000). Archaeological excavations near the kitchen/refectory (Structure 5) uncovered another bone midden and allowed comparisons to be made with the midden in Area B outside the mission compound. Based on the distribution of primarily butchered bovid skeletal elements, the principal activity in the interior midden appears to have been related to the final stages of the butchering process. A large percentage of processed rib and vertebrae bones from mostly deer and bison or cow and a noticeable lack of lower limbs and feet indicate that for the most part only the axial portions of the animals were being brought from places like Area B where initial butchering took place to the mission kitchen for final processing. Cut marks noted on rib bones suggest that short ribs were being prepared. The location of the midden inside the mission plaza may indicate that the bone bed is more closely related to the Spanish residents than the native occupants. Area E represents the lime kiln. Excavations in Area E were oriented toward exposing and defining the feature. The inside of the kiln funnel and the top of the firebox were entirely excavated. The construction and style of the kiln and the presence of lime confirmed that the feature was used

Conclusions

193

to extract lime. Lime was an important item produced during the Spanish Colonial period and used in a variety of ways. In Spanish California, for example, lime was used as hydraulic cement in the construction of dams and aqueducts and to make lime mortar for stone construction. Furthermore, lime was used to make plaster for protecting adobe surfaces from weather, and it was an important ingredient for processing cattle hides (Costello 1977, 22). At Espíritu Santo it appears that lime was primarily used for making mortar for stone construction. Certainly, lime could have been used in other activities; however, as yet these types of data are lacking in the archaeological and historical records. Although some of the mission structures were built using earthen mortar, several of the structures exhibit the use of lime. It is likely that several kilns were required to produce the large amount of lime that would have been necessary for mission construction. Additional kilns, although not currently identified, were probably built to accommodate the demand for lime. Investigations at Espíritu Santo led to the discovery of the mission quarry, where formal excavations were conducted. Sandstone from the outcrop matches the sandstone used in the construction of the mission buildings. Research at the quarry revealed that in some places nearly 10 meters of sandstone materials were removed from the face of the outcrop. A series of shovel tests placed near the face of the quarry was completed in an attempt to define the extent of rock below the surface ( Jones 1998, 43). The sandstone outcrop is not detectable below the ground surface beyond 10 m from the quarry face. Although no tools were recovered from the excavations, distinctive scars along the face of the quarry indicate that an iron chisel was used to remove the sandstone blocks. Presumably, the Aranama and Tamique were responsible for quarrying most of the stone from the outcrop that was eventually used in the construction of the mission buildings. Reports of the mission note that prior to 1736 much energy was invested in trying to construct the mission dams (Castañeda 1938, Leutenegger 1979). A large labor pool was needed to help construct the dams and acequia, perhaps diverting the native workforce from building the mission structures until after 1736, when efforts to irrigate were finally abandoned. If most of the native laborers were constructing dams and maintaining canals during the first years of the mission’s existence, a large portion of the building construction may not have taken place until after 1736 ( J. Garner personal communication 1999). The missionaries may have refocused the efforts of mission Indian labor to constructing mission buildings after the switch to dry farming. Therefore, most of the stone removed from the quarry would have been mined sometime after 1736.

194

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

The two mission dams (41VT135 and 41VT13) and the acequia system attest to the massive endeavor to irrigate the mission fields. Initial investigations helped identify what remained of the dams, followed by more formal research to trace the length of the acequias and record the dimensions of the dams (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999). The two diversion dams, one on the Guadalupe River and the other along Mission Creek, were both constructed of hewn limestone procured from their respective locations. The exact locale of the mission fields has not been found; however, the floodplains and low terraces along the Guadalupe River provide appropriate lands for agriculture (Rinker, Cox, and Bousman 1999, 124–128). Linn (1883, 337) noted that the mission fields encompassed some sixty acres of land. Using a combination of historical, archaeological, geological, and tree ring data, several reasons for the abandonment of the irrigation system are proposed by Rinker, Cox, and Bousman (1999, 128). Scarcities of water during dry months, acequia erosion, recognition that yearly rainfall could supply enough water for farming, and finally attention to the expanding livestock herds are all factors that certainly contributed to discontinuation of using the acequias. Clearly, rainfall patterns had a direct effect on traditional agricultural practices, forcing the Spaniards to adapt to their new environment.

Life at the Mission Multiple lines of evidence including historical, architectural, and archaeological data were combined to address the mission system as a whole. The relationships of the site of the mission itself with the dams and acequia system, the mission fields, and the sandstone quarry as well as the relationships among different parts of the site inform us about the mission system and how it functioned as a whole. Thus, understanding these relationships is essential. The picture of mission life that emerges from the multitude of collected data, although still fragmentary, is more complete than it has been since investigations began there in the 1930s. Franciscans established the mission at its third location near the Guadalupe River primarily to target the Aranama and Tamique groups who lived in the region. The twentythree-year occupation of the mission at this site was fraught with troubles for the Spaniards. Unable to support themselves, the friars were often forced to use their own salaries to supply the mission, especially during the early years when irrigation attempts were failing. They relied upon the mission Indians for labor in the mission fields and for tending the growing herds of cattle that the Spanish introduced. The construction, however sporadic, of

Conclusions

195

the mission dams and acequia systems as well as the mission buildings was undoubtedly undertaken by native laborers. For the indigenous groups that resided at Espíritu Santo, a large incentive for remaining at the mission was the promise of food and protection. Yet the impoverished condition of the mission, especially during the first ten years, was not conducive to year-round occupancy. Instead, the native groups often left the confines of the mission and returned to traditional subsistence strategies, incorporating the mission into their seasonal rounds when food supplies there were more abundant. After irrigation attempts were abandoned in 1736 in favor of dry farming, conditions at the mission appear to have stabilized. Once dam-building efforts were discontinued, more attention could be focused on other aspects of the mission’s economy. For example, cattle were steadily increasing in number and became a more significant component of the mission’s livelihood. The expansion of the cattle herds led to an increase in available food for the mission occupants. A steady supply of beef may have encouraged the Aranama and Tamique to spend more time at the mission. Based on the faunal remains recovered from across the site, cattle comprised a significant if not dominant part of the mission residents’ diets. However, the presence of numerous indigenous species of locally available animals also attests to the importance of wild fauna to the mission diet. Indigenous animal species were probably procured in large part by the native residents, who continued to hunt within the vicinity of the mission. Interestingly, the mission Indians appear to have been providing food for the Spanish residents as well, thus supplementing their diets in times of need. It is likely that the Aranama and Tamique continued to hunt animals throughout the duration of their stay at the mission. The mission Indians also helped to build the mission. Presumably, a mission church, given its importance, would have been built first, and later a convento, refectory, and storerooms or a granary would be constructed. Five structures were identified; however, the function of at least one of the buildings is largely unknown. Rooms 1B and 1C in Structure 1 (the mission church) may have served as part of the church or storerooms at one time. An apse, Structure 2, attached to the north end of Structure 1 probably functioned as an open-air chapel or ramada that could accommodate more people than a small enclosed church. Open-air churches were common in parts of Mexico and Mesoamerica during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Burkhart 1989). Structure 3 may have served as the convento or priest’s quarters, at least at one time. The function of Structure 4 is unknown, and additional research is needed to address more detailed questions concerning

196

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

its purpose. Structure 5 may represent the kitchen or refectory, given the appearance of the bone midden outside its doorway that is full of kitchenrelated refuse. Although construction plans for future stone barracks to house the neophytes may have been in the works, no permanent quarters for the mission Indians were uncovered either inside the compound or along its exterior. It appears that the Aranama and Tamique were primarily living outside the walls of the mission compound in temporary structures that have left no archaeological trace. Given the fact that the mission Indians were largely parttime residents, permanent structures for housing would not have been practical at least initially, although it is possible that a few trusted or converted Indians may have resided inside the compound year-round. Accounts of other Texas missions note the importance of having a presidial soldier or soldiers present to help oversee the laborers and to provide military protection for the mission residents. Archaeological evidence inside the compound area indicates the presence of a presidial soldier and perhaps his native wife. Based on the abundance of daub found in this area, the soldier’s quarters were most likely of jacal construction. The appearance of Rockport pottery found only inside the mission plaza and in association with the soldier’s quarters suggests that a soldier may have married a woman from the Karankawa tribe. Whether any additional native groups or individuals lived inside the compound is unclear. Higher-ranking overseers may have lived within the compound, or larger groups of neophytes may have resided inside in later years after conditions at the mission stabilized. Daily life for the male residents was structured by work in the mission fields and cattle-raising activities. Women were expected to take care of the children and perhaps spin cotton and wool as they are known to have done at the mission’s later location in Goliad. From the abundance of wild taxa recovered from the excavations, local hunting and gathering activities also appear to be part of the daily lives of the mission Indians. However, beef became a more important component of the mission diet as the herds increased in size. The neophytes would have been taught how to care for cattle, and the task of butchering these animals was no doubt assigned to the mission Indians. The Aranama and Tamique probably also were engaged in tanning hides of slaughtered cattle. Once initial processing took place, meat from the animals then was distributed to the mission residents. How exactly the meat was distributed is not known. It is possible that some mission residents, perhaps based on ethnic affiliation or degree of trustworthiness among the friars, received more desirable portions of the animals. This is an issue, however, that will have to be addressed in future research.

Conclusions

197

Children, especially boys, were trained in different vocations and were expected to attend religious instructions. All of the native residents were required to attend mass and daily prayers. The regularity of their attendance at mass and religious instructions, however, was subject to many factors. The Aranama and Tamique did not come to the mission to be converted. Their populations were no doubt affected by both European-introduced diseases and pressures exerted on their traditional homelands by other displaced groups such as the Comanche and Lipan Apache. Given these conditions, mission life may have seemed like a reasonable trade-off for the Aranama and Tamique tribes, who were trying to maintain their cultural identities in the face of such adversities. As a result, the mission served more as a refuge for native groups in times of need and protection than a religious institution. Conversion and acceptance of Christianity was perfunctory. Complying with the rules and structure of mission life, at least initially, was a small concession if it meant preserving some aspects of their traditional lifeways that were being threatened. Reports of neophytes running away from the mission in Goliad are abundant and attest to the difficulty these groups had in adjusting to mission life (Cardeñas 1778, John 1975, Kinniard 1958). The demands placed on the native residents proved too great for many, resulting in their abandonment of the mission even in times of prosperity. Ultimately, conversion attempts were unsuccessful. At best, the Aranama and Tamique may have incorporated some aspects of Christianity into their own belief systems. However, the goal of the missionaries to turn the native population into loyal Spanish citizens was largely a failure. By 1832 only a handful of native people lived at the defunct Goliad mission. Many of the Aranama left the mission to join the Tonkawa and other groups, while others intermarried with the Mexican population. Zealous missionaries in the beginning were confident in their abilities to convert many native groups of Texas but ultimately abandoned their efforts. Mission Espíritu Santo exemplifies these attempts and underscores the misunderstandings between the Spaniards and the mission Indians and the underlying processes that led to the mission’s downfall. The Indians were looking for a safe haven from disease and warfare. The missionaries were looking to convert the Indians to Christianity; hence they were hoping to change their entire way of life. Clearly the two groups entered the mission system with different motivations. Contact between the native groups of Texas and the Spanish missionaries accelerated changes in the cultures of both groups. Neither was unaffected by the rapid alterations that accompanied their initial and long-term interactions. Ultimately the price of mission life was too high for most of the mission Indians.

198

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Investigations at Mission Espíritu Santo have permitted a revealing look at how a frontier Spanish mission actually functioned and highlight the struggles faced by the missionaries and native residents. The Franciscan friars were less than effective at reproducing Spanish society along the frontier despite their considerable efforts. The foreign environment and peoples they encountered could not be molded into a ‘‘new’’ Spain, and as a result the priests were forced to become more flexible in their management of the mission as well as the groups that resided there. The failing irrigation systems, the lack of supplies, and the unpredictable patterns of the Aranama and Tamique necessitated changes. Rigid adherence to mission guidelines was not feasible. In many ways the friars at Espíritu Santo probably relied more heavily than they had expected on the native population not only for labor but also for food and other supplies such as ceramic wares. During the early years of the mission, food was scarce and there was no enticement for native groups to remain at Espíritu Santo. It was a situation that brought about change for the Spaniards and the Aranama and Tamique. Consequently both groups were forced to adapt to the new events that unfolded as Spain increasingly penetrated the borderlands of Texas and irreversibly altered the lifeways of all who called the frontier their home.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Almaraz, F. D. 1980 Inventory of the Rio Grande Missions: 1772. San Juan Bautista and San Bernardo. Archaeology and History of the San Juan Bautista Mission Area, Coahuila and Texas. Report No. 1 Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. 1989 The San Antonio Missions and Their System of Land Tenure. University of Texas Press, Austin. Almazán, F. P. 1724 Letter to the Viceroy of New Spain dated March 24 concerning the problems at the first location of Mission Espíritu Santo. Archivo General de las Naciones, University of Texas Library, Barker Center Archives, Austin. 1726 Letter to the Viceroy Casafuerte of New Spain dated July 4 concerning the removal of the first location of Mission Espíritu Santo and the presidio to the Guadalupe River. Archivo General de las Naciones, University of Texas Library, Barker Center Archives, Austin. Bannon, F. 1974 Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands. University of Oklahoma Press. Barton, K. J. 1977 The Western European Coarse Earthenwares from the Wreck of the Machault. Canadian Historic Sites Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History. Ottawa National Parks and Sites Branch. 1981 Coarse Earthenwares from the Fortress of Louisbourg. Canadian Historic Sites Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History. Ottawa National Parks and Sites Branch. Black, S. L. 1986 The Clemente and Herminia Hinojosa Site, 41JW8: A Toyah Horizon Campsite in Southern Texas. Special Report No. 18. Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. 1989 South Texas Plains. From the Gulf to the Rio Grande: Human Adaptation in Central, South, and Lower Pecos Texas, by T. R. Hester, S. L. Black, D. G. Steele,

200

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

B. W. Olive, A. A. Fox, K. J. Reinhard, and L. C. Bement, 39–62. Research Series 33. Arkansas Archeological Survey, Fayetteville. Bolton, H. E. 1915 Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century. University of California Press, Berkeley. 1960 The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish-American Colonies. Texas Western College Press Academic Reprints, El Paso. Brown, D. O. 1983 The Berger Bluff Site (41GD30A): Excavations in the Upper Deposits, 1979. Archaeological Survey Report 115. Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. Burkhart, L. M. 1989 The Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in Sixteenth-Century Mexico. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Calhoun, C. A. 1965 Site Survey Form for 41VT11, Mission Espíritu Santo. On file with the Office of the State Archeologist and Texas Archaeological Research Laboratory, Austin. 1966 Site Survey Form for 41VT13, The Mission Dam. On file with the Office of the State Archaeologist and the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. 1998 Excavation and Interpretation of the Kiln Feature at 41VT11. Unpublished manuscript in Archeology in Victoria County, Field School handbook. 1999 Majolica and Faience from the Presidio Loreto Site (41VT8). Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70: 339–354. Calhoun, C. A. and B. Jameson 1998 Season Interim Report on the Lime Kiln at Mission Espíritu Santo, 41VT11, Victoria County, Texas. Paper given at the 69th Annual Meeting of the Texas Archeological Society, Waco. Campbell, T. N. 1983 Coahuiltecans and Their Neighbors. Handbook of North American Indians 10. Edited by A. Ortiz, 343–358. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. 1988 The Indians of Southern Texas and Northern Mexico: Selected Writings of Thomas Nolan Campbell. Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. Cardeñas, J. L. M. 1778 Report on the Status of the Mission Espíritu Santo de la Bahía. Old Spanish Missions Research Library, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio. 1783 Report on the Status of the Mission Espíritu Santo de la Bahía. Old Spanish Missions Research Library, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio. Castañeda, C. E. 1936 Our Catholic Heritage in Texas: The Mission Era. Vols. 1–4. Von BoeckmanJones Co., Austin.

Bibliography

201

Céliz, F. de 1935 Diary of the Alarcón Expedition into Texas. 1718–1719. Translated and edited by F. L. Hoffman. Quivira Society, Los Angeles. Charlton, T.and R. Katz 1979 Tonalá Bruñida Ware, Past and Present. Archaeololgy 21 (4): 96–101. Chipman, D. E. 1992 Spanish Texas, 1519–1821. University of Texas Press, Austin. Corbin, J. E. 1977 Archeological Research at 41SA25, Mission Dolores de los Ais. Preliminary report submitted to the Texas Historical Commission, Austin. 1980 Mission Dolores de los Ais. Papers in Anthropology No. 2. Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacogdoches. 1989 Spanish-Indian Interaction on the Eastern Frontier of Texas. Columbian Consequences: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West. Vol. 1. Edited by David Hurst Thomas, 269–276. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. Corbin, J. E., H. A. Brown, M. G. Canavan, and S. Toups 1990 Mission Dolores de los Ais (41SA25), San Agustin County, Texas: Archaeological Investigation, 1984. Papers in Anthropology, No. 5. Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacodoches, Texas. Costello, J. G. 1977 Lime Processing in Spanish California with Special Reference to Santa Barbara. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 13, no. 3. Covey, C. 1961 Adventures in the Interior of America by Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Davenport, H.and J. K. Wells 1918 The First Europeans in Texas, 1528–1536. Southwestern Historical Quarterly 22, no. 2:111–142. Deagan, K. 1987 Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500–1800. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. deFrance, S. D. 1996 The Zooarchaeology of the Espíritu Santo Mission (41VT11): The 1995 Field Season. Report on file with the author. 1999 Zooarcheological Evidence of Colonial Culture Change: A Comparison of Two Locations of Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga and Mission Nuestra Señora del Rosario, Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70:169–188. Di Peso, C. 1953 The Sobaipuri Indians of the Upper San Pedro River Valley, Southeastern Arizona. Amerind Foundation, Dragoon, Arizona. Eaton, J. 1989 Gateway Missions of the Lower Rio Grande. Columbian Consequences: Ar-

202

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

chaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West. Vol. 1. Edited by D. H. Thomas, 245–258. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. 1998 Excavations of Structure 2 at Mission Espíritu Santo (41VT11), 1997. Unpublished manuscript in Archeology in Victoria County, Field School handbook. Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. Fagan, B. M. 2006 Archaeology: A Brief Introduction. Pearson Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, N.J. Fisher, J. W. Jr. 1995 Bone Surface Modification in Zooarchaeology. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 2 (1): 7–68. Forrestal, P. P. 1931 The Solís Diary of 1767. Translated by Peter Forrestal. Spanish Borderlands Sourcebooks, Documentary Evidence for the Spanish Missions of Texas 22:355–396. Garland Publishing, New York. Foster, W. C. 1995 Spanish Expeditions into Texas 1689–1768. University of Texas Press, Austin. 1998 The La Salle Expedition to Texas, The Journal of Henri Joutel, 1684–1687. Texas State Historical Association, Austin. Fox, D. E. 1979 Lithic Artifacts of Indians at the Spanish Colonial Missions, San Antonio, Texas. Special Report 8. Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. Gilmore, K. K. 1969 The San Xavier Missions: A Study in Historical Site Identification. Archeological Program Report No. 9. State Building Commission, Austin. 1973 Mission Rosario Archeological Investigations, 1973. Archeological Report 14, Part 1. Texas Parks and Wildlife Department, Austin. 1974 Mission Rosario Archeological Investigations, 1973. Archeological Report 14, Part 2. Texas Parks and Wildlife Department, Austin. Greer, J. W. 1969 Cultural Change and Shifting Populations in Central Northern Mexico. Anthropological Paper No. 13. University of Arizona, Tucson. Goggin, J. M. 1968 Spanish Majolica in the New World. Publications in Anthropology 72. Yale University, New Haven. Habig, M. A. 1977 The Alamo Mission: San Antonio de Valero, 1718–1793. Franciscan Herald Press, Chicago, and Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Library, San Antonio. 1978 The San José Papers. Compiled and annotated by Marion Habig and translated

Bibliography

203

by Benedict Leutenneger. Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Library, San Antonio. 1990 Spanish Texas Pilgrimage: The Old Franciscan Missions and Other Spanish Settlements of Texas, 1632–1821. Franciscan Herald Press, Chicago. Hann, J. H. and B. G. McEwan 1998 The Apalachee Indians and Mission San Luis. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Hard, R. J., A. Fox, W. Cox, K. J. Gross, B. A. Meissner, G. I. Mendez, C. L. Tennis, and J. E. Zapata. 1995 Excavations at Mission San Jose y San Miguel de Agauyo, San Antonio, Texas, Archaeological Survey Report 218. Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. Harris, R. K. and I. M. Harris 1967 Trade Beads, Projectile Points and Knives. In A Pilot Study of Wichita Indian Archeology and Ethnohistory, 129–162. Final Report for Grant GS-964. National Science Foundation. Harris, R. K., I. M. Harris, and T. R. Hester 1998 A Study of Glass Beads, Coral Beads, and Bead Spacers from the San Juan Bautista and San Bernardo Missions, Guerrero, Coahuila, Mexico. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70:385–394. Hays, T. R. and E. B. Jelks 1967 Archeological Exploration at Fort Lancaster, 1966: A Preliminary Report. No. 4. State Building Commission Archeological Program, Austin. Hester, T. R. 1980 Digging into South Texas Prehistory. Corona, San Antonio. 1989a Texas and Northeastern Mexico: An Overview. Columbian Consequences: Archeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West. Vol. 1. Edited by David Hurst Thomas, 191–212. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. 1989b Perspectives on the Material Culture of the Mission Indians of the Texas– Northeastern Mexico Borderlands. Columbian Consequences: Archeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West. Vol.1. Edited by David Hurst Thomas, 213–230. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. 1995 Notes on South Texas Archaeology: The Protohistoric Period in Southern Texas. La Tierra: Journal of the Southern Texas Archaeological Association 22, no. 3:1–3. 1998 Notes on South Texas Archaeology: ‘‘Coahuiltecan’’: A Critical Review of an Inappropriate Ethnic Label. La Tierra: Journal of the Southern Texas Archaeological Association 25, no. 4:3–7. Hester, T. R., H. J. Shafer, and K. L. Feder 1997 Field Methods in Archaeology. Mayfield Publishing; Mountain View, CA. Hindes, K. 1995a Primary Documentation Evidence for Three Locations of Mission Espíritu

204

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Santo de Zúñiga: Clarifying the Historical Record. Newsletter of the Friends of the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory 3 (2): 8–9, 28. 1995b Native American and European Contact in the Lower Medina River Valley. La Tierra 22 (2): 25–33. Hindes, K. V., A. Fox, and E. H. Schmiedlin 1995 Test Excavations and Documentary Research at 41VT10, The Tonkawa Bank Archeological Site, Victoria City Park, Victoria, Texas. Report on file with the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. Hindes, K. V., M. R. Wolf, G. D. Hall, and K. K. Gilmore 1995 The Rediscovery of Santa Cruz de San Sabá, A Mission for the Apache in Spanish Texas. San Saba Regional Survey Report 1. Texas Tech University and Texas Historical Foundation, Lubbock. Howells, R. G., R. W. Neck, and H. D. Murray 1996 Freshwater Mussels of Texas. Texas Parks and Wildlife Press, Austin. Ivey, J. 1983 Archaeological Testing at Rancho de las Cabras, Wilson County, Texas, Second Season. Archeological Survey Report 121. Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. Ivey, J. and A. A. Fox 1981 Archaeological Survey and Testing at Rancho de las Cabras, Wilson County Texas. Archeological Survey Report 104. Center for Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio. Jackson, R. H. and E. Castillo 1995 Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on the California Indians. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Jelks, E. B. 1966 The Gilbert Site: A Norteño Focus Site in Northeastern Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 37:108–109. John, E. 1975 Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540–1795. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. 1990 Late Accomodations on Old Mission Frontiers of New Spain. The Spanish Missionary Heritage of the United States: Selected Papers and Commentaries from the November 1990 Quincentenary Symposium. Los Compadres de San Antonio Missions National Historiocal Park, San Antonio. Johnson, L. 1994 The Life and Times of Toyah-Culture Folk as Seen from the Buckhollow Encampment, Site 41KM16, of Kimble County, Texas. Report 38. Office of the State Archeologist. Texas Department of Transportation and Texas Historical Commission, Austin. Johnson, M. L. 1979 Oliva Shell Beads or Dangles, San Patricio County, Texas. La Tierra 8 (4): 12–28.

Bibliography

205

Jones, B. M. 1998 Excavations at 41VT121, A Spanish Colonial Sandstone Quarry. In Archeology in Victoria County, Texas: Manual for the 1998 Texas Archeological Society Field School. Edited by T. R. Hester and T. L. Walter. Kenmotsu, N. A. 1991 Gunflints: A Study. Historical Archaeology 24:92–124. Kinniard, L. 1958 The Frontiers of New Spain: Nicolás Lafora’s Description 1766–1768. Quivira Society, Berkeley. Krieger, A. D. 1955 The Route Followed by Cabeza de Vaca Across North America. English translation of unpublished doctoral dissertation, Universidad Autónoma de México. On file at Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, University of Texas at Austin. Lakeman, J. 2000 An analysis of the Ceramic Assemblage from Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga (41VT11), Victoria County, Texas. Master’s Thesis. University of Texas, Austin. Leutenegger, F. B., translator 1973 Zacatecan Missionaries in Texas 1716–1834: Excerpts from the Libros de los Decretos of the Missionary College of Zacatecas 1707–1828. No. 23. Texas Historical Survey Committee, Office of the State Archaeologist, Austin. 1977 Inventory of the Mission San Antonio de Valero: 1772. Special Report 23. Office of the State Archeologist, Austin. 1979 The Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas in 1749–1750. Documentary Series No. 5. Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Library at San José Mission, San Antonio. 1994 Guidelines for a Texas Mission: Instructions for the Missionary of Mission Concepción in San Antonio. Documents Relating to the Old Spanish Missions of Texas. Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Library, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio. Linn, J. J. 1883 Reminiscences of Fifty Years in Texas. Sadlier, New York. Lister, F. C. and R. H. Lister 2000 Maiolica Olé: Spanish and Mexican Decorative Traditions. Museum of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe. Luscomb, S. C. 1992 The Collector’s Encyclopedia of Buttons. Schiffer Publishing, Pennsylvania. Lyman, R. L. 1994 Vertebrate Taphonomy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. McClure, W. 1999 Report on the faunal materials from the 1997 TAS field school, Area A.

206

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

On file with the author and with Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. 2000 Report on the faunal materials from the 1998 and 1999 excavations at 41VT11. On file with the author and with Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. McGraw, A. J. 1991 A Forgotten Encounter in Texas History: Historic Indians Along the Early Roads. A Texas Legacy, the Old San Antonio Road and the Caminos Reales. A Tricentennial History, 1691–1991, 115–120. Texas Department of Transportation, Austin. Meissner, B. A. 1999 Vertebrate Faunal Remains from a Spanish Colonial Deposit at Mission San Antonio de Valero (the Alamo). Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70:281–314. Morfí, J. A. 1935 History of Texas 1673–1779. Translated and edited by C. E. Castañeda. Quivira Society, Albuquerque. Mounger, M. A. 1959 Mission Espíritu Santo of Coastal Texas: An Example of Historic Site Archeology. Master’s thesis, University of Texas at Austin. Mullen, R. J. 1997 Architecture and Its Sculpture in Viceregal Mexico. University of Texas Press, Austin. Newcomb, R. 1990 Spanish Colonial Architecture in the United States. Dover Publications, New York. Newcomb, W. W. 1961 The Indians of Texas. University of Texas Press, Austin. Oberste, W. H. N.d. Texas Missions of the Coastal Bend. Unpublished manuscript. Catholic Archives of Texas, Austin. Oliva, J. R. 1788 Management of the Missions in Texas, 1788. Transcribed and translated by B. Leutenegger with introduction by M. A. Habig. Documentary Series No. 2. Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Library, San Antonio. O’Rourke, T. P. 1927 The Franciscan Missions in Texas (1690–1793). Catholic University of America, Studies in American Church History, Vol. 5. AMS Press, New York. Perttula, T. K. 1992 The Caddo Nation, Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Perspectives. University of Texas Press, Austin. 1995 The Archeology of the Pineywoods and Post Oak Savanna of Northeast Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 66:331–360.

Bibliography

207

Perttula, T. K., M. R. Miller, R. A. Ricklis, D. J. Prikyl, and C. Lintz. 1995 Prehistoric and Historic Aboriginal Ceramics in Texas. The Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 66:175–238. Ramsdell, C. 1938 Spanish Goliad. Unpublished manuscript on file at the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, University of Texas, Austin. 1949 Espíritu Santo: An Early Texas Cattle Ranch. Texas Geographic Magazine 13 (2): 21–25. Raschkow W. and R. Free 1996 Ceramic Analysis from Mission Espíritu Santo, 41VT11. Report on file with the authors. University of Montana, Missoula. Rice, P. 1987 Pottery Analysis: A Source Book. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Ricklis, R. A. 1994 Aboriginal Life and Culture on the Upper Texas Coast: Archaeology at the Mitchell Ridge Site, 41GV66 Galveston Island. Coastal Archaeological Research Inc., Corpus Christi. 1995 The Ceramics of the Toyah Horizon and the Rockport Phase as Indicators of Some Basic Sociocultural Patterns. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 66:195–203. 1996 The Karankawa Indians of Texas: An Ecological Study of Cultural Tradition and Change. University of Texas Press, Austin. 1998 Archaeological Testing at the Spanish Colonial Mission Sites of Espíritu Santo and Nuestra Senora del Rosario, Goliad County, Texas: Interim Report on the 1997 Testing. On file with Coastal Archaeological Studies Inc., Corpus Christi. 1999 Spanish Colonial Missions of Espíritu Santo and Nuestra Señora del Rosario. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70:133–168. Rinker, J. I., W. Cox, and C. B. Bousman 1999 The Dam and Acequia Systems of Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga: Construction, Use and Abandonment. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70:123–132. Rivera, P. de 1727 Proyecto y Visita. Provincias Internas, vol. 22. Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City. Schuetz, M. K. 1969 The History and Archeology of Mission San Juan Capistrano, San Antonio, Texas. Vol. 2: Description of the Artifacts and Ethnohistory of the Coahuiltecan Indians. Archeological Program Report 10. State Building Commission, Austin. Scurlock, D. and D. E. Fox 1977 Investigation of Mission Concepción An Archaeological San Antonio, Texas. Report No. 28. Office of the State Archaeologist, Texas Historical Commission, Austin.

208

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

Shoberg, Marilyn 1997 A Report on the Excavations in Area A, Block A-III, at Mission Espíritu Santo, 41VT11. Report on file with the author and with the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, Austin. Simmons, M. 1991 Last Conquistador: Juan de Oñate and the Settling of the Far Southwest. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Simmons, M. and F. Turley 1980 Southwestern Colonial Ironwork. Museum of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe. South, S., R. K. Skowronek, and R. E. Johnson 1988 Spanish Artifacts from Santa Elena. Anthropological Studies No. 7. University of South Carolina. Columbia. Story, D. A. 1990 Cultural History of the Native Americans. The Archeology and Bioarcheology of the Gulf Coastal Plain, 166–366. Research Series No. 38. Arkansas Archeological Survey, Fayetteville. 1995 Deshazo Site Nacogdoches County, Texas, Vol. 2: Artifacts of Native Manufacture. Studies in Archeology 21. Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, University of Texas, Austin. Story, D. A., B. Daskin, B. Blakeley, N. Flaigg, J. Guy, J. M. Jackson, J. Stokes, and J. Woodring 1981 Archeological Investigations at the George C. Davis Site, Cherokee County, Texas: Summers of 1979 and 1980. Texas Archeological Research Laboratory Occasional Papers No. 1. University of Texas, Austin. Suhm, D. A. and E. B. Jelks 1962 Handbook of Texas Archeology: Type Descriptions. Texas Archeological Society Special Publication 1 and Texas Memorial Museum Bulletin 4, Austin. Sylvest, E. E. 1975 Motifs of Franciscan Mission Theory in Sixteenth Century New Spain Province of the Holy Gospel. Academy of American Franciscan History, Washington, D.C. Tunnell, C. D. and J. R. Ambler 1967 Archeological Excavations at Presidio San Augustín de Ahumada with a Historical Background by J. V. Clay. Archeological Program Report No. 2. State Building Commission, Austin. Tunnell, C. D. and W. W. Newcomb 1969 A Lipan Apache Mission: San Lorenzo de la Santa Cruz 1762–1771. Texas Memorial Museum Bulletin 14. University of Texas, Austin. Turner, S. E. and T. R. Hester 1993 A Field Guide to Stone Artifacts of Texas Indians. 2d ed. Texas Monthly Field Guide Series. Gulf Publishing Company, Houston. Walter, T. L. 1997 The Dynamics of Culture Change and Its Reflection in the Archaeological Record at Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga, Victoria County, Texas, 41VT11. Special

Bibliography

209

Publication 7 and Studies in Archeology 23. Southern Texas Archaeological Association and Texas Archeological Research Laboratory, University of Texas at Austin. 1999 A Preliminary Report of the 1997 TAS Field School Excavations in Area A at Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga (41VT11), Victoria County, Texas. Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society 70:97–122. Walter, T. L. and T. R. Hester 1998 The Archaeology of Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga, Heritage Magazine 16 (4): 6–9. Walters, P. H. 1951 Secularization of the La Bahía Missions. Southwestern Historical Quarterly 54 (3): 287–300. Weber, D. J. 1992 The Spanish Frontier in North America. Yale University Press, New Haven. Weddle, R. S. 1968 San Juan Bautista: Gateway to Spanish Texas. University Of Texas Press, Austin. Whittaker, J. C. 1994 Flintknapping: Making and Understanding Stone Tools. University of Texas Press, Austin. Young, O. E. 1978 Western Mining. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

INDEX

Italic page numbers refer to tables and figures. Abó Polychrome pottery, 94, 95, 99, 101, 102 abrading stones, 120, 124, 125 acequias: abandonment of, 13, 18, 52, 77, 81, 82, 193, 194; aerial view of, 78; and archaeological record, 188; building of, 192, 193, 195; importance of, 4–5; and irrigation, 12, 13, 77, 81, 82, 193, 194; maintenance of, 23; and mission dams, 79, 81, 82 agriculture: of Caddo, 8, 15; and daily life, 19, 20, 22, 23, 83, 196; and dry farming, 13, 18, 77, 81, 82, 180, 193, 195; and irrigation, 12, 13, 77, 81, 82, 187, 193, 194, 198; and location of mission fields, 79, 194; and mission Indians’ instruction in, 11 alcaldes, 21, 25, 179 Almazán, F. P., 18, 77 Álvarez de Piñeda, Alonso, 1, 7 animal bones: analysis of, 5; and exterior bone midden, 163, 166–168, 167; and interior bone midden, 163, 168, 169, 173–175; and lime kiln, 46–47; and mission foodways, 162; and mission Indian quarters, 29, 163, 164–165, 165–166, 189; and mission plaza, 180, 182, 183; and mission ruins, 169, 183–

184; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 180, 181–182, 182–183. See also bone artifacts; bone modification animal hides, 23, 105, 196 animal-processing activities: and exterior bone midden, 33, 121; and interior bone midden, 168; and lime, 193; and metal tools, 120; and stone tools, 32, 105, 106, 117. See also butchering Apache, 10, 197 apse: construction of, 55–56, 192; cultural materials from, 57, 58; function of, 56, 195; and marine shell remains, 185; and metal artifacts, 149; and mission architecture, 48; and mission church, 53, 55, 56; and mission layout, 71; profile of excavations, 57, 57; view of, 55 aquatic animals. See fish/aquatic animal remains Aragón, Andrés de, 13 Aranama: and attraction of missions, 20, 197; bison in diet of, 189–190; and bone-tempered pottery, 86; and Caddo pottery, 93; and conversion attempts, 13, 197; and Espíritu Santo in Goliad, 18–19; Franciscans’ dependence on, for food, 177, 191, 198; and Guadalupe River, 17–18; and histori-

212

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

cal record, 5, 13, 17; as labor supply, 83, 180, 194; and lack of permanent quarters, 170, 188, 196; language of, 16; and mission food supply, 195; and non-native pottery, 104; and sandstone quarry, 193; and secularization of missions, 25–26; and tanning hides, 196; and Tonkawa, 25, 197 Aranama Polychrome pottery, 94–95, 96, 99, 101, 102–103 Archaic period, 104, 118–119, 128–129 barramina, 75, 77 beads: glass beads, 151, 152–153, 154–155, 154, 156, 166; and interior bone midden, 39; shell beads, 159, 160; tubular bone beads, 157, 157, 160 Berger Bluff site, 161 beveled knives, 32, 105, 106–107, 109, 189 bifaces: and exterior bone midden, 120, 121; and interior bone midden, 126, 127; and mission Indian quarters, 114, 117–118; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 123; and Toyah assemblages, 189. See also stone tools bird remains, 33, 166, 167, 168, 183 bison hunting, 15, 17, 32, 165, 166–167, 189–190 bison remains, 32, 165–167, 170, 189 blacksmithing, 23–24, 77 blades, 105–107, 110, 117, 122–123, 189 Bolton, H. E., 18 bone artifacts: and interior bone midden, 157, 158, 160; and mission Indian quarters, 32, 157; and mission plaza, 157, 157, 160, 191 bone modification: and bone marrow extraction, 121, 171, 173, 175, 176; and burning, 171, 173, 175, 176; and butchering, 170–171, 172, 173–175, 174, 190; and mission foodways, 162 bone-tempered pottery: and exterior

bone midden, 33, 87, 88, 166, 190; and interior bone midden, 39; and Late Prehistoric groups, 15, 85, 87; and mission Indian quarters, 32, 86–87, 87, 88, 104, 163, 165, 188–189; percentage recovered, 86, 86, 88; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 88, 191; rims and handles, 86–87, 87 Bousman, C., 77, 79, 194 bows and arrows, 17, 21, 23, 109, 112, 114, 121. See also dart points; Guerrero projectile points; Perdiz arrow points brass artifacts, 140, 141, 143, 144–145, 144, 146 burials, 53, 54, 61 butchering: and bone modification patterns, 170–171, 172, 173–175, 174, 190; and choppers, 118; and exterior bone midden, 33, 167, 168, 177–178, 179, 180, 192; and interior bone midden, 33, 38, 71, 173–175, 177–178, 192; and metal tools, 117; and mission Indians, 168, 196; patterns of, 162; stages of, 171, 175, 177–180, 190, 192. See also animal-processing activities buttons: copper buttons, 133, 140, 144, 148; lead buttons, 134, 135, 139–140, 140; shell buttons, 159, 161 Cabeza de Vaca, Álvar Núñez, 1, 7, 17 Caddo, 8–9, 15, 86, 92–93 Caddo pottery: and interior bone midden, 39; and mission plaza, 88, 91, 191; and Patton Engraved pottery, 91–92, 91; percentage recovered, 86, 86, 91; and trade, 92–93, 191 Calhoun, Cecil, 3, 42, 103 California, 7, 193 Campbell, T. N., 16, 17–18 Cardeñas, José Luis Mariano, 19, 20 Castañeda, C. E., 12 Catán points, 127, 128, 129

Index cattle: and daily life, 19, 23, 196; and exterior bone midden, 33, 166–167, 170, 171, 173, 177, 190; and interior bone midden, 39, 170, 176, 177; and labor of mission Indians, 82, 83, 194; in mission diet, 5, 18, 20, 22, 175, 177, 180, 195, 196; in mission economy, 5, 18, 20, 81, 165, 180, 189, 194, 195; and mission Indian quarters, 32, 163, 165, 189; and mission plaza, 183, 191; and mission ruins, 183; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 183 Central Texas, 105 ceramics: Caddo pottery, 86, 86, 91–93, 91, 191; and exterior bone midden, 33, 178; and interior bone midden, 39, 168, 178; and mission Indian quarters, 30–31, 32; and mission plaza, 36, 88; native-made pottery, 85–88, 86, 168, 188, 189, 198; Rockport pottery, 86, 86, 88–91, 88; and trade, 84–85. See also bone-tempered pottery; Chinese porcelain; coarse earthenwares; non-native pottery Chandler, C. K., 3 children: clothing of, 21, 25; conversion of, 24, 132, 197; and daily life at mission, 19, 22–23, 24, 196; and religious instruction, 19, 24, 197 Chinese porcelain: and interior bone midden, 100, 101, 102; Mexican majolicas influenced by, 93; and mission Indian quarters, 94, 95, 97; and mission plaza, 99–100, 99; and mission ruins, 100, 102, 103; as non-native pottery, 94, 97; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 98, 98, 99 chipped stone artifacts: and exterior bone midden, 120, 120, 121; and interior bone midden, 125; and mission Indian quarters, 105, 106, 114; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 122, 123

213 choppers, 114, 118, 120, 121 Christian conversion, and mission system, 1, 8, 9, 10–11, 13, 15, 24, 132, 197 Ciprián, Ignacio Antonio, 13 clay daub, 72–73, 156–157, 196. See also wattle-and-daub structures clothing, 17, 18, 21, 24, 25, 179 Coahuiltecans, 9, 16–17 coarse earthenwares: and interior bone midden, 100, 101; and mission Indian quarters, 94, 95, 95, 97; and mission plaza, 99–100, 99; and mission ruins, 100, 102, 103; as non-native pottery, 93, 96; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 98, 98, 99, 104 cobble pavement: and interior bone midden, 168; of kitchen/refectory, 71; of mission ruins, 38, 39, 41, 190 cold mining technique, 75, 77, 82 Comanche, 10, 197 convento. See friars’ quarters copper artifacts: and exterior bone midden, 136; and interior bone midden, 146, 148; and mission Indian quarters, 132, 133, 134; and mission plaza, 138–139; and mission ruins, 149; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 133, 140, 143–144, 144 Cosmé Borruel, José, 13 Cox, W., 77, 79, 194 cultural materials: analysis of, 5; from apse, 57, 58; from exterior bone midden, 33, 35, 88; from friars’ quarters, 64, 64; from interior bone midden, 39, 42, 42, 71; from kitchen/refectory, 70, 70, 71, 88; from mission church, 36, 52; from mission Indian quarters, 29, 30–31, 30, 31, 32, 88; from mission plaza, 36, 37, 37, 38, 88; and patterns of assemblage, 84, 94; from Structure 4, 67, 68, 68 Cuney points, 112

214

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

daily life: and agriculture, 19, 20, 22, 23, 83, 196; and analysis of cultural materials, 5; and archaeological excavations, 27, 187; and archaeological record, 2, 3; and historical record, 19, 20–22; and holidays, 22, 23, 24, 168; and men’s duties, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 196; and women’s duties, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 179, 196 dart points, 114, 118–119, 118, 127, 128– 129, 129 Deagan, K., 94 deer remains: and exterior bone midden, 167, 171; and interior bone midden, 168, 173, 176; and mission Indian quarters, 165, 166, 190; and mission plaza, 183, 191; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 183 deFrance, S., 166, 178 De Leon, Días, 25–26 Deshazo site, Nacogdoches County, 92 de Soto, Hernando, 7 disease, 10, 20, 197 domestic faunal materials: analysis of, 5; and exterior bone midden, 33, 166– 167, 168, 178, 180, 190; and interior bone midden, 39, 170, 180; and mission Indian quarters, 31, 163, 165, 188; and mission plaza, 183, 191; and mission ruins, 183; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 180, 183, 191. See also cattle drills, 32, 107, 108, 126, 127 dry farming, 13, 18, 77, 81, 82, 180, 193, 195 earthen mortar, 50, 72, 192, 193 East Texas missions, 8–9 Eaton, Jack, 48, 50 edge-modified flakes, 117, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126 El Oso site, 25–26 end scrapers, 105, 106, 107, 110, 114, 117 Ensor point, 118, 118

Espíritu Santo Bay, 8, 12, 14 ethnicity: and archaeological record, 2, 188; and ceramics, 84; and Coahuiltecans, 16; and cultural materials, 5; and mission foodways, 162, 168, 178–179, 196 exterior bone midden: and animal bone, 163, 166–168, 167; and bone artifacts, 157; and bone modification patterns, 171, 172, 173, 176, 190; and bonetempered pottery, 33, 87, 88, 166, 190; and butchering, 33, 167, 168, 177–178, 179, 180, 192; cultural materials from, 33, 35, 88; discovery of, 32–33; and domestic faunal materials, 33, 166–167, 168, 178, 180, 190; and glass artifacts, 151, 153, 166, 178, 190; interior bone midden compared to, 33, 42, 192; and lithic artifacts, 107, 112, 119–121, 120, 178; location of, 27, 28, 33; and marine shell remains, 166, 184, 185; and metal artifacts, 120–121, 136, 166, 171, 178, 190; and mission foodways, 162; and mussel shell remains, 33, 166, 184, 185; and non-native pottery, 97, 104, 166, 190; and shell artifacts, 33, 159, 160– 161, 178, 190; view of, 34; and wild faunal materials, 33, 121, 166, 167, 168, 170, 171, 178, 180, 190 faunal remains. See domestic faunal materials; wild faunal materials firearms: flintlock firearms, 109, 138, 138; mission Indians’ access to, 21, 109, 112, 114 fiscales, 21, 22, 25, 179 fish/aquatic animal remains: and daily life, 23; and exterior bone midden, 167, 168; and interior bone midden, 39, 168, 173, 176; and mission Indian quarters, 165–166, 190; and mission plaza, 183, 191; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 180

Index flintlock firearms, 109, 138, 138 forge, 19, 23–24 Fort Saint Louis, 8, 12, 102, 140, 143 Fox, Anne, 3, 48, 119 Franciscans: and bone-tempered pottery, 189; and dry farming, 13; and establishment of Espíritu Santo in Mission Valley, 18; and mission diet, 177, 179; and mission foodways, 168, 170, 176; relationship with mission Indians, 10, 19–20, 194, 197, 198; and religious instruction, 19, 24, 197; role of, 10–12; and Texas missionary efforts, 1–2. See also friars’ quarters French colonies, 1, 12, 16 French faience, 94, 100, 101, 101, 102, 103 French saintonge, 94, 100, 101–102, 101, 103 French trade, 8, 86, 92–93, 102, 112 friars’ quarters: cultural materials from, 64, 64; diagram of structure, 60; excavation of, 57, 59–62; limestone altar in, 62–63, 62; and mission architecture, 48, 192; and mission layout, 71, 72; sketch of, 63; Structure 4 compared to, 65; uses of, 63, 195; views of, 59, 61 García, José, 21 Garner, John, 48, 52 gender: and mission diet, 178, 179. See also men; women George C. Davis site, East Texas, 92 Gilbert site, Northeast Texas, 140 glass artifacts: and exterior bone midden, 151, 153, 166, 178, 190; and interior bone midden, 151, 154–155, 156, 168, 178; and mission Indian quarters, 31, 151, 153, 188; and mission plaza, 153– 154, 154, 191; and mission ruins, 151, 154, 155 glass beads: and exterior bone midden, 166; Harris type descriptions of, 152– 153; identification of, 151; and interior

215 bone midden, 154–155, 156; and mission Indian quarters, 151, 154 goat remains, 165, 168, 170, 171, 173, 183, 191 Goliad ware, 87 González, Juan José, 13 governadores, 21, 25, 179 ground stone artifacts: and exterior bone midden, 120, 120, 121; and interior bone midden, 127; and mission Indian quarters, 105, 106, 119; and mission ruins, 129; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 123 Guadalajara pottery, 96, 97, 99, 101, 103 Guadalupe River: and Aranama, 17–18; chert from, 120; and cobble pavement, 39; fish from, 166; and mission dam, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 194; and mussel shell remains, 184, 190; and prehistoric groups, 4 Guerrero projectile points: and exterior bone midden, 120, 121; and interior bone midden, 126, 127; and mission Indian quarters, 107–109, 111, 112, 113, 163; and mission ruins, 127–128; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 123 gunflints: attributes by area, 114; and interior bone midden, 112, 125–126; and mission Indian quarters, 107, 109, 111– 112; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 123, 183, 191 guns. See firearms hammerstones, 119, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 173 Hester, Thomas R., 2–3, 104, 119 Hindes, K., 16 holidays, and daily life, 22, 23, 24, 168 horse remains, 165, 173 Huejotzingo Blue on White pottery, 101, 102 hunter-gatherers, 9, 15, 17, 121 hunting activities: and exterior bone midden, 166–167; and mission Indians,

216

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga 109, 114, 121, 166, 177, 190, 195, 196; and presidial soldiers, 190, 191. See also bison hunting; bows and arrows

indigenous groups: and Christian conversion, 1, 8, 9, 10–11, 13, 15, 24, 132, 197; and continuity/change in native lifeways, 105, 188–189; and establishment of missions, 1–2. See also Apache; Aranama; Caddo; Comanche; mission Indians; Tamique indigenous overseers, 21, 179 interior bone midden: and animal bone, 163, 168, 169, 173–175; and arrow points, 114; and bone artifacts, 157, 158, 160; and bone modification patterns, 173–175, 174, 176; and butchering, 33, 38, 71, 173–175, 177–178, 192; and Caddo pottery, 91; and clay daub, 156; cultural materials from, 39, 42, 42, 71; and domestic faunal materials, 39, 170, 180; excavation of, 27, 38, 39, 40; exterior bone midden compared to, 33, 42, 192; and glass artifacts, 151, 154–155, 156, 168, 178; and kitchen/refectory, 39, 71, 168, 170, 175–176, 179, 192, 196; and lithic artifacts, 124, 125–126, 126, 168, 178; location of, 27, 28; and marine shell remains, 185, 185; and metal artifacts, 39, 146, 147, 148, 168, 173, 178; and mission foodways, 162, 179; and mussel shell remains, 184, 185; and non-native pottery, 100–102, 100, 104, 168; and Rockport pottery, 90; and shell artifacts, 159, 161, 168, 178; and wild faunal materials, 168, 170, 173, 176–177, 180 iron artifacts: and blacksmiths, 23–24; and interior bone midden, 146, 148; and mission Indian quarters, 131–132, 132, 133; and mission plaza, 138, 138, 139; and mission ruins, 148–149, 149, 150;

and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 143, 143, 144 jacal structures: and mission Indian quarters, 12, 31, 188; stone structures replacing, 82; and wattle-and-daub construction, 45, 72, 156, 157, 196 Jameson, Bryan, 42 John, E., 13 Johnson, R. E., 143 Karankawa, language of, 16 Karankawa Indians: and Fort Saint Louis, 8; hostilities with Aranama, 18; missions for, 9, 90; relations with, 12; and Rockport pottery, 86, 90, 191, 196 kitchen/refectory: and clay daub, 157; construction of, 70, 192; cultural materials from, 70, 70, 71, 88; function of, 70–71, 196; and glass artifacts, 154; and interior bone midden, 39, 71, 168, 170, 175–176, 179, 192, 196; and mission architecture, 48, 192; and mission layout, 71, 72; and non-native pottery, 102, 104; and Structure 4, 66, 69, 70; view of, 69 La Bahía, civilian settlement of, 19, 25 land snails, 162, 165, 166, 186 Lange points, 118, 127, 128, 129, 129 La Salle, René Robert Cavalier de, 8, 12 Late Archaic period, 128, 129 Late Pleistocene period, 15 Late Prehistoric period: and bison in diet, 165; and bone beads, 160; and bonetempered pottery, 15, 85, 87; cultural patterns of, 4, 15, 18; and lithic assemblages, 105–106; and mission Indian quarters, 32, 188; and Scallorn points, 128; and shell artifacts, 161, 189 Late to Transitional Archaic period, 118, 128–129 lead artifacts: and exterior bone midden,

Index 136; and interior bone midden, 146, 148; and mission Indian quarters, 134, 135; and mission plaza, 139, 140; and mission ruins, 149, 150, 151; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 145–146, 145, 183, 191 lead-glazed wares, 95, 96, 101 Leon, Alonso de, 93 Leon Plain ware, 15, 87, 189 lime, 42, 45–46, 192, 193 lime kiln: construction of, 42–43; excavation of, 27, 46–47, 192; firebox of, 43, 45, 45, 46; location of, 27, 28, 42, 43; operation of, 45–46, 72, 192– 193; silver thread in, 46, 47; views of, 44, 45 lime mortar, 45, 50, 72, 192, 193 limestone, 62–63, 62, 79, 194 Linn, J. J., 194 Lipan Apache, 197 lithic artifacts: and exterior bone midden, 107, 112, 119–121, 120, 178; and interior bone midden, 124, 125–126, 126, 168, 178; and lime kiln, 46; and mission church, 52; and mission Indian quarters, 31, 105–109, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111–112, 111, 112, 114–119, 115, 118, 163, 188; and mission plaza, 122, 124, 125; and mission ruins, 112, 124–125, 126, 127–128, 129; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122–124, 122, 124, 125; types of, 104–105. See also stone tools Lyman, R. L., 171 majolicas: and exterior bone midden, 97; and interior bone midden, 100, 101, 104; from Mexico, 93, 94, 96, 101; and mission Indian quarters, 94–95, 95; and mission plaza, 99, 99; and mission ruins, 100, 102–103; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 98, 98, 99 manos, 64, 120, 121 Manos de Perro, 19

217 Marcos point, 118, 118, 127, 128–129, 129 Mariames, 17–18 marine shell remains: and exterior bone midden, 166, 184, 185; and interior bone midden, 185, 185; and mission foodways, 162, 184; and mission Indian quarters, 184, 185, 188; and mission ruins, 184–185, 185 Massanet, Damian, 9 Matagorda Bay, 8, 14 McClure, B., 166 Meissner, B. A., 173 men: clothing of, 21, 25; and daily life at mission, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 196; and mission diet, 179 metal artifacts: and exterior bone midden, 120–121, 136, 166, 171, 178, 190; and interior bone midden, 39, 146, 147, 148, 168, 173, 178; introduction of, 116, 117, 120, 189; metal locator surveys, 136, 136; and mission church, 53; and mission Indian quarters, 31, 131– 132, 131, 132, 134, 135, 188; and mission plaza, 33, 38, 136, 137, 138–140, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 146; and mission ruins, 39, 146, 147, 148–149, 150, 151; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 142–146, 142, 143, 144, 191; types of, 129 metates, 64, 120, 123–124, 124 Mexico: copper sheets from, 132; lithic artifacts from, 129; majolicas from, 93, 94, 96, 101; open-air churches of, 195; silver mines of, 1; slipped earthenware from, 97; Spanish exploration of, 7; supplies from, 25, 94, 124 middens: prehistoric middens, 57, 60, 61, 65–66, 67, 68; trash middens from mission Indian quarters, 29, 30, 163, 165. See also exterior bone midden; interior bone midden mission architecture: archaeological excavation of, 27, 28; and mission church, 48, 49–50, 51, 72, 192; and mission

218

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

layout, 4, 48, 49, 187; and mission ruins, 38, 39, 48, 191–192; photograph of, 49, 50; reuse of, 53 mission church: above-ground ruins of, 49, 51; and apse, 53, 55, 56; and burials, 53, 54; cultural materials from, 36, 52; and friars’ quarters, 59; function of, 52–53; and mission architecture, 48, 49–50, 51, 72, 192; and mission Indians’ labor, 195; and mission layout, 71, 72 Mission Concepción, 9, 20, 21–22, 23, 24, 25, 177 Mission Creek dam, 77–78, 78, 79, 81, 81, 82, 194 mission dams: abandonment of, 13, 18, 52, 77, 81, 82, 193, 194, 195; and archaeological record, 188; building of, 192, 193, 195; excavation of, 74; and Guadalupe River, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 194; importance of, 4–5; maintenance of, 23; Mission Creek dam, 77–78, 78, 79, 81, 81; purpose of, 79, 194 mission diet: and archaeological record, 188; and cattle, 5, 18, 20, 22, 175, 177, 180, 195, 196; and class issues, 178–179; and cultural materials, 84; and exterior bone midden, 178, 190; and interior bone midden, 33, 178; and wild fauna, 21, 121, 177, 178, 180, 183, 191, 195. See also mission foodways Mission Dolores, 92, 149 mission economy: and archaeological record, 188; and cattle, 5, 18, 20, 81, 165, 180, 189, 194, 195; and ceramics, 85; and cultural materials, 84. See also agriculture Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga: establishment of, 9, 12, 14, 18; Franciscan friars of, 10, 13; history of, 12–13; protection of, 191; secularization of, 12, 25–26. See also specific sites

Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga (Garcitas Creek), 9, 12, 18, 90, 102 Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga (Goliad): and Aranama, 18–19; and armed mission Indians, 112; and blade manufacture, 106; and bone artifacts, 160; and cattle, 177; and copper artifacts, 149; and daily life, 19, 22; as final site of mission, 12, 13, 32; and ground stone artifacts, 121; historical record of, 19, 20; and iron artifacts, 138; location of, 14; and mission church, 72; and mission Indian quarters, 73; mission Indians’ abandonment of, 19, 20, 197; and post-mission period, 25–26; and shell artifacts, 161; unifacial scrapers absent from, 189; and women’s duties, 22, 196 Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga (Mission Valley): archaeological excavation of, 3, 4, 27, 74, 187; archaeological record of, 2, 3, 6; food shortages of, 13, 18, 20, 177; historical record of, 4, 6, 82, 187, 194; location of, 12, 14; map of excavation areas, 27, 28; sources of supplies for, 11, 13, 25, 189, 191, 198; view of standing ruins, 27, 28. See also exterior bone midden; interior bone midden; mission Indian quarters; mission Indians of Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga; mission plaza; mission ruins; presidial soldiers’ quarters mission foodways: and archaeological excavations, 187; and distribution of food, 20, 21, 22, 179; and ethnicity, 162, 168, 178–179, 196; and Franciscans, 168, 170, 176; and makeup of faunal remains, 5, 162; and religious restrictions, 22, 23, 162, 168, 176. See also mission diet mission Indian quarters: and animal bones, 29, 163, 164–165, 165–166, 189;

Index and archaeological excavations, 72, 73, 188; and bone artifacts, 32, 157; and bone-tempered pottery, 32, 86–87, 87, 88, 104, 163, 165, 188–189; cultural materials from, 29, 30–31, 30, 31, 32, 88; and glass artifacts, 31, 151, 153, 188; lack of permanent quarters, 31, 170, 196; and land snail remains, 186; and lithic artifacts, 31, 105–109, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111–112, 111, 112, 114– 119, 115, 118, 163, 188; location of, 27, 28; and marine shell remains, 184, 185, 188; and metal artifacts, 31, 131–132, 131, 132, 134, 135, 188; and mussel shell remains, 29, 163, 165, 184, 185, 188, 190; and non-native pottery, 30, 94–95, 95, 97, 104, 163, 188; and shell artifacts, 32, 159, 160; trash middens from, 29, 30, 163, 165; view of, 29; and wild faunal materials, 31, 32, 163, 165, 166, 188, 189, 190 mission Indians: access to firearms, 21, 109, 112, 114; clothing of, 17, 18, 21, 25, 179; and desertions, 10, 19–20; Franciscans’ education of, 11, 18; Franciscans’ relationship with, 10, 19– 20; and Guerrero points, 108–109; and gunflint manufacture, 111–112; origins of, 12–13, 15; and protohistoric period, 16 mission Indians of Espíritu Santo: and bone-tempered pottery, 85–86; and building construction, 82, 83, 95; and daily life, 196; and exterior bone midden, 33; food and protection as incentive for, 18, 195, 197; and food preparation, 170, 176; and hunting activities, 109, 114, 121, 166, 177, 190, 195, 196; and labor at acequias, 82, 193, 195; and labor at mission dams, 79, 82, 193, 195; and labor at mission fields, 180, 194; and labor at sandstone

219 quarry, 75, 193; labor required of, 20, 82, 198; leaving mission to supplement food supply, 13, 18, 31, 121, 190, 195; and lime kiln construction, 42–43; and maintaining labor force, 52; and mission diet, 177, 179; permanence of population, 83; and protohistoric period, 17; relation to prehistoric groups, 4, 15, 32; temporary residential status of, 31, 52, 170, 188, 195, 196 mission layout: and archaeological excavations, 27, 48, 187; and Franciscans, 11–12; lack of historical references to, 48; and mission architecture, 4, 48, 49, 187; overview of compound, 3, 71– 73; and wooden palisade wall, 71–72, 190–191 mission plaza: and animal bone, 180, 182, 183; and bone artifacts, 157, 157, 160, 191; and Caddo pottery, 88, 91, 191; cultural materials from, 36, 37, 37, 38, 88; excavation of, 4, 27, 28, 33, 36– 38, 38; and glass artifacts, 153–154, 154, 191; and lithic artifacts, 122, 124, 125; and marine shell remains, 184, 185; and metal artifacts, 33, 38, 136, 137, 138–140, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 146; and mission church, 50; and mission layout, 71; and mussel shell remains, 184; and non-native pottery, 99–100, 99; and Rockport pottery, 90; and shell artifacts, 159, 161; and trenches, 28, 33; view of, 36 Mission Rosario, 9, 14, 18, 22, 160 mission ruins: and animal bone, 169, 183– 184; and bone artifacts, 160; cobble pavement of, 38, 39, 41, 190; and glass artifacts, 151, 154, 155; and lithic artifacts, 112, 124–125, 126, 127–128, 129; and marine shell remains, 184–185, 185; and metal artifacts, 39, 146, 147,

220

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

148–149, 150, 151; and non-native pottery, 100, 100, 102–104; and Rockport pottery, 89; and shell artifacts, 160, 161; view of, 27, 28. See also apse; friars’ quarters; kitchen/refectory; mission church; Structure 4 Mission San Antonio de Valero, 9, 173, 180 Mission San José, 23, 24, 177 Mission San Lorenzo, 148, 175 Mission San Miguel de Aguayo, 23 Mission San Sabá, 149 mission system: and colonization of New Spain, 7; and conversion of native groups, 1, 8, 9, 10–11, 13, 15, 24, 132, 197; and Espíritu Santo site in Mission Valley, 2, 5, 74, 194 Mission Valley. See Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga (Mission Valley) Mississippi River, 8, 16 mitotes (native dances), 24 Morfí, Juan Augustín, 17 mussel shell pendants, 32, 33, 160 mussel shell remains: and exterior bone midden, 33, 166, 184, 185; and mission foodways, 162; and mission Indian quarters, 29, 163, 165, 184, 185, 188, 190; and mission ruins, 184, 185; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 184, 185, 191. See also shell artifacts nails, 131, 132, 143, 143, 146, 148 native-made pottery, 85–88, 86, 168, 188, 189, 198. See also bone-tempered pottery; Caddo pottery; Rockport pottery Newcomb, W. W., 146 New Spain, 1, 7, 8, 10, 52 non-native pottery: and exterior bone midden, 97, 104, 166, 190; and interior bone midden, 100–102, 100, 104, 168; and mission Indian quarters, 30, 94– 95, 95, 97, 104, 163, 188; and mission plaza, 99–100, 99; and mission ruins,

100, 100, 102–104; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 98–99, 98; types of, 85, 93, 96 Nuestra Señora del Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga. See Mission Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga Nuestra Señora del Refugio, 9 Olivares, Antonio, 23 Oliva shell tinklers, 159, 161 Oñate, Juan de, 7 Patrón y Guzmán, Agustín, 13 Patton Engraved pottery, 91–92, 91 Pedernales point, 118, 118, 119 Perdiz arrow points: and mission Indian quarters, 32, 107, 107, 112; and mission ruins, 127, 128; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 123; and Toyah assemblages, 32, 105, 189 perforators, 32, 105–106, 108, 126, 127, 189 pig remains, 165, 168, 170, 180 Piquianes, 19 post-mission period, 25–26 prehistoric middens, 57, 60, 61, 65–66, 67, 68 presidial soldiers: and gunflints, 111; and hunting, 190, 191; and irrigation, 13; and mission construction, 82; and mission diet, 179; and mission foodways, 170; and mission plaza excavation, 4, 36; and mission protection, 11, 196; and trade, 90 presidial soldiers’ quarters: and animal bone, 180, 181–182, 182–183; and bonetempered pottery, 88, 191; and Caddo pottery, 91; and clay daub, 72–73, 156– 157, 196; cultural materials from, 36, 37; and glass artifacts, 151, 153–154, 154; and lithic artifacts, 122–124, 122, 124, 125; and metal artifacts, 142–146, 142, 143, 144, 191; and mussel shell remains, 184, 185, 191; and non-native pottery,

Index 98–99, 98; and Rockport pottery, 89, 90–91, 196; and shell artifacts, 159, 161 Presidio de Loreto, 102, 103 Presidio La Bahía, 2, 12, 14, 20, 140 presidios: effect on landscape, 187; and establishment of missions, 8, 9, 11; workers from, 23 Presidio San Agustín de Ahumada, 140 projectile points: attributes by area, 130. See also dart points; Guerrero projectile points; Perdiz arrow points protohistoric period, 15, 16–17, 32 Puebla, Mexico, 25, 93, 94 Puebla Aranama pottery, 94 Puebla Blue on White pottery, 94, 96, 101, 102 Puebla Polychrome, 96, 99, 102 quarry. See sandstone quarry quartzite, 119, 121 Quejo, Pedro de, 7 rainfall, 20, 81–82, 194 Ramsdell, C., 18, 177 ranching: and daily life, 22, 23; mission Indians’ instruction in, 11, 18, 19, 196. See also cattle Rancho de las Cabras, 148 recreation, 24 religious practices: and daily life, 19, 20, 22; and mission foodways, 22, 23, 162, 168, 176; religious instruction, 19, 24, 197 Ricklis, R. A., 16, 189 Rinker, J., 77, 79, 194 Rio Grande missions, 9, 11, 94 Rivera, Pedro de, 18 R. King Harris bead charts, 151 Rockport pottery, 86, 86, 88–91, 88, 191, 196 San Antonio missions: and dart points, 119; founding of, 9; housing of native

221 groups, 12; and Indians’ access to firearms, 112; mission churches of, 72; Spaniards performing trained work in, 23; and Spanish-Indian relations, 10; as supply source, 11, 94 San Antonio River, 9, 32, 184 San Bernardo, 9, 106, 108, 112, 119 sandstone quarry: and archaeological record, 188; and cold mining technique, 75, 77, 82; and construction materials, 72, 193; discovery of, 74; importance of, 4–5; and mission system, 194; site map of, 74, 76; view of, 75 San Elizario Polychrome, 96, 99, 102 San Francisco de la Espada, 9 San Francisco de los Tejas, 8–9 San Francisco Solano, 9 San Francisco Xavier de Najera, 9 San José y San Miguel de Aguayo, 9 San Juan Bautista, 9, 108, 112, 119 San Juan Capistrano, 9, 106 Santísimo Nombre de María, 8–9 San Xavier missions, 140 Scallorn points, 112, 127, 128, 128 Schmiedlin, E. H., 3, 74 scrapers: end scrapers, 105, 106, 107, 110, 114, 117; and exterior bone midden, 120; and interior bone midden, 127; and mission Indian quarters, 32; and Toyah assemblages, 32, 189; uses of, 116, 117 sheep: and daily life, 22–23; and exterior bone midden, 168, 171; and interior bone midden, 170, 173; and mission Indian quarters, 165; and mission plaza, 183, 191 shell artifacts: analysis of, 5; and exterior bone midden, 33, 159, 160–161, 178, 190; and interior bone midden, 159, 161, 168, 178; and Late Prehistoric era, 161, 189; and lime kiln, 47; and mission Indian quarters, 32, 159, 160; and

222

Espíritu Santo de Zún˜iga

mission ruins, 160, 161; modified shell, 158, 160 Skowronek, R. K., 143 snails, 162, 165, 166, 186 Solís, Gaspar José de, 20, 21, 23 South, S., 143 South Texas, 15, 16–17, 32, 104, 105 South Texas missions: era of, 17–25; establishment of, 2, 9–10; and Guerrero points, 108; historical records on, 2, 10; and Late Prehistoric assemblages, 15; post-mission period, 25–26 Spanish Colonial artifacts: and interior bone midden, 39; and kitchen/refectory, 70, 71, 88, 170; and lithic artifacts, 104; and mission plaza, 33, 36, 38; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122 Spanish Colonial era, 1, 16, 187 Spanish–Indian relations: and Caddo, 93; and cultural interaction, 187, 197, 198; and labor of mission Indians, 194–195; and protohistoric period, 16; strain in, 10, 12, 19–20 Spanish language, 19 stone tools: change in function of, 116, 117, 120, 189; and continuation of native technologies, 105, 189; and exterior bone midden, 33, 166, 190; and interior bone midden, 39; and mission ruins, 125, 127; reliance on, 32, 104, 106. See also lithic artifacts Story, D. A., 92 Stripling, Ray, 60 Structure 4: buttress of, 64–65, 66; cultural materials from, 67, 68, 68; function of, 68, 195–196; and kitchen/refectory, 66, 69, 70; and mission architecture, 48, 192; and mission layout, 71; and prehistoric midden, 65–66, 67, 68; profile of excavation, 67; view of, 65; walls of, 67–68, 68, 70 subsistence economies, 2, 5, 190

tallow workshop, 19, 23 Tamique: and attraction of missions, 20, 197; and bone-tempered pottery, 86; and conversion attempts, 13, 197; and Espíritu Santo in Goliad, 18–19; Franciscans’ dependence on, for food, 177, 191, 198; and historical record, 5, 13, 17; and lack of permanent quarters, 170, 188; and mission food supply, 195; as mission labor supply, 83; and non-native pottery, 104; population of, 177; and sandstone quarry, 193; temporary living structures of, 196; and traditional subsistence strategies, 190 Tejas Indians, 93 Tejas province, New Spain, 1 Texas: Franciscans in, 10–12; missions of, 8–10, 11; Spanish colonization of, 7, 8. See also specific sites tobacco, 21, 22 Tonalá Polychrome pottery, 96, 97, 99, 101, 103 Tonkawa, 16, 25, 197 Tonkawa Bank, 12 Toyah Horizon: and Aranama, 18; and bison hunting, 15; and lithic assemblages, 32, 105, 107, 189; and mission Indian quarters, 32, 116 trade: and Caddo pottery, 92–93, 191; Caddo trade relations with French, 8, 86, 92–93; and ceramics, 84–85; and Chinese porcelain, 97; and cultural materials, 5; and French faience, 103; and French saintonge, 102; and Rockport pottery, 90, 191 tree-ring record, 81, 82, 194 trenches: and apse, 55; and friars’ quarters, 59, 60, 61; and kitchen/refectory, 69; and mission church, 50; and mission plaza, 28, 33; and sandstone quarry, 74, 76 Tunnell, C. D., 146

Index turtle remains, 165–166, 167, 168, 173, 183, 190, 191 unifaces: and exterior bone midden, 120; and interior bone midden, 127; and mission Indian quarters, 110, 114–117, 115, 116, 117, 163; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 122, 123; and Toyah assemblages, 189. See also stone tools use-wear studies: of bifaces, 118; of unifaces, 114, 116–117, 116, 117, 120, 127, 189 vaqueros, 18, 22 Vázquez de Coronado, Francisco, 7

223 wattle-and-daub structures, 45, 72–73, 156, 157, 196 weaving workshop, 19, 23, 24 West Texas, 15 wild faunal materials: analysis of, 5; and exterior bone midden, 33, 121, 166, 167, 168, 170, 171, 178, 180, 190; and interior bone midden, 168, 170, 173, 176–177, 180; and mission Indian quarters, 31, 32, 163, 165, 166, 188, 189, 190; and mission plaza, 183, 191; and presidial soldiers’ quarters, 180, 183, 191 women: clothing of, 21, 25; and daily life at mission, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 179, 196