Envisioning Environmental Literacy : Action and Outreach [1st ed.] 9789811570056, 9789811570063

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Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3

Wei-Ta Fang

Envisioning Environmental Literacy Action and Outreach

Sinophone and Taiwan Studies Volume 3

Series Editors Shu-mei Shih, National Taiwan Normal University, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA Henning Kloeter, Humboldt University of Berlin, Berlin, Germany Jenn-Yeu Chen, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei, Taiwan Nikky Lin, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei, Taiwan

This book series aims to stimulate and showcase the best of humanistic and social science research related to Sinophone communities and their cultures in Taiwan and around the globe. By combining Sinophone and Taiwan Studies in one book series, we hope to overcome the limitations of previous methodologies to explore the many aspects of Sinophone communities and Taiwan from expansive perspectives that are comparative, transnational, and relational. The foci of the book series include, but are not limited to, the complex relationship between locality and globality, the interrelations among various categories of identity (national, cultural, ethnic, racial, gender, linguistic, religious, and sexual), the states of multiculturalism versus creolization, the politics and economics of culture, diasporic and anti-diasporic practices and expressions, various forms and processes of colonialism (settler colonialism, formal colonialism, postcolonialism, neo-colonialism), as well as indigeneity. Series Editors: Shu-mei Shih (University of California, Los Angeles) Henning Kloeter (Humboldt University of Berlin) Jenn-Yeu Chen (National Taiwan Normal University) Nikky Lin (National Taiwan Normal University) Editorial Board: Yao-ting Sung (National Taiwan Normal University) Christopher Lupke (University of Alberta) Sung-Sheng (Yvonne) Chang (University of Texas at Austin) Ann Heylen (National Taiwan Normal University) Edward Anthony Vickers (Kyushu University) Kuei-fen Chiu (National Chung Hsing University) Ping-hui Liao (University of California, San Diego) Shuo-Bin Su (National Taiwan University) Chu Ren Huang (The Hong Kong Polytechnic University) Margaret Hillenbrand (University of Oxford) Cheun Hoe Yow (Nanyang Technological University) Jia-Fei Hong (National Taiwan Normal University)

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/16251

Wei-Ta Fang

Envisioning Environmental Literacy Action and Outreach

123

Wei-Ta Fang National Taiwan Normal University Taipei, Taiwan

ISSN 2524-8863 ISSN 2524-8871 (electronic) Sinophone and Taiwan Studies ISBN 978-981-15-7005-6 ISBN 978-981-15-7006-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Yin and yang are absolutely not certain knowledge of binary antagonisms in Eastern civilization. They have moved beyond dualism and theology. By Wei-Ta Fang (2020)

Dedication to Mom and Dad You are my super stars.

Photograph courtesy of Su-Mei Huang and Hsun-Chih Fang (1959)

Preface

Our understanding of the meaning and scope of the term “environment” is continually expanding (Huang and Fang 2013). Meanwhile, “environmental science” is quickly being requested to understand science and humanism from concepts to processes of nature and to have the ability to predict, as a result of experience and practice, what will and does happen within a “scientific environment” (Miller 2003). Unfortunately, while environmental degradation and fragmentation can often be incorporated by a fragile and non-resilient environment, they are subjective and often disregarded or ignored when they adversely affect outcomes for certain stakeholders. However, little is known about “environmental literacy” due to a lack of systematic analyses of citizens, rights-holders, and/or stakeholders. It should be remembered that these fragile natural systems, although scientific, must be promulgated and supported by citizens. In response to the background of and motivation for the research in this book, this book aims to clarify the relationship between pro-environmental behaviors and environmental literacy and make sure whether environmental literacy can resolve problems related to barriers to pro-environmental behavior and to the gap between environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior by researching relationships among the three aspects of pro-environmental behaviors, environmental literacy, and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors. In this book, three main research questions are defined: (1) What are the important points about environmental literacy in research trends and previous research at home and abroad? (2) What are the important points about pro-environmental behaviors in research trends and previous documentation at home and abroad? (3) What are the similarities and differences in relationships of environmental literacy and pro-environmental behaviors with those in previous studies? The literature is subsequently reviewed, and a research design based on the aforementioned research questions is used for the entire book.

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Achieving sustainability is also one of this book’s goals, as it is a very thrilling and pleasing encounter to seek to draw attention to environmental issues and promote culturally appropriate approaches to the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in a changing world. The conservation and restoration of our ecosystems are vital, and it is crucial that people be educated on these pressing issues. For a decade, I have known that insufficient attention was being paid by society to the environmental and social consequences of the loss of environmental literacy. For me, environmental literacy means that one has the capabilities to understand and solve issues of our living natural and landscape systems that make life on earth possible. Therefore, people should understand the principles of organization of our living societies and use sustainable principles to create resilient communities for human well-being and all living creatures. In response, I am working to change the status quo due to the loss of environmental literacy in different countries. I have led several projects called “Environmental Literacy Research,” working with collaborator Professor Eric Ng of the University of Southern Queensland, Australia. Through this project, our team is comparing cultural differences between Eastern and Western approaches to environmental education, and exploring how these differences impact pro-environmental behaviors. Today, environmental education embraces global considerations that are supported in many major countries providing various developments, social awareness, and cross-cultural encounters. In my opinion, clarifying the relationship and structure between environmental literacy and pro-environmental behaviors of the people in Taiwan and establishing a Taiwan-specific theoretical framework for pro-environmental behaviors and environmental literacy will definitely be useful for the practical work of academic research. Whether the problems related to barriers to pro-environmental behaviors and the gap between environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors can be solved with environmental literacy can also be examined in the process of this clarification. Therefore, this book contains research based on three aspects of pro-environmental behaviors, environmental literacy, and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors, in the hope that I can establish a theoretical structure of pro-environmental behavior in Taiwan, clarify barriers to pro-environmental behaviors and the gap between environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors in Taiwan, and propose possible solutions through further exploring environmental literacy and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors. This book was written to assist environmental-related students, staff, academics, researchers, and non-government organizers in the fields of education and sustainability to empower their associated communities. Hopefully, it will serve a comprehensive guide for English speakers who are already reading, writing, and learning pedagogy in environmental and sustainability education. This book takes readers through the process of comprehending, acquiring, and analyzing behavioral science developments and new thinking about evolving trends of global education and increasing complexity. In this way, this book will provide strategic ideas and analyses of various sustainable developments that are applicable in practice by government employees (Chaps. 4 and 5), farmers (Chap. 6), laborers (Chap. 7),

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college visitors (Chap. 8), college students (Chap. 9), children (Chap. 10), and parents (Chap. 11). The 2019 novel coronavirus (COVID-19) was detected in patients around the world during 2019 and 2020. Correlations of media richness and the creativity of computer-mediated communications (CMCs) of outreach media for online teaching (Chap. 12) are also explored. We can reduce or slow the spread of infections among graduate/undergraduate students due to coinfection and swarm dynamics in coronavirus transmission in classrooms, when it comes to using social media as a professional pedagogy of online or remote teaching as an innovation in education. This has dramatically reduced human-to-human transmission of the coronavirus which accounts for most infections beyond the emergency which occurs from traditional face-to-face contact of teaching and learning worldwide. Hopefully, this will enhance the way education is taught in the future. The contents of the chapters in this book discuss crucial issues confronting environmental education and communication, with achievable outlines, strategic plans, evaluations, analyses, and recommendations from some general theories, practices, and applications of the three dimensions of social, economic, and environmental with a management structure of maximizing cultural and ecological diversity of local experiences. Each chapter of this book includes intensive research on environmental educators and operations across Taiwan and China written by young pioneers in environmental education, people with working experience, educational experience, and broader philosophies about local practices and operations in learning fields. These young pioneers have encountered challenges in the form of the environmental psychology surrounding self-reported questionnaires enforced in many countries, as some theories from Western psychology might not necessarily apply to Eastern societies and vice versa. However, I believe that I have found an innovative solution to this. By figuring out human ecological differences between Eastern and Western cultures, I may be able to detect mental differences to discover delicate issues ignored by current research. Therefore, my research may be quite pioneering and go beyond that of traditional researchers. The contents of this book should give students, educational staff, and scholars the reward of being able to comprehend numerous facts of diverse stakeholders’ matters which reflect practices from rural and urban communities of Taiwan to the metropolitan environment in major cities, such as Beijing and Shanghai, China, if you are interested in local studies which should ultimately assist in the drive to achieve sustainability. It is hoped that this book, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, can be used in colleges and universities for academic purposes, as well as being a source of reference for graduate students. The book, as one of the collections of my earlier published open-access journal articles in my career, is expected to be revised and added new information as an easy reading guide and understandable to run statistics toward a deeper programming of structural equation modeling (SEM) by carefully following the background information in each chapter. The book has diverse contents, formats, and topics. It addresses different forms of SEM from my personally defined approach of the “Triangular Pyramid Model.” This is the first cooperation and includes topics by colleagues involving major stakeholders from Taiwan and China in environmental education, public

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communication, and public health. Therefore, the perspectives I present reach beyond regular textbooks one may have read from Western cultures in libraries. The driving force underlying these studies was a love for my motherland (my mother’s birthplace in Taiwan) and was a vision for my fatherland (my father’s birthplace in China). Since I worked for the Environmental Protection Administration, Republic of China (Taiwan EPA), for a decade from 1994 to 2006, I envisioned a bright future for a partnership and bridge between the academic world and government (Tseng et al. 2009). From this envisioning, I expected that pro-environmental behaviors are a desirable possibility which may become ongoing projects in the near future. Looking at history, the Taiwan EPA and localities have donated more than US$25 millions aimed at promoting environmental education and outreach for more outdoor events in 2018, which should ultimately assist in the drive to achieve sustainability (Fang et al. 2018). As for my research, I am keen to explore the environmental morality and ethics of Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, and traditional ecological knowledge as with my other book, Tourism in Emerging Economies: The Way We Green, Sustainable, and Healthy (Fang 2020). In this book, I build more models to investigate the predictions about pro-environmental behaviors based on moral or ethical elements. Sustainability and environmental education are infused by and take inspiration from science, religion, and philosophy, especially in traditional ecological knowledge which I have studied throughout my research life. Taipei, Taiwan

Wei-Ta Fang, Ph.D.

References Fang W-T (2020) Tourism in emerging economies: the way we green, sustainable, and healthy. Springer Nature Singapore, Singapore Fang W-T, Ng E, Kaplan U (2018) Development and investigation of social norm applied to environmental literacy scale. Impact 2018 (6):23–25 Huang K-H and Fang W-T (2013) Developing concentric logical concepts of environmental impact assessment systems: Feng shui concerns and beyond. J Archit Plann Res 30(1):39–55 Miller, Jr. GT (2003) Environmental science: working with the earth, 9th ed. Thomson Learning, Belmont, CA, USA Tseng C-M, Fang W-T, Chen C-T, Loh KD (2009) Case study of environmental performance assessment for regional resource management in Taiwan. J Urban Plan D-ASCE 135:125–131

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the contributors to this book, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, especially to the following people for their wonderful contributions and enthusiastic support in making this edition a successful project: Prof. and Chair Nikky Lin, Department of Taiwan Culture, Languages and Literature, National Taiwan Normal University (NTNU); Dr. Yi-Te Chiang (Chaps. 1 and 3), Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, NTNU; Dr. Ben LePage, Senior Manager of the Pacific Gas and Electric Company (Chap. 2); Prof. Chien-Shing Lee, Department of Athletic Performance, NTNU (Chap. 2); Dr. Cheng-Mao Tseng, Secretary-General of the Social Empowerment Alliance (Chap. 4); Prof. Shu-Hsiang Hsu, Department of Environmental Resource Management, TransWorld University (Chap. 4); and Prof. Stephen P. Mumme, Department of Political Science, Colorado State University (Chap. 4). Thanks go to Mr. Daniel P. Chamberlin for his careful editing of the text and to the publisher (Springer-Verlag GmbH) for assistance in getting this edition published. Special thanks are warranted for the precious historical photographs courtesy of Prof. Woei-Horng Fang, Mr. Wei-Kuang Fang, and Dr. Yi-Te Chiang, my dear brothers. Because of their generosity, this book is appropriate and very helpful as a new guide, and is a joy to read with beautiful photographs and illustrations. They expended great efforts in coordinating and organizing input for this entire publication, thus placing this book in your hands. All of these elite persons continue to be pioneers in promoting the development of global travel and the tourism industry. I am sincerely grateful for having the instrumental support of these people and appreciate their fantastic support in making this edition successful. I would like to acknowledge that this book was partially supported by Executive Detector, Mr. Jay Lee, of the National Geographic Society—Asia; members of the Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, NTNU; and staff of the National Geographic Foundation for Science and Exploration, Asia, for their contributions to the manuscript. This book was also subsidized by NTNU and was funded by the

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Ministry of Science and Technology under project grant MOST 105-2511-S-003021-MY3 to Wei-Ta Fang. This book was also partly supported by Citizen Science in Training and Outreach of the National Geographic Foundation for Science and Exploration, Asia, Transaction Reference PYMTE-142998 to Wei-Ta Fang, General Secretary, Taiwan Wetland Society.

Contents

Part I 1

2

Contextualization . . . .

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Indigenous Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Introduction to Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.1 A Definition of Social Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.2 Four Different Types of Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Relationship Between Norms and Pro-Environmental Behaviors (PEBs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.1 Descriptive Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.2 Injunctive Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.3 Subjective Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.1 Human Exemptionalism Paradigm (HEP) . . . . . . . 1.3.2 The History of the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Learning Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1 Free-Choice Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.2 Learning Venues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.3 Model of Free-Choice Learning and the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.4 Emotional State for Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 The Triangular Pyramid Model of My Research . . . . . . . . 1.5.1 What is the Triangular Pyramid Model? . . . . . . . 1.5.2 Project from Solid Model to a Plane . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 Area of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.7 About This Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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2.2

Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Yin and Yang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Feng Shui and Wu Xing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Eight Trigrams (Baguà) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Tribal Knowledge and Indigenous Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Research on Taiwanese Indigenous Peoples . . . . . . . 2.3.2 Sustainability and Scientific Nature of Hunting Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.3 Gaga System for Constructing Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Indigenous Science . . . . . . . 2.4 Evoking Identification of Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Environmental Literacy: Behavior Oriented . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Environmental Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Pro-Environmental Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 Theory of Planned Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Value-Belief-Norm Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Factors Related to Pro-Environmental Behavior 3.3.5 Barriers to Pro-Environmental Behavior . . . . . . 3.4 Conducting Studies on Environmental Literacy . . . . . . . 3.4.1 Research Contents in Environmental Literacy . 3.4.2 Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.3 Results of the Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Environmental Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Defining Local Environmental Governance in Taiwan . . . . 4.3 Analytical Procedures and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Results of Detecting Insufficiencies and the Powerlessness of Local Environmental Governance in Taiwan . . . . . . . . 4.5 Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6 Conclusions: An Unfinished Theory of Decentralization of Environmental Representative Politics in Taiwan . . . . . 4.7 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

Part II 5

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Government Officials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.1 Norm Activation Model (NAM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.2 Hypothesis of the Norm Activation Model . . . . . . . 5.2 Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Participants and Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Descriptive Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Correlation Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.3 Path Analysis and Structural Equation Model . . . . . 5.4 Discussion: Using the Norm Activation Model to Predict Pro-Environmental Behaviors of Public Servants in Central and Local Governments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.1 Influence of Personal Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.2 Influence of Awareness of Consequences . . . . . . . . 5.4.3 Influence of Ascription of Responsibility . . . . . . . . 5.5 Implications, Limitations, and Future Research . . . . . . . . . . 5.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix: Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Farmers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Research Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.3 Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.1 Descriptive Statistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.2 Correlation Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4.3 Path Analysis and Structural Equation Model . . 6.5 Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.1 Influences of Social Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.2 Influences of Personal Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.3 Influences of Perceived Behavioral Control . . . 6.5.4 Implications, Limitations, and Future Research . 6.6 Conclusions: The Determinants of Farmers’ Pro-Environmental Behaviors in Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Visitors to a College Campus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Experimental Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 Study Area and Respondents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Questionnaire, Sampling, and Survey Process . . . . . 8.3 Statistical Characterization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 Results and Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4.1 Demographic Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4.2 Path Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5 Discussion and Conclusions: Evaluation of Place Attachment, Satisfaction, and Responsible Environmental Behaviors of Visitors to a Constructed Wetland on Campus . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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College Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.1 Environmental Education in Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.2 Framework and Elements of Environmental Literacy . 9.2 Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.2 Instrument and Instrumentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.3 Data Collection and Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.1 General Descriptive Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.2 Environmental Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Laborers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.1 Locus of Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.2 Emotional Stability and Neuroticism . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.3 Proposed Framework and Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 Participants and Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.1 Descriptive Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.2 Correlation Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.3 Hypothesis Testing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Discussion of the Locus of Control: The Mediating Effect Between Emotional Stability and Pro-Environmental Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.5 Implications, Limitations, and Future Research . . . . . . . . . 7.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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9.3.3 t-Test and Chi-Squared Test . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.4 Confirmatory Factor Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4 Discussion and Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.1 Relationships Among Environmental Knowledge, Attitudes, and Behaviors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.2 Gender Comparisons on Environmental Literacy . . . 9.4.3 Relationship Between Club and Society Participation and Environmental Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.4 Sources of Environmental Information . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.5 Study Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.6 Study Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Part III

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Actors

10 Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.1 Research Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.2 Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.3 Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3.1 Descriptive Statistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3.2 Correlation Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3.3 Regression and Path Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.4 Discussion of Outdoor Versus Indoor Physical Activities: Their Influence on Environmental Behaviors . . . . . . . . . 10.4.1 Influence of Attitudes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.4.2 Influence of Social Norms (Subjective and Descriptive Norms) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.4.3 Implications, Limitations, and Future Research . . 10.5 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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11 Parents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 Materials and Methods . . . . . 11.2.1 Research Hypotheses 11.2.2 Research Area . . . . . 11.2.3 Participants . . . . . . . 11.2.4 Measures . . . . . . . . .

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11.3 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.3.1 Descriptive Statistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.3.2 Correlation Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.3.3 Regression and Path Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4 Discussion and Implications: Using the Theory of Planned Behavior to Predict Protective Behavioral Intentions Against PM2.5 by Parents of Young Children from Urban and Rural Areas of Beijing, China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4.1 Attitudes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4.2 Perceived Behavioral Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4.3 Subjective Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4.4 Regulatory and Health Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.5 Conclusions, Limitations, and Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . 11.6 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Outreach Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2 Literature Review and Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2.1 Media Richness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2.2 Creativity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2.3 Research Hypotheses of Media Richness and Creativity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.3 Materials and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.3.1 Preparation Stage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.3.2 Experimental Stage (Quasi-experiment) . . . . . . . . 12.3.3 Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.4 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.4.1 Distribution of Demographic Profiles . . . . . . . . . . 12.4.2 Torrance Creativity Cognitive Performance . . . . . 12.4.3 Independent Sample t-Test Analysis of Media Richness Perceptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.4.4 Correlations of Media Richness Perceptions with Potential Creativity Cognition Performance Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.4.5 Research Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.5 Discussion: Exploring Correlations of Media Richness and Creativity of Computer-Mediated Communication and Face-to-Face Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.6 Limitations: Technology-Enhanced Learning for Graduate Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.6.1 Limitation of Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.6.2 Limitations of Research Method and Tools . . . . .

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12.7 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327 Epilogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337

Author and Contributors

About the Author Wei-Ta Fang was born in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, on February 14, 1966. He received a BA degree in land economics and administration from National Taipei University (Taipei, Taiwan) in 1989. He received his first master’s degree in environmental planning (MEP) from Arizona State University, USA, in 1994, and a second master’s degree in landscape architecture in design studies (MDes.S.) from the Graduate School of Design, Harvard University, USA, in 2001. He obtained a Ph.D. from the Department of Ecosystem Science and Management, Texas A&M University, USA, in 2005. He served as a specialist in the Taipei Land Management Bureau in 1991 and 1992 and a senior specialist in charge of environmental education and environmental impact assessments (EIAs) at Taiwan’s Environmental Protection Administration (EPA) Headquarters from 1994 to 2006. He was also Coprincipal Investigator (Co-PI) for the National Environmental Literacy Survey in Taiwan during 2012 and 2020. He is currently serving as Distinguished Professor and as Director of the Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, and is President of the Society of Wetland Scientists Asia Chapter. He lives in Taipei City with his wife, Chia-Ying Ho, and two sons, Cheng-Jun (June) and Cheng-Shun (Sam). His contact e-mail is [email protected].

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Author and Contributors

Contributors Mei-Chuan Chang (Chap. 10) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, Republic of China (ROC) Yi-Te Chiang (Chaps. 1, 3, 5, 7, and 11) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal Univer-sity, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Jui-Yu Chou (Chaps. 8 and 9) Department of Biology, National Changhua University of Education, Changhua 50007, Taiwan, ROC Chia-Hsuan Hsu (Chap. 8) School of Forestry and Resource Conservation, National Taiwan University, Taipei 10617, Taiwan, ROC Hsin-Wen Hu (Chap. 2) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Wen-Lin Kang (Chap. 8) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Ulas Kaplan (Chap. 7) Ph.D. in Educational Studies Program, Lesley University, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA Ben LePage (Chap. 2) Pacific Gas and Electric Company, San Francisco, CA 94120, USA Chien-Shing Lee (Chap. 2) Department of Athletic Performance, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Shih-Wu Liang (Chap. 9) Department of Public Relations and Advertising, Shih Hsin University, Taipei 11604, Taiwan, ROC Shiang-Yao Liu (Chap. 9) Graduate Institute of Science Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Shumei Liu (Chap. 11) Department of Preschool Education, Hangzhou Normal University, Hangzhou 311121, Zhejiang, China Jen-Chieh Lo (Chaps. 5 and 8) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Eric Ng (Chaps. 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, and 11) School of Management and Enterprise, University of Southern Queensland, Toowoomba, QLD 4350, Australia Huei-Min Tsai (Chap. 9) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC

Author and Contributors

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Chie-Chien Tseng (Chap. 11) Department of Health Promotion and Health Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 10617, Taiwan, ROC Gwo-Liang Yeh (Chap. 11) Department of Health Promotion and Health Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 10617, Taiwan, ROC Shin-Cheng Yeh (Chap. 9) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC Yong-Shen Zhan (Chap. 6) Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei 11677, Taiwan, ROC

Abbreviations

+ve AC AGFI ANOVA AQI AR AT ATTA AVE BI BOD CBPR CEQ CFA CFI CI CMC Co-PI COVID-19 CR Cronbach’s a df DN DO DPP DSP EE EIA ELoC

Positive Awareness of consequences Adjusted goodness-of-fit index Analysis of variance Air quality index Ascription of responsibility Attitude Abbreviated Torrance Test for Adults Average variance extracted Behavioral intention Biochemical oxygen demand Community-based participatory research Council on Environmental Quality Confirmatory factor analysis Comparative fit index Confidence interval Computer-mediated communication Coprincipal investigator Coronavirus disease 2019 Composite reliability Cronbach’s alpha or coefficient alpha Degree of freedom Descriptive norm Dissolved oxygen Democratic Progressive Party Dominant social paradigm Environmental education Environmental impact assessment External locus of control

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EPA EPB ES ESD FtF GFI H HEP ILoC ITC KAP KMT LISREL MOST MRT N NAM NEP NFI NGO NH3-N NNFI NP NSC NTNU p PBC PEB PET PLS-SEM PM PN PRC r R2 (R) REB RMB RMSEA ROC SD SDGs SE; se SEM SN

Abbreviations

Environmental Protection Administration Environmental Protection Bureau Emotional stability Education for sustainable development Face-to-face Goodness-of-fit index Hypothesis Human exemptionalism paradigm Internal locus of control Item-total correlation Knowledge, attitudes, and practice Kuomintang Linear structural relations Ministry of Science and Technology Mass rapid transit Neuroticism Norm activation model New environmental paradigm Normed fit index Non-governmental organization Ammonium-N Non-normed fit index New Party National Science Council National Taiwan Normal University Probability value Perceived behavioral control Pro-environmental behavior Polyethylene terephthalate Partial least squares structural equation modeling Particulate matter Personal norm People’s Republic of China Correlation coefficient R-squared Reverse wording Responsible environmental behavior Renminbi Root mean square error of approximation Republic of China Standard deviation Sustainable Development Goals Standard error; standard error coefficient of the estimate Structural equation modeling Subjective norm

Abbreviations

SPSS SS SWS t TEK TPB TPM TTCT UN UNESCO URL v. VBN WHO v2

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Statistical Package for the Social Sciences Suspended solid Society of Wetland Scientists T value Traditional ecological knowledge Theory of Planned Behavior Triangular Pyramid Model Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking United Nations UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation Uniform Resource Locator Version Value-Belief-Norm World Health Organization Chi-squared

Linear Structural Relations Notation (LISREL/Amos)

Parameter symbol

English spelling

Description

k c b η q

lambda gamma beta eta rho

Loadings for variables Causal path from exogenous to endogenous Causal path Endogenous latent variables Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient; commonly known as Spearman’s rho

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Part I

Contextualization

Chapter 1

Orientation

Humans like to play freely, and we do not like to be forced to study because studying is more difficult than learning freely. If we can learn by our own free-choice, why not? Dierking and Falk (1998) put forth the Theory of Free-choice Learning, meaning that learners have self-control over their ways of learning, and learners can choose the learning objects, places, times, and targets based on their free will (Dierking and Falk 1998; Falk et al. 2009). The premise of this statement is that humans must learn. MUST as a norm is the obligation to study in order to survive in a changing world. However, determining how to move toward sustainability is the key point between environmental education and sound science (Wals et al. 2014). In this chapter, I investigate the previous literature regarding norms, free-choice learning (although I found no free-choice learning cases in Asia), and new environmental paradigms (NEPs) vs. dominant social paradigms (DSPs), which can answer the questions in this book. I try to clarify with a chart whether free-choice learning is affected by social norms and whether free-choice learning has influence on NEPs in our world. However, the answer awaits clarification in this book.

1.1 Introduction to Norms What are norms? You may read this entire book which talks about relationships between social norms and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs). Do not hurry. Do not rush. This is not a boring “book of norms.” But I first need to explain this abstract term “norms.” When we decide to wake up at dawn as determined by the sun rising, we are following a social norm (feeling pressure from the outside world) and a personal norm (feeling a critical inner voice in one’s mind). This term can be explained as “something that is usual, typical, or standard” like the sun rising in the east. The function of norms is to provide an order which people can follow. Even though norms may possess © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_1

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1 Orientation

predictability in a stable society, they can change according to the different environments, situations, and cultures in various societies. Therefore, humans’ behavior can also change or be modified accordingly. If our behavior can be modified toward sustainability, can we alter our behavior due to our positive thinking in order to benefit people and the planet? The answer is “yes.” The solution of moving toward sustainability lies in our capacity for environmental literacy to successfully alter our behaviors. That is, changing human behavior toward PEB requires in-depth exposure to environmental literacy. When we discuss environmental literacy, we may be concerned with normative behavior of following rules which are conducted by a particular group or community. This is the rule of following a certain behavior that we call a “norm.” Oh, okay, then what is environmental literacy? That is a good question. There has been quite a lot discussion of this beyond merely having knowledge of a particular subject or a particular type of knowledge of the environment. This term is not just defined as being “environment literate.” According to the Environmental Literacy Council, environmental literacy is related to “the understandings and habits of mind we need to shape our world” (see Fig. 1.1). Indeed, while individuals try to understand their world, they may need skills and motivation to make responsible decisions that consider their relationships to natural Fig. 1.1 Environmental literacy is related to the understandings and habits of mind we need to shape our world. Photo by Chieh-Ying Ho

1.1 Introduction to Norms

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Fig. 1.2 When individuals try to understand their world, they may need skills and motivations to consider their relationships with natural and social systems. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

and social systems (Fig. 1.2). In the fields of natural and social systems, norms are guided behaviors in a certain environment as “mental representations of appropriate behavior” (Aarts and Dijksterhuis 2003). Chepesiuk (2007) explained that “environmental literacy proponents do not seek to provide any particular “right” answer in studying environmental issues. Instead, they seek to instruct learners through self-discovery and the acquisition of problemsolving skills that help them evaluate different viewpoints.” That is, environmental literacy can be defined as knowledge, competence, and actions leading to a healthier and more sustainable public emanating from social influences, as well as behaving according to social and personal norms.

1.1.1 A Definition of Social Norms Social norms are fundamental elements shaping human behaviors, but not attitudes. Norms and attitudes affect each other (Ajzen 1991). Three social norms are described in the following points. From the perspective of social psychology, social influence refers to the influence of external social factors on individual behaviors and can be categorized into: (1) normative social influences and (2) informational social influences (Deutsch and Gerard 1955). Social norms can be viewed not only as acceptable group behaviors, but also as collective behavioral expressions, or as how specified group behaviors are perceived by an individual (Lapinski and Rimal 2005). Norms are viewed as mental representations regarding “appropriate behaviors” (Aarts and Dijksterhuis 2003). For instance,

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when people consider recycling as something that they are “required to do,” then they will recycle (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). It was also expressed that norms are the core of the norm-activated theory (Schwartz 1977), and social norms are factors that shape human behaviors. These concepts have been used in many studies. Social norms can be divided into subjective norms and descriptive norms, which are generated by group and social influences and are jointly listed as social norms in many studies (Stern 2000; Thøgersen 2006; Bamberg and Möser 2007; Hernández et al. 2010; McKenzie-Mohr 2011). Rivis and Sheeran (2003) used the terms “injunctive norms” and “descriptive norms” to respectively represent normative social influences and informational social influences. In addition to being classified into subjective norms and descriptive norms, they can also be divided into three norms (Rivis and Sheeran 2003; Fang et al. 2017), with the third norm being injunctive norms. According to the definition of subjective norms (one of the social norms) in the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) (Ajzen 1985, 1991), people engage in various types of specific behaviors when they are under pressure to adhere to requirements of normative social influences, which is also known as normative conformity. Thus, “subjective norms” in the TPB (this theory of “subjective norms” is discussed later) and “normative social influences” in social psychology share similar meanings. Cialdini et al. (1990, 1991) suggested that the concept of norms also includes the constructs of “behavior supported by groups” and “how groups themselves behave.” In other words, two concepts of “should do” and “how to do” can be considered, rather than simply “norms”, as a single concept. Descriptive norms are others’ practices that people follow when they are not familiar with a particular situation or idea. Thus, normative values are shared understandings of actions that are obligatory, permitted, or forbidden (Cummins 1996). As such, people make judgments as to whether a behavior is typical, normal, effective, adaptive, or appropriate by observing specific behaviors displayed by people around them. Furthermore, Bicchieri (2006) proposed that social norms should be understood as types of social interactive behaviors, and such behaviors enable people to understand what is acceptable in society or groups through a system of norms.

1.1.2 Four Different Types of Norms Norms are fundamental elements shaping human behaviors, and norms and attitudes affect each other (Ajzen 1991). Norms are viewed as mental representations regarding “appropriate behaviors” that guide a society (Aarts and Dijksterhuis 2003). How many norms are there in this book? I provide four types for you. Social norms can be viewed not only as acceptable group behaviors, but also as collective behavioral expressions, or how specific group behaviors are considered by an individual. Proposed social norms include injunctive norms, descriptive norms, and subjective norms, and there are some distinctions between them. Social cognition variables,

1.1 Introduction to Norms

7

Table 1.1 Types of norms Norms

Norm levels Types of norms

Definition

Social

External

Injunctive norms

Display behaviors others approve. Compliance is encouraged and violations are punished

External

Subjective norms

Behaviors expected or supported by people around you, such as family, peers, and colleagues

External

Descriptive norms Respondents perceive behaviors that most people are engaging in

Personal Internal

Personal norms

Self-expectations and feeling obligated to do what is morally right

Notes For a definition of “social norms,” please see Bicchieri (2006:41) and also the definition of Rimal and Lapinski (2015)

such as social norms, in the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) predict behavior more strongly when the behavior is under volitional control. The different types of norms are summarized and defined in Table 1.1. • Social Norms – Injunctive norms are behaviors approved by others. Compliance is encouraged, and violations are punished. This means that substantively tough norms are regulated by policies or rules to forcibly implement environmental protection. – Subjective norms are behaviors expected or supported by the people around you, such as family, peers, and colleagues. They represent an essential model of behaviors which significant others anticipate (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). – Descriptive norms are behaviors that respondents perceive most people to be engaged in. They are characterized as norms of human behaviors which are affected by each other in the same place, even among strangers or most people usually, and sometimes unconsciously (Cialdini et al. 2006). • Personal norms are self-expectations of one feeling obligated to do what is morally right.

1.2 Relationship Between Norms and Pro-Environmental Behaviors (PEBs) Increasing environmental problems are posing significant threats to environmental sustainability, and these have prompted key stakeholders (e.g., policy-makers, businesses, and consumers) to invest substantial efforts in enhancing environmental behaviors, which can be broadly defined as types of behavior that seek to change the availability of materials or energy from the environment (Stern 2000; Fang et al. 2017).

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Fig. 1.3 Pro-environmental behavior refers to behavior that consciously seeks to minimize negative impacts of one’s actions on the natural and built world (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002, p. 240). For example, Naganeupseong Folk village, a UNESCO world heritage site, was established by Confucian thinkers to develop ideas into the theory of the unity of man and heaven or nature in South Korea in the late tenth century. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

Previous studies widely discussed positive correlations between norms and behavioral intentions in PEB contexts, such as work by Guagnano et al. (1995) and Abrahamse and Steg (2011). Accordingly, PEB, which refers to “behavior that consciously seeks to minimize the negative impact of one’s actions on the natural and built world” (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002, p. 240), is regarded as one of the key challenges to achieving environmental sustainability (Fig. 1.3). Social norms have a stronger influence on behavioral intentions than do attitudes (Fang et al. 2017). This implies that people are more likely to display and engage in PEBs when they feel under pressure to conform to expectations and requirements of normative social influences. While this outcome aligns with some prior studies, it also offers a different view, and this can possibly be explained by differing cultural contexts (i.e., Eastern versus Western, see Fig. 1.4). This strong emphasis on social values forms the basis for a sense of belonging to a group, which can explain results which emphasize the greater influence of social norms on behavioral intentions. This finding supports the model by Schütte and Ciarlante (1998) in Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs in Asia. They developed an Asian equivalent model beyond the original top of the pyramid’s shape in Maslow’s, “personal self-actualization,” and called it “social contexts” (i.e., status, admiration, and affiliation) which regulate Asian behaviors in “acting” in their daily lives (p. 93).

1.2 Relationship Between Norms and Pro-Environmental Behaviors (PEBs)

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Fig. 1.4 Specifically, Confucianism, an East Asian ethical and philosophical system that emphasizes social values (and is a key focus of this book), has strong cultural roots in countries such as China, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

Therefore, I forced one of the Asian empirical and normative expectations to form a motive action in the model of “social norms” (see definitions of Rimal and Lapinski (2015), and see also Bicchieri (2006:41). This diagnostic process of identifying a collective model in Asians was discovered from my observations of collective patterns of behaviors of Asians in my studies for this book. Therefore, I refer to Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs in Asia to present a synthesized variable of “social norms” without separating variables reflecting different types of norms, i.e., subjective norms in the Theory of Planned Behavior, to re-analyze the data. Further insights of many case studies in this book on why individuals undertake PEBs can provide a more in-depth understanding of how behavioral changes can be made to address environmental problems from the following normative studies.

1.2.1 Descriptive Norms Descriptive norms are behaviors affected by others in the same space, usually including most people even when they are strangers, and sometimes without one consciously being aware of the effects (Cialdini et al. 2006). When people adopt specific attitudes or behaviors friendly to the environment, descriptive norms entail how a person is naturally affected in such situations. For example, if a person observes that all participants in a class or event or the general public in their daily lives are cautious about preventing damage to the environment, then attitudes or norms

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are formed that become pro-environmental. Descriptive norms were proven to be effective in reuptake behavior (Cialdini et al. 1990) and in environmental protection behaviors in hotels (Schultz et al. 2008).

1.2.2 Injunctive Norms Injunctive norms are substantively tough norms regulated by policies or rules that forcibly implement environmental protection. Injunctive norms were proven to be effective in reuptake behavior (Cialdini et al. 1990) and in environmental protection behaviors in hotels (Schultz et al. 2008).

1.2.3 Subjective Norms Subjective norms are viewed as vigorous anticipatory factors regarding environmental behaviors (De Groot and Steg 2009) and represent an expectation model of significant others anticipating such behaviors (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). Significant others include family members, parents, and other important friends and associates (Fig. 1.5). When those people adopt specific attitudes or behaviors friendly to the environment, or a specific recognition and value system concerned with environmental ecological conservation, it will affect one’s personal attitudes or concepts, and then form norms. Subjective norms are viewed as stress from society (Ajzen 1991). Parents are viewed as generating norms to regulate reuptake behaviors in their infants and children (Abrahamse and Steg 2011). Subjective norms are viewed as being related to beliefs, because norms are relevant factors of beliefs, not only in the Value-Belief-Norm Theory (Stern et al. 1999), but also in the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1991). Meanwhile, subjective norms are considered to have influence on environmental concerns (Bamberg 2003) and attitudes (Quine and Rubin 1997; Chang 1998; Rhodes and Courneya 2005), because new environmental paradigms are viewed as environmental concerns (Dunlap and Van Liere 1978; Bamberg 2003) or attitudes (Dunlap et al. 2002). Hence, subjective norms have influences on “new environmental paradigms.”

1.3 New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) What is an NEP? When an NEP was put forth in the 1970s, critical classical sociologists and their adherents expressed that it lacked awareness of environmental views, while it prioritized sociology (Dunlap 2008). However, adherents of NEPs and those of dominant paradigms have been criticizing each other since then, and moreover, a new ecological paradigm (Catton and Dunlap 1980), derived from NEPs,

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Fig. 1.5 Subjective norms are viewed as vigorous anticipatory factors regarding human behaviors, and represent an expectation model of significant others anticipating such behaviors from important friends. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

has also been criticized by the human exemptionalism paradigm (HEP). The NEP is the converse of the HEP and the dominant social paradigm (DSP), which expect that environmental factors can be positive thoughts and recognize that human beings can become one of the values among environmental paradigms. This was also proposed by Dunlap and Van Liere (1978), and it was viewed as a belief (Stern et al. 1999), as concern about the environment (Dunlap and Van Liere 1978; Bamberg 2003), or as an attitude (Dunlap et al. 2002).

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1.3.1 Human Exemptionalism Paradigm (HEP) The HEP states that all problems can be solved by the wisdom and skills of human beings, so relationships between humans and the environment are not essential from a “sociological” view. Humans, therefore, can “prevent” influences created by the environment through cultural changes. The HEP-shaped knowledge differences and gaps between different schools of thoughts from restricted views, took the side of those with the same views, and ostracized those with different opinions, because the mainstream worldview and sociology of Western countries were opposed to popular racism and biological environmentalism at that time, which became ideological conflicts. The HEP states that cultural uniqueness has proven its leadership for human beings, so cultural uniqueness is more adaptable, compared to biological characters. In addition, culture can accumulate, innovate, and solve comprehensive natural problems. Human beings will not be governed by their natural surroundings and can also control their destiny by themselves. Recently, it has formed a sociological school with another type, by combining with artificial intelligence. However, research on anthropocentrism has not been proven by practice through studies focusing on environmental analyses.

1.3.2 The History of the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) The sociologists, Riley Dunlap and William R. Catton, realized restrictions of the Human exemptionalism paradigm (HEP), and so proposed a new paradigm, which contrasted with the HEP, with the expectation that its idea would be more positive when facing environmental factors. Hence, this new sociological view is called the NEP (Dunlap and Van Liere 1978; Catton and Dunlap 1980). When Dunlap and Van Liere subsequently created the scale of the NEP, the opposite paradigm was called the dominant social paradigm (DSP). In a comparison of the DSP and NEP, their values are cross-referenced. Meanwhile, the DSP and neoliberalism express similar ideas in different words, meaning that humans hold an optimistic outlook about natural and social environments when technologies and economics are rapidly growing. The DSP has strong faith in science and technologies, pursues abundant material lives, supports economic development, insists on individual rights, advocates deregulating government control, and protects private property rights. Dunlap and Catton put forth the NEP in 1980 (Catton and Dunlap 1980) and created a scale for the NEP in the 2000s (Dunlap et al. 2002), thereby emphasizing that humans are one part of the natural world, the scope of the earth spacecraft is limited, and it strives for a balance of ecological systems. The NEP stated a belief in the creative capabilities of human beings, expressing that humans should be interdependent with other species in the ecological environment, and stressed social and cultural strengths without admitting social determinism. The NEP expresses that

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humans can survive in a feedback loop affected by ecological systems, while natural resources and spaces for disposing of wastes are restricted on earth, so biological and physical environments place restrictions on human activities. This new ecological system discusses forecasts for new economic policies, and it theorizes topics, for both social environments and natural environments, which is called the “mixed” theory. It also criticized the malthusianism of the 1960s and 1970s. The NEP is viewed as a belief in confirmation of the Value-Belief-Norms model (Stern et al. 1999), and sometimes that model and the NEP are viewed as being related to environmental concerns (Dunlap and Van Liere 1978; Bamberg 2003) or attitudes (Dunlap et al. 2002). The scale for the NEP is viewed as the broadest used scale for environmental concerns (Dunlap 2008). Hence, the NEP is expected to be used to investigate the influence of free-choice learning on environmental education and sustainable development education. This book regards attitudes, the NEP, and behaviors of sustainable development in the past by mainly stressing research of psychology, sociology, pedagogy, etc. (Ballantyne and Uzzell 1999), such as the model of responsible environmental behavior (Hines et al. 1987), the Value-Belief-Norms model (Stern et al. 1999), and the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) (Ajzen 1985). Ballantyne and Packer (2005) stated that the TPB has had great influence especially among studies regarding changes in attitudes and behaviors. Norms, as described in this book, are an essential affecting factor among the theories, and few scholars have discussed whether such affecting factors have influences on free-choice learning, one of the learning processes. In addition, it is worth investigating whether free-choice learning or no free-choice learning is consistent with past theories when applied to Chinese and Taiwanese societies.

1.4 Learning Processes As stated by research in previous studies, subjective norms are considered to influence learning motivations (Lee 2010; Oomens et al. 2011; Chu and Chen 2016). By that logic, it should be possible for social norms to affect the learning process. Humans continue learning and being educated their whole lives. Therefore, lifelong education has become an essential factor in promoting sustainable development for the future (Scott and Gough 2004), which could help improve personal and social capabilities, so we need to tackle sustainable development we face in our lives and careers (Fig. 1.6) (Scott and Gough 2003). Some people also anticipate learning at will, or learning what they really want to learn in such a life-long educational environment, not just learning institutionally and systematically standardized content at school. It is expected that students can comprehensively learn based on a schedule, and also thoroughly learn, especially in learning classes. But is it possible to learn at will? Our learning might necessarily be restricted and guided by social norms,

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Fig. 1.6 Children continually learn and become educated their entire lives. Life-long education has become an essential factor for constructing sustainable behaviors in the future. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

because human beings are highly socialized, while social norms can help us learn, mature, and become a part of society. Can we really learn at will within such stringent social norms? If learning at will can really effectively enhance learning results, can it also be implemented for environmental education (EE) and education for sustainable development (ESD) and lead to similar results? Can learning at will help us achieve a better life in the future? What kinds of learning processes can maximize results and efficiency of education, while we are experiencing being formally educated in our lives? What kinds of education can improve learning to become the highest quality? These are questions that many educational staff and educationists have diligently investigated and researched. They face similar questions, not only in other educational fields, but also in the EE field. Human beings will alter their behaviors due to education, and their behaviors will become pro-environmental through the model of changing attitudes and recognizing behaviors, which is the ultimate aim. With such an ultimate aim, the theories, such as knowledge, attitudes, and practice (KAP) in the early stages (Hungerford and Volk 1990), involving the model of responsible environmental behavior (Hines et al. 1987), and the model of Value-Belief-Norm Theory (VBN) (Stern et al. 1999), have continually investigated which factors can alter human behaviors and how those views and beliefs can be changed through educational approaches. Many theories worthy of use as references have been established

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by the efforts of many aforementioned scholars to convey research on environmental studies and also from concepts of behavioral psychology as a research foundation. Our learning and choices are often affected by others, because human beings are prone to live in groups and be accepted by society. Therefore, only investigating changes in individual behaviors cannot illustrate the process by which people decide to behave as they do. EE can possibly become a political tool (Hursh et al. 2015), highly affected by and implemented by various political organizations and social groups. Hence, researchers of pro-environmental behaviors believe that the aspects of groupness and social networking need to be more closely considered, in addition to doing research on fundamental individual behaviors.

1.4.1 Free-Choice Learning Compared to previous studies, recent studies have investigated which factors influence environmental behaviors, learning, and education, rather than investigating how people choose to learn proactively when they really want to, through the influence of environmental sociology. Dierking and Falk (1998) put forth the theory of freechoice learning, stating that if people choose what they want to learn at will, learning results are best. This generated a question asked by curious researchers as to whether people can truly choose what they intend to learn at will. Is learning in this case still affected by social and environmental factors? Can such an influence and learning at will better produce new environmental norms, transfer proactive attitudes into behaviors, and reinforce environmental protection? People have increasingly discovered the importance of free-choice experiential learning in recent decades. Learners freely choose the contents, times, and reasons, and control the timing, as they broaden their horizons through experiential learning. In the past, topics of many research papers on environmental and sustainable development were related to formal education (Falk 2001), but global citizens merely spend around 3% of their lifetime in school (Falk and Dierking 2002). Perhaps around half of the public obtains knowledge related to science from free-choice learning in their leisure time, while they gather information based on their interests, demands, or curiosity (Falk et al. 2007). Therefore, regardless of how successful formal education and teaching in schools is, people need to obtain information from various resources, such as media, the internet, or other experiential learning with free-choice, to gain more knowledge, and realize the extent of rapidly ever-changing environmental problems and challenges (Ballantyne and Packer 2005). There are established infrastructural organizations, such as libraries, museums, science centers, zoos, aquariums, botanical gardens, environmental learning centers, and community organizations, which provide great free-choice learning systems and opportunities (Fig. 1.7) (Falk and Dierking 2002, 2016; Woods and Moscardo 2003). Compared to formal education, informal education emphasizes achieving broader goals (Schauble and Glaser 2013), such as altering attitudes, arousing emotions, discovering, and being curious, and can build up personal confidence in aspects of

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Fig. 1.7 There are established infrastructural organizations, such as learning centers, which are considered some of the educational agencies that provide great learning systems and opportunities with free-choice. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

culture, local places, and communities, and moreover, can promote personal morality and ethics (Schauble et al. 1997; Falk and Dierking 2000). Dillon (2003) expressed that many resources can be found to help promote environmental principles through informal education. As previously stated, free-choice learning means that learners control the learning ways and can choose the learning objects, places, times, and targets based on their free will (Dierking and Falk 1998; Falk et al. 2009). Different from learning systems taught by formal institutions, free-choice learning is basically motivated to intrinsically fulfill the interests, demands, and curiosity of individuals (Falk et al. 2007). Free-choice learning can be classified into three contextual models of learning— personal context, sociocultural context, and physical context—to illustrate the situation of learners. The model indicates that free-choice learners possess prerequisite experiences and motivations which can affect their experiences and learning ways in the environment (Packer 2004). It can be said that learning is a process of assimilating knowledge and information and then accumulating them in the long term. Hence, Ballantyne and Packer (2005) believed that the free-choice learning situation model is similar to the mutual fit model of constructivism and social cultural learning theory (Schauble et al. 1997; Hein 2002), in that learning is a situation created by

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interactions between a person and the social environment or culture for sustainability (Ballantyne and Packer 2011; Ham and Weiler 2012).

1.4.2 Learning Venues Free-choice learning is often used in research of museums and related areas. Bamberger and Tal (2007) indicated that students can connect life experiences in the past with prerequisite knowledge when they visit museums by free-choice. Recently, research regarding museums has changed from message transmission and meaning taking into meaning making (Uzzell and Ballantyne 1998), indicating that scholars are not just emphasizing functions of transferring information and knowledge by museums from up to down in a single side, but are also stressing the meaning of inducing visitors to visit museums at will. This view is consistent with the meaning of free-choice learning, because its key point is to investigate whether participants desire to get information from various sources, rather than investigate whether participants get information presented by providers on a single side (Ballantyne and Packer 2005). It is difficult evaluating experiences and learning by free-choice, mainly because there are huge differences among participants regarding experiences, knowledge, attitudes, and motivations.

1.4.3 Model of Free-Choice Learning and the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) As previously stated, human beings continually learn and are educated their entire lives. But is it possible to learn at will? Our learning may necessarily be restricted and guided by social norms, because human beings are highly socialized, while social norms can help us learn, mature, and become a part of society. Can we really learn at will within such strict social norms? Compared to research in the past, more recent studies have investigated which factors influence environmental behaviors, learning, and education, rather than investigating how people choose to learn proactively when they really want to. While it has been argued that human beings have free will, Dierking and Falk (1998) put forth the theory of free-choice learning, meaning that people choosing within the freest situation will generate the best results. A question curiously arises as to whether people can actually choose what they intend to learn at will, based on such a theory. Is learning still affected by social and environmental factors? Can such factors optimize the learning results and improve new environmental norms with such influence and learning at will? Free-choice learning is affected by social norms and influences the NEP; the NEP realizes how to implement free-choice learning among the public in museums.

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Fig. 1.8 Attitude formation: Model of free-choice learning and the new environmental paradigm

Take Fig. 1.8 as an example; the first and second quadrants represent the environmental learning center of the NEP. In the first quadrant is a nature center with an open style, based on investigating experiences and selective events, which is free-choice learning that emphasizes the NEP, by arousing potential intentions and interest, with high levels of learning discovery. On the extreme other side is no free-choice learning, meaning that the learning events occur in a formal education setting. Most learning involves extrinsic motivation, driven by external institutes, which fulfill predetermined demands. In the second quadrant, learning occurs in a school, which is a formal educational center with teaching modules and classes. In addition, learning for the dominant social paradigm (DSP) is emphasized, not learning from the environment. Results are stressed and processes are ignored, which is the traditional way of instrumental reasoning and scientizing teaching, representing the traditional paradigm being centered on human beings and being ingrained. In the third quadrant are stereotypical classes in schools, which emphasize paper-and-pencil tests. In the fourth quadrant are stereotypical after-school classes that emphasize teaching freely. In the first quadrant as mentioned above, free-choice learning is the term for recognizing such learning and admitting that learning’s character is for social construction. This implies self-selection by learners, based on interactions between individuals and society, culture, or the environment. Therefore, if learning occurs outside of schools, most of it involves free-choice learning. Learning is mainly driven by the unique intrinsic demands and interest of learners, so free-choice learning distinguishes and

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depicts the nature center with learning experiences effectively occurring in various environments and backgrounds, from the view of learners. It is independent from the prejudices of formal education. Moreover, free-choice learning entails “bottom-up studies,” based on learning guided by self-directed individuals (i.e., autodidacticism), rather than “top-down pedagogy,” driven by schools or institutions; while learning guided by force has become more popular worldwide. Hence, free-choice learning focuses on unique individual methods for life-long learning or the importance of social backgrounds and family education. In sharp contrast, generating knowledge on a large scale is driven by classes, and education generally guides typical schools, institutions, and public facilities in formal educational environments.

1.4.4 Emotional State for Learning Therefore, free-choice learning, one of the psychological learning processes, cannot be defined by context, so its motivation is essential and relative. It does not only mean to formally learn with free-choice in a field, but it also means to consider one’s mental state. It requires considering whether learners are conscious of learning with free-choice, and deeply realizing four types of joyful learning ways: (1) being joyful; (2) realizing deeply; (3) being unpleasant; and (4) touching a subject without going into it deeply (as shown in Fig. 1.9).

Fig. 1.9 Emotional state: Model of free-choice learning and the new environmental paradigm

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1.5 The Triangular Pyramid Model of My Research After conducting a literature review, I found that there are many common factors in pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs) and environmental literacy, and most of these factors are important internal factors behind PEBs (please also see Chap. 3 for details). If environmental literacy is used as a framework, the PEB structure can be simplified and included in the scope of environmental literacy. If interactions between factors behind PEB in the framework can be clarified under the framework of environmental literacy and barriers to PEBs in the framework can be eliminated, perhaps significant progress can be made within the controllable scope of environmental education. Based on this concept, this book attempts to develop a subsequent two-stage research design. For the first stage, a content analytical method is carried out based on domestic and foreign studies on environmental literacy, PEBs, and barriers to PEBs, to clarify similarities, differences, and relationships among the three. For the second stage, a scale for measuring barriers to PEB is developed to find a method that can be used to measure and test barriers against and/or mediators of PEB in the framework of environmental literacy. The premise of this book is that environmental literacy can be used as a framework to simplify the structure of PEBs and can help us establish a theoretical structure of PEBs that is unique to Taiwan, clarify barriers against PEBs and attitude-behavior gaps in Taiwan, and propose possible solutions. This book shows that although it may be neither feasible nor useful to develop a model that includes all factors behind PEBs, drawing charts will help intuitively illustrate and classify these factors, and point out that my models are not more inclusive than other models. The models are explained in several book chapters (see Fig. 1.6). I show, for example, that complex relationships among environmental knowledge, values, attitudes, and emotional involvement are contained in a factor called “environmental awareness,” while environmental awareness is classified under “internal factors” including personality traits and value systems. Internal factors interact with external factors, and the arrows in the model indicate interactions among the factors and ultimately point to PEBs. If “internal factors” are categorized as the “thesis,” and “external factors” are categorized as the “antithesis”, I may say that the “synthesis” is the mediator (see Box 1.1). Box 1.1: Thesis, Antithesis, and Synthesis I have studied the theory from Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason in 1781 as the genesis of thesis/antithesis (McFarland 2002). Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) concretized his concept into “thesis” and “antithesis”: • Thesis: The world has a beginning in time and is limited with regard to space.

1.5 The Triangular Pyramid Model of My Research

• Antithesis: The world has no beginning and no limits in space, but is infinite, with respect to both time and space. If “thesis” is like “yang,” then maybe “antithesis” is like “yin” in Chinese culture (please see Chap. 2). I thought that these two theories were in conflict. I have used the triad “thesis, antithesis, synthesis” in my book several times, for example, as the thesis (internal factor), antithesis (external factor), and synthesis (mediator) (see Fig. 1.10). Here, “thesis, antithesis, synthesis” is a dialectical progression of three ideas or propositions in which the first idea (e.g., an internal factor) is followed by a second idea (e.g., an external factor) that negates the first, and the conflict between the first and second ideas is resolved by a third idea (e.g., a mediator). This is often used to explain the dialectical method of the German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831), but Hegel never used the terms himself (Mueller 1958); instead his triad consisted of concrete, abstract, and absolute (Schnitker et al. 2013). It is unimportant that Hegel did not use these specific terms. As one of the dialectic approaches, the idea of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis has been implemented as a strategy for organizing expositional writing for scientific research. However, I am not satisfied with this result because it is too simple. I then, created the Triangular Pyramid Model to revise the model of thesis, antithesis, synthesis that originated with the concepts of Hegel.

Fig. 1.10 The transformation from thesis (internal factor) and antithesis (external factor) to synthesis (mediator) is my original thought in this book. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

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1.5.1 What is the Triangular Pyramid Model? I use the concept of the Triangular Pyramid Model. What is this model? You may know it is also as a tetrahedron. It has four faces, and the four sides are triangles associated with six edges. It has four vertices (corner points) which I define as three points and one apex (see Fig. 1.11). Let us start from point 1 (thesis) and point 2 (antithesis) based on a triangle (see Fig. 1.12). You will see the causal relationships between pyramid’s two sides and apex, which I define as a mediator. Yes, I defined a mediator, which looks like an apex, but this apex could be the first determinant of your solution, that is, your

Fig. 1.11 A triangular pyramid. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

Fig. 1.12 Climbing the triangular pyramid. The pyramid characteristically follows the thesis (internal factor, point 1), antithesis (external factor, point 2), conceivable solutions by your synthesis (mediator, the apex), and (point 3) which can be implemented as outreach. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

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synthesis. OK, sounds good. If you are satisfied, you will not stand at the top. It is a triangular pyramid with an apex and three steep faces, so you access another point where you can reach up from the last corner point. Please do not forget you have the last point if you do not wish to return. That is, you need to proceed to the last point (point 3) as outreach. I add outreach as the last point because I am an environmental educator, and I like this term “outreach.” Imagine that you take some kids on a hike to a very rocky mountain that is located at a remote apex from your home. You might see that other tourists also reached the same apex but by different routes. You climbed up and saw that the top way was your solution. That is, all roads lead to Rome, so you arrive at the same end but by different means. Before you head back to your lovely home, you might have to remember some “take-home messages.” Please focus on the outreach-oriented way. The complement outreach suggestions found in this Triangular Pyramid Model (TPM) have a take-home component. One take-home message from here is that techniques for a networking path can be simple, creative, and productive. Remember that your path led to a goal, and you detected that various paths led to the same goal. You tried to end up at the same destination, but that did not work because you had a new duty, and thus you cannot return if you have a new point 1. The new point 1 (i.e., you detected a new argument from your “take-home message”) could be the original outreach you detected before, but you are not satisfied. You try to present your new point of view as your new “thesis,” and you need to see another point of view (the antithesis and/or an external factor, a new point 2), conceivable solutions of your new synthesis (mediator, a new apex), and finally, I congratulate you on reaching a new point 3 which can be implemented as excellent outreach (see Fig. 1.13). I know that you are tired of studying if you have read this far into the chapter, but be patient. The true nature is generous, but not easy to find the solution in your master’s “thesis” (or maybe your dissertation if you are a PhD student). If you cannot

Fig. 1.13 The new proposal which focuses on the criterion of the argument strength seems to be simple in a novel model refined from the original model. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

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Fig. 1.14 The paths are difficult to detect because full validation of the pinnacle to perfection must include much sound science evidence against every alternative path beginning with the solution disclosure that these initially available feasible paths and the nature of “sound science” do exist for your research. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

find your apex, then you cannot find a new apex. In your final solution, full validation of the pinnacle from your paths to perfection must include a lot of sound science evidence (Fig. 1.14). Regarding Everett Rogers’ description of the process in his book Diffusion of Innovations (Rogers 2003), he suggests that new ideas and changes move through the diffusion of the innovation model and outreach. As to the diffusion process discussed in the context of my Triangular Pyramid Model, this model includes the processes of both research and development of an innovative process of thesis creation. This model, based on social science, has been widely used to describe and analyze time series processes as well as of the increasing importance of new outreach in encouraging the theoretical construct for the study (see Fig. 1.15).

1.5.2 Project from Solid Model to a Plane The previous section provides a solid foundation in solid models by utilizing projects with step-by-step instructions for the beginner to find the key points of the thesis, antithesis, synthesis, and outreach in solid components. If you project a sectional view onto a 2D plane, you can see my research model as a planar type (see Fig. 1.16). You can freeze the surfaces that hold the solid model. The planar solid model represents how variables in my studies can be found. I projected the solid model onto a 2D plane to generate four points and five lines. These lines reside on the layer that could be your hypothesis for hidden clues from your causality by means and ends, as the four variable points. The goal of this book is to help academic researchers understand the means-end perspective and the

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Fig. 1.15 Education and outreach programs are a way for readers to see the entire process of innovation in my book. This daunting task, of finding a new outreach from your new solutions, calls for a social science-based method referred to as an endless “Diffusion of Innovations.” Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

Triangular Pyramid Model methods by which it is used and demonstrate how to use the means-end approach to develop better solutions by means of synthesis to detect a final outreach. The biggest feature of this model is that the aggregate means-end chains (Gutmanthat 1998) are linked with pro-environmental behavior (PEB). In my original model which is explained in Chaps. 5–11, the behavioral pattern is measured starting with a time series of means by ends. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) pointed out that although this is because the means must include three arrows pointing to PEBs as an end, it is also because researchers do believe that old behavioral patterns, that is, old habits, form high barriers to PEBs. This has often been overlooked by researchers of studies on PEB. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) concluded in their article that there are quite a few influencing factors in daily decisions and actions that conflict with or compete with PEBs, but these factors are not mentioned or explained in detail in their article. In a discussion that included comfort and convenience, Kollmuss and Agyeman argued that these two factors as variables undoubtedly have important roles in encouraging PEBs. In addition, there is no mention of the influence of personality traits or disposition on PEBs. Meanwhile, the biggest barrier in that model, namely the impact of habits on PEB, is not discussed in the study. Therefore, I began my studies from the Triangular Pyramid Model. I use this model to detect a series of links in which one end is the “ultimate” end and each succeeding link moves toward my ultimately goal of sustainability.

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Fig. 1.16 It is fundamental that the laddering process be a series of variable maps that show the aggregate agents/actors which act in their means-end chains that link the series of hierarchical values detected from theories of Immanuel Kant and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang

1.6 Area of Study The book mainly focuses on environmental literacy studies of a subtropical oceanic island, Taiwan, Republic of China (ROC) (see Fig. 1.17). The systematic research used to test my hypotheses of environmental literacy examined participants on an island nation. Taiwan, like many island nations, is faced with exigencies of land-use shortage and environmental pollution problems. Unfortunately, it has little space on which to preserve its scarce resources. Shortages originate from the physical geography of many high mountains with steep slopes and a lack of space for storing water for citizens’ utilization. The area of this island is only 36,193 km2 , and three-fourths are mountainous areas; thus, hydrogeological conditions in upland areas set limitations on water as well as other resource availability. In order to study complex issues related to environmental issues in Taiwan, a review of the environmental and demographic background was carried out. A description of Taiwan’s environmental loadings related to environmental issues is provided in the following section. According to the Yearly Report of Environmental Protection Statistics in Taiwan, ROC, the environmental loading of Taiwan compared to other countries is given in Table 1.2, and some key points are discussed below.

1.6 Area of Study

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Fig. 1.17 Taiwan, as an island nation, only possesses an area of 36,193 km2 of land. By the end of 2019, the registered population was 23,603,121 individuals. Illustrated by Yi-Te Chiang Table 1.2 Environmental loading of Taiwan compared to other countries Year

Density (per km2 )

2020

Population

234

335

511

658

34

2015

Registered motor vehicles

136

205

209

212

27

2018

Raised pigs

72

24

112

150

7

Germany

Japan

South Korea

Taiwan

USA

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• Small land area with a dense population: Taiwan encompasses only 36,193 km2 of land. During the past ten years, the registered population has increased annually. By the end of 2019, the registered population had reached 23,603,121, which was 726,594 more than that at the end of 2006 (22,876,527; +3%). The population density in Taiwan was 658/km2 in February 2020, which is higher than those of the USA (USA) (34/km2 ), Germany (234/km2 ), Japan (335/km2 ), and Korea (511/km2 ). Since Taiwan is a small island with a high population, the environmental loading is extremely heavy. • Growth in registered motor vehicles: In the past ten years, the number of vehicles has greatly increased. By the end of 2015, registered motor vehicles had reached 7,677,070. The vehicle density in Taiwan is 212/km2 , and it is obviously above average, compared to the USA (27/km2 ), Germany (136/km2 ), Japan (205/km2 ), and South Korea (209/km2 ). Vehicles are a major source of air pollution. • Factory density: By the end of 2006, there were 77,851 registered factories with a factory density of 2.15/km2 . By the end of 2015, there were 81,986 registered factories with a factory density of 2.27/km2 . According to statistics, the pollutants produced by these factories are mainly industrial gases, industrial wastewater, and other industrial wastes. Among these, there are a lot of harmful materials, which can cause pollution of the environment (Tseng et al. 2009). • Raising pigs: By the end of 2018, the number of pigs raised in Taiwan was 5,447,000 head, and the density was 150 pigs/km2 , which is higher than those in the USA (7/km2 ), Japan (24/km2 ), Germany (72/km2 ), and Korea (112/km2 ); this is a major cause of air pollution. Water pollution from pig farms is also intense, which can influence the water quality in river basins if not handled carefully (Tseng et al. 2009). Table 1.2 shows densities of the USA population (330,320,785), Japanese population (126,611,142), German population (83,690,103), South Korean population (51,253,770), and Taiwanese population (23,801,699). The number of motor vehicles on the road includes cars, vans, buses, freight haulers, and other trucks. Registered motor vehicles in the USA reached 264,194,366, followed by Japan with 77,404.331, Germany with 48,427,094, South Korea with 20,989,885, and Taiwan with 7,677,070 in 2015. The USA pig census reached 73.15 million head, followed by Germany with 25.9 million head, South Korea with 11.27 million head, Japan with 9.28 million head, and Taiwan with 5.447 million head in 2019. The USA territory covers 9,834,000 km2 , followed Japan with 377,915 km2 , Germany with 357,386 km2 , South Korea with 100,210 km2 , and Taiwan with 36,193 km2 .

1.7 About This Book In this book, I present results of examining norms using cross-cultural studies, and the extent to which these cultural differences influence pro-environmental behaviors and decisions relating to social norms, morality, and motivations. Professor Eric Ng

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of the University of Southern Queensland, Australia, and I have studied differences between Eastern and Western cultures. Currently, we are studying pro-environmental behaviors from aspects of social norms and personality. Professor Ulas Kaplan of Lesley University, USA, has recently joined me in exploring the morality, emotions, personalities, and motivations involved in people’s pro-environmental decisions. We are delighted to be making good progress in our efforts to obtain advanced samplings from people from seven countries, with the aim of studying their values, beliefs, norms, morality, motivations, emotions, personalities, and pro-environmental behaviors. So far, I have sampled people from Taiwan (Republic of China, ROC), and China (People’s Republic of China, PRC). I have previously organized hundreds of social education workshops for local citizens on topics of local/traditional/indigenous ecological knowledge, participatory approaches, citizen science, and social learning outreach to create awareness of different types of pro-environmental behaviors and how they can be implemented. Through these campaigns, people have been appropriately equipped with the knowledge needed to enable them to adequately implement their own pro-environmental behaviors, thereby contributing to achieving a greener environment. This book is a continuation of those efforts.

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Chang MK (1998) Predicting unethical behavior: a comparison of the theory of reasoned action and the theory of planned behavior. J Bus Ethics 17(16):1825–1834 Chepesiuk R (2007) Environmental literacy: knowledge for a healthier public. Environ Health Perspect 115(10):A494–A499 Chu T-H, Chen Y-Y (2016) With good we become good: understanding e-learning adoption by theory of planned behavior and group influences. Comput Educ 92–93:37–52 Cialdini RB, Demaine LJ, Sagarin BJ, Barrett DW, Rhoads K, Winter PL (2006) Managing social norms for persuasive impact. Soc Influence 1(1):3–15 Cialdini RB, Kallgren CA, Reno RR (1991) A focus theory of normative conduct: a theoretical refinement and reevaluation of the role of norms in human behavior. Adv Exp Soc Psychol 24:201–234 Cialdini RB, Reno RR, Kallgren CA (1990) A focus theory of normative conduct: recycling the concept of norms to reduce littering in public places. J Pers Soc Psychol 58(6):1015–1026 Cummins DD (1996) Evidence of deontic reasoning in 3-and 4-year-old children. Mem Cognit 24:823–829 De Groot JIM, Steg L (2009) Morality and prosocial behavior: the role of awareness, responsibility, and norms in the norm activation model. J Soc Psychol 149(4):425–449 Deutsch M, Gerard HB (1955) A study of normative and informational social influences upon individual judgment. J Abnorm Soc Psychol 51:629–636 Dierking LD, Falk JH (1998) Understanding free-choice learning: a review of the research and its application to museum web sites. Museums and the Web 1998: proceedings. Archives & Museums Informatics: Pittsburgh, PA, USA Dillon J (2003) On learners and learning in environmental education: missing theories, ignored communities. Environ Educ Res 9(2):215–226 Dunlap RE (2008) The new environmental paradigm scale: from marginality to worldwide use. J Environ Educ 40(1):3–18 Dunlap RE, Van Liere KD (1978) The new environmental paradigm. J Environ Educ 9(4):10–19 Dunlap RE, Van Liere KD, Mertig AG, Jones RE (2002) New trends in measuring environmental attitudes: measuring endorsement of the new ecological paradigm: a revised NEP scale. J Soc Issue 56(3):425–442 Falk JH (2001) Free-choice science education: how we learn science outside of school. Teachers College Press, New York, NY, USA Falk JH, Dierking LD (2000) Learning from museums. AltaMira Press, Walnut Creek, CA, USA Falk JH, Dierking LD (2002) Lessons without limit: how free-choice learning is transforming education. AltaMira Press, Walnut Creek, CA, USA Falk JH, Dierking LD (2016) The museum experience revisited. Routledge, London, UK Falk JH, Heimlich JE, Foutz S (2009) Free-choice learning and the environment. Learning innovations. AltaMira Press: New York, NY, USA Falk JH, Storksdieck M, Dierking LD (2007) Investigating public science interest and understanding: evidence for the importance of free-choice learning. Public Underst Sci 16(4):455–469 Fang W-T, Ng E, Wang C-M, Hsu M-L (2017) Normative beliefs, attitudes, and social norms: people reduce waste as an index of social relationships when spending leisure time. Sustainability 9(10):1696. https://doi.org/10.3390/su9101696 Gifford R, Nilsson A (2014) Personal and social factors that influence pro-environmental concern and behaviour: a review. Int J Psychol 49(3):141–157 Guagnano GA, Stern PC, Dietz T (1995) Influences on attitude-behavior relationships a natural experiment with curbside recycling. Environ Behav 27:699–718 Gutmanthat J (1998) Means–end chains as goal hierarchies. Psychol Mark 14(6):545–560 Ham SH, Weiler B (2012) Interpretation as the centerpiece of sustainable wildlife tourism. In: Harris R, Griffin T, Williams P (eds) Sustainable tourism: a global perspective. Elsevier Science: Oxford, UK, pp 35–44 Hein GE (2002) Learning in the museum. Routledge, London, UK

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Hernández B, Martín AM, Ruiz C, Hidalgo MDC (2010) The role of place identity and place attachment in breaking environmental protection laws. J Environ Psychol 30(3):281–288 Hines JM, Hungerford HR, Tomera AN (1987) Analysis and synthesis of research on responsible environmental behavior: a meta-analysis. J Environ Educ 18(2):1–8 Hungerford HR, Volk TL (1990) Changing learner behavior through environmental education. J Environ Educ 21(3):8–21 Hursh D, Henderson J, Greenwood D (2015) Environmental education in a neoliberal climate. Environ Educ Res 21(3):299–318 Kollmuss A, Agyeman J (2002) Mind the gap: why do people act environmentally and what are the barriers to pro-environmental behavior? Environ Educ Res 8:239–260 Lapinski MK, Rimal RN (2005) An explication of social norms. Commun Theory 15:127–147 Lee M-C (2010) Explaining and predicting users’ continuance intention toward e-learning: an extension of the expectation–confirmation model. Comput Educ 54(2):506–516 McFarland T (2002) The collected works of Samuel Taylor coleridge: opus maximum, vol 15. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, USA, p 89 McKenzie-Mohr D (2011) Fostering sustainable behavior: an introduction to community-based social marketing. New Society Publishers, Gabriola Island, BC, Canada Mueller GE (1958) The hegel legend of “thesis-antithesis-synthesis”. J Hist Ideas 19(4):411–414 Oomens S, Sanders J, Hazelzet A, Blonk RWB (2011) Explaining lower educated workers’ training intentions. J Workplace Learn 23(6):402–416 Packer JM (2004) Motivational factors and the experience of learning in educational leisure settings. PhD Disseration, Retrieved from. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15911/ Quine L, Rubin R (1997) Attitude, subjective norm and perceived behavioural control as predictors of women’s intentions to take hormone replacement therapy. Br J Health Psychol 2(3):199–216 Rhodes RE, Courneya KS (2005) Threshold assessment of attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control for predicting exercise intention and behavior. Psychol Sport Exerc 6(3):349– 361 Rimal RN, Lapinski MK (2015) A re-explication of social norms, ten years later. Commun Theory 25:393–409 Rivis A, Sheeran P (2003) Descriptive norms as an additional predictor in the theory of planned behaviour: a meta-analysis. Curr Psychol 22(3):218–233 Rogers E (2003) Diffusion of innovations, 5th edn. New York, NY, USA, Simon and Schuster Schauble L, Glaser R (2013) Innovations in learning: new environments for education. Routledge, London, UK Schauble L, Leinhardt G, Martin L (1997) A framework for organizing a cumulative research agenda in informal learning contexts. J Museum Educ 22(2–3):3–8 Schnitker SA, Emmons RA (2013) Hegel’s thesis-antithesis-synthesis model. encyclopedia of sciences and religions. Springer, Berlin, Germany Schultz WP, Khazian AM, Zaleski AC (2008) Using normative social influence to promote conservation among hotel guests. Soc Influence 3(1):4–23 Schütte H, Ciarlante D (1998) Customer behaviour in Asia. New York University, New York, NY, USA Schwartz SH (1977) Normative influences on altruism. Adv Exp Soc Psychol 10:221–279 Scott W, Gough S (2003) Key issues in sustainable development and learning: a critical review. Routledge, London, UK Scott W, Gough S (2004) Key issues in sustainable development and learning: a critical review. Routledge, Boca Raton, FL, USA Stern PC (2000) New environmental theories: toward a coherent theory of environmentally significant behavior. J Soc Issues 56(3):407–424 Stern PC, Dietz T, Abel TD, Guagnano GA, Kalof L (1999) A value-belief-norm theory of support for social movements: the case of environmentalism. Hum Ecol Rev 6(2):81–97 Thøgersen J (2006) Norms for environmentally responsible behaviour: an extended taxonomy. J Environ Psychol 26(4):247–261

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Tseng C-M, Fang W-T, Chen C-T, Loh KD (2009) Case study of environmental performance assessment for regional resource management in Taiwan. J Urban Plan D-ASCE 135:125–131 Uzzell D, Ballantyne R (1998) Contemporary issues in heritage and environmental interpretation: problems and prospects. London, UK, Stationery Office Wals AEJ, Brody M, Dillon J, Stevenson RB (2014) Convergence between science and environmental education. Science 344(6184):583. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1250515 Woods B, Moscardo G (2003) Enhancing wildlife education through mindfulness. Aust J Environ Educ 19:97–108

Chapter 2

Indigenous Knowledge

2.1 Introduction The gradual and steady increase in the world’s population has brought about many negative factors that have adversely affected the flora and fauna and which are great threats to the environment. The tide of international conservation has surged over the past decade. Recently, there have been many efforts to understand indigenous knowledge through Eastern cultures (Fang et al. 2016). Given the limited progress that has been made, I will try to develop two types of cultures and submit that it is time to utilize frontier sciences and embrace the knowledge they produce (Huang and Fang 2013). One type of culture is represented by feng shui (geomancy) and wu xing (five elements), and the other type is indigenous knowledge, like gaga (moral rules) and utux (faith) from a hunting culture of indigenous peoples in Taiwan. Yin and yang, concepts of Eastern cultures, are absolutely not a certain knowledge of binary antagonisms or binary opposition in Eastern civilizations. This is what I mean when I say that various cultures do not belong to “one world”; this world should be recognized as a suitable and earthly land with fair inclusiveness beyond dualism and theology for which divine attributes are not provable. That is, a balanced status should include many different types of people who all treat each other fairly and equally. In this regard, the concept of Sinophone articulations could be diverse in this cultural circle. According to Shu-Mei Shih, President of the American Comparative Literature Association, she said: “the Sinophone can be considered a way of looking at the world, a theory, perhaps even an epistemology. The Sinophone as method and theory is derived from the situatedness of its history and practice in time and place” (Shih 2011:717). She also said, “it evinces the existential openness and porousness of linguistic communities” (Shih 2011:717). Therefore, in this chapter, I will try to understand and detect the amazing identity among the Han Chinese (94.5% of the population in Taiwan), i.e., the Sinophone circle in Taiwan. They may be inclusive and/or extend beyond Chinese-speaking culture in Taiwan (this could include indigenous cultures comprised of indigenous ethnic groups which account for 2.4% © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_2

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of the population in Taiwan) as a method of relational comparison (Shih et al. 2018). By focusing on the Sinophone and the identity of indigenous peoples, this chapter showcases the diverse articulations of Sinophone culture from the perspectives of the Taiwanese, including indigenous peoples. They contain the “inclusive” contents of the universe, regarding observations of natural connectedness. I have studied the indigenous peoples since 2012. According to my “Atayal’s identification of sustainability: traditional ecological knowledge and indigenous science of a hunting culture” which discusses traditional ecological knowledge and indigenous science (Fang et al. 2016), I can say any environmental science that combines the new ethics of the environment, ecological preservation, and pollution control cannot overemphasize or ignore indigenous knowledge. The aims of this chapter, therefore, are to combine two papers, “Atayal’s identification of sustainability: traditional ecological knowledge and indigenous science of a hunting culture” and “Developing concentric logical concepts of environmental impact assessment systems: feng shui concerns and beyond” to examine the hidden meaning of yin and yang. This could be the basic cultural roots of Han Chinese knowledge regarding feng shui, wu xing, and beyond. I also subsequently introduce indigenous peoples’ concepts of traditional ecological knowledge from hunting theories, like gaga and utux.

2.2 Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) TEK has developed sustainability concepts and processes of coexisting with nature, imitating nature, respecting nature, and using nature as learning objects for sustainable management (Agrawal 1995; Berkes 2009). Berkes (1999) first defined TEK and noted similarities and dissimilarities with “Western science”. In Western science, the separation of humans from nature was determined to have caused binary opposition since the Age of Enlightenment, and it especially rapidly developed in the Newtonian and Cartesian eras (Berkes 2009). Niall Ferguson, a Harvard professor, argued that Western civilization rose to global dominance in the fifteenth century to be one of the important historical phenomena of the past five centuries (Ferguson 2011). Western society, thereafter, developed powerful new concepts of science from Newton’s Principia published in 1687. Since Western science emphasizes separating observations into different disciplines, it always risks oversimplifying the real world due to such dichotomies. Here, I can say that both science and religion (or beliefs) are complex social and cultural endeavors that vary across cultures and have changed over certain periods. Religious beliefs sometimes are conducive to science. Nature and humanity helped give rise to science in the Newtonian and Cartesian eras since the seventeenth century. As religious beliefs arose before science did, the principles of Boolean logic are helpful in classifying “the origin of Western science” in the intense current religions of Western and Islamic countries, i.e., monotheism. The hierarchical classification of denominational families is distinct and clear to Western readers. However, the list of denominations in Oriental (South Asian and Far Eastern) countries derived from

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Fig. 2.1 Biggest difference between Western and Eastern philosophy and religion is the straight line and circular loop logic. Therefore, in Oriental (South Asian and Far Eastern) countries, philosophies derived from atheism/polytheism are very difficult to classify into religious subgroups due to their infused cultures of sharing broadly similar beliefs, practices, and historical ties (Fang 2020:17). (Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang) © 2020 Springer Nature Singapore Pte. Ltd. Part of Springer Nature

atheism/polytheism is very difficult to classify into religious subgroups due to their infused cultures of sharing broadly similar beliefs, practices, and historical ties (Fang 2020:17) (please see Figs. 2.1 and 2.2). From the field of TEK studies which is developing beyond Western science, a few papers have begun to discuss post-humanism ethics. Insights from literature reviews that actually engage more with TEK and those which have indigenous peoples as authors and coauthors have moved beyond the observer/observed object dichotomy (Watson and Huntington 2008, 2014). They have contributed to objective observations, discourse, and dialog. According to Watson and Huntington (2014), aborigines consider “more-thanhuman” (post-humanism) ethics and deem that humans and nature coexist and have

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Fig. 2.2 Principles of Boolean logic are helpful in classifying intense current religions. The religion versus science debate can be useful when exploring the “truth” (Harris 2005). The idea that humans rise from the dead may be incredible from the cycle symbol. However, there is little distinction among philosophy, science, and theology about “truth,” “beliefs,” and “faith” from Western and Eastern cultural endeavors (Cox 2010; Wilson 2014). Indeed, one is expected to take this life lesson on faith or belief (Collins 2006; Fang 2020:17). (Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang). © 2020 Springer Nature Singapore Pte. Ltd. Part of Springer Nature

mutually beneficial relationships. Indigenous peoples’ use and management of natural resources are based on sustainability, the detailed development of natural flora and fauna in the field, and an overall knowledge and understanding of environmental systems that together build a worldview of values (Menzies and Butler 2006). There are some discrepancies between Western science and TEK due to different forms and ontologies of knowledge (Mazzocchi 2006). Research indicates that although a strong ecological ethic is commonplace among indigenous peoples, it is not an innate characteristic of such populations (Stearman 1994; Smith and Wishnie

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2000). Instead, the conservation movement within ecological science is more an outgrowth of Christian and Romantic rhetoric. In an analysis of the argument of the noble savage from Eurocentric thinking (Liebersohn 1994), Buege (1996) posited that such views rid indigenous peoples of the stigmatization of being a savage but actually burden aborigines with a questionable stereotype. Nygren (1999) argued that Eurocentric thinking of indigenous cultures is based on a dualistic and reductionist structure that separates the real world into distinguishable segments with essential differences. This stereotype does not consider the possibility that indigenous cultures change with the times and influences of modern life, but still emphasizes their TEK. Western societies blame themselves for the current environmental crisis, but the literature discusses how the “solution” has been to romanticize peoples and practices of indigenous societies and those of Oriental religions and philosophies (e.g., Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism) (Liebersohn 1994; Tucker and Willams 1997; Girardot et al. 2001; Nadasdy 2005). Regarding Eastern and Western cultural judgments, there is a myth or a commonly believed but false idea that has to be solved based on a sense of cultural identity. However, “even in Asia, Western theory is a coveted genre of knowledge,” argued Shu-Mei Shih, President of the American Comparative Literature Association (Shih 2010). This world has been dominated by “Western civilization” for several centuries (Ferguson 2011). Ferguson sets up a dichotomy as “The West and the Rest” for civilization. I cannot say which culture is good and which culture is bad from “The West and the Rest,” but I can think that “indigenous knowledge” may be omitted when discussing Ferguson’s theory from an Oriental perspective. This is not “the Rest” in my world, and while the east may remain the other part that is not left, it has not disappeared from Mother Earth. Hence, I recommend the “romantic” (actually it is not romantic to introduce this concept to Western readers) cultural roots of Taoism and Confucianism as well as the School of Naturalists, i.e., feng shui and wu xing. All philosophies synthesize the concepts of yin-yang and the “five elements or five phase” (wu xing). One of the ancient Chinese forms of geomancy detected from the School of Naturalists is known as feng shui, as well as the five phases (wu xing), which can be considered “ecological knowledge.” I cannot say that this should be called “traditional ecological knowledge,” because it may seem incredible that this Eastern-rooted culture is related to particle physics, also known as high-energy physics in science. I will explain this later (as shown in Fig. 2.5). The theory of the universe in terms of basic forces, we called yin-yang, which leads to the theories of feng shui and wu xing, has influenced many lines of thought including Confucianism, Taoism (Daoism), and Buddhism.

2.2.1 Yin and Yang Looking back at my paper entitled Developing concentric logical concepts of environmental impact assessment systems: feng shui concerns and beyond (Huang and Fang 2013), I can introduce some interesting traditional Chinese culture to you readers.

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Fig. 2.3 In a traditional sense, yin and yang form a symbolic image of application of pre-science in that they systematically integrate various fields of influence in Asian cultures. The main reason for developing the theory of yin (dark) and yang (bright), as embodied in “dark–bright,” “negative– positive,” “rational–emotional,” and “presence–absence” dichotomies, as a systematic science is to accommodate/ameliorate the harmful effects of the rapid development of the theory of binary opposition in human civilization

This model of yin and yang provides a symbolic image that allows for a variety of standards in the energy, technology, and culture beyond a binary system. Looking like a Pisces of “Taijitu (supreme ultimate),” one can see a small yin (a black dot) in the semicircular vortex of yang (bright side) in Fig. 2.3. In the two interlocking spirals, you can also see a small yang dot (a bright dot) in the semicircular vortex of yin (Fig. 2.3). Yang can succeed yin if yang grows, and yin can succeed yang if yin grows. This means an entire year or an entire human life, reaching its full height in summer (fully yang), will produce seeds (or this is symbolic when you are mature enough to behave like an adult) and die back in winter (fully yin) in an endless cycle (see Fig. 2.1). This vortex is like two typhoon eyes, looking as a donut-shaped vortex with two eyes. One can see that small yin occurs in yang, and small yang occurs in yin. This can be explained as the growing and dying conditions of the life cycle. As the Apollo Sunshine’s song said, “We Are Born When We Die” in 2008, that is, “Why say goodbye? We will be born again when we die. But we will never leave our lives.” This is true in Eastern philosophy. Yin and yang were also named for the “great book of the virtuous way” or Dao De Jing, the authorship of which is attributed to Laozi (ca. 600–470 BC), who also said: A gale cannot blow for the whole morning. A rainstorm cannot last for the whole day. What caused these effects? Heaven and earth.

Oh okay, what is “heaven and earth,” a symbolic “yin-yang?” Laozi did not explain.

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“Yin–yang” enables the study of relationships among various biotic and abiotic forms and creates the means to examine, measure, and consider in a scientific manner the impacts of humans on humans, humans on matter, and matter on matter. It facilitates environmental modeling, which in turn, may mitigate the environmental damage now occurring. Currently, I study environmental science which is considered to be a “frontier science,” meaning it does not have established theoretical precedents and is under dispute because of scientific uncertainty (Brillouin 1964). Sometimes, we may be concerned with data gaps, and this has not been widely tested and accepted, as opposed to consensus science (Zhou et al. 2010). Acceptance may be slow because of the Western hypothetical methodology of controlled experiments (Rodrik 2015), rather than working in collaboration with nature (Huang and Fang 2013).

2.2.2 Feng Shui and Wu Xing Kanyu is an ancient Chinese application of the study of the physical environment, although feng shui is most commonly used today to indicate geomancy. There has been much debate about its applications and where it resides within the sciences. Kanyu, although abstract, is based on observations of contemporary physics and utilizes interactive relationships between traditional knowledge and the physical environment’s position, location, orientation, distance, time, and harmonious chi (life force) (Lai 1974; Matthews 2019). Additionally, it studies the properties and effects of various physical phenomena—sound, light, magnetism, and electrical current— on human beings (see Fig. 2.4). As a principle, kanyu focuses on relationships such as sky/ground, positive/negative, and sun/moon, similar to what I presented for yin–yang. This principle arose in China during the Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 BC) with works like the I Ching (“Book of Changes” or Zhouyi), which includes the saying “look up for astronomy and look down for geography,” indicating the study of the sky and the ground or a balance of environmental changes. Recently, some scholars have begun to define kanyu as a verb and feng shui as a noun, thereby confusing the two principles because they both address the physical environment. However, feng shui (Chinese geomancy) specifically examines architecture, landscape architecture, urban forms, geographic configurations, geology, hydrology, ecology, tourism, visual aesthetics, and business. Ogilvie et al. (2018) declared: “Feng shui ritual plays an important role in the creation of value for business proprietors who practice it and a conceptual framework on how these rituals provide value is proposed.” Kanyu and feng shui, therefore, categorize relationships among human beings, business, and nature within a consensual scientific framework (Jeffreys 2000; Blue 2004; Ogilvie et al. 2018). In a similar manner, the environmental literacy system categorizes relationships between human beings and nature within a frontier scientific framework. In traditional Chinese philosophy, kanyu and feng shui, which originated from the I Ching, can be generalized from natural geomancy and categorized into five elements (wu xing): wood, fire, earth, metal, and water. According to clustering

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Fig. 2.4 Aldo Leopold (1887–1948) (Leopold 1949/2001), an American philosopher, scientist, ecologist, and environmentalist, first stated the viewpoint that we must respect and cooperate with nature with a “land ethic.” There is a considerable body of evidence indicating that science and civilization are inextricably intertwined. They act and react to form symbiotic relationships. Similarities can be seen in ancient Chinese, Korean, and Japanese cultures, as well as in Vaishnavism and Hinduism, which developed an understanding of “land relationships” between geography and physics and the balance between various components of the universe (Huang and Fang 2013). These are equally applicable worldwide today. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

theory, each single element and/or phase is used to explore and describe interactions between phenomena. All mutual transformations of yin (negative, female) and yang (positive, male) represented by the five elements oppose each other to form a unity of opposites. The five elements were described in one of China’s earliest books, Shang Shu Hong Fan (ca. 1087–1043 BC), which dates from the Zhou Dynasty. At only about 5000 words, the Dao De Jing examines these phenomena from a unity of opposites, a theory presented by the pre-Socratic Greek philosopher of roughly the same period, Heraclitus (ca. 535–475 BC). In the Dao De Jing, Laozi

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Fig. 2.5 Chemical and physical functions of the five elements. The five elements are represented by the principle of conservation of matter. They are also symbols of the phenomenon of environmental allopathy, which is connected to basic concepts of environmental literacy, i.e., that humans and nature influence the growth, survival, and reproduction of other components of the life cycle (Huang and Fang 2013). © 2020 Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc.

states “The Tao gave birth to One; The One gave birth to Two; The Two gave birth to Three; The Three gave birth to all of creation.” The ancient findings of Laozi may be explained by the enormous explosion and expansion 13.3–13.9 billion years ago posited by the Big Bang Theory. Mother Earth was born a long time after the big bang. Based on China’s earliest philosophies of animistic doctrine, scholars later observed that “the soils mixed with metal, wood, fire, and water in order to become all of creation soon after the birth of Mother Earth.” The doctrine of wu xing has been employed in many fields of early Chinese philosophy since about 3000 years ago (ca. 1087–1043 BC), including seemingly disparate fields that focus on life cycles (i.e., physical, chemical, and environmental sciences). The five phases of the doctrine of wu xing generate two counter loops from a circulating cycle to a constrained cycle. In the powerful circulating cycle, wood generates fire, fire generates earth, earth generates metal, metal generates water, and water generates wood. In the constrained cycle, wood overpowers earth, earth overpowers water, water overpowers fire, fire overpowers metal, and metal overpowers wood from the concept of particle physics, also known as high-energy physics (see Fig. 2.5).

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Box 2.1: Wetland Science, Design, and Management in Taiwan These abstract meanings can be difficult to understand in light of modern science; therefore, I use wetland science as an example. In Taiwan, people recognize that wetlands contribute to the aforementioned natural circulating and constraining systems, automatically producing functions of generation, deformation, and the results of metabolism in their abstract context (Fig. 2.6). Modern scientists have found that wetlands reduce local temperatures through the mechanics of “cool island effects.” In the wu xing doctrine, this implication follows from the phenomenon of a cooling effect caused by “blowing out fires with water” (or water overpowering fire). When water enters low-lying wetlands, the soil absorbs and “holds” the water, preventing floods. As plants with fibrous roots require adaptations in water, they clog pore spaces and filter out particles when rooted in mudflats. The silt at the bottom of wetlands is anaerobic. Therefore, deoxidization occurs as bottom sediments are reduced. Meanwhile, wetland plants also produce oxygen as they carry out photosynthesis (Huang and Fang 2013). The key lesson learned from my case study is that well-designed constructed wetlands can satisfy the requirements of wastewater purification and provide habitats for native flora and fauna, thereby supporting species diversity. These

Fig. 2.6 In Taiwan’s historical buildings, people recognize that wetlands contribute to natural circulating systems, automatically producing functions of generation, deformation, and the results of metabolism in landscaping skills. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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Fig. 2.7 Restoration design using native, ornamental, and educational plant species. Designed by Wei-Ta Fang

wetland systems can also act as aesthetic leisure spots—attractive destinations for tourists and urban residents alike. Results of my study indicate that levels of water quality indicators, such as dissolved oxygen (DO), biochemical oxygen demand (BOD5 ), suspended solids (SSs), ammonium-N (NH3 -N), and Escherichia coli, have gradually improved during recent years. Furthermore, constructed wetlands control the flow of rivers in drought/flood seasons and play a crucial role in preventing extreme deterioration in water quality. Therefore, my recommendations are based on application of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment as follows. • Provision of advanced operation and maintenance budgets. In order to successfully maintain artificial ecosystems, municipalities should focus on supporting the budgetary requirements necessary to ensure the sustainability of wetland ecosystems. • Soil, sediment, and nutrient retention. Since typhoons are stochastic and occasional events, design modeling suggests that to mitigate debris flows and vegetation damage, an eco-engineering approach coupled with replanting of vegetation cover is necessary. • Native, ornamental, and educational plant species restoration (see Fig. 2.7). An endangered species list is suggested to encourage schemes that focus on

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restoring species, such as Taoyuan marsh weed (Limnophila taoyuanensis), Lungtan floating heart (Nymphoides lungtanensis), sheathed monochoria, and paddy galingale around the Tahan Creek basin of the Taoyuan Tableland of Northern Taiwan. Yellow water lily (Nuphar shimadai) is another species used in the design (Fig. 2.8). • Scientific and educational opportunities to create wild areas for bird watching. Constructed wetland systems are provided to increase contemporary cultural significance for birdwatching, flood control, and natural preservation.

2.2.3 Eight Trigrams (Baguà) Since ancient times, Chinese people have believed in an inner world of cosmology. This faith arises from the authority of Fuxi (also spelled Fu Shi) (2852–2738 BC), a legendary Chinese emperor and saint who was named for the mythical creator of fishing, trapping, and the eight trigrams (baguà). His drawing of the eight trigrams is regarded as the initiation of the prehistoric Chinese civilization process. It is said he began with a long horizontal line to represent yang and two shorter bars to represent yin and then drew a combination of trigram symbols, such as those in Fig. 2.9.

Fig. 2.8 Yellow water lily (Nuphar shimadai), an endemic Taiwanese species, typically grows in limited ponds in Longtan, Taoyuan, Northern Taiwan. Photo by Te-Hong Chen

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Fig. 2.9 Illustration and explanation of Fuxi’s eight trigrams (Huang and Fang 2013). © 2020 Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc

These symbolic images from Mother Earth, associated with the five elements/phases, represent dynamic infinite change from the growth and decline of yin and yang. The eight trigrams can be formed from 64 various hexagrams, and when the lines are switched on a trigram (e.g., yang switched to yin or yin switched to yang), many things associated with humanity can be inferred from nature. Box 2.2: Contents of the Eight Trigrams Figure 2.9 compares the eight environmental fields to eight feng shui fields in reference to the I Ching, consisting of the following trigrams: • Energetic environment (heaven/upright characteristics, or qián) • Biological environment (lake/wetland nourishment, or duì) • Humanistic, social, and economic environment (fire/new civilization formation, or li) • Sonic and physical environment (thunder/sudden dramatic shocks and adaptations, or zhèn) • Atmospheric environment (wind/vortex instability, or xùn) • Hydrological environment (water/flooding and waterlogged conditions, or k’an) • Geographic environment (mountain/fixed, stasis, calm, and stability, or gèn) • Geological environment (earth/Mother Earth’s nurturing, or kun).

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The concept of the supreme ultimate forms an essential core from the binary opposition of yin and yang. This is followed by four emblems—mature yang (ordinals 1 and 2 in Fig. 2.9), young yin (ordinals 3 and 4 in Fig. 2.9), young yang (ordinals 5 and 6 in Fig. 2.9), and mature yin (ordinals 7 and 8 in Fig. 2.9). Finally, there are the eight trigram symbols. These characteristics of natural phenomena in Fig. 2.9 can also parallel some of the phenomena of the human mind. Concepts of yin and yang are used to describe a real world of binary opposites (e.g., black/white, dark/light, bad/good, spiritual/material), and they can be applied using fuzzy logic to examine true values of environmental impacts that range from zero to one. In contrast to crisp logic, in which binary sets have two values (e.g., yin = 0 and yang = 1), fuzzy logic demonstrates a spectrum of degrees between zero and one and may tell us how environmental effects occur in our digital systems. This logical concept adapted to examine real-world situations can detect integrated impacts from governmental policies and/or human developments. Without these categorized and classified components, any examination and/or assessment will not be validated in real-world scenarios with scientific certainty. This is the basic foundation for defining components of the physical world, which might be neglected by modern environmental science. The eight trigrams can be understood based on their literal meanings and applied according to their universal practical values. Their inherent physical components are thus emphasized as new interpretations of a paradigm shift from the ancient concepts of feng shui to frontier natural and social sciences. Recently, some scholars have begun to define traditional geomancy as specifically examining architecture (see Fig. 2.10), landscape architecture, and visual aesthetics (see Fig. 2.11).

Fig. 2.10 Shape of the eight trigrams supports the dragon’s roof with no beams but only a great number of brackets entwined within each other. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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Fig. 2.11 Bucket arch, beyond shockproof, has been defined as a traditional lucky feature that specifically represents a home owner’s wealth and status; here one is decorated with a legendary dragon-tiger as visual aesthetics. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

2.3 Tribal Knowledge and Indigenous Science In the previous section, I examined Taiwanese efforts to promote concepts of an “indigenous knowledge” system through dialog between Western and Eastern (geomancy) science forums. These concepts are equally applicable today. Hence, it is worth exploring whether indigenous communities maintain any natural influences for balancing use and conservation from a hunting perspective, as an indigenous science of a hunting culture (Fang et al. 2016). Many documents have described and focused on the effect of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and norms as well as past tribal life and hunting modes. Smith (2005) argued that indigenous hunting is a productive activity which is complementary to broader cultural patterns in Western Panama. He also declared that anthropogenic influences on natural processes were slight, while hunting is usually characterized by a “common element of indigenous subsistence” (Smith 2005). As the tribal populations decrease, less stress is placed on the ecological environment. Wilkie

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and Carpenter (1999) reported an assessment of impacts from indigenous hunting occurring in the Congo basin, Africa. They confirmed that bushmeat consumption by low-density populations living in the forest may be sustainable. Takakura (2012) addressed herders who were transitioning toward hunting and also argued that indigenous peoples can change their hunting practices because of adjustments due to cultural and also social and environmental conditions. He confirmed that the formation of human–animal relationships (as previously called “post-humanism” ethics) has two major components that must be determined: historical and local sociocultural contexts. According to several aforementioned studies, hunting among indigenous peoples is an essential component of their lives. They are thought to fully understand relationships between people and the natural environment. Therefore, I synthesized the literature and further analyzed data on indigenous hunting, and in my study entitled “Atayal’s identification of sustainability: traditional ecological knowledge and indigenous science of a hunting culture” (Fang et al. 2016), I (1) identified gaps between Western scientific knowledge and TEK, (2) assessed our confidence in current estimates of the sustainability of indigenous hunting, and (3) proposed future directions for indigenous life science research of their subsistence and interventions. In that study, I used an empirical rather than a romantic approach to conduct local research to clarify TEK in a global context.

2.3.1 Research on Taiwanese Indigenous Peoples My study was conducted in Taiwan, an island located in East Asia. The closest linear distance from the Asian mainland is 133 km. The population of Taiwan was 23.6 million (23,604,265) in January 2020, comprised of Han Chinese (94.5%), new immigrants (3.1%), and indigenous (2.4%) ethnic groups. Over 16 indigenous tribes previously ruled various areas of Taiwan, and in 2020, consisted of 571,814 indigenous Taiwanese. According to the 2020 population census, Amis (213,368; 37.3%), Paiwan (102,625; 17.95%), and Atayal (including Atayal Proper and Sedeq Proper; 102,450; 17.9%) were the three major indigenous ethnic groups (see Fig. 2.12). Therefore, the Atayal tribe is Taiwan’s third-largest indigenous group after the Amis and Paiwan. The Taiwan Atayal people have preserved their own languages, customs, diets, social organizations, and unique tribal knowledge (see Fig. 2.13). However, a review of the modern history of Taiwan reveals painful ethnic memories for indigenous peoples; their status changed from that of being masters to guests. From the Dutch colonial era (1624–1662), the Ming Zheng era (1661–1683), the Qing Dynasty (1683–1895), the Japanese occupation (1895–1945), to the Republic of China as the Nationalist (Kuomintang; KMT) government ruled Taiwan (1945–2000; 2008–2016) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government ruled Taiwan (2000–2008; 2016–2024), new social systems and changing game rules took the aborigines by surprise. They went from being autonomous to being vulnerable and were forced to migrate many times over the centuries.

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Fig. 2.12 Map of the traditional territory of the Atayal (Illustrated by Yi-Te Chiang). The Atayal tribe, divided into Atayal Proper and Sedeq Proper, has traditionally resided in north-central mountainous regions of Taiwan, including Wulai Township of New Taipei City, Fuhsing Township of Taoyuan City, Jianshih and Wufeng Townships of Hsinchu County, Nanjuang and Taian Townships of Miaoli County, Heping Township of Taichung City, Renai Township of Nantou County, Datong and Nanao Townships of Yilan County, and Sioulin, Wanrung, and Juoshi Townships of Hualien County. All of these locations have substantial Atayal populations (Fang et al. 2016). © 2020 Springer Nature Switzerland AG. Part of Springer Nature

From the 1980s, Taiwan’s indigenous mountain-dwelling tribes became aware of long-term lifestyle changes, and traditional values gradually disintegrated, leading to the near disappearance of their culture. As a result, indigenous elders and scholars began to cooperate in accumulating academic field experiences in order to preserve multiculturalism, producing crucial studies on indigenous cultural practices. Taiwanese academia includes considerable ecological knowledge and research on forest conservation (Tang and Tang 2010). Discussions advocating for various indigenous ethnic groups often indicate that all tribes have traditional hunting areas and

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Fig. 2.13 Constant ingress of strong capitalist concepts and Western lifestyles of the market economy has led to a rapid outflow of indigenous tribal peoples from their traditional lands, resulting in a disintegration of the homeland value system and in a decline in native languages, both of which have contributed to the disintegration of traditional social systems. As older hunting generations have died out, opportunities for the younger generation to experience traditional ecological knowledge and culture have decreased. Professor Marinus Otte (right), Editor-in-Chief of the Wetlands journal, which is owned by the Society of Wetland Scientists (SWS) and published by Springer Nature, discusses tribal knowledge in 2018 with priests of Qalang Smangus, one of the Atayal’s tribes. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

traditional hunting activity-related beliefs and taboos regarding the gods. Taiwan’s 16 indigenous tribes all have their own traditional life norms and have amassed knowledge, social networks, habits, taboos, and spiritual practices. Since the 1950s, massive amounts of literature, books, and data in Chinese regarding the Atayal have accumulated in Taiwan. When gathering background data, researchers have found that the contents of previous studies were focused more on indigenous agriculture and on the scientific knowledge of medicinal plants, as well as scientific research regarding the effects of conflicts with the natural ecology. Numerous studies showed the existence of normative ecological concepts in indigenous culture, which include maintaining the sustainability of natural resources. However, most relevant studies adopted a natural scientific perspective and few conducted analyses from social and cultural perspectives (Hsieh 1994; Chang 2005). Confirmed by genetic analyses to be close relatives of the Polynesian people, the Atayal have a hunting culture that is naturally classified second only to farming work in forests. In addition to burning cultivation and crop rotation, hunting is a crucial aspect of life. Hunting provides protein sources for tribal people and encompasses numerous gaga and utux concepts. Reflecting on cultural connotations, combining ancestral spirit worship and animistic worship, fighting invaders, characterizing warriors and other concepts, proving men’s personal responsibilities,

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talents, and capabilities, and building prestige in the tribe are also critical processes for maintaining a tribe’s cultural heritage. For example, the Sekoleq and Tseole tribes of the Atayal people have a common cultural system of lifestyles, living standards, norms, and social systems similar to those of gaga. Numerous Atayal seniors believe that gaga is an ancestral word that broadly refers to a behavioral criterion that encompasses all of Atayal life, including natural laws, personal moral discipline, and spiritual interactions that regulate social ethics, taboos, laws, customs, etiquette, and beliefs. The Atayal norms of gaga and the spiritual beliefs of utux constitute a group of concepts in the Atayal people’s cosmological classification system. In the systems of various ethnic groups, utux is widely considered the general term for every supernatural existence, wherein changes occur in different worlds, including the souls of ancient tribe members, and those of the enemies their ancestors headhunted before the 1900s. Utux is a supernatural being and is the general term for the soul, regardless of whether it is a creature, ancestral spirit, ghost, or god. This refers to all relations that beings have with each other, as described by Steinhauer (2002), such as among air, water, rocks, trees, animals, insects, and humans. These beliefs and taboos of pan-spiritual hunting behaviors have a traditional constraint mechanism that can reduce hunting pressures on wildlife populations. The Atayal have traditionally lived in mountainous areas. Agricultural production in the rugged terrain was difficult, and no accommodations for feeding livestock were available. Most intake of meat, such as wild boar, flying squirrel, and muntjac, relied on hunting. Therefore, a set of unique and long-standing ethnic hunting cultural practices developed and have been handed down to the present. Because hunting must be conducted deep in mountain forests, close interactions existed with those forests. Understanding relationships between traditional indigenous peoples and their environments is of utmost importance in this study. These relationships were derived from a coexistence mode between hunters and the environment, constructed through knowledge, technology, and beliefs regarding hunting. Most cases of hunting in Atayal societies were an occasional and predominantly male activity. So what can we learn about the historical and sociocultural meanings in a gender-specific study? What do we know about balances in their uses and conservation styles over the long term? Do indigenous people’s gathering and hunting practices undermine plant and animal conservation and contradict the essence of modern biodiversity conservation? Do they have mitigation and restoration approaches for nature? These questions are relatively simple to state but difficult to answer, even if some of the research questions can be viewed from a community perspective. To answer these questions, we conducted this study based on a joint construction of cultural and conservation meanings from all rights holders.

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Box 2.3: Methods and Materials for Indigenous Knowledge I contacted Atayal tribes that resided at elevations of 300–1500 m in Taiwan with my graduate students between 2012 and 2018 (see Fig. 2.14). One of my PhD students, Kuoyung silan Song, belongs to the Atayal tribe. He told me that we should re-name the tribe “Tayal” instead of “Atayal” meaning “people” or “brave man,” which is also a tribal name of the Atayal people. My colleagues, students, and I navigated across academic and indigenous terrains and conducted observations, reading, and writing to construct interdisciplinary and post-disciplinary knowledge regarding categories of social scientific practices. In the process of integration and progression in the scientific world, a final collective tribal wisdom by “native voices” (Johnson and Murton 2007) within constructions of nature is formed by local people (see Fig. 2.15). I also used one-on-one oral or per-formative communication modes to conduct a tribal dialog from an indigenous place-based viewpoint. Watson and Huntington (2008) also presented an approach to collect an “assemblage of actors” by narrative stories embedded in the places and practices of hunting.

Fig. 2.14 Using a long-term station, observations, and interviews, I analyzed traditional Atayal norm connotations which shape Atayal hunters’ modern experiences, environmental knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, and recorded current relationships between the aborigines and their environment. My empirical data came from oral records and participant observations. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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Fig. 2.15 Regarding indigenous learning methods, this study about the Smangus community engaged in dialog and analyses from a joint construction of cultural meanings based on communitybased participatory research (CBPR) from indigenous participants and rights holders such as officers, tribal leaders, and local hunters. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

They changed their first-person points of view to describe how knowledge of one hunting event becomes delineated. In our research group, we followed the concept of “Triangulation 2.0,” i.e., “research is an interactive process shaped by the personal history, biography, gender, social class, race, and ethnicity of the people in the setting” (Denzin 2012). Denzin (2012) criticized how narratives or stories we reproduce from specific storytelling traditions are often defined as paradigms from naive postpositivism only in an evidence-based way. We, therefore, tried to be very careful to inspire dialogic democracy and tried not to arbitrarily re-phrase indigenous dialogs with persons (see Fig. 2.16). My first interviews with eight people were successfully recorded between May 2012 and May 2014 and consisted of seven Atayal males aged 41–65 (average, 51 ± 10) years and one male Han Chinese. They were: (1) S13827, Atayal male, aged 42 years, founder of local development associations, a local ecological guide, and a cultural guide with hunting experience; (2) L14329, Atayal male, aged 58 years, retired with hunting experience; (3) F14329, Atayal male, aged 52 years, founder of the Association for Aboriginal Culture and

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Education Development with less hunting experience; (4) C14427, Atayal male, aged 41 years, building porter with hunting experience; (5) W14427, Atayal male, aged 40 years, beer shipper with hunting experience; (6) Y14511, Atayal male, aged 65 years, retired teacher and tribal elder with hunting knowledge but less hunting experience; (7) K14614, Atayal male, aged 57 years, local officer and researcher of Atayal cultural identity; and (8) B12507, Han Chinese

Fig. 2.16 One of my PhD students, Kuoyung silan Song, belongs to the Atayal tribe. He recommended that when I interviewed a person, I solicitously asked him/her to introduce other people we should meet relating to or involving our topic, especially within a social and/or family network. Some multiple reviews/discussions with community members were carried out in this survey. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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male, aged 45 years, youth leader for aboriginal-accompanied hunting. My research group worked as partners to “decolonize” the research relationships between the Han Chinese and indigenous peoples. We asked these participants about three topics: (1) hunting knowledge and habits, (2) Atayal cultural heritage of hunting methods, and (3) linkages among Atayal hunting culture, identity, and experiences. From hunting knowledge and habits, for example, if they had experience with “hunting animals/fish,” we asked: “Which way would be used for hunting? Which traps will you use for different animals? Which ways do you hunt for fish? How can you be sure that you can catch fish the next time?” To confirm the consistency of the final results, we used interviewer triangulation to avoid any potential bias inherent with one person to ensure reliability from other persons by a “narrative discourse” (Denzin 2012). We, thus, found results that fit into our theoretical concept jointly constructed “cultural meanings.” In order to paint a realistic picture from various interviewees to test their reality, we took photographs, reviewed government records (quantitative data), and complemented the “cross-cultural survey” (interview data) from emic and etic perspectives.

2.3.2 Sustainability and Scientific Nature of Hunting Culture The Atayal hunting system and habits demonstrate Berkes’ (1999) system of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). Regardless of relationships between hunting and the social systems or habits developed according to norms and knowledge, various methods generate an effect on the overall utilization of the ecological environment. By collating interviews, recording observations, and analyzing documents, we explored the interactive state among knowledge, attitudes, and hunting behaviors of Atayal hunters in the mountains and the environment from eight interviewees. • Hunting Season In nature, flora and fauna mostly reproduce during the spring and summer, and thus, Atayal and other aborigines traditionally prohibit hunting and allow only fishing during these seasons; they wait until the autumn and winter periods, when the majority of animals are more mature and plump. Tribal agricultural activities also cease in autumn and winter, allowing them longer periods to engage wholeheartedly in hunting. Moreover, in autumn, young animals are more capable of surviving on their own, thereby reducing the probability of catching them. The Atayal conduct time divisions for hunting, as well as for mastering and controlling the number of animals, which Berkes (1999) demonstrated to be the second of four levels of TEK, namely the concept of land and resource management. Tribal hunters are in tune with natural ecological concepts to maintain an ecological balance when hunting.

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When the temperature increases in spring and summer, trapped animals rapidly deteriorate. In addition to managing resources by season, hunters who follow hunting traditions observe animal tracks and natural plants (e.g., lichens and mosses) to determine the current number of animals in the mountains and to control the amount of hunting; however, fewer limitations exist in the shallow hills near tribal areas. We recorded and summarized dialogs from three respondents (S13827, C14427, and Y14511). Respondent Y14511: In summer, the elderly tribesmen prohibit us from going up the mountain, mainly because at this time, the weather is too hot to set traps. Animals that are trapped decompose quickly, so we usually go up the mountain in winter. General hunters are not subject to this limitation, but to prevent these animals from deteriorating, they are also prohibited, and will not go hunting year round. For example, this period is the breeding season for muntjacs, and we should give the prey time to propagate.

Respondents C14427 and S13827: We set traps twice a week. We do not set traps in summer, only in winter, because in summer, we do not have time to patrol the traps, so the trapped prey will decompose. In winter, if we only go once a week to check the traps, it does not matter; the prey will not have decomposed. After March, we hunt comparatively less. Before we begin reclamation in February, there is no time to go hunting, so we allow the hunting ground to rest.

These interviews support views in the literature. Seasonal factors that restrict Atayal hunting can be divided into four parts: (1) When the weather becomes cooler in autumn, the animals become more docile and begin to exhibit certain patterns of regulated behavior that facilitate hunters catching them. (2) Tribal farming ceases. November to March or April of the following year comprises the idle farming period, which provides more time to engage in hunting activities. (3) The Atayal regard poisonous snakes as ghosts that enter hibernation in autumn and winter. More hunters have been killed by snake venom than by fighting with other wild animals, and thus, during this period, hunters focus more on hunting. (4) They also consider future use, or the so-called sustainable outlook of modern times. Hunting activities are suspended to facilitate the reproduction of animals in their own hunting area, and thus, the young have time to grow, and an ecological balance can be maintained on the hunting grounds. For these reasons, few tribesmen go hunting in spring and summer. Protein sources are derived from bacon reserved from winter hunting and from fishing harvests. The fishing harvest is a crucial supplemental source of traditional foods because of few seasonal restrictions on fishing, which can be conducted in spring and summer. Making bacon is a traditional skill of Atayal women. Tribal women typically husk millet, cook it until it is 80% cooked, place it aside to cool, apply salt to the raw meat, and mix the meat evenly with the millet, before sealing it in a container. The fermentation of the sealed millet, starch, alcohol, and acid components marinates the proteins in the meat. This type of technology involves using chemical reactions to process ingredients. Although the aborigines have no formal system of education, the wisdom of tribal elders for preserving food in response to environmental challenges is their heritage and includes physical,

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chemical, and other scientific knowledge. Based on accumulated experiences, the Atayal possess self-developed scientific knowledge and technologies. • Hunting Methods Based on data collected from the literature and interviews, Atayal hunting methods can be divided into three main categories: the dynamic chasing hunt (or ambush hunt), the relatively static shooting hunt, and the static trapping hunt. Regardless of the type of hunting, hunters deliberately avoid hunting prey that is too small. When placing traps, hunters identify footprints to avoid killing a mother with young and follow the tradition of selectively hunting their prey, providing the animals time to grow and reproduce. Hunting tools include equipment for hunting animals. Domesticated animals are particularly helpful in chase hunting, which relies on hounds, or hunting dogs, the ideal partner of the hunter in the long history of hunting. For hunters, hounds are more crucial than hunting knives, bows, and arrows. The hound also has the unique innate ability to identify plants and searches the mountain for herbs with healing effects when sick. The hound has also inspired ethnic groups to use unknown plants in everyday life. Atayal aborigines believe that in addition to the generous gifts of nature, people must labor to help grow or restore native species, to qualify for the opportunity to use natural resources. The gathering and hunting of animals by indigenous Atayal hunters somewhat undermine plant and animal conservation, but they provide mitigation approaches similar to modern concepts of biodiversity conservation. One respondent (L14329) remembered a really interesting practice embedded in his descriptions of local cultural activities, the practice of “planting fish.” Respondent L14329: In spring, I carry fry of the bitter-flower fish (note: Xenocypris fish typically swim upstream in the main stream to lay eggs) in bamboo baskets on my back to unpolluted tributaries in the mountains for reproduction until the fish grow sufficiently large to catch. This action we call “planting fish.” Because the bitter-flower fish can survive only in cold, clear water and feeds on algae, the species can indicate whether the local aquatic environment is healthy.

• Hunting Rituals and Taboos Worship is a vital element in establishing the collective consciousness of indigenous societies. Through the practice of rituals, members of Atayal society understand the original context of the social composition and submit to the care and blessings of ancestral spirits to enhance their self-confidence. The nineteenth-century anthropologist Edward Tylor believed that animism was the original form of religious development (Tylor 1871). In hunter–gatherer societies, various supernatural beings are closely intertwined with nature, which differs from the general perception of current religions. Because this belief blends both nature and the supernatural, no conceptual distinction exists between the two categories, and balancing mechanisms exist to maintain hunting behaviors and environmental cycles. Because of the phenomena of integrating the external environment into the norms of life, indigenous peoples do not consider such a belief a “faith”.

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Before Western religions were introduced to the Atayal tribes, indigenous beliefs were animistic beliefs. The addition of the Catholic and Christian faiths partially reversed traditional utux beliefs and formed a composite, which has evolved into various coexisting beliefs. The Atayal currently hold various opinions regarding personal beliefs in spirits, including animism, ancestral spirits, ghosts, and gods. Even people from the same area hold diverse views, but basic beliefs centered on ancestral spirits are still widely accepted and are typically considered taboo norms. Because worship of ancestral spirits is the foundation of social interethnic ethics, as long as the tribal way of life exists, Western religions cannot replace it completely. Atayal spirits can be classified into at least three types: universal mountain spirits, animal spirits, and ancestral spirits. These beliefs have substantial implications. Numerous taboos are derived from faith. Hunting taboos often arise from the awe of mountain spirits or in order to pay homage and pray to a higher power for protection. Respondent S13827 indicated that the modern hunter blends ancestral cultures with current beliefs and cultures: We perform a ceremony in the mountains to inform all of the spirits inside the mountain that we are here. Everything has a spirit. Although my family believes in Catholicism, after Christianity and Catholicism were introduced, keeping in touch with the church also strengthens your beliefs. But when we leave the chapels and churches, traditional hunters on the hunting grounds continue to inform the ancestral spirits first.

The Atayal people believe that when an animal is deprived of life, its spiritual power, wisdom, and ability are transferred to the hunter. The spiritual body of the deceased prey follows the hunter and becomes its protective power. The original capability and intellect of the hunted animal are also transferred to the hunter to enhance his capability, thus becoming a part of the hunter. The soul also generates friendly relations with the tribe and causes its relatives to convene. Hunters conduct a dialog ritual to appease, thank, and invite the soul of the hunted animal to become a friend. A solemn attitude must be maintained in the process. Respondent S13827 described this ritual as follows: We first thank the ancestral spirits when we hunt prey, and then speak to the animal: Your life is not my decision. My spiritual ancestors decided to end your life here, and your body was brought to us by our ancestral spirits, so please do not blame us.

The Atayal people believe that mountain activities, whether walking, camping overnight, hunting, or any others, must rely on the protection of the ancestral spirits. The hunters must maintain a reverent and humble attitude. These taboos and habits have less of a scientific basis upon first hearing them (Fig. 2.17). • Scientific Applications of Plants The Atayal people of ancient times subsisted primarily on hunting and gradually turned to cultivation in the mountains to maintain soil fertility. Hunting in the mountains increases sources of nutrients during slack periods of farming and is a way of life and habit for tempering the minds and bodies of tribesmen. Living in the mountains requires one to rely on acuity and intelligence about the natural environment.

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Fig. 2.17 For certain superstitions, the factor could be a fear of punishment, not directly from the perspective of environmental conservation. However, these belief norms essentially encompass the concepts of environmental conservation. Through the experience of past failures of the ancestors, cautionary norms were formed which became the tribe’s moral constraints. Therefore, these customs can be regarded as a sustainable mechanism derived from traditional norms for maintaining natural cycles. Initially, they may have been only a cautionary specification, but over time, part of the connotation derived as a taboo has indirectly become a restraining power to contain their hunting activities and reduce negative human impacts on the environment. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

Only those familiar with the environment and the habits of animals and plants can use forest resources in a correct and sustainable manner and survive peacefully in the mountains. The yellow vine (Daemonorops margaritae; called kowarohu by the Atayal) is a convenient plant tool in daily life and hunting for the aborigines. The yellow vine is a crucial forest plant for aborigines, but the Han Chinese previously used it to make raw rattan furniture. It is multi-functional. Its prickly exterior is peeled off, and the vine heart is shaved into thin slices to become woven material for making Atayal living appliances, such as backpacks for farming and hunting. The women carry backpacks called kili, whereas the men carry backpacks called waya. To teach tribal children how to make traditional panniers, the children personally experience the entire process of making everything their ancestors required in life. Tribal elders previously conducted heritage activities and took children to the mountains to collect yellow vines. While carrying out such activities, one hunter stated the following (according to the activity explanation recorded on August 7, 2012). Spending long periods hunting animals in the mountains often requires a long time before one can drink water, but yellow vines store a lot of water. When you cut off the yellow cane, the water continues to drop from the incision, which is the precious water hunters rely on. The vine is readily available as a natural water reservoir.

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When leading the children up the mountain, hunters typically introduce the vegetables to everyone while walking and picking food for dinner. For example, bird’s-nest fern (Asplenium nidus) is one of the delicious vegetables that are often collected and is also a common mountain plant in subtropical regions. From the hunters’ explanations of collection methods, the wisdom of using a sustainable forest resource is transferred from one generation to another.

2.3.3 Gaga System for Constructing Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Indigenous Science The gaga system of hunting culture allows people to interact with nature according to ancient methods. Although the current state of social change has slightly altered this approach, certain hunters continue to uphold traditional knowledge, beliefs, taboos, and norms. Considering the centralized industrial economy, the relationship between man and the environment is closer because of farming and hunting activities and more sensitive to changes in the environment. Therefore, environmental and biological education can enhance interactions between people and the environment through understanding and assisting aborigines to recover the connotations of traditional hunting culture. The previous process of participants’ learning and experiences of the society is enhanced by sustainable interactive relationships with the natural environment. Integrating the knowledge of Atayal hunting cultural connotations includes the basic knowledge of prey, the use and management of natural resources, and hunting skills and knowledge. The habitual background includes hunting ground allocation, hunting group composition, hunting group relations, work and harvest allocation, hunting times, habits in the hunting process, contraindications, beliefs, and rituals. Although these knowledge contents and habit backgrounds can be classified into numerous subitems, in the actual field, relationships among them are consistent and indivisible. Variability also exists in individual bodies and tribal societal organizations, and the interpretations obtained using the narrative method can foster an understanding of hidden knowledge and meanings. Knowledge of, attitudes toward, and skills needed in the natural environment are integrated within tribal areas to construct a complete body of traditional knowledge of hunting culture (Fig. 2.18a, b). With hunting, using survival skills and judging environmental changes require knowledge of both science and technology, which is an Atayal man’s honor and evidence of viability. By gaining knowledge of mountain forests, the Atayal people understand their place in nature. No particular form of education exists in Atayal hunter training. Scientific knowledge is primarily accumulated outdoors throughout an individual’s life. Hunting knowledge is obtained through faith in their ancestors and family elders’ teachings and through environmental changes experienced personally. As stated by Watson and Huntington (2008), “hunting [by indigenous people (author addition)] is the practice of an ethical relationship with the nonhuman—and

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Fig. 2.18 a Atayal’s hunting body culture at aboriginal sport events. b Amis’ hunting body culture at aboriginal sport events. Photo courtesy of Chien-Shing Lee

the effect of a posthumanist ontology seen within an epistemic space.” This thought is mainly distinguished from the value of Enlightenment humanism with ethical considerations of the inherent right to control nature. Limitations of humanism are recognized in the Western world which is composed of Western democracy and also cultural colonialism and neoimperialism (Alvares 2006). I, therefore, need to reconsider post-humanist ontology from human–non-human assemblages beyond humanism and Western subjectivities to learn the philosophy of indigenous peoples (Watson and Huntington 2008, 2014). By determining these environmentally friendly and scientific notions from traditional moral rules, a final detection of an adaptive framework is formed. I concluded that a close connection weaving indigenous ecological knowledge of tribal wisdom and sustainability can be achieved from mutual dialog to evoke the Atayal’s identification.

2.4 Evoking Identification of Sustainability Huang and Lin (2013) argued that Taiwanese indigenous peoples prefer more visual and dynamic styles than the analytic approaches of Western science. However, Western science leans toward analytical and reductionist approaches as opposed

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to the more intuitive and holistic view often learned in traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). The relationship from an intuition of comprehensive and immersive thinking between traditional aborigines and the mountains is a concept in which components of the entire community, including plants, animals, birds, humans, and even the hydrological system of the forest, affect each other. Regardless of whether it is indigenous society or the ecosystem, everything is interdependent. Numerous studies have indicated that in TEK and norms, the functional basic knowledge of natural resources must first be established, such as learning how to manage and adjust the growth and decline of arable land areas and species in hunting areas. By taking only what is required, the people give back to nature. In managing their domains, traditional Atayal aborigines have constructed a knowledge basis for understanding their environment and have developed ethical habits for its use, so that they can utilize methods of movement and rotation systems, and can cease hunting. The use of environmental resources seldom exceeds the level that natural succession can sustain. This approach appears to also clearly show the existence of truth based on an ethics achieved from animist beliefs, which is not the same as that of Western science (Waston and Hungtington 2008). This post-humanism concept, beyond Enlightenment humanism, considers the world through multiple, diverse, and heterogeneous perspectives. The realm of the post-humanism includes not only ethics, but also respect toward humanness based on a multi-present subjectivity. In the natural environment of the mountains, because of their devotion to animist beliefs, Atayal hunters revere all things on the hunting grounds. Tribesmen do not use the concept of anthropocentrism, but depart completely from human interests as the main starting point for acquiring and using environmental resources. Because of the constraint of power in the belief in ancestral spirits, they comply with the spirit of the traditional gaga, thereby balancing their hunting behaviors. Natural resources are obtained in a proper way in socioecological systems for sustainability. Tribesmen consider the status of a species when seeking resources. In logging or hunting, a certain species that is found to have a small population is not hunted, and the Atayal look for plant and animal species with poor congenital conditions and low competitiveness to assist in the natural elimination rate and maintain an ecological balance. To sustain natural resources, during the harvest of floral and faunal resources, time is reserved for their reproduction, or supportive interventions are conducted to assist the growth and propagation of a species and maintain biodiversity on their own hunting grounds, so that their own tribesmen and future generations will not experience a decrease in the opportunities or convenience of use. During knowledge construction as well as scientific learning and advancement in sustainability science, I observed that traditional knowledge, attitudes, and skills of Atayal hunters were consistent with core ethical values of environmental education (see Fig. 2.19). Although the hunting philosophy is shaped by their faith, it is also an indivisible cultural foundation of the group. Based on Atayal hunting culture, interactions between the Atayal people and the natural environment demonstrate reverent and cautious attitudes. Through numerous cultural mechanisms of norms and taboos, Taiwanese forests and wild flora and fauna exhibit sustainable reproduction that can be utilized at a moderate level. Referring

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Fig. 2.19 Through numerous cultural mechanisms of norms and taboos, Taiwanese forests and wild flora and fauna have sustainable reproduction that can be utilized at a moderate level. We celebrated the year of the bird and organized “birds finding wets in Taiwan” in the Smangus community, Hsinchu County, Taiwan in 2018. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

to previous work experiences in biological diversity and in promoting and managing wildlife conservation, allowing residents to participate in developing management strategies can contribute to original life experiences and yield strategies for the region. This approach allows local residents to collaborate and contributes to implementing natural conservation objectives, particularly in reducing the government’s administrative burden through indigenous self-administration and alternative models for economic and social life. If ownership and management rights of forest resources are developed by local communities, biodiversity conservation should be the primary land-use objective. Alessa et al. (2009) confirmed that norms and cultures can be acceptable as adaptive strategies in developing human settlements. From the perspective of ecological conservation, hunting is often viewed as barbaric behavior with no TEK (Nadasdy 1999); however, from an eco-management perspective, it can achieve positive effects through communication and information exchange. As this study shows, in the indigenous hunting culture, certain norms that were formed through cultural taboos of ecological concepts have formed a mechanism that fosters sustainability of the environmental resource cycle.

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2.5 Summary The history of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples is not well developed in written form, but has been passed down in oral form based on memories from the collective consciousness (Fig. 2.20). However, tracing the cultural roots of indigenous peoples’ concepts of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and science is necessary to more deeply engage with indigenous epistemologies. The main purpose of this narrative inquiry is to explore traditional concepts of gaga (moral rules) and utux (faith) of the indigenous aborigines from a hunting culture, which has constructed their sustainability. My team used qualitative social sciences for this inquiry. We listened to and collected stories by local tribes that live at elevations of 300–1500 m in Northern Taiwan and then conducted an analysis based on a joint construction of cultural meanings from rights holders such as officers, tribal leaders, and local hunters. Using concepts from TEK, I determined how these concepts of gaga and utux became established in the lives of the Atayal people, and how indigenous hunters have devoted their skills to maintain the culture which sustains their resilient landscapes and ecosystems. Through the special cultural connotations of hunting knowledge and specifications, hunting behaviors of Taiwan’s Atayal can shape a harmonic balance with ecological systems and facilitate learning about competition and rules of survival in the natural environment (Fang et al. 2016). Regarding Oriental concepts of feng shui (geomancy) and wu xing (five elements) (Huang and Fang 2013) as well as the concepts of gaga (moral rules) and utux (faith), I can say that we used “indigenous knowledge” with systematic interventions of fair

Fig. 2.20 Indigenous peoples belong to 16 indigenous groups and account for 2.4% of Taiwan’s total population. Indigenous peoples’ history is not well developed in written form, but has been passed down in oral form based on memories from the collective consciousness. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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Fig. 2.21 Like the concepts presented in earth science, our earth consists of an inner core, outer core, and mantle. The system described in this book, similar to the wave image of neutrons, also consists of three concentric circles: the environmental element (interior) circle, the moral-rule (middle) circle, and the academic tool (exterior) circle. As practitioners of environmental literacy, I hope that engaging in pro-environmental behaviors is positive and effective in preventing adverse environmental impacts and similarly balances the environment, as emphasized in the I Ching. Therefore, in this book, I developed a concept similar to the aforementioned image of neutrons which consists of three concentric circles: (1) the environmental element circle (e.g., feng shui, wu xing, etc.), (2) the moral-rule circle (e.g., gaga, utux, etc.), and (3) the academic tool circle

utility and equitable allocation in response to identified weaknesses with the goal of improving the practical implementation of environmental protection. Following this logic, I developed a concept similar to the wave image of neutrons (Huang and Fang 2013), which consists of three concentric circles: (1) the environmental element circle (e.g., feng shui, wu xing, etc.), (2) the moral-rule circle (e.g., gaga, utux, etc.), and (3) the academic tool circle in this book (Fig. 2.21). A legislative backup system underpins the entire theoretical framework for environmental protection (please see Chap. 4), including regulations, follow-up assessments, and public participation processes. See the following chapters which discuss environmental literacy for officers and citizens. • • • • • • •

Chapter 5. Government Officials Chapter 6. Farmers Chapter 7. Laborers Chapter 8. Visitors to College Campus Chapter 9. College Students Chapter 10. Children Chapter 11. Parents

The following chapters also examine Taiwanese efforts to promote concepts of environmental literacy through dialog between Western and Eastern science

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(geomancy) forums. The efforts can be seen in all the populations of the Sinophone/Chinese cultural sphere, such as in Korean and Japanese cultures, which have developed an understanding of the relationships between geography and physics and the balance between various components of the universe.

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Liebersohn H (1994) Discovering indigenous nobility: Tocqueville, Chamisso, and romantic travel writing. Am Hist Rev 746–766 Matthews MR (2019) Feng Shui: teaching about science and pseudoscience. Springer Nature Switzerland, Switzerland Mazzocchi F (2006) Western science and traditional knowledge: despite their variations, different forms of knowledge can learn from each other. EMBO Rep 7(5):463–466 Menzies CR, Butler C (2006) Introduction: understanding ecological knowledge. In: Menzies CR (ed) Traditional ecological knowledge and nature resource management. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE, USA, pp 1–17 Nadasdy P (1999) The politics of tek: POWER and the “integration” of knowledge. Arctic Anthropol 36(1/2):1–18 Nadasdy P (2005) Transcending the debate over the ecologically noble Indian: indigenous peoples and environmentalism. Ethnohistory 52(2):291–331 Nygren A (1999) Local knowledge in the environment–development discourse from dichotomies to situated knowledges. Crit Anthropol 19(3):267–288 Ogilvie M, Ng D, Xiang E, Ryan MM, Yong J (2018) Using traditional rituals in hospitality to gain value: a study on the impact of Feng Shui. Int J Hosp Manag 72:1–9 Rodrik D (2015) Economics rules: the rights and wrongs of the dismal science. W. W. Norton & Company, New York, New York, USA Shih S-M (2010) Theory, Asia and the Sinophone. Postcolonial Stud 13(4):465–484 Shih S, Harrison M, Chiu K, Berry M (2018) Forum 2: linking Taiwan studies with the world. Int J Taiwan 1(2018):209–227 Shih S-M (2011) The concept of the Sinophone. PMLA 126(3):709–718 Smith DA (2005) Garden game: shifting cultivation, indigenous hunting and wildlife ecology in Western Panama. Hum Ecol 33(4):505–537 Smith EA, Wishnie M (2000) Conservation and subsistence in small-scale societies. Annu Rev Anthropol 29:493–524 Stearman AM (1994) “Only slaves climb trees”: revisiting the myth of the ecologically noble savage in Amazonia. Hum Nat 5(4):339–357 Steinhauer E (2002) Thoughts on an Indigenous research methodology. Can J Nat Educ 26:69–81 Takakura H (2012) The shift from herding to hunting among the Siberian Evenki: indigenous knowledge and subsistence change in Northwestern Yakutia. Asian Ethnology 71(1):31–47 Tang C-P, Tang S-Y (2010) Institutional adaptation and community-based conservation of natural resources: the cases of the Tao and Atayal in Taiwan. Hum Ecol 38(1):101–111 Tucker ME, Willams DR (eds) (1997) Buddhism and ecology. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, USA Tylor EB (1871) Primitive culture: researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and custom. John Murray, London, UK Waston A, Hungtington OH (2008) They’re here—I can feel them: the epistemic spaces of indigenous and western knowledges. Soc Cult Geogr 9(3):257–281 Watson A, Huntington OH (2014) Transgressions of the man on the moon: climate change, indigenous expertise, and the posthumanist ethics of place and space. Geo J 79(6):721–736 Wilkie DS, Carpenter JF (1999) Bushmeat hunting in the Congo Basin: an assessment of impacts and options for mitigation. Biodiver Conserv 8:927–955 Wilson EO (2014) The meaning of human existence. Liveright, New York, New York, USA Zhou J, Liu Y, Chen J (2010) Accounting for uncertainty in evaluating water quality impacts of urban development plan. Environ Impact Assess Rev 30(4):219–228

Chapter 3

Environmental Literacy: Behavior Oriented

3.1 Introduction Environmental education has been promoted in Taiwan for more than two decades. In related fields, pedagogical materials and methods of environmental educational curricula and pro-environmental behaviors are two major research topics, both of which touch on the so-called attitude-behavior gap; that is, knowledge does not necessarily lead to positive attitudes, and positive attitudes do not necessarily change behavior. Therefore, in past research on environmental education and proenvironmental behavior, determining how to bridge this gap and enable environmental education to play a more prominent role is also a problem that scholars have been working hard to resolve. But before we discuss the gap between environmental attitudes and proenvironmental behaviors, we must understand how pro-environmental behaviors are generated in the first place. Pro-environmental behavior is a goal to which both environmental movements and environmental education attach great importance, but the structure of pro-environmental behavior is very complicated. In the following chapters of this book, many different structural equation models and factors are presented that I believe can help explain the generation of pro-environmental behaviors (please see Chaps. 5–11). In addition to pro-environmental behavior, environmental literacy is also widely regarded as a major goal of environmental education (Blake 1999). Environmental literacy is an important research topic in the field of environmental education, and it is considered an important theory that promotes pro-environmental behavior. Environmental literacy has also been defined and discussed in many studies, but the various definitions are quite extensive, and it is impossible to give a specific definition. Roth (1992), who created the concept of environmental literacy, even believed that the term has been used in so many different ways that it has “little useful meaning” because it contains almost all factors related to environmental education.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_3

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With the promotion of the United Nations‘ (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), studies on environmental literacy have gradually decreased globally. However, I believe that environmental literacy actually includes many important factors affecting pro-environmental behavior and includes all factors, namely knowledge, attitudes, and behavior, which are called the linear model in the early stage of pro-environmental behavior. However, in previous research on pro-environmental behavior, environmental literacy was rarely mentioned. So does environmental literacy, including knowledge, attitudes, and behavior, actually have an answer to the problems related to the gap between environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors? In any case, deeply re-analyzing pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy is a necessary foundation for resolving this problem. I began research on pro-environmental behavior and environmental psychology in 2012 and found that there were no comprehensive literature review, content analysis, or meta-analysis of the literature in the field researching environmental literacy and pro-environmental behavior in Taiwan. In addition, there was a lack of localized research on the factors influencing pro-environmental behavior, and there were very few studies into barriers against environmental behavior. In order to answer the research questions in this book, “What role does environmental literacy play in generating pro-environmental behavior?”, “What are barriers to pro-environmental behavior in Taiwan?”, and “How can environmental literacy be used to overcome barriers to pro-environmental behavior?”, this chapter deals with a preliminary literature review on environmental literacy, pro-environmental behaviors, and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors and concludes with definitions of environmental literacy, pro-environmental behavior, and barriers to pro-environmental behavior proposed in previous documentation as the basis for subsequent studies. Subsequent literature reviews and research designs based on the aforementioned research questions are subjects for the rest of this book.

3.2 Environmental Literacy Environmental literacy is an important factor leading to pro-environmental behavior. The English term, “literacy,” means the state of being able to read and write. Its antonym is “illiteracy,” which means an inability to read or write. In addition to environmental literacy, literacy has also been extended to different uses and is widely used in various fields, such as information literacy, scientific literacy, health literacy, media literacy, financial literacy, tax literacy, insurance literacy, net literacy, digital literacy, ecological literacy, and environmental health literacy (Roth 1992; Brown et al. 2014; Finn and O’Fallon 2019; Dobrin and Morey 2020). The word “literacy” in English does not involve moral or value judgments, but the phrase “environmental literacy” has the meaning of value judgments and environmental ethics. Roth (1992) pointed out that the concept of “environmental illiteracy”

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appeared earlier than environmental literacy, and that “illiteracy“ in English also appeared earlier than “literacy.” Educators, government officials, and entrepreneurs see illiteracy as a social malady and literacy as a promoting action to address illiteracy. Nowadays, environmental literacy is also used in society to solve problems of environmental illiteracy. In response to the problem of environmental illiteracy, Charles E. Roth, one of the well-known scholars of environmental education, proposed the concept of environmental literacy (Roth 1968). The key question is “how do we become citizens with environmental awareness?” Roth pointed out that if scientific literacy is built on mechanical paradigms, then environmental literacy could be built on ecological paradigms. It is known that Roth used many concepts of scientific literacy to develop environmental literacy and roughly defined environmental literacy as a person’s capability and level of awareness to internalize and manifest environmental-related knowledge, attitudes, and skills, as well as maintain a dynamic balance between the quality of life and that of the environment from individuals to the biotic community (Golley 1998) (Fig. 3.1). Like scientific literacy, to acquire environmental literacy people need to have some psychological qualities and habits, including critical and creative thinking, the ability to find and organize information, skepticism, thinking, and planning ahead. The fields to which environmental literacy relates are far more numerous than those to which scientific literacy relates. People with environmental literacy must also have literacy in different aspects such as economics and geography. In addition, they need

Fig. 3.1 Environmental literacy refers to the ability to sense and interpret the state of health of environmental systems and take appropriate actions to maintain, restore, or improve the health state of those systems. It can also be said to include factors such as environmental-related awareness, concerns, understanding, and actions. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

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to understand the history of various environmental problems or continually pursue their historical contexts. Roth (1992) pointed out that having a historical perspective is a necessary condition for improving understanding. By understanding the historical background of environmental problems, one can understand the original state of things, possible situations, and differences and possibilities of various choices and can expand his/her horizon to avoid complacency and stimulate the imagination through historical perspectives. Moreover, people with environmental literacy must constantly look for associations and interactions between objects and events in various things of daily life; constantly look for the cause of change; constantly evaluate potential consequences of actions; constantly check alternatives and choose among them; and constantly select from alternatives as to which one has the least negative impact on natural systems. There is another important concept in environmental literacy. It is not binary opposition in a logical model; that is, environmental literacy is not a simple “yes” and “no,” but a gradual, continuous process from nothing to something. Shamos (1989) stated this about scientific literacy: “Few educated people do not understand science at all. Everyone knows something about facts and has some understanding of the meaning of science, no matter what they know is immature or misunderstanding.” Therefore, it is meaningless to assume that a person is completely scientifically literate or completely scientifically illiterate. However, evaluations can be carried out by distinguishing the types or levels of literacy. Based on the three stages of scientific literacy, namely nominal scientific literacy, functional scientific literacy, and true scientific literacy, defined by Shamos (1989), Roth proposed three consecutive stages of environmental literacy, namely nominal environmental literacy, functional environmental literacy, and operational environmental literacy, which are individually defined here (Roth 1968, 1992). • Nominal Environmental Literacy So-called nominal environmental literacy refers to the ability of individuals to use environmental terms or jargon when interacting and chatting with others, and to understand rough but effective meanings and definitions of such terms, i.e., people with only so-called environmental knowledge. Those with nominal environmental literacy are developing an environmental awareness and sensitivity, respect for natural systems, and concern about human impacts on natural systems, as well as fostering a basic understanding of how natural systems work and how human societies interact with natural systems. • Functional Environmental Literacy Those with functional environmental literacy have knowledge and an extensive understanding of interactions of nature and natural systems with human societies. They pay close attention and are aware that there is at least one negative interaction between these systems, and they have the skills to analyze primary and secondary sources of information and synthesize and evaluate relevant information. They evaluate issues based on solid evidence, and personal values and ethics, and communicate their findings and feelings to others. They begin to use technically or socially

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basic strategic knowledge to deal with problems of particular concern to them. This means that they are beginning to be motivated and participate. People with functional environmental literacy can also be said to have environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavioral intentions. • Operational Environmental Literacy People with operational environmental literacy are those who have surpassed people with functional environmental literacy in the breadth and depth of their environmental knowledge and skills. They regularly assess the impacts and consequences of actions, are able to collect and synthesize relevant information, select alternatives, and take actions on their own or advocate actions to protect or improve the environment. These individuals show a strong, sustained sense of commitment, a personal or group responsibility to prevent or remedy environmental degradation, and may take action on a local to global scale. Environmental literacy has been their typical deep-rooted thinking habit, and they are willing to interact with the entire world for the sake of the environment. Those with operational environmental literacy can be said to have environmental knowledge, environmental attitudes, and specific experiences in pro-environmental behaviors. Roth (1992) pointed out that an environmental educational program should accurately state the level of environmental literacy. It aims to the level of environmental literacy set for participants in the program, so that its potential value and effectiveness can be evaluated. However, today we know that evaluating the degree of development of environmental literacy is quite difficult. So, many scholars and conferences conducted different discussions and interpretations of environmental literacy and gave many different meanings. Hungerford and Peyton (1976) accepted the definition adopted by Roth (1968) for interpreting environmental literacy. They believed that environmental literacy includes three parts: cognitive knowledge, cognitive processes, and affective domains. In 1978, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) held an environmental conference in Tbilisi, the former Soviet Union, and proposed five characteristics of environmental literacy, including: (1) awareness and sensitivity to the overall environment; (2) understanding environmental problems and having experience; (3) having values and affecting for environmental concerns; (4) having skills to identify and solve environmental problems; and (5) participating in all levels of activities to solve environmental problems (UNEP 1978). Hungerford et al. (1980) pointed out that people with environmental literacy should have knowledge of issues, knowledge of action strategies, a strong internal locus of control, positive attitudes, and a strong sense of responsibility. In 1985, Hungerford and his colleague further established the environmental literacy model, which expanded on the concepts of environmental literacy and considered citizens with responsible environmental behaviors to be citizens with environmental literacy (Hungerford and Tomera 1985). The model was established based on Hungerford’s studies in 1976 and 1981, combined with results of the Tbilisi’s conclusions, centered on the cognitive domain, affective domain, and psychomotor domain proposed by

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Benjamin Bloom and colleagues (Bloom et al. 1956). They also thought that the cognitive domain of environmental literacy includes “knowledge of issues,” “ecological concepts,” and “environmental sensitivity.” The affective domain includes “attitudes,” “values,” “beliefs,” and “loci of control.” The psychomotor domain includes “environmental action strategies.” These eight factors are related to each other. In 1992, Roth included environmental sensitivity, knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values, personal investment and responsibility, and active involvement as the six components of environmental literacy. In addition, environmental sensitivity, attitudes, and values were classified under affective domain, and personal investment and responsibility were classified under behavior. Therefore, there were four major aspects: knowledge, skills, affective domain, and behavioral domain. Although the classification method has evolved during the process of development, in general, environmental literacy includes three major domains: cognition domain (knowledge), affective domain (attitudes), and psychomotor domain (skills and/or behavior). These are valued by all walks of life. For example, in 1970, a report titled “Environmental Literacy” by the Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) in the US President Richard Nixon’s office emphasized the importance of environmental literacy and pointed out that cultivation of environmental literacy must depend on every stage of the educational process (Roth 1992). After that, the UN designated 1990 as the “Environmental Literacy Year” and called for strengthening basic knowledge, skills, and learning motivations for “human environmental literacy,” to promote sustainable development. The study of environmental literacy has evolved in recent years, and research topics have gradually changed from studying scale development to surveying and comparing different ethnic groups and cultures and developing teaching materials. In addition, along with climate change, the proposal for establishing UN Sustainable Development Goals and the rise of education for sustainable development, different research topics, such as literacy for sustainable development (Rassool 1999), sustainability literacy (Stibbe 2009), and climate change literacy (Peterman et al. 2018), corresponding to different goals have emerged. In the 1990s, it was widely believed that the development of environmental literacy was the main goal of environmental education (Roth 1992). However, the so-called attitude-behavior gap still exists to this day. The scope of environmental literacy includes knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, and relationships among these factors are still not very clear. The creator of the concept of environmental literacy, Roth (1992), also believed that the term “environmental literacy” had been used in many different ways and had even become jargon with “little useful meaning” because it contained almost all factors related to environmental education. Environmental education can only be carried out in a way that promotes as many levels as possible. Studies on pro-environmental behavior have often been conducted with no attention paid to environmental literacy, and interactions between the two are not clearly defined. Therefore, this book attempts to establish relationships between pro-environmental behaviors and environmental literacy through a more detailed exploration of both.

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3.3 Pro-Environmental Behavior Pro-environmental behavior refers to negative impacts on the natural or manmade world that a person consciously minimizes, such as reducing consumption of resources and energy, using non-toxic substances, reducing pollutants, etc. (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002)—in short, behaviors that are good for the environment. Similar and commonly used terms include environmental behavior, ecological behavior, responsible environmental behavior, and environmentally friendly behavior. Environmental behavior can be said to be the simplest and most concise term, but may involve behaviors of chemical or other substances and animals in the environment. Therefore, many scholars call this type of environmental protection behavior “pro-environmental behavior” to avoid confusion (Kurisu 2016). Pro-environmental behavior is an important goal to which both environmental movements and environmental education attach importance. Early theories regarding pro-environmental behavior hold that knowledge leads to attitudes, and attitudes in turn lead to behavior. Knowledge, attitudes, and behavior can be said to be the three main domains of environmental literacy. However, these inferences conducted in the early 1970’s quickly proved to be wrong (Fig. 3.2). Studies showed that in most cases, increased knowledge and awareness do not lead to environmental protection behavior (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). Many documented results show that almost no linear correlation exists between the two (Hungerford and Volk 1990). Jensen and Schnack (1997) pointed out that environmental knowledge and awareness about environmental problems are not the driving force behind environmental actions, and there is no way to transform awareness and knowledge of environmental problems into environmental actions. Pettus and Giles (1987) showed that there are no clear relationships of knowledge and attitudes with behavior. In the field of environmental education, there are many studies on environmental literacy, but few have attempted to explore the generation of behavior or the evolution of environmental literacy, so there is no way to resolve problems of the attitudebehavior gap. This type of problem is the focus of discussion in research fields of pro-environmental behavior. In this sense, the field of pro-environmental behavior can be said to be studies that promote the development of environmental literacy, but the term “pro-environmental literacy” has rarely been mentioned in the field of pro-environmental behavior studies. As for modeling studies about pro-environmental behavior, Hines et al. (1987) proposed a model of responsible environmental behavior after an early linear model. They believed that responsible environmental behavior requires action skills, knowledge of action strategies, and knowledge of issues, which interact with personality factors to give people action intentions, and finally contribute to responsible environmental behaviors due to situational factors (Hines et al. 1987). This model is obviously a continuation of the environmental literacy framework proposed by Hungerford et al. (1980). That is, people with environmental literacy should have knowledge of issues, knowledge of action strategies, a strong internal locus of control, positive attitudes, and a strong sense of responsibility. Hines et al.

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Fig. 3.2 The phenomenon that the knowledge and attitudes of an individual do not correlate with their behavior is called the “attitude-behavior gap” (Blake 1999). The gap between attitudes and behaviors is unclear, and I need to find a way to figure out the feature in the gap from human behaviors. I may say: “what’s the feature?” (W.T.F) which are the first letters of my name. As the “initial” of a name is something that occurs first or at the beginning of everything, sometimes I do not like my initials (W.T.F) because Western people may be reminded of a four-letter word, or a swear word, when they see the initials W.T.F. I heard the dirty word the first time from Cheng-Jun (June) and Cheng-Shun (Sam), my sons, after they had inadvertently overheard their English language teacher Jeff’s signature phrase. Photograph by Chieh-Ying Ho

(1987) classified affective elements such as attitude, locus of control, and personal responsibility under personality factors, which are combined with action intentions and situational factors to constitute a responsible environmental behavior model. Because the elements of this model are almost the same as those of environmental literacy, it is widely used in many environmental education studies.

3.3.1 Theory of Planned Behavior Research on praxeology and many studies on pro-environmental behavior have been conducted based on sociological theories from the perspective of sociology in addition to those from the perspective of environmental education. The Theory of Planned Behavior is the most common example. In 1985, Icek Ajzen, a professor

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of psychology at the University of Massachusetts (Ajzen 1985), advanced the Theory of Planned Behavior based on the Theory of Reasoned Action proposed by himself and Fishbein in 1975 (Fishbein and Ajzen 1977). This behavioral theory has frequently been used to analyze consumer behaviors and health behaviors and holds that behavior is influenced by attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. Attitudes are the actor’s concept of right and wrong, subjective norms are the opinions of others in the actor’s surroundings, and perceived behavioral control is the actor’s perceptions of the feasibility of the behavior. Because this behavior theory has a rigorous calculation method, it has an advantage in quantitative research on predicting behavior, such as in various markets, marketing, and health-promoting policies that require accurate data. The model was modified after it had been criticized for not containing belief factors (Chao 2012). Ajzen (1991) added behavioral beliefs before attitudes, normative beliefs before subjective norms, and control beliefs before perceived behavior control. However, because environmental education stresses more than the prediction of results and behavior is the formation and changes of values and selection methods, the Theory of Planned Behavior is more passive than the responsible behavior model by Hines et al. (1987). If I wish to use the Theory of Planned Behavior for proenvironmental behavior, it seems to be pushed forward to generate pro-environmental behavior by controlling the masses. But it is undeniable that external factors, such as subjective norms, are also important influencing factors behind pro-environmental behaviors.

3.3.2 Value-Belief-Norm Theory Later, Stern et al. (1999) carried out research on environmental movements and proposed a Value-Belief-Norm model. This model is based on the norm activation model proposed by Schwartz (1977). The norm activation model proposes that awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and personal norms are important factors behind behavior (Schwartz 1977). Stern added the factor “values” that are highly valued in environmental literacy in the norm activation model and combined it with the new environmental paradigm that is also highly valued in the fields of both environmental education and sociology. In the end, Stern et al. (1999) believed that pro-environmental personal norms would affect four behavior areas including activism, non-activist public-sphere behaviors, private-sphere behaviors, and behaviors in organizations. The Value-Belief-Norm model ingeniously explains the path made by environmental activists’ actions, representing that the path from values to behavior may be affected by many different factors. However, it does not seem so easy to form values, and the key factors of environmental literacy such as knowledge and attitudes are not mentioned in the model.

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3.3.3 Empowerment Hungerford and Volk (1990) used the concept of “empowerment” in political science and community psychology to explore the emergence of responsible environmental behavior. They put environmental literacy and some variables of responsible environmental behavior proposed by Hines et al. (1987) into entry-level variables, ownership variables, and empowerment variables, describing the process of behavior from a preliminary understanding, gradually mastering more, finally to the emergence of environmental behavior with power awareness. Compared to other models, using the concept of empowerment to explain the process of the emergence of environmental behavior seems to be a theory that clearly explains the causes of behavior. It also demonstrates that empowering local people through the community is a feasible environmental education approach. However, there are obviously some factors that are not discussed in the model. As academic research continues to evolve in the twenty-first century, studies on various models for discussion, improvement, or criticism have also continued to emerge. Finally, there are many different factors that are considered to be related to pro-environmental behavior, so some scholars do not discuss the theory framework but simply explore the impacts of factors on behavior.

3.3.4 Factors Related to Pro-Environmental Behavior Gifford and Nilsson (2014) sorted out 18 factors related to pro-environmental behavior by means of literature reviews in 2014 and pointed out that environmentrelated issues and behaviors may be more complicated than previously thought. The 18 factors were classified under two kinds of factors. The contents of the 18 factors are briefly described in the following sections.

3.3.4.1

Personal-Related Factors

Because humans are complex creatures, we are all different from each other in many ways. Some of these differences affect people’s attention to the environment and how they respond to environmental problems. Personal-related factors can be said to encompass a person’s intrinsic factors, including childhood experiences, knowledge and education, personality and self-construal, sense of control, values, politics and worldview, goals, sense of responsibility, cognitive bias, place attachment, age, gender, and choice of activities. Among these 12 factors, many are related to environmental literacy, described briefly point by point here. • Childhood Experiences Childhood experiences may be an important factor in environmental concerns. Some studies showed that people with more experience with outdoor activities (Palmer

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Fig. 3.3 Childhood experiences may be an important factor in environmental concerns. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

1993), who talked more about the environment at home, watched nature movies, and read environmentally related books in their childhood (Eagles and Demare 1999) would pay more attention to the environment, get involved in more environmental activities, and engage in more pro-environmental behaviors. This is related to the theory of significant life experiences (Fig. 3.3). • Knowledge and Education Knowledge is an important factor in environmental literacy. Although knowledge is not considered to promote the emergence of attitudes and behavior, Gifford and Nilsson (2014) pointed out in an article that understanding specific issues regarding environmental knowledge is still the most obvious difference between youths who are pro-environmental and those indifferent to environmental problems and further pointed out that wise environmental choices depend on right knowledge. As for educational levels, survey data from most countries show that highly educated individuals are usually more concerned about the environment, but the opposite may be the case in business or in some specialized technical fields (McKnight 1990; Synodinos 1990). • Personality and Self-Construal Many studies on relationships between personality traits and pro-environmental behavior have been carried out. Among the five major personality traits (Costa and McCrae 2008), openness, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and prudence are all

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considered to be related to pro-environmental behavior. Research results have shown that emotional stability can also influence pro-environmental behavior through the locus of control (Chiang et al. 2019). Self-construction refers to how people interact with others (Markus and Kitayama 1991). This factor is also related to environmental concerns and behaviors. Independent self-construction is the self-construction that distinguishes oneself from others and is more likely to arouse self-interested environmental concerns and competition for shared resources. Interdependent self-construction, that is, self-construal that focuses on relationships with others, is more likely to foster cooperation in resource sharing. Meta-personal self-construal, that is, self-construal that makes you feel you are basically interconnected with all living things, will arouse environmental concerns, ecological cooperation, and pro-environmental behaviors in the biosphere (Arnocky et al. 2007). • Sense of Control The most important factor representative of the sense of control is the locus of control, a trait tendency, which refers to the extent to which people’s control attribution of life events is attributed to themselves or to external factors (Rotter 1966; Levenson 1973). The environmental literacy includes the locus of control, but this factor is less considered in Roth’s environmental literacy. In pro-environmental behavior, people with an internal locus of control will actively seek information related to environmental problems. Compared to people with an external locus of control, they can acquire more environment-related knowledge and make better use of this knowledge. In addition to the locus of control, there are similar concepts of control, such as self-efficacy, which refers to an individual’s belief in organization and executive capability of the course of action required to respond to a potential situation, and this belief elicits positive reinforcement. • Values, Political Views, and Worldview Values are an important factor in environmental literacy, but they are not clearly defined in environmental literacy. On the other hand, in the Value-Belief-Norm Theory, values include altruistic values, egoistic values, traditional values, and openness, and values that accept change will affect new environmental paradigms and are clearly defined. Gifford and Nilsson (2014) discussed three value paths of values, political views, and world views and listed their different impacts. • Values The most important values related to pro-environmental behavior and values most often noted by studies of environmental education and pro-environmental behavior are values divided into biocentric oriented, egoism, and altruism. It is believed that biocentric oriented and altruism most likely forward the emergence of proenvironmental behavior. However, some scholars believe that egoism ultimately chooses to protect the environment by considering its own interests engendered

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by the environment. In addition, Gifford and Nilsson (2014) also mentioned that materialist values are positively correlated with environmental concerns. • Political Views Gifford and Nilsson (2014) pointed out that differences in environmental attitudes between liberals and conservatives are actually caused by liberals’ tendency to view the harm caused to the environment from a moral perspective, which is in contrast to the concept that conservatives pay more attention to moral values than liberals. However, when pro-environmental attitudes are explained in terms of “purity,” this also resonates a lot among conservatives. So, at least in terms of political views, as long as the correct words are used, cognitive differences in environmental attitudes between liberals and conservatives can be reduced. • Worldview According to Gifford and Nilsson (2014), one’s worldview and pro-environmental concerns are related to one’s view of the “nature of nature,” which can be divided into four “myths of nature.” The first myth of nature holds that nature is capricious, capable, and unpredictable. The second myth holds that nature is good and has a very adaptable capability. Even if it is disturbed, nature can find or restore its equilibrium again. The third myth holds that nature is transient and fragile, and even small disturbances can have serious consequences. The fourth myth holds that nature is tolerant but peremptory. Some people believe that nature can allay some disturbances, but once the tipping point is exceeded, nature will suddenly collapse. Of the four myths of nature, those who believe in the third myth of nature, that is, nature is transient and fragile, are most concerned about the environment, while those who believe that nature is good are least concerned about the environment (Fig. 3.4) (Moser et al. 2002). • Goals Goals are also a determinant of pro-environmental behavior. Goals can keep people involved in certain actions or activities. For example, when a person sets a goal, he/she will focus on the abstract or specific goal and combine special thinking methods to make the goal seem to be more achievable (Rabinovich et al. 2009). In addition to setting goals, Lindenberg and Steg (2007) also proposed three types of life goals related to pro-environmental behavior: hedonic goals, gain goals, and normative goals. Hedonic goals lead people to seek to improve their feelings and emotions; gain goals make individuals sensitive to gains or losses from changes in financial or other resources; and normative goals make people focus on correct behavior. • Sense of Responsibility Just like most pro-environmental behavior models, responsibility is also a very important factor in both pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy. Gifford and Nilsson (2014) pointed out that the main source of this responsibility may be a sense of guilt.

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Fig. 3.4 Children read signs from mother nature that hold capricious, capable, and unpredictable features. Those who understand that nature is good believe that nature is transient and fragile; thus, when they grow up and enter primary school, they may be concerned about the living environment as their playground which needs to be protected along with nature. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

• Cognitive Bias Some classic cognitive biases, such as the actor–observer effect, self-serving bias, fundamental attribution error, false consensus effect, and egocentric bias, can have impacts on environment-related choices. • Place Attachment Place attachment is a concept derived from geography. Some studies on place attachment found that if a person has a strong attachment or dependence on a place, they will want to protect it (Scannell and Gifford 2010). • Age There are many studies on age and pro-environmental behavior, because age is a very basic background variable. Some studies showed that children’s ability to manage

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resources increases when they reach the age of youth (14–18 years old), which may be due to increased cognitive abilities (Gifford 1982). Compared to younger people, older people self-reported that they have more proenvironmental behaviors (Pinto et al. 2011). However, in terms of environmental concerns, many studies showed that younger people care more about the environment than older people do (Fang et al. 2018), but some studies had different results. This may indeed be related to age trends, or it may be related to developments and changes of the times; that is, if the overall political and social atmosphere of a certain period becomes more conservative, then people may pay less attention to the environment. • Gender Most research results have shown that women generally exhibit stronger positive environmental attitudes, concerns, and pro-environmental behaviors than men (Liang et al. 2018). Such differences can often be explained using consumer behavior and altruism (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). For example, consumers are more likely to pay attention to social and environmental problems because they must choose which products to consume, and these consumer characteristics are more prominent among women. Because women generally have higher levels of socialization than men, they have an altruistic orientation and a sense of social responsibility, which may further affect pro-environmental behaviors. In addition, the harm caused by environmental degradation to health and safety increases women’s environmental concerns on the basis of altruism, especially for women with children. • Choice of Activities A concern for the environment is related to one’s choices of activities. People engaged in outdoor leisure activities are more likely to care about the environment (Fang et al. 2017), but different activities still have different impacts (Teisl and O’Brien 2003). Generally speaking, those who enjoy outdoor consumptive activities (such as hunting and fishing) pay less attention to environmental problems than those who engage in non-consumptive activities (such as hiking and photography). In the USA, members of cycling organizations are more concerned about environmental problems than members of off-road vehicle organizations. As for indoor activities, people who spend more time reading newspapers pay more attention to environmental problems than those who watch more TV. Among groups watching TV, young people who watch more science shows, news, and nature documentaries pay more attention to the environment (Holbert et al. 2003).

3.3.4.2

Social Factors

Social environments have great impacts on people who live there, and these impacts may be long term, such as religion and social classes, or may be short term and unstable by their nature, such as fashion, temporary events, changes in significant others, etc. Social factors include religion, urban–rural differences, norms,

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social classes, the degree of proximity to problematic areas, and cultural and ethnic differences, described briefly point by point here. • Religion Many studies put forward the hypothesis that environmental problems stem from religious beliefs and values. For example, White (1967) argued that the Judeo-Christian religious tradition is the main cause of environmental problems in the West. He pointed out that due to the dualism between man and nature, Christians exploit natural resources without caring about the well-being of nature. However, with the development of ecological theology, Christians have also begun to care about environmental problems from the perspective of earth governance (Næss 1990). In addition, with some technologies such as genetically modified crops, Christians believed that they transgress God’s power, and thus, they engage in pro-environmental behaviors and express concern. Likewise, Islam, also one of the Abrahamic religions, can be seen from the same perspective as that mentioned above. Muslims believe that human beings are part of the overall living system created by God and should live correctly in it. Few empirical studies on environmental problems of Oriental religions such as Hinduism and Buddhism have been carried out, but many scholars have pointed out that the doctrines of these religions are centered on natural ecology, or that there is a spiritual relationship between natural sacredness and all things. However, because religions often have bad track records, and some scholars believe that religions should not be viewed from an ideal perspective, that is, one should not expect that religion can deal with current environmental problems and possible consequences (Narayanan 2001). • Urban–Rural Differences Rural residents and urban residents experience the environment in different ways. Undoubtedly, rural residents are more closely connected with nature (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). But does this affect the emergence of environmental problems or pro-environmental behaviors? Studies conducted in many different countries have yielded conflicting results. For example, people who live in large cities are more likely to engage in environmental behaviors than those who live in smaller cities and/or rural areas (Liu et al. 2018). However, students growing up in rural areas have more positive attitudes toward the natural environment than students studying in cities. Some rural residents tend to be anthropocentric oriented, which seems to make them inclined to think that natural resources are there to be used by humans. • Norms Social norms are one of the factors shaping people’s behaviors (Liao et al. 2015), and norms and attitudes also influence each other (Ajzen 1991). Norms are also regarded as acceptable group behavior, or an expression of collective behavior, or an individual’s opinion about a specific group behavior. In the field of social psychology, norms are regarded as a mental representation of “appropriate behavior” (Aarts and Dijksterhuis

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2003). Social norms are mainly divided into subjective norms and descriptive norms (Bamberg and Möser 2007; Thøgersen 2006; Hernández et al. 2010; McKenzie-Mohr 2011), and sometimes command norms are added to these (Fang et al. 2017). These three social norms are described here (please also see Chap. 1). • Subjective Norms Subjective norms represent significant others’ expectations of certain behaviors (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). These significant others include family members, parents, and other important friends. When all these people adopt a certain environmentally friendly attitude or behavior, or have awareness and values of environmental and ecological conservation, that may affect the attitudes or concepts of individuals, and then norms are formed. Sometimes, subjective norms are considered to reflect an individual’s perceptions of social pressures to perform or not to perform a behavior (Ajzen 1991). • Descriptive Norms Descriptive norms refer to the influence of people’s behavior on other’s behavior in the same space, usually people who do not know each other or most people, and sometimes unintentionally (Cialdini et al. 2006). When people adopt some specific environmentally friendly attitude or behavior, the situation in which some people are naturally affected is the impact of descriptive norms. For example, when someone observes that other people participate in the same courses or activities, or other members of the public the person meets in his/her daily life are very careful to not cause damage to the environment, that person may also adopt attitudes toward or norms of pro-environmental behavior. • Injunctive Norms Injunctive norms are laws or orders promulgated by authorities such as the government and schools. Injunctive norms are used to display behaviors of which others approve. Compliance is encouraged, and violations are punished by authorities. • Social Classes Some studies found that environmentalists are often upper-middle class people (Gifford and Nilsson 2014). And residents of richer countries more likely want the government to implement overall environmental improvement measures instead of focusing on economic growth compared to those in poorer countries. However, citizens of some poor countries (such as Hungary and Nigeria) seem to pay more attention to local environmental problems than do citizens of rich countries (such as the Netherlands and the USA). These results are similar to urban–rural differences. • Degree of Proximity to Problematic Areas Due to geographical distance, people who are close to problematic areas are more likely to be aware of the existence of environmental problems. This may be related to their attachment to place (Gifford and Nilsson 2014).

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• Cultural and Ethnic Differences The last factor is cultural and ethnic differences. There are often many differences in environmental concerns between races and ethnic groups, and cognitive differences can emerge due to cultural differences. This not only fosters differences in the degree of environmental concerns, but also is often related to overall thought structures and logic of different cultures. Gifford and Nilsson (2014) pointed out that in addition to the 18 different factors described above, pro-environmental behaviors may also be caused by other reasons or some personal non-environmental goals, such as saving money or improving one’s health. For example, President Donald Trump in the USA said he took a test for the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) and then announced and declared Sunday a “National Day of Prayer” on March 15, 2020. “Don’t worry we have 50 deaths today. It will be zero tomorrow,” Trump said. He may or may not begin to engage in pro-environmental behaviors after March 15, 2020. Maybe or maybe not, Mr. Trump, this is a question! After three months, COVID-19 cases have been increased to 1,737,950 by USA and deaths reported to 102,785 by USA on May 30, 2020. However, it can be determined that these 18 factors likely have complex interactions with pro-environmental behaviors in different directions and ultimately affect the emergence of pro-environmental behaviors. Researchers should understand as much as possible about how these influencing factors interact with each other, so as to understand the ways in which pro-environmental behaviors are affected. From the development of various pro-environmental behavioral theories, such as the concept of Knowledge-Attitude-Behavior (Hungerford and Volk 1990), Responsible Environmental Behavior (Hines et al. 1987), the Theory of Planned Behavior (Ajzen 1991), and Value-Belief-Norm Theory (Stern et al. 1999), all theories are interested in obtaining a further and better understanding of the emergence of pro-environmental behaviors and lay the foundation for environmental education. You may find that relationships between environmental literacy and proenvironmental behaviors are quite delicate. Pro-environmental behavior is one of the factors explaining environmental literacy. It is affected by many factors in environmental literacy, but it is obviously affected by many personal-related factors or social factors that were not discussed in previous studies of environmental literacy. Today, the complex structures of pro-environmental behaviors that have developed over the long term are insufficient to explain the complexity of our currently changing world. A need exists for the concept of environmental literacy to be more clearly defined and clarified, because I see barriers occurring that are worse due to poor pro-environmental behaviors beyond less environmental literacy.

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3.3.5 Barriers to Pro-Environmental Behavior According to the aforementioned documentation, the answer to the question “Why do or do not people take environmental action?” is extremely complicated (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002), and after a dozen studies of the theoretical framework have been conducted to explain gaps between the possession of environmental knowledge and pro-environmental behavior, the answer remains unclear. Although different theories about pro-environmental behavior have flourished these days, most environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and movements still base their propaganda, activities, strategies, and educational programs on earlier theories proposed in the 1970s, in the hope that more knowledge will lead to more environmentally friendly behaviors (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). Most government agencies also continue to use early simpler theories in their governance and educational policies. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) argued that judging from common sense, it is very difficult to change behavior. For example, even getting out of a harmless habit and getting into a habit with significant benefits is still very difficult. So Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) began to explore “What are the barriers to pro-environmental behavior?” That is, when it is difficult to find the so-called factors that really affect pro-environmental behavior, then instead, can we find reasons that hinder the development of pro-environmental behavior and make environmental literacy ineffective? From the perspective of why the attitude-behavior gap exists, Rajecki (1982) proposed the following four reasons. • Direct experience and indirect experience: Direct experience has a greater impact on people’s behavior than indirect experience. In other words, learning environment issues at school rather than directly experiencing them can lead to weaker associations between attitudes and behaviors. • Normative influences: Social norms, cultural traditions, and family customs influence and shape people’s attitudes. If mainstream culture continues to promote unsustainable lifestyles, fewer people will be willing to engage in pro-environmental behaviors and the attitude-behavior gap will widen. • Time lags: In some studies, the lag between collecting data on attitudes and collecting data on actions was so long that the results might not be consistent, and people’s attitudes might change over time, resulting in time differences. • Attitude and behavior measurements: Generally, the range measured using an attitude scale is much wider than that measured using a behavior scale. For example, the question about attitudes may be “Do you care about the environment?”, and the question about behavior is “Do you recycle?” or “Would you cross into a protected area if you knew you would not be charged with trespassing?” The scale and scope of the two are quite different (Fig. 3.5), and this could cause huge differences in results (Newhouse 1990). Most pro-environmental behavioral models are limited because they cannot be used to solve problems of constraints on individuals, society, and systems. They

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Fig. 3.5 The gap describes common deficiencies in research methodologies and it is clearly difficult to design effective research tools that can be used to measure and compare associations between attitudes and behaviors, as Blake (1999) regarded “attitude-behavior gaps” as “value-action gaps.” Why after you detect a “no crossing” sign, you might not remind yourself that you were trespassing? You might not know the reason. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

can only work based on the assumption that human behavior is rational, and they systematically use the information they can obtain. Some sociologists are trying to overcome this research limitation using new research methods. These sociologists believe that it is invalid for environmentalists to very rationally call on “us” to change our attitudes or lifestyles to promote all “human benefits.” This is not because the so-called we are irrational, but because there may be one or more uneven distributions of power in local or global environmental changes. And people’s values are negotiable, transient, and sometimes conflicting in this state of an uneven power distribution (Blake 1999). Blake pointed out three barriers to pro-environmental behavior: individuality, responsibility, and practicality. Individuality is a barrier to internal factors that are related to attitudes and temperament. Blake (1999) argued that because other conflicting attitudes toward the environment outweigh one’s concern for the environment, the individuality barrier has a particularly strong impact on those who do not feel strong concern for the environment. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) argued that strong desires and demands may also offset environmental concerns. For example, some people have the need to visit relatives in a foreign land. This desire for family goes beyond the responsibility for minimizing air travel to reduce global warming.

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The second barrier is responsibility, which is very close to the concept of the “locus of control.” If people feel they cannot influence a situation, they do not take environmental action and do not have to bear the relevant responsibility. Blake (1999) pointed out that in some specific communities, mistrust of institutions often prevents people from taking environmental action because they are suspicious of local and central governments and are unwilling to act on government regulations (Fig. 3.5). The third barrier is practicality, which means that people are constrained by society and institutions regardless of their attitudes or intentions toward pro-environmental behavior. Blake (1999) pointed out constraints such as insufficient time, insufficient funding, and insufficient information are practicality barriers. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) pointed out that Blake’s three barriers to proenvironmental behavior combine external and internal factors and describe in detail the barriers caused by the two. However, there are additional factors that have not been considered, such as social factors, including family pressure and cultural norms. Many underlying psychological factors, such as the fundamental reason of “having no time,” were detected. Therefore, after integrating various theoretical models, they explored barriers to pro-environmental behavior based on demographic variables, external factors, and internal factors. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) argued that defining and demarcating different factors is actually quite difficult. Most factors are widely and vaguely defined, and factors are interrelated, and usually there are clear boundaries among them. Differences between influential factors and their levels in the structure are basically arbitrary in each study. That is, previous structural theories were not established from an absolutely objective point of view. Researchers, as far as possible, divided external factors other than demographic variables into institutional, economic, social, and cultural factors and divided internal factors into motivation, environmental knowledge, awareness, values, attitudes, emotions, locus of control, responsibility, and priorities.

3.3.5.1

Demographic Variables

Gender and education are two demographic variables currently known to affect environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors. In terms of gender, women usually do not have such extensive environmental knowledge (Liang et al. 2018), but compared to men, they are more emotionally involved with environmental problems and pay more attention to environmental damage (Liang et al. 2018). They put less trust in the use of technology to resolve environmental problems and are more willing to change. The more education one has received, the wider one’s understanding of environmental problems. However, there is no significant positive correlation between more educational activities and pro-environmental behavior. In addition, as Gifford and Nilsson (2014) mentioned, receiving higher levels of education in business or in some specialized technical fields may lead to an opposite result.

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External Factors

• Institutional Factors In terms of systems, infrastructure and systems, such as recycling systems and mass transportation systems, must be established before many pro-environmental behaviors can occur. Without infrastructure, people have no chance to establish pro-environmental behaviors. • Economic Factors Economic factors have great impacts on people’s decisions and behaviors. Some economic studies pointed out that when people make purchase decisions, more than 50% of the consideration comes from a calculation of benefits. In other words, if a person has to choose between energy-saving and non-energy-saving products and buying the energy-saving product will help him/her save more than the higher costs paid, he/she will choose it. Economic factors that influence people’s decisions are also very complicated, and people know very little about them. Although decisions that are pro-environmental or made based on sustainable development are reasonable in terms of economic considerations, Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) pointed out that people always believe that choosing to demonstrate pro-environmental behaviors is economically sound. People are more likely to be affected by policies with economic incentives and take action to protect the environment. For example, rewards for recycling PET bottles can effectively increase the recycling rate of PET bottles. Nonetheless, people in the USA, for example, are unwilling to adopt higher-priced but energy-saving heating methods when the price of heating oil is very low. Therefore, when designing new pro-environmental policies and strategies to influence or change people’s behavior, it is very important to consider economic factors. However, it is not possible to predict people’s behavior based on economic factors alone. Economic factors and social, infrastructure, and psychological factors often interact with each other to influence people’s choices. The same policy may produce very different results in different regions. • Social and Cultural Factors Cultural norms have profound impacts on modifying people’s behaviors. BoehmerChristiansen and Skea (1991) studied the history of policies responding to acid rain in Germany and the UK and pointed out that German forests have considerable value in German culture, and there are also its geographical location and the strong German demand for security and stability. All this led the two countries adopting radically different approaches to deal with the problems of acid rain. Gifford and Nilsson (2014) argued that designing cross-cultural research on pro-environmental behavior or environmental concerns would be very interesting. For example, compared to large resource-rich countries like the USA, small densely populated countries such as Switzerland and the Netherlands should pay more attention to its natural resources.

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Internal Factors

• Motivation Motivation is an internal factor behind behavior and a cause that stimulates and affects behavior (Moisander 2007). The strength and direction of motivation determine which behavior is chosen among all possible behavioral options. Motivations behind behavior may be obvious or hidden, conscious or unconscious. Researchers have divided motivations into primary motivations and selective motives (Moisander 2007). A primary motivation is a larger or long-term motivation for engaging in a set of behaviors, such as an effort to live in a way that is environmentally friendly. A selective motive affects a specific behavior. For example, should you continue to ride a bike to work or drive to work on a rainy day? Non-environmental motivations can act as barriers to stifle some proenvironmental behaviors. These non-environmental motivations are usually more intense and multi-oriented, such as a strong motivation to drive to work on a rainy day for the sake of your own comfort hinders the environmentally friendly motivation. That is, the primary motivation for paying attention to environmental values has been replaced by a selective motive that focuses on personal comfort. Primary motivations, such as altruism and social values, are often obscured by more direct and stronger selective motives. These selective motives often revolve around some individual need, such as comfort, saving money, and saving time. • Environmental Knowledge Most scholars agree that only a small proportion of environmental behaviors can be directly related to environmental knowledge and environmental awareness. At least 80% of motivations for pro-environmental behavior are situational factors and other internal factors (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). Kempton et al. (1996) surveyed different groups in the USA, from extreme environmentalists to what they considered to be extreme anti-environmentalists. Their survey reinforced the foregoing arguments, with their survey results showing that both environmentalists and nonenvironmentalists lacked knowledge; so environmental knowledge is not a prerequisite for promoting pro-environmental behaviors and cannot act as the basis for taking action in a pro-environmental way. However, people must have basic knowledge about environment-related issues and be able to take action to protect the environment with environmental selfawareness. Some studies showed that very detailed technical knowledge about environmental protection does not promote pro-environmental behavior (Diekmann and Preisendörfer 1992). Therefore, in research on environmental knowledge, it may be necessary to distinguish between different levels of knowledge (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) argued that like knowledge, economic incentives and cultural values can also motivate people to engage in pro-environmental behavior without taking the environment into account. For example, taxing environmentally harmful activities will cause people to look for alternatives that are

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Fig. 3.6 Values are “micro-ecosystems” formed by social networks such as families, neighbors, and peer groups. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

less harmful to the environment. This does not require the support of environmental knowledge. However, some scholars argued that this unconscious environmental protection behavior can easily be reversed or changed to a more unsustainable model because it lacks certain basic values. • Values Values are factors behind internal dynamics. Pro-environmental values may lead to pro-environmental behaviors, and vice versa. Values that conflict with the environment may become barriers to pro-environmental behaviors. The essence of values is a complex issue. Fuhrer et al. (1995) argued that values are “micro-ecosystems” formed by social networks such as families, neighbors, and peer groups (Fig. 3.6). Values are also affected by “external systems” such as the media and political organizations, but to a lesser extent. The macro-system of the cultural background of one’s personal life has the weakest impact on values, but it still is important (Fuhrer et al. 1995). • Attitudes Attitude is defined as a persistent positive or negative feeling about someone, something, or a problem. Attitudes and beliefs are closely related and reflect information

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or knowledge that one person knows about another person, object, or issue. Although most people think that a person should live according to their own values and attitudes, current research has shown that environmental attitudes actually have little influence on pro-environmental behavior. Diekmann and Preisendörfer (1992) used a low-cost/high-cost model to explain the gap between environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors. This model assumes that people engage in a form of pro-environmental behavior because its cost is the lowest. The cost in this model does not refer to the cost in an economic sense but in a broad psychological sense, like psychological factors, such as time and energy, behind pro-environmental behaviors. Diekmann and Preisendoerfer (1992) indicated that environmental attitudes do have significant positive correlations with low-cost pro-environmental behaviors such as recycling, showing that people with environmental attitudes are willing to engage in environmentally friendly behaviors such as recycling, but might not want to reduce their use of a private car or longdistance flights, because the cost of alternatives is higher. The study also showed that although people with higher environmental awareness may be reluctant to engage in pro-environmental behaviors that sacrifice their quality of life, they seem to be more willing to accept changes in policies that are environmentally friendly, such as higher fuel taxes or stricter green building codes, showing that attitudes can influence pro-environmental behaviors in an indirect way. Some specific attitudes form barriers to pro-environmental behavior. For example, a study on the image of pro-environmental behavior of college students found that those who believe that technological progress and technological developments will eventually solve environmental problems are more unlikely to sacrifice their personal quality of life for pro-environmental behaviors (Gigliotti 1992, 1994). In any case, values and attitudes can be identified as important factors that influence pro-environmental behaviors, but there are quite a few possible barriers between attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors. • Environmental Awareness Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) defined environmental awareness as “understanding the impacts of human behavior on the environment.” Environmental awareness consists of knowledge based on cognition, emotions, and perceptions. Therefore, environmental awareness is subject to some cognition and emotions, of which there are the following limitations. • Indirect Effects of Environmental Problems Much environmental degradation is not immediately visible and we are unable to perceive it, such as nuclear radiation, the hole in the ozone layer, or the accumulation of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. Even some obvious changes, such as the extinction of certain species, are usually not noted even by professionals. We can only feel pollution and damage to the surrounding environment, such as smelling the rotten odor of polluted water. This means that there is a lag in the response time. When people perceive deterioration of the environment, the environment usually has

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Fig. 3.7 Extremely cute animals are far more direct and “real” than climate change, while climate change is just a mathematical model that ordinary people cannot understand. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

already been severely damaged. In addition, it is unlikely that people can perceive small environmental damage and environmental damage in remote areas. Because most environmental degradation is not immediately visible, it is necessary to convert messages of environmental damage into understandable and perceptible information, such as text, pictures, and charts. Most of the time, this information can improve people’s intellectual understanding, but cannot be connected to people’s emotional involvement (Preuss 1991). Sometimes scientific concepts can be transferred through vivid or provocative images, such as starving polar bears on melting ice, and at the same time touch people’s hearts. But this also shows that people’s attention to the environment is more dependent on secondary information related to environmental damage than primary information about environmental damage, and therefore, it seems that people are not concerned when secondary information is not specific enough to cause emotional involvement. People’s need for emotional involvement also explains why the movement to protect large mammals has far more widespread public support than attention to abstract issues such as climate change; because, for people, these “extremely cute animals” are far more direct and “real” than climate change (Fig. 3.7), and climate change is just a mathematical model that ordinary people cannot understand (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). • Slowness of Environmental Damage Another barrier to environmental awareness is the slowness at which environmental problems occur, often at a slow and progressive rate. Humans are very good at

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perceiving rapid and sudden changes (i.e., like coronavirus disease 2019, COVID19), but they often cannot perceive slow changes (i.e., global climate change). This makes humans like the famous “boiling frog” experiment (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). If a frog is suddenly placed into boiling water, it will jump out, but if the frog is put in tepid water which is then slowly brought to a boil, it will not perceive the danger and will be cooked to death. • The Complexity of Environmental Problems Just like the environmental system itself, most environmental problems are intricate, so people often cannot understand them, and tend to simplify environmental problems based on linear thinking (Preuss 1991). This makes people unable to understand the causes and consequences of environmental damage, and may also cause people to underestimate the severity of environmental problems. To sum up, these barriers to people’s awareness of environmental degradation seriously affect their emotional involvement in environmental problems and reduce their willingness to engage in pro-environmental behaviors. • Emotional Involvement Emotional involvement is the extent to which people develop an emotional relationship with the natural world (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). Chawla pointed out that emotional connections to the natural world are important in engendering beliefs, values, and attitudes related to the environment (Chawla 1998, 1999). In addition, Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) also considered emotional involvement as the ability to generate emotional responses to environmental degradation. Research has shown that women have greater emotional responses to environmental problems (Grob 1991). Grob (1991) hypothesized that the more intense a person’s emotional response, the more likely they are to engage in pro-environmental behavior. But what is the cause for concern? Why do some people care and some people don’t? The answers related to emotion and feelings are very diverse, complex, and poorly understood in research. Everyone has their own unique areas of interest that they love more than others. There have been some inquiries in the fields of psychology and sociology into why people are emotionally involved or not involved in a certain thing. Box 3.1: Cases Studies of Emotional Involvement 1. No Emotional Involvement (1) Lack of Knowledge and Awareness Because emotional involvement requires a certain level of environmental knowledge and awareness, and as discussed in the previous section on environmental awareness, due to indirect effects of ecological destruction, people’s awareness or knowledge of environmental problems is often insufficient to

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Fig. 3.8 Most people can understand and react emotionally to pictures of seabirds that are covered by heavy oil and cannot fly in their own country, but few people are sad about the changes in vegetation and landscape caused by environmental problems for gorillas in the democratic Republic of the Congo near its border with Rwanda. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

induce them to get emotionally involved. In addition, emotional involvement is quite complex and is related to some ability to respond emotionally to abstract environmental problems. For example, most people can understand and react emotionally to pictures of seabirds that are covered with heavy oil and cannot fly in their own country, but few people are sad about changes in vegetation and landscapes caused by environmental problems for chimpanzees in the Congo, Africa (Fig. 3.8). This shows that insufficient understanding of the causes and effects of ecological degradation can lead to very little emotional involvement (Preuss 1991), and despite the provision of relevant knowledge, it does not mean that people will become emotionally involved (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). (2) Resistance to Information that Conflicts with Beliefs Festinger (1962) pointed out that people selectively accept some information unconsciously in order to seek consistency of beliefs and their psychological framework. Information that is consistent with one’s existing values and psychological framework is easily accepted, while information that conflicts or breaks with such a framework is not accepted. Festinger’s theory means that when environmental information conflicts with or threatens our basic beliefs

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about the quality of life, economic prosperity, and material needs, people tend to avoid receiving this environmentally relevant information. 2. Emotional Response Even if there is an emotional response to environmental degradation, people might still not engage in environmentally friendly actions. Environmental degradation can make people feel fear, sadness, pain, anger, and shame, and when we personally experience the destruction of the environment, the emotional response becomes stronger (Newhouse 1990; Chawla 1999). These emotional responses, such as fear, sadness, pain, anger, and shame, can lead to pro-environmental behaviors under the influence of the locus of control (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). But when these primary emotions make people feel pain, this may lead people to avoid engaging in environmental behaviors, in order to avoid secondary emotions caused by the primary emotions and activate psychological defense mechanisms. These psychological defense mechanisms include refusal or denial, rational circumvention, indifference, and blame shifting. Refusal and denial mean refusing to accept or denying the existence of environmental problems. Rational circumvention refers to when a person fully understands the existence of a problem intellectually, but avoids relevant environmental information in order to protect him/herself from painful emotions. Rational circumvention is common among scientists and environmentalists who are often exposed to “bad news” (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). If people feel helpless at the same time they feel pain, sadness, and anger, and strongly believe that they cannot change the situation or are affected by a strong external locus of control, they are likely to become indifferent, ignore the problem, and feel cynical. Such persons may cease to expose themselves to information about environmental problems and turn their attention to other aspects of life. Although they may perform some pro-environmental behaviors out of moral obligation, they are less likely to actively participate in environmental activities. Blame shifting is a means to eliminate a sense of guilt. It means that a person refuses to take any personal responsibility and accuses others of destroying the environment, such as delegating responsibility to industry, multinational companies, or political institutions. Such persons are unlikely to engage in any pro-environmental behaviors that require personal sacrifices (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002).

• Locus of Control The locus of control refers to an individual’s perceptions of his/her ability to make a difference with his/her own behavior (Newhouse 1990). People with a strong internal locus of control believe that their behaviors can make a difference (Figs. 3.9 and 3.10).

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Fig. 3.9 A young kid with a strong internal locus of control believes that his/her behaviors can make a difference or his/her behaviors can change the world. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

On the other hand, people with a strong external locus of control view their actions as insignificant, and they feel that change must be achieved by powerful people (this is also a kind of blame shifting). People with a stronger external locus of control are much less likely to engage in pro-environmental behaviors because they feel that “this will make no difference.” • Responsibilities and Priorities A sense of responsibility is determined by values and attitudes and is influenced by the locus of control (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002). People prioritize their responsibilities. For many, the most important thing is their own and their family’s happiness, so when a pro-environmental behavior is on their list of priorities, the motivation for the behavior is strong, such as buying organic food for the sake of their own health and that of their family. But if the pro-environmental behavior is not on their list of priorities, they are unlikely to engage in it.

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Fig. 3.10 If the motivation for pro-environmental behaviors is stronger, a college student can guide young children to clean up cigarette butts on the streets of Taipei for the sake of their own health and that of their family and community as a part of their list of priorities. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

3.4 Conducting Studies on Environmental Literacy After conducting the aforementioned literature review, it was found that environmental literacy includes all factors, such as knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, in the so-called initial linear model of pro-environmental behavior. And secondary factors under the main factors, knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, were described in detail. However, in terms of behavioral development, environmental literacy only provides the concept of a “continuum”; that is, environmental literacy in different stages of the nominal, functional, and operable, and different factors and different behaviors may develop. But how the stages evolve has not been described, and how the various factors under knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors interact with each other has not been explored. Interactions between factors are a focus of research on pro-environmental behavior, and many theoretical frameworks were developed to try and explain the pathways in which pro-environmental behaviors occur. But because proenvironmental behavior is extremely complicated, there is still no clear answer to resolve the attitude-behavior gap of pro-environmental behavior. However, according

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to a literature review, it was found that there are many factors common to both proenvironmental behaviors and environmental literacy, and most of these factors are important internal factors behind pro-environmental behaviors. But the concept of environmental literacy is rarely mentioned in studies on pro-environmental behavior. Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) pointed out that although the theory of pro-environmental behavior has vigorously developed, governments and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) still use early linear theories to plan policies, development strategies, advocate activities, and conduct educational programs. However, researchers have argued that it is better to say that the strategic basis of government and NGOs is closer to the concept of “environmental literacy” rather than to say that their strategic basis is an “early linear theory” of pro-environmental behavior. After all, research on pro-environmental behaviors contains a large number of internal and external factors that cannot be changed using education or promotional work. Instead of allocating resources to factors which cannot be changed, in proenvironmental behavior theories, it is better to focus on environmental literacy factors that can more or less affect pro-environmental behaviors, although this is equivalent to spreading a large amount of knowledge, which is the so-called educational method based on “early linear theory.” Researchers have not paid much attention to the subtle relationship between environmental literacy and pro-environmental behavior. Maybe they actually have provided a framework that allows environmental educational work to be carried out effectively regardless of the extremely complex structure of proenvironmental behavior? In other words, if environmental literacy is used as a framework, the proenvironment behavioral structure can be simplified and included in the scope of environmental literacy. In this way, some external factors of pro-environmental behaviors can be eliminated, but these external factors are highly dependent on external influences, and so cannot easily be changed through education. The factors affecting environmental literacy are obviously those factors that have large impacts on pro-environmental behaviors. If interactions between the factors behind proenvironmental behaviors in the framework can be clarified under the framework of environmental literacy and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors in the framework can be eliminated, perhaps significant progress can be made within the controllable scope of environmental education. Therefore, this book attempts to develop subsequent research designs based on this concept.

3.4.1 Research Contents in Environmental Literacy Following a summary of the literature review, the blueprint for this book is that environmental literacy will be used as a framework for the purpose of simplifying the complex structure of pro-environmental behavior. In this way, some external factors of pro-environmental behavior can be eliminated, but these external factors are highly dependent on external influences and cannot easily be changed through

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education. Because many factors in environmental literacy are the same as those with a big impact behind pro-environmental behaviors, if interactions between the factors behind pro-environmental behavior can be clarified under the framework of environmental literacy and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors in the framework can be eliminated, perhaps significant progress can be made within the controllable scope of environmental education. In Taiwan, researchers found that there is a lack of comprehensive literature reviews, content analyses, and meta-analyses of research in the field of environmental literacy and pro-environmental behavior, and a lack of localized collation and study of influential factors behind pro-environmental behaviors. Therefore, in order to conduct research in Taiwan as described above, it is necessary to clarify the definitions and scopes of pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy, and conduct a comprehensive content analysis of Taiwan’s literature on pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy. This prompted the research questions in this book: What is the relationship between environmental literacy and pro-environmental behavior?” and “What are the structure of and barriers to pro-environmental behavior in Taiwan?

Therefore, this book consists of two parts. For the first part, a content analysis method will be carried out based on domestic and foreign research on environmental literacy, pro-environmental behaviors, and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors to clarify the similarities, differences, and relationships among the three. For the second part, a scale for measuring barriers to pro-environmental behavior is developed to find a method that can be used to measure and test the barriers to pro-environmental behaviors in the framework of environmental literacy.

3.4.2 Research Methods In order to understand the structure of pro-environmental behaviors in Taiwan and find a method to measure barriers to pro-environmental behavior in the framework of environmental literacy, I carried out research using qualitative and qualitative methods which is reported in this book. I describe qualitative research interviews, quantitative research, scale development, and construction of some theories in the following chapters.

3.4.2.1

Expert Interviews

After the foregoing content analysis, the expert interview method was used to further understand the structure of and barriers against pro-environment behaviors in Taiwan. Results of the content analysis in the previous section of this book are reexamined by means of interviews with experts and scholars who have in-depth research or practical teaching experience in environmental education, to gain a deep and effective understanding of the structure of pro-environmental behaviors, environmental

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literacy, and social norms in Taiwan. The interview data obtained were analyzed with NVivo 12 software (© QSR International) as the basis for subsequent scale development.

3.4.2.2

Quantitative Research, Scale Development, and Theory Construction

After setting up the research hypothesis, the scale development method and process published by Seiders et al. (2007) were used to construct questionnaire items, conduct an expert review and expert pretest, an exploratory factor analysis (EFA), and a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), and validate the model theory. Finally, measurements were conducted using a questionnaire survey. The design process of the research tools is presented in the following points. • Construct Questionnaire Items After confirming the research structure model diagram, a suitable pro-environment behavior scale was found and selected from existing research. At the same time, questionnaire items were constructed based on analytical results of the pro-environment behavior, environmental literacy and pro-environment behavior contents described in the previous section, and the following steps were established. • Expert Review and Expert Pretest After the questionnaire sets were constructed, the questionnaire and scale were reviewed by a research team of five experts, who filled out the questionnaire in person to confirm its validity. • Questionnaire Pretest After a distribution method was selected, the expert-reviewed questionnaires were distributed for a pretest. After the questionnaires were collected, IBM SPSS Statistics 23 (SPSS v. 23) (IBM Knowledge Center) software was used to conduct a reliability analysis and exploratory factor analysis to confirm Cronbach’s α value of the questionnaire and the degree of dimension convergence, and the questionnaire items were adjusted based on the analytical results. • Distribution of the Formal Questionnaires After the pretest was analyzed, the design of the formal questionnaire was completed, and the questionnaires were distributed and collected after the distribution method and quantity were determined.

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Box 3.2: How to Read the Statement of Research and Analysis? The returned questionnaires were analyzed using SPSS 23 software and Lisral 9.2 structural equation software for the following analyses (Jöreskog and Sörbom 2015). • Descriptive Statistics Descriptive statistics were conducted on background variables, and a preliminary quantitative analysis of the returned questionnaires was conducted. • Exploratory Factor Analysis SPSS vers. 23 was used to carry out a principal component analysis and exploratory factor analysis of the returned questionnaires, to confirm whether the grouping of the question items and the degree of convergence and integration of dimension met applicable standards. • Correlation Analysis Correlations between barriers to pro-environmental behavior and background variables and other possible dimensions were examined. • Confirmatory Factor Analysis Lisral 9.2 was used to conduct a confirmatory factor analysis, to confirm whether the factor compound quantity and goodness of fitness of the survey variables and latent variables met applicable standards. • Model Theory Verification Lisral 9.2 was used to conduct a path analysis of barriers to environmental behaviors and other possible dimensions of the structural model in this book, and test the goodness of fit of the overall model to verify the validity of the structural models and hypotheses of this book. • Variation Test Differences in pro-environmental behaviors based on different background variables were examined.

• Discussion of Results After completing the foregoing analyses, collating the research results, and conducting related discussions, comparisons with the literature, and the content analysis described in the previous section, Taiwan’s pro-environment behavior structure and barriers were confirmed, and the research conclusions are presented.

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3.4.3 Results of the Studies The purpose of the following studies in this book is to explain how environmental literacy can be used as a framework to simplify the structure of pro-environmental behaviors. If interactions between factors behind environmental behaviors in the framework can be clarified under the framework of environmental literacy, and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors in the framework can be eliminated, significant progress can be made within the controllable scope of environmental education. The analyses described in this book were carried out to clarify the definitions and scopes of pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy, so that the literature on pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy can be comprehensively understood. The development of a pro-environmental behavior scale can help us find a method to measure and test pro-environmental behaviors under the framework of environmental literacy, and further understand the structure of and barriers to pro-environmental behaviors. Ultimately, it is hoped that further exploration of environmental literacy and pro-environmental behavior can help us establish a theoretical structure of pro-environmental behavior, clarify barriers to pro-environmental behavior and the attitude-behavior gap, and propose possible solutions. The in-depth reanalysis of environmental literacy is a necessary basis of research for academic purposes. However, in the field of environmental literacy research, there is a lack of comprehensive literature reviews and research on content analyses of the literature. At the same time, there is a lack of localized collation and research on factors influencing pro-environmental behaviors. Therefore, this book also aims to make a contribution to the research fields of pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy, in the hope that the research results are worthy of publication, are published in a journal style, and can be real help to actors and researchers concerned with environmental education.

3.5 Summary Environmental education has been promoted in Taiwan for more than two decades. As to academic research in related fields, teaching materials and methods of the environmental education curricula and pro-environmental behavior are two major research topics, both of which touch on the so-called attitude-behavior gap (Blake 1999). Pro-environmental behavior is a goal to which both environmental movements and environmental education attach great importance, but the structure of proenvironmental behavior is very complicated. In previous studies, there were many different structural models and factors that were believed capable of explaining the generation of pro-environmental behaviors. Although a dozen theoretical frameworks have been developed, there are still no clear solutions to removing barriers to pro-environmental behavior and the related gap (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002).

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Environmental literacy is also widely regarded as the main goal of environmental education (Roth 1992). Environmental literacy actually includes many important factors affecting pro-environmental behavior, and includes all factors, namely knowledge, attitudes, and behavior, in what is called the linear model in the early stage of pro-environmental behavior. However, in research on pro-environmental behavior, it is rare to see environmental literacy mentioned. Therefore, this book contains research based on the two aspects of pro-environmental behavior and environmental literacy, in the hope that I can establish a theoretical structure of pro-environmental behavior, clarify barriers to pro-environmental behavior and the gap between environmental attitudes and pro-environmental behavior, and propose possible solutions through further exploration of environmental literacy.

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Levenson H (1973) Perception of environmental modifiability and involvement in antipollution activities. J Psychol 84(2):237–239 Liang S-W, Fang W-T, Yeh S-C, Liu S-Y, Tsai H-M, Chou J-Y, Ng E (2018) A nationwide survey evaluating the environmental literacy of undergraduate students in Taiwan. Sustainability 10:1730. https://doi.org/10.3390/su10061730 Liao Y, Ho SS, Yang X (2015) Motivators of pro-environmental behavior: examining the underlying processes in the influence of presumed media influence model. Sci Commun 38(1):51–73 Lindenberg S, Steg L (2007) Normative, gain and hedonic goal frames guiding environmental behavior. J Soc Issue 63(1):117–137 Liu S, Chiang Y-T, Tseng C-C, Ng E, Yeh G-L, Fang W-T. (2018) The theory of planned behavior to predict protective behavioral intentions against PM2.5 in parents of young children from urban and rural Beijing, China. Int J Environ Res Public Health 15(10):2215. https://doi.org/10.3390/ ijerph15102215 Markus HR, Kitayama S (1991) Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychol Rev 98(2):224–253 McKenzie-Mohr D (2011) Fostering sustainable behavior: an introduction to community-based social marketing. New society publishers, Gabriola Island, BC, Canada McKnight M (1990) Socialization into environmentalism. In: Simmons D, Knapp C, Young C (Eds) Setting the environmental education agenda for the 90 s. North American Association for Environmental Education: Troy, OH, USA, pp 135–140 Moisander J (2007) Motivational complexity of green consumerism. Int J Consum Stud 31(4):404– 409 Moser G, Pol E, Bernard Y, Bonnes M, Corraliza JA, Giuliani V (2002) People, places, and sustainability. Hogrefe Publishing, Boston, MA, USA Næss A (1990) Ecology, community and lifestyle: outline of an ecosophy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK Narayanan V (2001) Water, wood, and wisdom: ecological perspectives from the Hindu traditions. Daedalus 130(4):179–206 Newhouse N (1990) Implications of attitude and behavior research for environmental conservation. J Environ Educ 22(1):26–32 Palmer JA (1993) Development of concern for the environment and formative experiences of educators. J Environ Educ 24(3):26–30 Peterman KE, Foy GP, Cordes MR (2018) Climate change literacy and education: social justice, energy, economics, and the paris agreement, vol 2. American Chemical Society, Washington DC, USA Pettus AM, Giles MB (1987) Personality characteristics and environmental attitudes. Popul Environ 9(3):127–137 Pinto DC, Nique WM, Añaña EDS, Herter MM (2011) Green consumer values: how do personal values influence environmentally responsible water consumption? Int J Consum Stud 35(2):122– 131 Preuss S (1991) Umweltkatastrophe Mensch: Über unsere Grenzen und Möglichkeiten, ökologisch bewusst zu handeln. R. Asanger: Kröning, Germany Rabinovich A, Morton TA, Postmes T, Verplanken B (2009) Think global, act local: The effect of goal and mindset specificity on willingness to donate to an environmental organization. J Environ Psychol 29(4):391–399 Rajecki D (1982) Attitudes: themes and advances. Sinauer Associates Inc, Sunderland, MA, USA Rassool N (1999) Literacy for sustainable development in the age of information. Multilingual Matters, Bristol, UK Roth CE (1968) Curriculum overview for developing environmentally literate citizens. Massachusetts Audubon Society, Lincoln, MA, USA Roth CE (1992) Environmental literacy: its roots, evolution and directions in the 1990s. ERIC Clearinghouse for science, mathematics, and environmental education: Columbus, OH. USA

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Rotter JB (1966) Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement. Psychol Monogr Gen Appl 80(1):1–28 Scannell L, Gifford R (2010) The relations between natural and civic place attachment and proenvironmental behavior. J Environ Psychol 30(3):289–297 Schwartz SH (1977) Normative influences on altruism. In: Leonard B (ed) Advances in experimental social psychology, vol 10. Academic Press, New York, USA, pp 221–279 Seiders K, Voss GB, Godfrey AL, Grewal D (2007) Servcon: development and validation of a multidimensional service convenience scale. J Acad Market Sci 35(1):144–156 Shamos MH (1989) Views of scientific literacy in elementary school science programs: Past, present, and future. In: Champagne AB, Lovitts BE, Calinger BJ (eds) Scientific Literacy. American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington DC, USA, pp 109–127 Stern PC, Dietz T, Abel TD, Guagnano GA, Kalof L (1999) A value-belief-norm theory of support for social movements: the case of environmentalism. Hum Eco Rev 6(2):81–97 Stibbe A (2009) The handbook of sustainability literacy: skills for a changing world. UIT Cambridge Ltd, Cambridge, UK Synodinos NE (1990) Environmental attitudes and knowledge: a comparison of marketing and business students with other groups. J Bus Res 20(2):161–170 Teisl MF, O’Brien K (2003) Who cares and who acts? outdoor recreationists exhibit different levels of environmental concern and behavior. Environ Behav 35(4):506–522 Thøgersen J (2006) Norms for environmentally responsible behaviour: an extended taxonomy. J Environ Psychol 26(4):247–261 UNEP (1978) Declaration of the Tbilisi intergovernmental conference on environmental education. Intergovernmental Conference on Environmental Education, ED/MD/49. UNESCO: Paris, France White L (1967) The historical roots of our ecologic crisis. Science 155(3767):1203–1207

Chapter 4

Environmental Governance

4.1 Introduction When I worked at the Taiwan Environmental Protection Administration (EPA) between 1994 and 2006, I established excellent quantification techniques to serve as basic tools to analyze environmental problems. For instance, the composite assessment phase of environmental issues classifies three types of assessment indices: individual, combined, and comprehensive. They can also be classified by the impact contents to present four major elements of the living environment: safety, health, comfort, and convenience. However, I discovered that administrators everywhere found that their hands were tied by environmental protection regulations, and sometimes I felt frustrated during the actual execution of countermeasures or environmental management planning after the assessment stage, as the preventive function was often negated or ignored by local agencies and/or municipal governments. What I am trying to do in this study is to highlight that many distorted visions of the findings were due to operations lacking a very broad understanding from literature reviews, especially from Asian countries. Recently, local jurisdictions in Asian countries such as municipal governments have often been associated with high levels of administrative inefficiency and are easily swayed by lobbying, which can compromise effective enforcement of environmental regulations. Most theories of comparative public administration focus on national institutions as the unit for analysis of effective policy-making, and there is a serious lack of studies on local public administration. This paucity of local analyses is a deficiency when considering the question of strengthening local government administration, or as Wawrzyniak put it, moving from “incompetence into competence” in local public administration (Wawrzyniak 1992). Wawrzyniak argued that government efficiencies should be strengthened with the objective of changing their administrative “structures.” The relationship between administrative decentralization and administrative efficiency has long been debated in many developing countries. But until recently, this © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_4

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issue was seldom examined in the context of Asian political systems (with the exception of Rondinelli 1991; Westergaard and Alam 1995; Tang et al. 1998; Erkip 2000; Hsu 2003; Olowu 2003; Hsu 2004; Firman 2010; Wu et al. 2020). Many authors assumed that local governments, by virtue of their proximity to local citizens, are more sensitive to local affairs than are central governments. Some authors, however, have challenged this assumption. For example, Smith (1985) argued that decentralization across many levels of government institutions might not enhance administrative efficiency, but could rather lead to bureaucratic complexity due to the imposition of unnecessary procedures and institutions and a failure to institute adequate administrative transparency (McBeath 2000; Seim and Soreide 2009). Beyer (2006) also argued that China went through a difficult process in regard to local protectionism from centralization to decentralization beyond effective environmental protection. These issues arose from local institutions having insufficient manpower, resources, and authority, and a lack of coordination among institutional actors in protecting the environment (Jahiel 1998; Hicks and Dietmar 2007). For example, the Chinese government, i.e., the People’s Republic of China or PRC, increased the number of local inspection agencies and their staff to a total of 54,698 people working in environmental monitoring and auditing at the local level (Luc Stevens et al. 2013). However, local agencies usually form “alignments of interests” with polluters in the course of enforcing their duties (Guo and Zheng 2012). Wu et al. (2020) wrote: “…results indicate that environmental decentralization and environmental administrative decentralization play significant roles in promoting regional green development, but environmental supervision decentralization and environmental monitoring decentralization have negative impacts on regional green development.” They insisted, “…environmental supervision decentralization has a negative impact on regional green development,” and explained the evidence based on the calculation of the green total factor productivity of 30 provinces in China from 2005 to 2016 (Wu et al. 2020). Traditional political theory suggests that by opening new opportunities and back doors for corruption, decentralization might adversely impact the quality of governance (Batterbury and Fernando 2006). In some Asian countries, local interests are inherently intertwined with local representatives, factions, and clans, resulting in complex kinship relationships as family members vie to become local representatives and township leaders. Such nepotistic relations may contribute to bribery and corruption aimed at winning elections. A case in point is Taiwan’s (Republic of China or ROC) local environmental inspection systems. In general, environmental inspectors, even at the local level, have enforcement authority under auspices of the central government. This is a difficult work. Inspectors must ensure that manufacturing facilities and construction companies comply with national environmental regulations. Many routine inspections are potentially dangerous, exposing inspectors to threats and attacks from local kinship alliances in cases where inspectors find serious violations. Local environmental inspectors are the first line of defense for achieving substantial environmental protection beyond procedural justice to secure “the fairness of the decision-making processes” (Walker 2010). However, various academic studies have pointed to the

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true vulnerability of such inspectors as agents of change. The complex politics and systems of influence affecting the status of many polluters and polluting sources may well tax the knowledge, training, and professional understanding of even the hardestworking and most dedicated environmental inspectors. Environmental inspectors may thus be at risk of succumbing to various sources of influence that constrain their ability to apply environmental standards and rules (Fredriksson et al. 2010). In this chapter, I consider two core factors, collusion and collusive profits, that affect government efficiency in enforcing antipollution regulations. Damania and Fredriksson (2000) showed that political lobbies and interest groups often take advantage of these two factors. It is not surprising that economic lobbying groups often bring pressure to bear on local governments to avoid penalties and fines. A study by Salamon and Siegfried (1977) found that large-scale industries are less successful in engaging in such under-the-table influence. On the other hand, it seems that smaller industries located in sparsely populated places on marginal land may well be more likely to be collusive. The reason is that the opportunity costs for polluters to illegally dump toxic waste or discharge sewage on marginal land are considerably lower than those in high-density areas where the risk of being caught by police or inspectors is higher. This study empirically examines the problem of local-level environmental enforcement in Taiwan from 2000 to 2008, the beginning decade of the twenty-first century. I selected this period to survey the performance of environmental inspectors as it coincides with the era of the Chen Shui-bian government (2000–2008) which marked the first peaceful transfer of power from the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) party to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) since Taiwan’s democratic reforms began in the 1990s (Chen 2003; Niou and Paolino 2003; Tan et al. 1996). In 2008, the KMT regained political power, and in 2016 the DPP one again took the reins of political power by democratic means, indicating Taiwan had succeeded in instituting stable democratic rule. Environmental reforms during and following the Chen administration provide a useful opportunity to study the process of local-level environmental enforcement in Taiwan with an eye to discerning policy differences between different political administrations at the national and local levels under DPP and KMT rules. Comparing case samples of enforcement actions in 23 administrative units under these two political parties allows us to control for potential political bias arising from partisan governance.

4.2 Defining Local Environmental Governance in Taiwan At 36,193 km2 in areal extent, Taiwan is similar in size to the Netherlands (Fig. 4.1). Officially known as the Republic of China (ROC), Taiwan is densely populated (Fig. 4.2), with a population of 23.78 million or 652 persons/km2 in 2020. Due to the scarcity of energy resources and imperatives of economic growth, this island nation has suffered heavy environmental loadings and tight carrying capacity since the 1960s due to the rapid development of high-density manufacturing industries

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Fig. 4.1 Taiwan is similar in size to the Netherlands, with a population of 23.78 million or 652 persons/km2 in 2020. Illustrated by Yi-Te Chiang

and the growth of motor vehicle ownership (Tseng et al. 2009), along with intensive agricultural operations such as pig farming (Liou and Yu 2004; Lynos 2005; Liou et al. 2006). At the end of 2008, Taiwan had 77,640 registered factories. In recent years, up to 6% of these factories have been shut down due to frequent infractions of Taiwan’s air, water, and waste pollution laws; subsequently, many chose to relocate to China or Southeast Asia (Lo et al. 2010). Even so, Taiwan still features countless illegal small factories. Environmental inspections thus still play a major role in detecting illegal sources of pollution as part of the government’s efforts to promote environmental safety.

4.2 Defining Local Environmental Governance in Taiwan

113

Fig. 4.2 Taiwan is densely populated, with a population of 23.78 million in 2020 or 652 persons/km2 and has suffered heavy environmental loadings and a tight carrying capacity from horizontal expansion in the past few decades. Taipei 101, a super-tall and symbolic skyscraper, illustrates vertical expansion. It was formerly known as the Taipei World Financial Center in Taipei, Taiwan. Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

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The Taiwan Environmental Protection Administration (EPA), ROC, was established in 1987. Four years later, the EPA authorized municipal-level environmental inspection systems which are administered by local Environmental Protection Bureaus (EPBs) (Ho 2004). These local environmental inspection systems oversee citizen petitions alleging environmental nuisances or failures to enforce environmental regulations. The incidences of such petitions have sharply increased in the last decade, rising from 8000 to 18,000 filings per month between 2000 and 2010 (Fig. 4.3). Petitioned issues tend to reflect general public concerns such as excessive noise, piped wastewater discharges, and illegal garbage dumping. Citizen complainants can sign petitions, make complaints online, and link by network reports to the Taiwan EPA 24 h a day. Since listening to citizens’ voices is crucial, this analytical model defines environmental inspection so as to avoid any delays in nuisance control. I created two possible loops based on policy implementation theory as illustrated in Fig. 4.4. The positive feedback loop highlights the value of policy instruments that reinforce sound environmental inspection practices (see the upper solid line in Fig. 4.4). Environmental inspectors are allowed to design their routine work in a manner that enables them to investigate all manufacturing facilities in their jurisdiction. From the perspective of the central government, policy objectives are achieved and linked by policy options, selected policy mechanisms, and procedures for implementation. Implementation is a key to achieving environmental policy objectives. However, some local environmental officers complained of “those who make bricks without straw” (from interviews with anonymous officers in December 20, 2010). The design

Fig. 4.3 Cases of citizen petitions, 2000–2010. Data courtesy of the Environmental Protection Administration (EPA), Taiwan, Republic of China, from Environmental Information at: www.epa. gov.tw. Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang, all rights reserved

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Fig. 4.4 An environmental inspection system framework emphasizing implementation of environmental policies with two possible feedback loops. The two possible loops are based on policy implementation theory as illustrated. The positive feedback loop highlights the value of policy instruments that reinforce sound environmental inspection practices (see upper solid line), while an inefficient enforcement structure might create a negative feedback process, resulting in a failure of local authorities to enforce national policy objectives (see lower solid line). Illustrated by Wei-Ta Fang, all rights reserved

of policy instruments should be based on knowledge of local conditions (de Bruijn and ten Heuvelhof 1998). An inefficient enforcement structure might create a negative feedback process, resulting in local enforcement failing to adequately implement national policy objectives (see the lower solid line in Fig. 4.4). Successful local environmental enforcement of central government environmental policies depends on five implementation measures: statutory authority, laws, funding, human resources, and technology. These five components are seen as intrinsic factors associated with government policy innovations. However, local kinship ties and selfinterest impose external and/or negative anthropogenic influences as local actors seek to protect the interests of their own clans. Local councilors might lobby inspectors to protect polluters from legal or social sanction, and the effectiveness of local environmental inspections in Taiwan seems to be disproportionately affected by these often-neglected anthropogenic (or social) systems. Box 4.1: Factors associated with successful local enforcement of central government environmental policies In this chapter, I am mainly concerned about the authorities, laws, funding, human resources, technologies, and other factors that influenced the effectiveness of Taiwan’s environmental inspection

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Fig. 4.5 Technologies refer to the facilities (hardware) and knowledge (software) deployed as policy instruments Photograph by Wei-Ta Fang

systems in 2000–2008. The key challenge is evaluating the five elements that affect local environmental enforcement so as to identify other, less-quantifiable influences on environmental inspections. The aforementioned components serve as independent variables, whereas inspection objectives serve as dependent variables for the statistical analysis. Relationships among variables do not always take the form of clearly linear correlations, and residual influences may stem from external factors, i.e., anthropogenic influences, etc. • Administrative Effectiveness Public policy implementation depends on the efficiency of the authorities and their subsystems. From an administrative or management perspective, task execution is vital to administrative performance. The choice of implementation objectives and targets and their attainment should contribute to organizational strengthening (Elmore 1978; Ferman 1990). However, factors external to administrative organization are also crucial for effective policy implementation. Degeling and Colebatch (1984) argued that policy implementation cannot be achieved strictly through management control of implementation tools.

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117

• Laws Administrative authority is embedded in the concept of law and order. Legal authority is thus a vital policy tool that both defines legitimate administrative tasks and is essential for gauging task compliance. Since the legitimacy of an authority is based on public right, such authority is diminished in the absence of authorized implementation of rules and practices. In Taiwan, ROC, a democratic country, property rights and human rights are carefully protected by the state apparatus. The introduction of an air pollution control fee, for example, must have a legal basis in Taiwan’s 1995 environmental law or another applicable statute, or the enforcement authority cannot use this tool to achieve environmental objectives. • Funding Financial support is essential for effective policy enforcement. “Adequate funding” is the required amount of funding to achieve an objective as determined by scientific procedures. For instance, measures for investment in tasks can be calculated using the concept of the unit cost required. Since governmental financial resources are inherently limited, appropriate allocation of funds is vital for effective enforcement and policy success. • Human Resources Human resources are required to implement policies. The recruitment of talented persons to perform mandated tasks is a necessary condition for achieving a high level of task performance, thus enabling an organization to fulfill its mandate and meet public policy expectations. Proper personnel expenditures are thus worthy of analytical attention. • Technologies Technologies refer to the facilities (hardware) and knowledge (software) deployed as policy instruments (Fig. 4.5). The emergence and application of new technologies can increase productivity and improve task performance, thus reducing demand on sector budgets while increasing service efficiency, task precision, personnel safety, etc. Policy design should strive to incorporate appropriate new technologies within limited budgets. • Impacts of external and/or negative anthropogenic influences The impacts of external and/or negative anthropogenic influences refer to misleading powers from local groups of representatives and/or politicians and their monopolistic relationships, i.e., kinship clans, on public domains. This

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phenomenon not only reduces public confidence in local government, but also has negative influences on administrative efficiency and social equity.

4.3 Analytical Procedures and Methods I examined the impacts of these aforementioned factors, or independent variables, on local enforcement of environmental rules by the Taiwan EPA. For this purpose, I developed and administered a standard questionnaire intended to gauge administrative resources and practices. The questionnaire was supplemented with in-depth interviews conducted with environmental inspectors charged with local enforcement of national environmental laws. Systematic sampling was applied to detect all 900 legal inspectors from local districts. The questionnaire was elaborate and used a 5point Likert scale with a design of focal symmetrical agree–disagree questions (1 = highly agree to 5 = highly disagree). Areas of inquiry included: (1) Respective responsibilities of central and local government agencies; (2) The frequencies of police power to control pollutant sources; and (3) Reasons for local government authority performance. Specifically, this survey and the interviews focused on environmental inspectors and directors (i.e., secretaries and/or section chiefs) of local environmental protection authorities. I used a targeted personnel search procedure and systematic random sampling to account for the entire national corps of 900 legal inspectors in place between 2000 and 2008. The first such study was conducted beginning in spring 2002 with annual updates through 2008. The survey and interviews were designed to capture the opinions and attitudes of environmental inspection personnel, including technical inspectors, senior inspectors, and their directors from all 23 county/municipal administrative units in Taiwan. At that time, my team successfully identified and interviewed a total of 713 respondents, accounting for approximately 79% of the entire inspector corps prior to 2008. The questionnaires were categorized into three parts composed of the level of authority, laws, funding, human resources, and technologies, as follows: (1) How to define the rights and responsibilities of inspection. (2) How to delineate and control seriously polluted sites and sources. (3) How to define enforcement of inspection rights. The resulting sample was found to be statistically representative across a wide range of administrative questions. Statistical analyses were then conducted using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS v.23) software program (SPSS, Chicago, IL, USA).

4.4 Results of Detecting Insufficiencies and the Powerlessness …

119

4.4 Results of Detecting Insufficiencies and the Powerlessness of Local Environmental Governance in Taiwan The data reported here were collected from 713 (of 900) surveys completed by environmental inspectors serving in Taiwan’s local Environmental Protection Bureaus (EPBs). From this pool of respondents, 50 persons were selected for in-depth faceto-face interviews. The study was designed to provide insights into conditions and attitudes representative of the entire inspector corps distributed across all of Taiwan’s county/municipal administrative units. The descriptive data presented in Tables 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, and 4.4 summarize the respondents’ gender, rank, educational level, years of work experience, etc. Respondents were predominantly male (71%). Due to physical risks inherent in the work, contracted inspectors accounted for 32.7% of the authorized inspectors, followed by junior officers at 30.3%, senior officers at 22.6%, and retained inspectors at 10.5%. Being an inspector requires a high degree of specialized training. In this survey, 50.2% of respondents had earned a junior college diploma, while 29.0% had earned a bachelor’s degree. Only 9.7% listed a high school diploma as their highest level of educational attainment, while 9.1% had earned a master’s degree. The majority (55.3%) of respondents indicated they had substantial work experience (i.e., more than 5 years). As a rule, survey respondents were educated, knowledgeable, and experienced, and were tasked with considerable responsibility. A high proportion of respondents Table 4.1 Frequencies and percentages of gender among environmental inspectors, Taiwan (N = 713) Sex

Frequency

Male

507

71.1

Female

201

28.2

99.3

5

0.7

100.0

713

100.0

100.0

Refused to answer Total

Percentage (%)

Cumulative (%) 71.1

Table 4.2 Frequencies and percentages of ranks studied in environmental inspectors, Taiwan (N = 713) Rank

Frequency

Contracted and retained staff (no rank)

308

43.2

Junior officer

216

30.3

73.5

Senior officer

161

22.6

96.1

28

3.9

100.0

713

100.0

100.0

Refused to answer Total

Percentage (%)

Cumulative (%) 43.2

120 Table 4.3 Frequencies and percentages of educational level attained by environmental inspectors, Taiwan (N = 713)

4 Environmental Governance Educational level Junior high school or less

Percentage (%) Cumulative (%)

7

1.0

1.0

69

9.7

10.7

Junior college 358

50.2

60.9

University

207

29.0

89.9

65

9.1

99.0

7

1.0

100.0

Senior high school

Master’s or higher degree Refused to answer

Table 4.4 Frequencies and percentages of years of work experiences of environmental inspectors, Taiwan (N = 713)

Frequency

Total

713

100

100.0

Work experience as an inspector

Frequency

Percentage (%)

Cumulative (%)

1.96), p < 0.001), ascription of responsibility (df = 7566, two-tailed t = 4.476 > 1.96, p < 0.001), and pro-environmental behaviors (df = 7,566, two-tailed t = 7.169 > 1.96, p < 0.001) between public servants in central and local governments. Personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors were significantly greater for public servants in the central government than their counterparts serving in local governments.

5.3 Results

137

Furthermore, the findings also indicated significant differences in personal norms (df = 7526, two-tailed t = 10.066 > 1.96, p < 0.001), awareness of consequences (df = 7,526, two-tailed t = 8.069 > 1.96, p < 0.001), ascription of responsibility (df = 7526, two-tailed t = 3.638 > 1.96, p < 0.001), and pro-environmental behaviors (df = 7526, two-tailed t = 3.632 > 1.96, p < 0.001) between male and female public servants. Values related to personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors of female public servants were significantly higher than those of male public servants. When comparing between male and female public servants serving in the central government, findings showed significant differences in their personal norms (df = 3378, two-tailed t = 4.281 > 1.96, p < 0.001), and awareness of consequences (df = 3378, two-tailed t = 2.493 > 1.96, p < 0.05). Personal norms and awareness of consequences of female public servants in the central government were significantly higher than those of male public servants. As for public servants in local governments, significant differences were noted in personal norms (df = 4147, two-tailed t = 8.129 > 1.96, p < 0.001), awareness of consequences (df = 4147, two-tailed t = 6.975 > 1.96, p < 0.001), ascription of responsibility (df = 4147, two-tailed t = 2.739 > 1.96, p < 0.01), and pro-environmental behaviors (df = 4147, two-tailed t = 3.395 > 1.96, p < 0.001) between the two genders. Values of personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors were all significantly higher for females than males (see Fig. 5.3). Table 5.1 summarizes the descriptive statistics results for personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors. Overall results showed that most respondents were aged 40–49 years (34.7%), followed by other age groups of 30–39 years (31.6%), younger than 30 years (17%), 50–59 (14.8%), and over 60 years (2%). For public servants in the central government, respondents aged 40–49 years (35.0%) constituted the largest group, followed by the age groups of 30–39 years (29.0%), 50–59 years (19.7%), younger than 30 years (13.0%), and over 60 years (3.2%). As for public servants in local governments, respondents aged 40–49 years (34.4%) and over 60 years (1%) were the largest and smallest groups, respectively. Other age groups included 30–39 years (31.6%), 50–59 years (10.7%), and younger than 30 years (30.0%). Results of the Chi-squared test indicated that a significant difference existed in the age composition between public servants in central and local governments (χ2 = 214.998, p < 0.001). Proportions of age groups of 40–49 years, 50–59 years, and over 60 years for public servants serving in the central government were greater than their counterparts in local governments. In contrast, local governments had higher proportions of public servants aged 30–39 years and younger than 30 years compared to the central government. Table 5.2 provides a brief summary of respondents’ age groups. Regarding academic qualifications (as shown in Table 5.3), overall findings revealed that the majority of respondents were university or junior college graduates (70.5%), followed by high school or lower qualifications (15.8%) and a master’s degree or higher qualifications (13.7%). Most public servants in the central government had university or junior college qualifications (64.1%), followed a master’s

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5 Government Officials

Fig. 5.3 Values related to personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors of female public servants were significantly higher than those of male public servants. Photos by Wei-Ta Fang

4167

Local

4561

Male

60.6

39.4

55.0

45.0

1828

Male

54.1

45.9

2733

Male

SD standard deviation

1415

Female

65.9

34.1

Local government gender

1551

Female

Central government gender

2966

Female

Overall gender

3400

Central

Government type

4.20

4.39

4.39

4.49

4.27

4.45

4.26

4.43

t

p

4.24

0.81

0.69 8.129

0.71

0.64 4.281

0.77

4.18

0.000 4.36

4.40

0.000 4.46

4.27

0.67 10.066 0.000 4.41

0.78

t

p

0.85

0.73 6.975

0.72

0.67 2.493

0.81

0.70 8.069

0.82

3.87

0.000 3.94

3.96

0.013 4.00

3.91

0.000 3.97

3.90

t

p

3.83

3.86

3.95

0.82

3.81

0.77 2.739 0.006 3.89

0.77

0.74 1.670 0.095 3.96

0.80

0.75 3.638 0.000 3.92

0.80

0.15

0.18

0.70

0.66

0.75

0.67

0.75

0.68

Mean SD

p

3.395 0.001

0.389 0.697

3.632 0.000

7.169 0.000

t

Pro-environmental behaviors

0.76 4.376 0.000 3.95

Mean SD

Ascription of responsibility

0.70 10.502 0.000 3.98

Mean SD

Awareness of consequences

0.67 10.340 0.000 4.42

Mean SD

Variable Frequency Percent Personal norms (%)

Table 5.1 Descriptive statistics and variance analysis related to personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors

5.3 Results 139

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5 Government Officials

Table 5.2 Results of the cross-analysis and Chi-squared test in relation to age groups of public servants in central and local governments (N = 7550, with 17 people not responding) Attribute

Age group (years)

Total

χ2

p

214.998

< 0.000

< 30

30–39

40–49

50–59

≥ 60

Central government

433 (13.0%)

986 (29.0%)

1188 (35.0%)

669 (19.7%)

109 (3.2%)

3395

Local governments

837 (20.1%)

1401 (33.7%)

1429 (34.4%)

445 (10.7%)

43 (1.0%)

4155

Total

1280 (17.0%)

2387 (31.6%)

2617 (34.7%)

1114 (14.8%)

152 (2.0%)

7550

Table 5.3 Results of the cross-analysis and chi-square test related to academic qualifications of public servants in central and local governments (N = 7510, with 57 people not responding) Attribute

Academic qualification

Total

χ2

p

185.134

< 0.000

High school or lower

University or junior college

Master’s degree or higher

Central government

560 (16.6%)

2165 (64.1%)

655 (19.4%)

3380

Local governments

626 (15.2%)

3132 (75.8%)

372 (9.0%)

4130

Total

1186 (15.8%)

5297 (70.5%)

1027 (13.7%)

7510

degree or above (19.4%) and high school or lower (16.6%) qualifications. On the other hand, public servants in local governments were predominantly university or junior college graduates (75.8%), followed by high school or lower (15.2%) and a master’s degree or higher (9%) qualifications. Results of the Chi-squared test revealed a significant difference in academic qualifications between public servants in central and local governments (χ2 = 185.134, p < 0.001). Proportions of public servants in the central government who had obtained a master’s degree or above and high school or lower academic qualifications were higher compared to their counterparts in local governments. On the other hand, public servants in local governments had a higher proportion of university or junior college graduates than those in the central government. According to Table 5.4, public servants who had 11–20 years of work experience accounted for 26.1%, followed by 21–30 years (25.9%), less than 3 years (16.1%), 3–5 years (15.3%), 6–10 years (12.5%), and more than 31 years (4%). For public servants in the central government, most of them had 11–20 years (28.3%) of work experience, followed by 21–30 years (26.4%), less than 3 years (15.1%), 6–10 years (13%), 3–5 years (11.7%), and more than 31 years (5.5%). As for public servants

486 (15.1%)

678 (16.9%)

1164 (16.1%)

Local governments

Total

< 3 years

1107 (15.3%)

732 (18.2%)

375 (11.7%)

3–5 years

Years of work experience

Central government

Attribute

905 (12.5%)

488 (12.2%)

417 (13.0%)

6–10 years

1888 (26.1%)

980 (24.4%)

908 (28.3%)

11–20 years

1873 (25.9%)

1027 (25.6%)

846 (26.4%)

21–30 years

287 (4.0%)

111 (2.8%)

176 (5.5%)

≥ 31 years

7224

4016

3208

Total

98.183

χ2

< 0.000

p

Table 5.4 Results of the cross-analysis and Chi-squared test related to the work experience of public servants in central and local governments (N = 7224, with 343 people not responding)

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Table 5.5 Results of items of personal norms Personal norms

Mean

SD

PN1. I have an obligation to cherish the limited resources of the earth

4.38

0.814

PN2. I have an obligation to learn more about the natural environment

4.33

0.832

PN3. I have an obligation to respect the life-sustaining needs, rights, and interests of all living things in the environment

4.26

0.868

PN4. I have an obligation to maintain a good natural environment so that the next generation can have the same life quality

4.38

0.859

Overall personal norms

4.34

0.740

SD standard deviation

in local governments, the category of 21–30 years (25.6%) of work experience had the highest representation, with other categories as follows: 11–20 years (24.4%), 3–5 years (18.2%), less than 3 years (16.9%), 6–10 years (12.2%), more than 31 years (2.8%). When comparing public servants between the central and local governments, a significant difference was found in their years of work experience (χ2 = 185.134, p < 0.001). The findings indicated higher proportions of public servants in the central government had the following work experiences: 6–10 years, 11–20 years, 21– 30 years, and more than 31 years. Conversely, public servants in local governments were better represented by categories of less than 3 years and 3–5 years of work experience. There were four items of personal norms investigated in this study: “I have an obligation to cherish the limited resources of the earth” and “I have an obligation to maintain a good natural environment so that the next generation can have the same life quality” had the highest mean scores, followed by “I have an obligation to learn more about the natural environment” and “I have an obligation to respect the life-sustaining needs, rights, and interests of all living things in the environment.” Results of the reliability analysis showed an internal consistency reliability measurement with a Cronbach’s α value of 0.900 for these items. Table 5.5 presents a brief summary of the results of items of personal norms. Three items related to awareness of consequences were examined, with “I know that the ambient air, noise, and sanitation can have an immediate influence on environmental quality” achieving the highest mean score. This was followed by “I know that the air, noise, and sanitation in the workplace can have an immediate influence on environmental quality” and “I know that climate change will have serious consequences for the global environment.” Results of the reliability analysis revealed an internal consistency reliability measurement with a Cronbach’s α value of 0.922 for the awareness of consequences items. Results of items of awareness of consequences are presented in Table 5.6. Findings for the ascription of responsibility items are displayed in Table 5.7. Among the three items of ascription of responsibility, “I have a responsibility to work with other people in government agencies to improve or solve surrounding

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Table 5.6 Results of items of awareness of consequences Awareness of consequences

Mean

SD

AC1. I know that climate change will have serious consequences for the global environment

4.27

0.837

AC2. I know that the ambient air, noise, and sanitation can have an immediate influence on environmental quality

4.36

0.829

AC3. I know that air, noise, and sanitation in the workplace can have an immediate influence on environmental quality

4.33

0.821

Overall awareness of consequences

4.32

0.770

SD standard deviation

Table 5.7 Results of ascription of responsibility items Ascription of responsibility

Mean

SD

AR1. I have a responsibility to take action to improve or solve environmental problems

3.82

0.927

AR2. I have a responsibility to work with other people in government agencies to improve or solve the surrounding environmental problems.

4.01

0.848

AR3. I have a responsibility to work with environmental groups to improve or solve environmental problems

3.97

0.883

Overall ascription of responsibility

3.93

0.784

SD standard deviation

environmental problems” had the highest mean score (Fig. 5.4), followed by “I have a responsibility to work with environmental groups to improve or solve environmental problems” and “I have a responsibility to take action to improve or solve environmental problems.” The reliability analysis results indicated an internal consistency reliability measurement with a Cronbach’s α value of 0.754 for the ascription of responsibility items. Results (see Table 5.8) indicated that there were two pro-environmental behaviors items of “I pay attention to whether my environment-related behavior is correct” and “I actively study the news and information about environmental conservation” that received the highest and lowest mean scores, respectively. Another item also included: “I implement the concept of environmental friendliness into the work plan for the implementation of official duties.” The reliability analysis results showed an internal consistency reliability measurement with a Cronbach’s α value of 0.829 for items of pro-environmental behaviors.

5.3.2 Correlation Analysis This study used the Pearson correlation mathematical equation as shown below to analyze relationships of age, education level, and work experience of respondents

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Fig. 5.4 “I have a responsibility to work with other people in government agencies to improve or solve the surrounding environmental problems” had the highest mean score for the results of ascription of responsibility items. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

Table 5.8 Results of items of pro-environmental behaviors Pro-environmental behaviors

Mean SD

PEB1. I actively study the news and information about environmental conservation

3.83

0.883

PEB2. I pay attention to whether my environment-related behavior is correct

4.10

0.830

PEB3. I implement the concept of environmental friendliness into the work plan 4.08 for the implementation of official duties

0.826

Overall pro-environmental behaviors

0.719

3.89

SD standard deviation

with personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors.     xy − x y r =    2  2    n x2 − n y2 − x y n



(5.1)

According to results of the correlation analysis shown in Table 5.9, age and work experience of public servants were significantly correlated with personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental

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Table 5.9 Pearson correlation matrix for age, education level, and work experience Variable

PNs

AC

AR

PEBs

Age

0.190***

0.201***

0.110***

0.165***

Educational level

0.044***

0.021

– 0.007

– 0.008

Work experience

0.165***

0.185***

0.096***

1.151***

Note *** p < 0.001, two-tailed. Abbreviations: PNs, personal norms, AC awareness of consequences, AR ascription of responsibility, PEBs pro-environmental behavior

behaviors (p < 0.001). While the education level of public servants was also significantly correlated with personal norms, no relationship was found with awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, or pro-environmental behaviors. As presented in Table 5.10, results of the correlation analysis for public servants in both the central and local governments revealed that the correlation between awareness of consequences and personal norms (r = 0.823) was the strongest, and they were highly correlated. Findings also showed moderate correlations between personal norms and ascription of responsibility (r = 0.585), personal norms and proenvironmental behaviors (r = 0.638), awareness of consequences and ascription of responsibility (r = 0.560), awareness of consequences and pro-environmental behaviors (r = 0.605), and ascription of responsibility and pro-environmental behaviors (r = 0.661). Therefore, all four dimensions in this study were interrelated. For public servants in the central government, results of the correlation analysis (as shown in Table 5.11) suggested that the strongest relationship was between personal norms and ascription of responsibility (H2, r = 0.788). Findings also indicate that moderate correlations existed between awareness of consequences and proenvironmental behaviors (H4, r = 0.639), personal norms and pro-environmental behaviors (H1, r = 0.618), ascription of responsibility and pro-environmental behaviors (H6, r = 0.613), awareness of consequences and ascription of responsibility (H5, r = 0.533), and personal norms and ascription of responsibility (H3, r = 0.511). On the other hand, findings of the correlation analysis (as shown in Table 5.12) for public servants in local governments indicated that personal norms and awareness of consequences (H8, r = 0.846) had the strongest correlation. Results also revealed moderate correlations between ascription of responsibility and pro-environmental Table 5.10 Pearson correlation matrix for personal norms (PNs), awareness of consequences (AC), ascription of responsibility (AR), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs) for public servants in both central and local governments Variable

PNs

PNs

1.000

AC

0.823

1.000

AR

0.585

0.560

1.000

PEBs

0.638

0.605

0.661

Note All p < 0.001 were two-tailed

AC

AR

PEBs

1.000

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Table 5.11 Pearson correlation matrix for personal norms (PNs), awareness of consequences (AC), ascription of responsibility (AR), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs) for public servants in the central government Variable

PNs

PNs

1.000

AC

0.788 (H2)

AC

AR

PEBs

1.000

AR

0.511 (H3)

0.533 (H5)

1.000

PEBs

0.618 (H1)

0.639 (H4)

0.613 (H6)

1.000

Note All p < 0.001 were two-tailed

Table 5.12 Pearson correlation matrix for personal norms (PNs), awareness of consequences (AC), ascription of responsibility (AR), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs) for public servants in local governments Variable

PNs

PNs

1.000

AC

0.846 (H8)

AC

AR

PEBs

1.000

AR

0.592 (H9)

0.632 (H11)

1.000

PEBs

0.658 (H7)

0.705 (H10)

0.714 (H12)

1.000

Note All p < 0.001 were two-tailed

behaviors (H12, r = 0.714), awareness of consequences and pro-environmental behaviors (H10, r = 0.705), personal norms and pro-environmental behaviors (H7, r = 0.658), awareness of consequences and ascription of responsibility (H11, r = 0.632), and personal norms and ascription of responsibility (H9, r = 0.592).

5.3.3 Path Analysis and Structural Equation Model Linear structural relations (LISREL) 9.2 was used to analyze the research hypotheses and measurement dimensions to determine the overall and internal fit of the hypothetical model. Maximum likelihood estimation was applied to estimate model parameters. Various fit indices were used as determination bases to test the overall model fit and are briefly explained as follows. A goodness-of-fit index (GFI) is a measure of fit between a hypothesized model and the observed covariance matrix, in which an index of > 0.90 indicates acceptable goodness of fit. In Eq. (5.2), F is the maximum likelihood discrepancy function, S is the sample variance/covariance matrix, (θ ) represents the variance/covariance matrix implied by the population parameters, and (θ )i denotes the variance/covariance matrix implied by the sample-estimate parameters:

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147

  F S, (θ ) . GFI = 1 −   F S, (θ )i

(5.2)

A comparative fit index (CFI) analyzes the model fit by examining the discrepancy between the data and the hypothesized model, while adjusting for issues of sample size inherent in the Chi-squared test of model fit, where an index of > 0.90 indicates an acceptable comparative fit. In Eq. (5.3), λi is the non-centrality of the independence model, and λk represents the centrality parameter estimates of the estimated model: CFI = 1 −

λk . λi

(5.3)

A root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) index of < 0.080 indicates an acceptable goodness of fit that seeks to avoid issues of sample size by analyzing the discrepancy between the hypothesized model, with optimally chosen parameter estimates, and the population covariance matrix. In Eq. (5.4), χh2 is the chi-squared value of the estimated model, while d f h is the estimated model degrees of freedom:

RMSEA =

  χ2  h −1 d fh n

.

(5.4)

A non-normed fit index (NNFI) is similar to the normed fit index (NFI) but adjusts for model complexity, in which an index of > 0.90 is considered satisfactory. In Eq. (5.5), χi2 is the chi-squared value of the baseline model, d f i denotes the degrees of freedom of the baseline model, χh2 is the chi-squared value of the estimated model, and d f i represents the degrees of freedom of the estimated model: NNFI =

χi2 d fi

− χi2 d fi

χh2 d fh

.

(5.5)

The structural equation model (SEM) results revealed that public servants in the central and local governments had various behavioral paths. The various dimensions of public servants in the central government were analyzed using LISREL 9.2. The results indicated that the value of the GFI model reached 0.973, the value of the CFI reached 0.982, and the value of NNFI reached 0.976. Since all these values were > 0.9, a satisfactory fit was attained. The RMSEA was 0.052, which is an acceptable fit (< 0.06), and the normed chi-squared was 595.04,  3. The factor loading of each item also reached an acceptable standard of ≥ 0.5. The model structure of pro-environmental behaviors for public servants in the central government is illustrated in Fig. 5.5, with a summary of results of hypothesis testing presented in Table 5.13. Results of the path analysis indicated that personal norms of public servants in the central government had a direct influence on proenvironmental behaviors (γ = 0.41, t = 10.747, p < 0.001, standard error (SE) =

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Fig. 5.5 Path diagram of public servants in the central government in perceived norms (PNs), awareness of consequences (AC), attribution of responsibility (AR), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs). The root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) is represented as a statistic to determine the fit with large sample sizes. Note *** p < 0.001

Table 5.13 Results of the hypothesis testing for public servants in the central government Hypothesis

Path

H1

PNs → PEBs

H2

PNs → AC

H3

PNs → AR

H4

AC → PEBs

H5

AC → AR

H6

AR → PEBs

γ

β

t

Outcome

0.41

–

10.747***

Accepted

0.87

–

49.587***

Accepted

0.42

–

9.932***

Accepted

–

0.33

16.432***

Accepted

–

0.20

4.820***

Accepted

0.16

4.439***

Accepted

–

Note *** p < 0.001. PNs, perceived norms, PEBs pro-environmental behaviors, AC awareness of consequences, AR ascription of responsibility

0.038), awareness of consequences (γ = 0.87, t = 49.587, p < 0.001, SE = 0.018), and ascription of responsibility (γ = 0.42, t = 9.932, p < 0.001, SE = 0.042). Therefore, the following three hypotheses were supported by the findings. Hypothesis 1: Personal norms of public servants in the central government affect their pro-environmental behaviors. Hypothesis 2: Personal norms of public servants in the central government affect their awareness of consequences. Hypothesis 3: Personal norms of public servants in the central government affect their ascription of responsibility Furthermore, results showed that the pro-environmental behaviors of public servants in the central government were directly affected by awareness of consequences (β = 0.16, t = 4.439, p < 0.001, SE = 0.035) and ascription of responsibility

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149

(β = 0.33, t = 16.432, p < 0.001, SE = 0.020). Ascription of responsibility was also affected by awareness of consequences (β = 0.20, t = 4.820, p < 0.001, SE = 0.041). Hence, the results supported the three hypotheses below. Hypothesis 4: Awareness of consequences of public servants in the central government affects their pro-environmental behaviors. Hypothesis 5: Awareness of consequences of public servants in the central government affects their ascription of responsibility. Hypothesis 6: Ascription of responsibility of public servants in the central government affects their pro-environmental behaviors Pro-Environmental Behavior Similarly, various dimensions of public servants in local governments were analyzed using LISREL 9.2. Results revealed that GFI (0.971), CFI (0.984), and NNFI (0.979) values were all > 0.9, which indicates a satisfactory fit. The RMSEA was 0.055, which is an acceptable fit (< 0 .060), and the normed chi-squared value was 792.12,  3. The factor loading of each item also reached an acceptable standard of ≥ 0.5. The model structure of pro-environmental behaviors for public servants at the local governments is illustrated in Fig. 5.6, with the summary results of the hypothesis testing presented in Table 5.14. According to the analysis, personal norms of public servants in local governments directly affected their pro-environmental behaviors (γ = 0.48, t = 12.344, p < 0.001, SE = 0.038), awareness of consequences (γ = 0.91, t = 62.959, p < 0.001, SE = 0.014), and ascription of responsibility (γ = 0.60, t = 13.603, p < 0.001, SE = 0.044). Thus, the findings supported the three hypotheses below.

Fig. 5.6 Path diagram of public servants in local governments in personal norms (PNs), ascription of consequences (AC), awareness of responsibility (AR), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs). The root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) represents a statistic to determine the fit with large sample sizes. Note ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001

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Table 5.14 Results of hypothesis testing for public servants in local governments Hypothesis

Path

γ

β

t

Outcome

H7

PNs → PEBs

0.48

–

12.344***

Accepted

H8

PNs → AC

0.91

–

62.959***

Accepted

H9

PNs → AR

0.60

–

13.603***

H10

AC → PEBs

–

0.01

0.304

Rejected

H11

AC → AR

–

0.11

2.592**

Accepted

H12

AR → PEBs

–

0.43

22.939***

Accepted

**

Accepted

***

Note p < 0.01; p < 0.001. PNs personal norms, PEBs pro-environmental behaviors, AC awareness of consequences, AR ascription of responsibility

Hypothesis 7: Personal norms of public servants in local governments affect their pro-environmental behaviors. Hypothesis 8: Personal norms of public servants in local governments affect their awareness of consequences. Hypothesis 9: Personal norms of public servants in local governments affect their ascription of responsibility Although results indicated that ascription of responsibility (β = 0.43, t = 22.939, p < 0.001, SE = 0.019) had a direct impact on pro-environmental behaviors of public servants in local governments, there was no evidence that awareness of consequences (β = 0.01, t = 0.304, p > 0.05, SE = 0.036) had a similar effect. Hence, “H10: Awareness of consequences of public servants in local governments affects their pro-environmental behaviors” was rejected, whereas “H12: Ascription of responsibility of public servants in local governments affects their pro-environmental behaviors” was accepted. The findings also suggested that ascription of responsibility was directly influenced by awareness of consequences (β = 0.11, t = 2.592, p < 0.01, SE = 0.043), which indicated support for H11: Awareness of consequences of public servants in local governments affects their ascription of responsibility.

5.4 Discussion: Using the Norm Activation Model to Predict Pro-Environmental Behaviors of Public Servants in Central and Local Governments This study adopted the aforementioned norm activation model theoretical framework to investigate how personal norms, awareness of consequences, and ascription of responsibility of public servants in central and local governments in Taiwan affected their pro-environmental behaviors. The extant literature suggests that there is a need to gain a further understanding of the environmental value-action gap of public

5.4 Discussion: Using the Norm Activation Model …

151

servants at different levels (i.e., central vs. local) of the government, and gain insights into key issues in implementing environmental policies. This study has attempted to address this gap by testing personal norms, awareness of consequences, and ascription of responsibility to determine their specific paths and levels of influence on proenvironmental behaviors. Results showed support of and acceptance of 11 (i.e., H1, H2, H3, H4, H5, H6, H7, H8, H9, H11, and H12) of the 12 hypotheses, indicating positive direct relationships. Findings of the differential analysis revealed that public servants in the central government achieved significantly higher scores than their counterparts serving in local governments in the following four dimensions: personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors. In addition, results of the Chi-squared test showed that there were greater proportions of public servants in the central government with higher educational levels, higher seniority, and more work experience than their counterparts in local governments. The correlation analysis also suggested that the four factors of personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors were significantly correlated with age and seniority of public servants. Therefore, any differences in terms of influencing factors and path models between public servants in central and local governments could be attributed to their age and seniority.

5.4.1 Influence of Personal Norms A core component of the norm activation model is personal norms, which are often considered a self-concept or self-cognition of obligations closely related to environmental behaviors and ethics. For public servants in the central government, the findings indicated that their personal norms not only had a significant positive direct effect on their pro-environmental behaviors, but also played an indirect role in influencing pro-environmental behaviors through awareness of consequences and ascription of responsibility. Similarly, personal norms of public servants in local governments had a positive direct impact on their pro-environmental behaviors as well as an indirect effect on pro-environmental behaviors via ascription of responsibility. However, an indirect relationship with their pro-environmental behaviors was not established through awareness of consequences. This study revealed that personal norms had a direct influence on proenvironmental behaviors, which is consistent with findings of previous studies (De Groot and Steg 2009; Harland et al. 2007; Schwartz 1977). The personal norms of public servants in both the central and local governments were identified as key factors influencing their pro-environmental behaviors. An explanation of this could be that having a strong sense of personal obligations towards pro-environmental behaviors in turn generates a higher level of awareness and attitudes that subsequently encourage pro-environmental behaviors. However, a lack of awareness about

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the consequences of environmental issues by public servants in local governments raises important concerns that need to be addressed as a priority in order to enhance their pro-environmental behaviors.

5.4.2 Influence of Awareness of Consequences Awareness of consequences relates to being aware of the impacts of environmental problems, which is associated with environmental behaviors. Findings of public servants in the central government showed that their awareness of consequences had a direct effect on their ascription of responsibility and pro-environmental behaviors. Although the relationship was not significant, it indicated that public servants in the central government were more conscious about environmental issues and their consequences. This might be explained by the fact that public servants in the central government had more extensive experience and more opportunities to handle public-related affairs and policies that affect the nation than their counterparts in local governments. These public servants in the central government were responsible for implementing higher-level strategic policies at a national level. Thus, they were more aware of the effects of environmental problems (both in local and global contexts) which directly affected their ascription of responsibility and pro-environmental behaviors. These findings aligned with previous studies that suggested awareness of consequences could have a positive effect on pro-environmental behaviors (Fransson and Gärling 1999; Stern et al. 1999). In contrast, results indicated that an awareness of consequences by public servants in local governments had no direct influence on their pro-environmental behaviors, and its effect on ascription of responsibility was also relatively weak. Furthermore, findings also revealed that awareness of consequences by public servants in local governments was significantly lower than that of their counterparts in the central government. An explanation to this could be because public servants in local governments mainly deal with operational and administrative tasks when implementing policies assigned by higher-level agencies from the central government. As a result, they lack consideration of a wider range of environmental issues (e.g., global climate change) and are less concerned about surrounding environmental problems.

5.4.3 Influence of Ascription of Responsibility Ascription of responsibility relates to a person’s attitudes toward environmental behaviors and is a major factor influencing pro-environmental behaviors and responsible environmental behaviors (REBs) (Bhattacharyya 2011; Kaiser et al. 1999). Results of this study revealed that personal norms of public servants in central and local governments had a positive effect on their ascription of responsibility, which was a crucial intervening variable in the model. In addition, a direct path was

5.4 Discussion: Using the Norm Activation Model …

153

also evident between ascription of responsibility and pro-environmental behaviors. Several studies also supported a positive direct effect of ascription of responsibility on pro-environmental behaviors (Fransson and Gärling 1999; Stern et al. 1999). Although personal norms and awareness of consequences could lead to proenvironmental behaviors through the meditation of ascription of responsibility by public servants in central and local governments, findings suggest that personal norms had a greater effect on ascription of responsibility than did awareness of consequences. This indicates that personal norms are more influential toward pro-environmental behaviors.

5.5 Implications, Limitations, and Future Research This study examined determinants that influence pro-environmental behaviors of public servants in central and local governments of Taiwan. The findings of this study provide further insights and add to the literature on pro-environmental behaviors, specifically in the under-researched context of public servants at different levels (i.e., central vs. local) of the government. Results revealed that personal norms were the main factors predicting proenvironmental behaviors by public servants in both central and local governments. Findings also indicated that an awareness of consequences by public servants in the central government had a direct effect on their pro-environmental behaviors as well as a significant effect on their ascription of responsibility. On the contrary, awareness of consequences of public servants in local governments had no significant direct effect on pro-environmental behaviors and had only a relatively weak positive influence on ascription of responsibility. Therefore, conducting regular seminars, workshops, and “road shows” for public servants in local governments could help create and improve their awareness of consequences of various environmental issues which they lack due to their daily focus on operational and administrative tasks of implementing environmental policies (Hsu 2003; Huang et al. 2014). In addition, implementation of a mandatory basic environmental education training program through legislation (such as the Environmental Education Act) could address the lack of ascription of responsibility where pro-environmental behaviors might be established through awareness of consequences (Liu et al. 2015; Mokhtar and Deng 2015). Scores on personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors were significantly higher for public servants in the central government than those serving in local governments. The proportions of public servants in the central government with higher educational levels, more seniority, and more work experience were greater than their counterparts in local governments. Personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and pro-environmental behaviors were significantly correlated with age and seniority of public servants. Thus, any variations in terms of the influencing factors and path models between public servants in central and local governments could be a result of age and seniority differences. This is a result of the systematic career path

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structure in which public servants in Taiwan have to first work in local governments, and only after they have acquired higher levels of skills, knowledge, education, and experiences can they be expected to serve in central government agencies. This was an empirical study conducted in Taiwan, and therefore the findings are not applicable to other countries or political systems. Further research is required to provide comparisons between Taiwan and other countries and to determine related similarities or differences. In addition, future research can also be conducted to investigate other factors that influence pro-environmental behaviors (Mokhtar and Deng 2015; Fang et al. 2017, 2018), related issues of implementation of policies by public servants, and other possible effects on behavioral paths.

5.6 Summary This study used the norm activation model to predict pro-environmental behaviors of public servants in central and local governments in Taiwan (Fang et al. 2019). Understanding the environmental value-action gap between public servants in central and local governments is essential for effectively implementing environmental policies; information on this gap is limited in the extant literature. This study adopted the norm activation model to explore pro-environmental behaviors of public servants in central and local governments of Taiwan. In total, 7567 valid questionnaires were collected, and significant differences were evident between public servants in the central (n = 3400) and local (n = 4167) governments in terms of personal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and proenvironmental behaviors. Findings revealed that personal norms were key factors predicting pro-environmental behaviors of public servants in both central and local governments. Results also indicated that an awareness of consequences by public servants in the central government had a direct effect on their pro-environmental behaviors, which in turn had a significant effect on their ascription of responsibility. In contrast, awareness of consequences by public servants in local government had no significant direct effect on their pro-environmental behaviors and had only a weak positive effect on their ascription of responsibility.

Appendix: Questionnaire Gender:  Male;  Female. Age (years):  Less than 30;  30–39;  40–49;  50–59;  60 and over. Academic qualifications: High school or lower; University or junior college; Master’s degree or higher. Work agency:  Central government;  Local government. Years of work experience: Less than 3 years;  3–5 years;  6–10 years;  11–20 years;  21–30 years;  Over 31 years.

Appendix: Questionnaire

155 Strongly disagree

Disagree

Neutral

Agree

Strongly Agree

I have an obligation to cherish the limited resources of the earth I have an obligation to learn more about the natural environment I have an obligation to respect the life-sustaining needs, rights, and interests of all living things in the environment I have an obligation to maintain a good natural environment so that the next generation can have the same life quality I know that climate change will have serious consequences for the global environment I know that that ambient air, noise, and sanitation can have an immediate influence on environmental quality I know that air, noise, and sanitation in the workplace can have an immediate influence on environmental quality I have a responsibility to take action to improve or solve environmental problems I have a responsibility to work with other people in government agencies to improve or solve the surrounding environmental problems (continued)

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(continued) Strongly disagree

Disagree

Neutral

Agree

Strongly Agree

I have a responsibility to work with environmental groups to improve or solve environmental problems I actively study the news and information about environmental conservation I pay attention to whether my environment-related behavior is correct I implement the concept of environmental friendliness into the work plan when implementing my official duties

References Azhar A, Yang K (2019) Workplace and non-workplace pro-environmental behaviors: empirical evidence from florida city governments. Public Adm Rev 79:399–410 Batel S, Devine-Wright PA (2015) critical and empirical analysis of the national-local ‘gap’ in public responses to large-scale energy infrastructures. J Environ Plan Manag 58:1076–1095 Bhattacharyya A (2011) Attitudes towards environmental ascription of responsibility in an emerging economy setting—Evidence from India. J Asia-Pac Cent Environ Ascription Responsib 17:51–74 Bulkeley H, Mol AP (2003) Participation and environmental governance: consensus, ambivalence and debate. Environ Values 12:143–154 Chou Y, Nathan AJ (1987) Democratizing transition in Taiwan. Asian Surv 27:277–299 Clark CF, Kotchen MJ, Moore MR (2003) Internal and external influences on pro-environmental behavior: participation in a green electricity program. J Environ Psychol 23:237–246 De Groot JIM, Steg L (2009) Morality and prosocial behavior: the role of awareness, responsibility, and norms in the norm activation model. J Soc Psychol 149:425–449 Eaton S, Kostka G (2014) Authoritarian environmentalism undermined? Local leaders’ time horizons and environmental policy implementation in China. China Q 218:359–380 Elander I, Montin S (1990) Decentralisation and Control: Central-local government relations in Sweden. Policy Politics 18:165–180 Erkip F (2000) Global transformations versus local dynamics in Istanbul: planning in a fragmented metropolis. Cities 17:371–377 Fang W-T, Ng E, Wang C-M, Hsu M-L (2017) Normative beliefs, attitudes, and social norms: people reduce waste as an index of social relationships when spending leisure time. Sustainability 9:1696. https://doi.org/10.3390/su9101696

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Fang W-T, Ng E, Zhan Y-S (2018) Determinants of pro-environmental behavior among young and older farmers in Taiwan. Sustainability 10:2186. https://doi.org/10.3390/su10072186 Fang W-T, Chiang Y-T, Ng E, Lo J-C (2019) Using the norm activation model to predict the pro-environmental behaviors of public servants at the central and local governments in Taiwan. Sustainability 11:3712. https://doi.org/10.3390/su11133712 Fransson N, Gärling T (1999) Environmental concern: conceptual definitions, measurement methods, and research findings. J Environ Psychol 19:369–382 Harland P, Staats H, Wilke HAM (2007) Situational and personality factors as direct or personal norm mediated predictors of pro-environmental behavior: questions derived from norm-activation theory. Basic Appl Soc Psychol 29:323–334 Hepburn C (2010) Environmental policy, government, and the market. Oxf Rev Econ Policy 26:117– 136 Hsu S-H (2003) Democratization, intergovernmental relations, and watershed management in Taiwan. J Environ Dev 12:455–463 Huang C-W, Chiu Y-H, Fang WT, Shen N (2014) Assessing the performance of Taiwan’s environmental protection system with a non-radical network DEA approach. Energy Policy 74:547–556 Jansson J, Dorrepaal E (2015) Personal norms for dealing with climate change: results from a survey using moral foundations theory. Sustain Dev 23(6):381–395 Kaiser FG, Ranney M, Hartig T, Bowler PA (1999) Ecological behavior, environmental attitude, and feelings of responsibility for the environment. Eur Psychol 4:59–74 Liu S-Y, Yeh S-C, Liang S-W, Fang W-T, Tsai H-M (2015) A national investigation of teachers’ environmental literacy as a reference for promoting environmental education in Taiwan. J Environ Educ 46:114–132 Mokhtar S, Deng Y-S (2015) Identification of key forces influencing sustainable development in Taiwan. J Sustain Dev 8:174–186 Pepper M, Leonard R (2016) How ecotheological beliefs vary among Australian churchgoers and consequences for environmental attitudes and behaviors. Rev Relig Res 58:101–124 Schwartz SH (1977) Normative influences on altruism. In: Leonard B (ed) Advances in experimental social psychology. Academic Press, Cambridge, MA, USA Steg L, Dreijerink L, Abrahamse W (2005) Factors influencing the acceptability of energy policies: a test of VBN theory. J Environ Psychol 25:415–425 Stern PC, Dietz T, Abel TD, Guagnano GA, Kalof LA (1999) Value-belief-norm theory of support for social movements: the case of environmentalism. Hum Ecol Rev 6:81–97 Tang S-Y, Tang C-P (1997) Democratization and environmental politics in Taiwan. Asian Surv 37:281–294 Thøgersen J (2006) Norms for environmentally responsible behaviour: an extended taxonomy. J Environ Psychol 26:247–261 Van Liere KD, Dunlap RE (1978) Moral norms and environmental behavior: an application of Schwartz’s norm-activation model to yard burning. J Appl Soc Psychol 8:174–188 Wilson D (2003) Unravelling control freakery: redefining central-local government relations. The Br J Politics Int Relat 5:317–346 Zeemering ES (2018) Sustainability management, strategy and reform in local government. Public Manag Rev 20:136–153 Zhang Y, Wang Z, Zhou G (2013) Antecedents of employee electricity saving behavior in organizations: an empirical study based on norm activation model. Energy Policy 62:1120–1127

Chapter 6

Farmers

6.1 Introduction Agriculture has traditionally focused on maximizing production yields and profitability, which has more recently been further supported by modern farming technologies (Bohlen and House 2009). This conventional approach to agriculture was developed with limited consideration of the long-term consequences on ecological systems and biodiversity (Nielsen 2007) and as a result has contributed to numerous environmental and health-related issues (e.g., air pollution, greenhouse gas emissions, pesticide contamination). With increasing awareness of environmental issues and the growing number of environmental-related regulations (Rosin 2008), the demand for “greener” and more ecologically friendly farm produce is increasingly evident (Dodd et al. 2008). However, this has given rise to a dilemma for farmers between short-term maximal profitability and the long-term need for preservation of the environment that they depend on for their living. Although farmers play critical roles in contributing toward “greener” agriculture, little is known about their personal motives to engage and exhibit pro-environmental behaviors. This lack of understanding was also reported in prior studies (Wilson 2001), which revealed the need to explore farmers’ attitudes toward the natural environment, which is the key aim of this study. Sustainable agriculture refers to the maintenance of biodiversity management and the use of agricultural systems that do not damage ecosystems (Lewandowski et al. 1999). Sustainable agriculture is seen as an important alternative farming system which in recent years has garnered substantial attention around the world and seeks to ensure profitability as well as food quality and safety (Rigby and Caceres 2001; Feher and Beke 2013). The concept of sustainable agriculture is also expanding through the need to meet consumers’ expectations as well as for agribusinesses to gain a competitive advantage in the marketplace. Although an extant literature review indicated that farmers are generally receptive to changes required for sustainable agriculture and are willing to proactively engage in the process (Casabona et al. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_6

159

160

6 Farmers

2010; Herath 2010), further insights into understanding their intentions are essential. Other studies also investigated several different aspects of sustainable agriculture, such as the relationship between farmers’ quality of life and their attitudes toward sustainable agriculture (Lichtfouse 2010), key factors affecting adoption of sustainable agriculture (Wright 2012), regulations for sustainable agriculture, and costs and benefits related to implementing sustainable agriculture (Tilman et al. 2002; Branca et al. 2013). In Taiwan, there were approximately 555,000 people involved in agricultural production in 2016, and this represented about 2% of the total population. Of these 555,000 farmers, 90% of them are over the age of 40 years, with an overall average age of 62 years. Given changing food consumption patterns and increasing competition, the focus of the country’s agriculture has shifted from traditional farming of staple crops to the production of higher-value commodities targeting specific markets (Fig. 6.1). Such a phenomenon was supported by previous studies (Honnold 1984; Arcury and Christianson 1993; Zhang 1993; Klineberg et al. 1998), which revealed that young people are more concerned about the environment than older people (Fig. 6.2). Thus, this research sought to investigate determinants of pro-environmental behaviors among younger and older farmers in Taiwan. This chapter begins with a discussion of the conceptual framework and the hypotheses proposed for this research study. Next, the materials and methods are outlined, including the participants involved and measures used in this study. Then,

Fig. 6.1 In 2015, Taiwan’s total agricultural production value accounted for an estimated US$14.98 billion; this equates to about 1.7% of the nation’s gross domestic product (ROC Yearbook, accessed on 15 June 2018). Photo by Yi-Te Chiang

6.1 Introduction

161

Fig. 6.2 There are increasing numbers of farmers willing to engage in sustainable agriculture, and this is particularly evident among younger farmers under 40 years of age who have adopted environmentally friendly practices to manage their agricultural production (Wu and Chiu 2000). Photo by Yi-Te Chiang

the data are analyzed, and the findings are presented. These are followed by a discussion and implications of the results, and finally, suggestions are made for further research and conclusions are drawn.

6.2 Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses Social Attribution Theory has been used by researchers to explain reasons behind human behaviors, and this theory suggests that a behavior can be affected by situations that arise from internal and/or external attributions (Kahneman and Miller 1986; Heider 2013). Accordingly, internal attributions are causes of behavior associated with some internal characteristic, and the two key elements involved are (1) perceived behavioral control and (2) personal norms (Fig. 6.3). Perceived behavioral control refers to an individual’s perceived ease or difficulty in performing personal capabilities in order to control external challenges (Ajzen 1985). Personal norms refer to self-concepts and are experienced as feelings of a moral obligation to perform a certain behavior. They are regarded as a type of environmental self-awareness and self-discipline that may be related to the generation of environmental behaviors (Thøgersen 2006). In contrast, external attributions refer to causes of behavior that result from some situations or

162

6 Farmers

Fig. 6.3 Young farmers’ pro-environmental behaviors are directly affected by personal norms and also indirectly by personal and social norms through perceived behavioral control. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

events outside a person’s control. Social norms are considered a major component of external attributions that go beyond attitudes and shape people’s behaviors (Liao et al. 2015). Social norms can be further categorized into subjective norms and descriptive norms. Subjective norms are “the perceived social pressure to perform or not to perform the behavior” in a particular situation, in which the greater the pressure to support or oppose a norm, the stronger the effect of the behavior (Ajzen 1991). In contrast, descriptive norms refer to individuals’ perceived practices of most people, and their influence on human behavior is often unconscious (Cialdini et al. 2006). Figure 6.4 below shows the proposed research framework for this study (Fang et al. 2018). This research uses Social Attribution Theory to investigate the proenvironmental behaviors of younger and older farmers in Taiwan, specifically the impacts of perceived behavioral control, personal norms (internal attributions), and social norms (external attributions) on their pro-environmental behaviors. Therefore, this study proposes the following research hypotheses for investigation. Hypothesis 1 (H1): Social norms affect pro-environmental behaviors of younger farmers. Hypothesis 2 (H2): Social norms affect perceived behavioral control of younger farmers. Hypothesis 3 (H3): Social norms affect personal norms of younger farmers.

6.2 Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses

163

Fig. 6.4 Proposed research framework (Fang et al. 2018)

Hypothesis 4 (H4): Personal norms affect perceived behavioral control of younger farmers. Hypothesis 5 (H5): Personal norms affect pro-environmental behaviors of younger farmers. Hypothesis 6 (H6): Perceived behavioral control affects pro-environmental behaviors of younger farmers. Hypothesis 7 (H7): Social norms affect pro-environmental behaviors of older farmers. Hypothesis 8 (H8): Social norms affect perceived behavioral control of older farmers. Hypothesis 9 (H9): Social norms affect personal norms of older farmers. Hypothesis 10 (H10): Personal norms affect perceived behavioral control of older farmers. Hypothesis 11 (H11): Personal norms affect pro-environmental behaviors of older farmers. Hypothesis 12 (H12): Perceived behavioral control affects pro-environmental behaviors of older farmers.

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6 Farmers

Fig. 6.5 Central Taiwan is one of the main islands of Taiwan’s major agricultural production regions. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

6.3 Materials and Methods 6.3.1 Research Areas This study was conducted in central Taiwan, a vital agricultural output area in Asia. Central Taiwan is one of the main islands of Taiwan’s major agricultural production regions. It features hills, mountains, and plains, with temperate and subtropical climate characteristics and is suitable for the cultivation of various crops, such as rice, vegetables, and fruits (Fig. 6.5). The products of this area are diverse and rich in features. From low-elevation areas to high-elevation mountainous areas of >3000 m, the agricultural products of central Taiwan (as shown in Fig. 6.6) span tropical fruits to temperate crops, vegetables, fruits, tea, and flowers.

6.3.2 Participants In this chapter, a sampling survey was conducted of members of production and marketing groups of farmers’ associations in four administrative regions of central Taiwan, namely Taichung City, Miaoli County, Changhua County, and Nantou County. In Taiwan, farmers are obligated to join local farmers’ associations, which

6.3 Materials and Methods

165

Fig. 6.6 Map of central Taiwan where this research was conducted. Illustration by Yi-Te Chiang

provide insurance, information regarding farming techniques, and bank loan functions, thus forming grassroots agricultural organizations (Benziger 1996). The participants selected for this study were stratified into two age groups (i.e., under 40 years and over 40 years). The rationale for this stratification was based on East Asian Confucian culture, where it is believed that when a person passes 40 years, his/her life is fixed, and it is difficult to process and attain new information, whereas a person under 40 years old is more likely to go through changes and is able to accept new information and ideas. This was supported by Confucius (551–479 BC) who said, “At 40, I had no doubts”. According to the literature (Krejcie and Morgan 1970), at least 384 sample questionnaires should be collected to achieve a confidence interval of over 95%. Therefore, the number of samples collected in the present study needed to exceed 384. My students conducted the questionnaire from August 2016 to February 2017. The size of the farmers’ population in the four administrative regions was 215,196. An

166

6 Farmers

initial random sampling resulted in the selection of 1200 farmers who were then contacted via telephone to seek their participation in the research study. However, only 650 of them agreed to participate in the questionnaire survey. Of the 650 questionnaires issued, 615 were returned for a response rate of approximately 94.61%. Among those questionnaires returned, 89 were invalid. Thus, only the remaining 526 valid questionnaires were analyzed.

6.3.3 Measures Social Attribution Theory regards three key dimensions which influence proenvironmental behaviors: (1) social norms, (2) personal norms, and (3) perceived behavioral control. To improve the rigor and validity of the questionnaire, three experts were invited to examine the construct validity of the questionnaire and review the suitability, semantics, and fluency of the questions. The content of the questionnaire was subsequently revised and organized according to their opinions. Finally, the questionnaire for this study was drafted and used in the actual survey. A five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neutral; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree) was used for measurement in this study. The overall Cronbach’s α of the questionnaire was 0.735, which proved the internal reliability because the value was greater than the required 0.6. In addition, the Kaiser–Meyer– Olkin value was 0.751, belonging to a middle grade of >0.7, and a spherical Bartlett’s test value of 1124.249 was recorded, with p < 0.001. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS v.23) software program was used for all analyses in this study. A frequency analysis was used to determine the key dimensions (social norms, personal norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors) and calculate the total number of occurrences, means, and standard deviation (SD) scores for demographic issues and items. The Pearson correlation technique measured the strength and direction of relationships among these key dimensions. Finally, SmartPLS 2.0 statistical software was used to conduct the path and statistical analyses of this study and predict influences of central Taiwanese farmers’ social norms, personal norms, and perceived behavioral control on their pro-environmental behaviors. Partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) is an exploratory multivariate research method used to establish SEM in studies with small sample numbers.

6.4 Results

167

6.4 Results 6.4.1 Descriptive Statistics As shown in Table 6.1, the overall results of the questionnaire revealed that there were more males (66.7%) than females (33.3%) who participated in the study, which indicates that the agricultural sector in central Taiwan is dominated by males. Of the total 526 participants, 453 (151 females and 302 males) of them were older than 40 years, while the remaining 73 (24 females and 49 males) were younger than 40 years. Participants’ education attainments were as follows: junior high school and below (42.6%), senior high school (37.1%), bachelor’s degree (18.6%), and graduate school (1.7%). The proportion of those with a high school educational level or above was approximately 50%, which is in line with results of a survey of farming households released by the Agriculture and Food Agency in 2014. Most of these farmers specialized in farming, and more than 50% had been engaged in farming for more than several decades, indicating that they had extensive experience in farming to grow crops in the field. Results revealed significant differences between females and males in terms of their social norms (df = 524, two-tailed t = 3.931 > 1.967, p = 0.000), personal norms (df = 524, two-tailed t = 4.431 > 1.967, p = 0.000), perceived behavioral control (df = 524, two-tailed t = 3.015 > 1.967, p = 0.003), and pro-environmental behaviors advantageous to farming (df = 524, two-tailed t = 3.219 > 1.967, p = 0.001). When comparing females and males in the age group of older than 40 years, findings showed significant differences in their social norms (df = 451, two-tailed t = 3.921 > 1.967, p = 0.000), personal norms (df = 451, two-tailed t = 4.057 > 1.967, p = 0.000), perceived behavioral control (df = 451, two-tailed t = 3.228 > 1.967, p = 0.001), and pro-environmental behaviors advantageous to farming (df = 451, two-tailed t = 2.924 > 1.967, p = 0.004). However, there were no significant differences (p values of >0.05) found between females and males in the under-40year age group in their social norms, personal norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors advantageous to farming. When comparing the two age groups (i.e., farmers older than 40 years and those younger than 40 years), significant differences were found in their personal norms (degree of freedom, df = 524, two-tailed t = − 2.403 > 1.96, p = 0.018), and perceived behavioral control (df = 524, two-tailed t = −2.753 > 1.96, p = 0.011). Table 6.2 summarizes results of the analysis of differences between the two age groups’ social norms, personal norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors. In terms of social norms, older farmers consistently attained a higher mean score than younger farmers for all these questions: “My friends recommend that I use pesticides and herbicides to prevent damage caused by pests and weeds”; “my friends around me regularly spray pesticides and herbicides”; and “many farmers spray pesticides and herbicides.” This indicates that older farmers in central Taiwan are

351

Male

302

Male

49

Male

SD standard deviation

24

Female

Farmers younger than 40 years

151

Female

Farmers older than 40 years

175

Female

All

67.1

32.9

66.7

33.3

66.7

33.3

2.47

2.58

2.56

2.83

2.55

2.80

p

2.90

2.87

0.73

3.10

0.55 0.746 0.459 3.43

0.68

0.68 3.921 0.000 3.17

0.69

t

p

3.20

3.16

0.80

3.50

0.68 1.873 0.067 3.60

0.75

0.75 4.057 0.000 3.43

0.76

t

p

3.50

3.48

0.87

3.58

0.71 0.546 0.587 3.88

0.94

0.79 3.228 0.001 3.73

0.94

0.93

0.73

0.94

0.68

0.90

0.68

Mean SD

0.78 3.015 0.003 3.75

Mean SD

p

1.473 0.146

2.924 0.004

3.219 0.001

t

Perceived behavioral control Pro-environmental behaviors

0.74 4.431 0.000 3.45

Mean SD

Personal norms

0.67 3.931 0.000 3.21

Variable Frequency Percent Social norms (%) Mean SD t

Table 6.1 Descriptive statistics related to gender among younger and older farmers for social norms, personal norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors friendly to farming

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6.4 Results

169

Table 6.2 Results of analysis of differences between young farmers and older farmers Farmers younger than 40 years (N = 73)

Farmers older than 40 years (N = 453)

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

df

t

SNs

2.51

0.67

2.65

0.69

524

1.71

0.09

PNs

3.21

0.77

2.97

0.77

524

−2.40

0.02*

PBC

3.53

0.82

3.25

0.90

524

−2.75

0.01*

PEBs

3.68

0.88

3.56

0.84

524

−1.07

0.28

p

SNs social norms; PNs personal norms; PBC, perceived behavioral control; PEBs pro-environmental behaviors *At a level of significance of 0.5, indicating that each dimension achieved a convergent validity level. Although the AVE value of the personal norms dimension was 0.484, it was still greater than the acceptable value of 0.4. The composite reliability (CR) of each dimension was >0.7, indicating that the internal consistency of each dimension met the standard. Cronbach’s α values of social norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors all reached a credible standard of

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6 Farmers

Table 6.8 Analysis of indicators for the average variance extracted (AVE) and composite reliability (CR) of younger farmers aged under 40 years R2

Cronbach’s α

0.74

0.112

0.484

0.68

0.807

0.202

0.56

0.664

0.797

0.329

0.503

AVE

CR

SNs

0.561

0.791

PNs

0.489

PBC PEBs

0.649

SNs social norms; PNs personal norms; PBC perceived behavioral control; PEBs pro-environmental behaviors

Fig. 6.7 Path coefficients of younger farmers aged under 40 years in social norms (SNs), personal norms (PNs), perceived behavioral control (PBC), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs) in the model. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001

≥0.5, and Cronbach’s α of personal norms was 0.4. R2 values of personal norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors were 0.112, 0.202, and 0.329, respectively. Figure 6.7 presents the model structure of pro-environmental farming behaviors among younger farmers. A bootstrapping method was used to obtain t values of these paths and test their significance levels. According to the path analysis, social norms (β = −0.009, t = 0.060) did not directly impact pro-environmental behaviors but instead had a direct and predictive impact on perceived behavioral control (β = 0.319, t = 3.097) and personal norms (β = 0.335, t = 2.552). Therefore, H1 was not supported since there was no evidence of a direct influence of social norms on pro-environmental behaviors of young farmers. However, H2 and H3 were supported since the findings revealed a direct positive influence of social norms on perceived behavioral control and personal norms, which were intervening variables of pro-environmental behaviors. Results also showed that personal norms had a direct effect on perceived behavioral control (β = 0.228, t = 2.053) and proenvironmental behaviors (β = 0.311, t = 2.457). Hence, H4 and H5 were supported since personal norms had direct positive effects on perceived behavioral control

6.4 Results

173

Table 6.9 Analysis of indicators for the average variance extracted (AVE) and composite reliability (CR) for older farmers aged over 40 years R2

Cronbach’s α

0.715

0.190

0.454

0.630

0.767

0.151

0.460

0.621

0.764

0.431

0.399

AVE

CR

SNs

0.55

0.786

PNs

0.469

PBC PEBs

0.618

SNs social norms; PNs personal norms; PBC perceived behavioral control; PEBs pro-environmental behaviors

and pro-environmental behaviors. H6 was also supported because there was clear evidence of the direct positive influence of perceived behavioral control (β = 0.394, t = 3.478) on pro-environmental behaviors. The dimensions of pro-environmental farming behaviors of older farmers were also analyzed using SmartPLS 2.0. As shown in Table 6.9, results indicated that AVE values for social norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors were all >0.5, indicating that each dimension achieved a convergent validity level. While the AVE value of personal norms was 0.469, it was still an acceptable value of >0.4 (Fornell and Larcker 1981). The CR of each dimension was >0.7, indicating that the internal consistency of each dimension met the standard. Cronbach’s α of social norms met the credible standard of ≥0.6, whereas Cronbach’s α values of personal norms and perceived behavioral control both reached 0.4, and Cronbach’s α of the pro-environmental behaviors was 0.35. R2 values of personal norms, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behaviors were 0.190, 0.1513, and 0.431, respectively. The model structure of pro-environmental farming behaviors among older farmers is presented in Fig. 6.8. The bootstrapping method was used to obtain t values of these paths and test their significance levels. Analytical results showed that social norms

Fig. 6.8 Path coefficients of older farmers aged over 40 years in social norms (SNs), personal norms (PNs), perceived behavioral control (PBC), and pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs) in the model. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001

174

6 Farmers

of older farmers had a direct predictive impact on pro-environmental behaviors (β = 0.254, t = 2.898) and personal norms (β = 0.436, t = 4.695) but had no direct impact on their perceived behavioral control (β = 0.107, t = 0.874). Therefore, H7 and H9 were supported since a direct influence of social norms on pro-environmental behaviors and personal norms was established. However, H8 was not supported as there was no evidence of social norms affecting perceived behavioral control. Findings also suggested that there was direct influence of personal norms on perceived behavioral control (β = 0.330, t = 2.163) and pro-environmental behaviors (β = 0.330, t = 3.263), and of perceived behavioral control (β = 0.280, t = 2.406) on pro-environmental behaviors. Thus, H7, H8, and H9 were supported, confirming the positive direct influence of personal norms on pro-environmental behaviors, and perceived behavioral control, which also had an indirect impact on pro-environmental behaviors. Box 6.1: Interviews Targeting Social Norms, Personal Norms, Perceived Behavioral Control, and Pro-environmental Behaviors in Farming Quantitative research can foster understanding of a social phenomenon. However, if we aspire to understand the reasons behind the social phenomenon, we must have a dialog with stakeholders (i.e., farmers), understand the phenomenon, and interpret it. This study aimed to strengthen the explanatory power of the data through in-depth interviews from December 2017 to March 2018 with target groups by selecting eight farmers using a semi-structured interview outline. We asked participants the following two questions: (1) Do you think that younger or older farmers are more likely to engage in pro-environmental behaviors (PEBs)? (2) Would farmers observe and learn from each other to upgrade technologies related to agricultural practices? To confirm the consistency of the final results, we used triangulation to avoid inherent potential bias. The final data on the eight farmers’ interviews were successfully collected. Demographic data are presented in Table 6.10.

Table 6.10 Demographic data of respondents Respondent code

Gender

Age (years)

Educational attainment

Job tenure (years)

C

Male

57

High School

34

H

Male

43

High School

3

K

Male

30

College

3

M

Male

31

College

4

O

Male

44

College

22

Q

Male

56

High School

26

X

Male

68

Primary School

55

Z

Male

56

Junior College

32

6.4 Results

175

• Young farmers have behaviors more advantageous toward farming Observation of the data indicated that if their peers sprayed pesticides to prevent damage caused by pests, farmers felt an incentive to increase agricultural output by also spraying pesticides and herbicides. When we visited rural areas in central Taiwan, observing whether farmers were exercising selfcontrol and not spraying pesticides was difficult. In-depth interviews with eight farmers from December 2017 to March 2018 revealed that the interviewed farmers agreed that younger farmers had more pro-environmental behaviors. We excerpted several of the respondents’ comments and highlighted two viewpoints. The sources of information obtained by younger farmers were relatively new and numerous; thus, their awareness of consequences, perceived behavioral control, and pro-environmental behavior scores related to farming were all higher than those of middle-aged and older farmers. Respondents C171207: Older farmers got ideas from the older generation. Younger farmers learn a lot of new knowledge from the news, books, the Internet…

Respondent H 171207: Because younger farmers’ ideas are relatively new, unlike the older generation’s practices, they pay more attention to the environment, and tend not to destroy the ecology.

The two respondents stated that younger farmers are dissimilar to middleaged and older farmers who inherited existing agricultural methods. This is consistent with the structure of this study. Middle-aged and older farmers tend to be affected by external social norms, which are likely to be methods and values of existing agricultural paradigms. In addition, social norms of younger farmers are behaviors more advantageous to farming beyond spraying pesticides that are not directly affected by the social atmosphere in rural areas. As times change, middle-aged and older farmers have become more deeply ingrained in conventional agricultural practices. Therefore, it is difficult for them to change their agricultural models. Respondent Z171207: Now, because of changing times, entire environmental norms and legal regulations have been advancing. Because younger people receive more new information, and older farmers are likely to have more deep-rooted ideas, it is not easy for them to change their existing behaviors. However, younger farmers tend to be able to absorb some of the government’s new regulations regarding the environment.

In addition, one’s educational background may have been a vital factor affecting pro-environmental behaviors advantageous to farming. Because younger people are mostly university graduates, they may have had superior sources of knowledge.

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6 Farmers

Respondent K171207: I think it is because younger farmers have a higher level of education, and now there are a lot of people graduating from college, so there is a difference between younger and older farmers. Furthermore, now everything is about environmental protection, the Internet is well-developed, and young people get more new information in a faster way, so they have better ways to perform (cultivation).

Results of these interviews indicated that young farmers have a higher acceptance of new ideas and new information than do middle-aged and older farmers; therefore, they are more likely to accept pro-environmental farming practices. In addition, the educational level of young farmers is generally higher than those of middle-aged and older farmers, which indicates the vital influence of education. • Severe problems from pesticide use by middle-aged and older farmers Results of the interviews indicated that the use of pesticides by middleaged and older farmers is severe. The following are excerpts from several respondents. Respondent C171207: The conventional concept has been deeply ingrained and has become a standard operating procedure. Because this is deeply ingrained, on the one hand, we are afraid that pesticides we spray cannot prevent damage caused by pests, or we think that spraying one more time will be more effective. Therefore, we spray pesticides several times and use a little more.

Another point of view is that they were afraid that the yield of agricultural products will be reduced or that the quality of agricultural products will be lower and not sell effectively. Respondent H180210: Older farmers may worry that the overall yield or quality will be affected. Basically, we farmers have an idea that if I spray like this, is the amount I used too little? Is the number of times not enough? They are afraid that the pesticides sprayed are insufficient and consequently the quality and yield will be poorly influenced, so basically old farmers who own fields often use more pesticides than ordinary (farmers) on average.

However, they do not realize that excessive use of pesticides may lead to pesticide residues and harm to the surrounding environment. Various opinions existed regarding the amount of pesticides used by younger farmers and middle-aged and older farmers. Respondent X171207: That is not necessarily true. That does not mean that older famers use more pesticides. They spray pesticides according to pesticide companies’ instructions. Perhaps because older farmers cannot help worrying, they always shoot (spray) more. The younger farmers think it is OK for them to spray sufficient pesticides. They have

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more knowledge of the outside world and feel like this can be enough. It is not necessary… But it is not true that every old farmer sprays too much. It depends on the farmer. Some old experienced farmers do not spray too much either. They just follow the (time) sequence. For example, we shoot (spray) some pesticides every year—not very accurately, but we probably shoot (spray) them in proportion. That depends on what type of disease spreads in each season. Every year after grafting, what will be sprayed? This continues, similar to previous years, and still not very accurately.

From these interviewees, in addition to deep-rooted knowledge, middleaged and older farmers appear to be more likely to think that spraying pesticides achieves higher agricultural quality and maintains yields. When diseases are proliferating, they may have sprayed more pesticides. Younger farmers are more likely to control their use of pesticides or not use pesticides at all because they have more profound knowledge of the harm they cause. • Farmers observe and learn from each other to optimize their techniques related to management operations Results of the interviews revealed that the farmers’ learning networks are diverse and imitable, and exchanges of learning or experience determine whether they use pro-environmental farming practices. Two points of view are presented in the following excerpts: Respondent M180304 did not refuse to study pro-environmental farming practices. You see that others are doing well. Then you may want to learn from them. Some people may never weed. You can go and see their fields. Is their soil different from others’? Or is their yield different? The environment is the same as yours. In the face of a harsh environment, they can overcome that difficulty, and then you may want to learn from them. So, if being pro-environmental can increase the farmers’ income, that means land in other places can become more cultivable. Naturally, we will want to learn from him or her.

However, some farmers who learned how to increase their yield or the prices of their agricultural products did not care whether it was harmful to the environment. Respondent Z180303: Usually, we farmers all join agriculture production and marketing groups, or several farmers close to each other observe and learn from one another. For example, what kind of pesticide is effective in treating a particular kind of pest and what amount? And then, what kind of fertilizer can be used to increase the quality of the fruit harvests.

According to the interview contents of these two respondents, farmers adopt a social learning model of industrial cooperative organizations, such as agriculture production and marketing groups where they learn cultivation and management techniques. This learning method is even more effective for farmers in learning new technologies than that of formal school tools, and when observing and imitating in learning situations, farmers can also accept

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stimulation to respond and subsequently optimize their own cultivation and management techniques. In addition to these social learning networks, norms could have a positive impact on farmers’ agricultural behaviors, by observing and comparing farming methods of other farmers and learning from them. These results are in line with the aim of this study, which suggests that social norms of organic agriculture affect the results of pro-environmental behaviors.

6.5 Discussion This study used Social Attribution Theory to investigate the influence of social norms, personal norms, and perceived behavioral control on pro-environmental behaviors in two age groups (i.e., under 40 years and over 40 years) of farmers in central Taiwan. A literature review indicated that there is a need to further understand farmers’ attitudes toward the natural environment and gain insights to determine if younger farmers are more concerned about the environment than older farmers. This study has attempted to fill this gap by testing social norms, personal norms, and perceived behavioral control to determine the specific paths and levels of influence on pro-environmental behaviors. The findings revealed support of and acceptance of 10 (i.e., H2, H3, H4, H5, H6, H7, H9, H10, H11, and H12) of the 12 hypotheses, indicating positive direct relationships. Overall, younger farmers demonstrated a greater level of proenvironmental behaviors than did older farmers. This finding supports other previous studies (Dietz et al. 1998; Cottrell 2003) which found younger people to be more concerned about the environment than older adults.

6.5.1 Influences of Social Norms The results indicated that social norms not only had a direct impact on the proenvironmental behaviors of older farmers but also played an indirect role in influencing pro-environmental behaviors through personal norms. This can be explained by the social learning model facilitated by industrial cooperative organizations (such as agriculture production and marketing groups). These social learning networks enable farmers to get together to share, support, observe, and learn from one another in order to enhance their cultivation, management, and other agriculture knowledge, techniques, and skills (Fig. 6.9). Thus, social norms shaped by older farmers could potentially have a great impact on pro-environmental behaviors (Willuweit 2009). In contrast, social norms did not have a direct effect on the pro-environmental behaviors of younger farmers. Instead, social norms may indirectly influence proenvironmental behaviors through personal norms and perceived behavioral control. A

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Fig. 6.9 Social learning networks enable farmers to get together to share, support, observe, and learn from one another in order to enhance their agriculture knowledge, techniques, and skills to prevent drought and flooding. Thus, social norms shaped by older farmers could potentially have a great impact on pro-environmental behaviors from harvesting beliefs and rituals. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

possible explanation for this is that younger farmers acquire messages transmitted by social norms, then process them through internalized personal norms and perceived behavioral control, which subsequently change their behaviors. This suggests that younger farmers have a higher level of self-awareness and inner-directed behaviors and are not primarily affected by social norms through social learning networks. This aligns with some previous studies (Carruthers 2002; Carver 2002) that found close associations between self-awareness and inner-directed behaviors in young people.

6.5.2 Influences of Personal Norms Findings indicated that for both younger and older farmers, personal norms not only had a direct influence on pro-environmental behaviors but also had an effect on proenvironmental behaviors through perceived behavioral control. This can be explained by younger farmers being more receptive to new information and innovative ideas about the environment and thus developing their own sense of knowledge and feelings toward environmental behaviors. The findings supported earlier studies about young people being more open to change (Lee 2008; Pickett-Baker and Ozaki 2008) and

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more accepting of new and innovative ideas (Ottman et al. 2006; Lee 2009) than older people on pro-environmental products. On the other hand, conventional agricultural practices and values are deeply ingrained in older farmers, which guides their environmental behaviors. For example, it was common practice in the past to use pesticides to increase yields of agricultural products, and this behavior has continued to be implemented by many older farmers. In order to change misconceptions that using pesticides increases product yields, it is imperative to convey to older farmers the consequences of such behaviors so that they can better engage in pro-environmental behaviors. Several studies in the past also suggested that older farmers tended to be more conservative in their farming practices and thinking (Ulluwishewa 1993; Urban 2005), as well as less receptive to new environmental initiatives and policies (Battershill and Gilg 1997).

6.5.3 Influences of Perceived Behavioral Control Results showed that pro-environmental behaviors among younger and older farmers were affected by perceived behavioral control. However, the perceived behavioral control of older farmers was only affected by personal norms and was not directly affected by social norms. This suggests that older farmers must first develop their personal norms before they establish perceived behavioral control. For example, many older farmers have been using conventional farming techniques, including spraying herbicides and pesticides, and this long-established practice could be a major barrier for them to develop self-control toward pro-environmental behaviors. In contrast, younger farmers whose pro-environmental behaviors are affected by perceived behavioral control tend to derive them based on both their social norms and personal norms. The results supported prior studies about barriers to adopting sustainable agricultural practices in which older farmers tend to maintain their traditional beliefs and values and resist new changes and practices (Drost et al. 1996; Wadud et al. 1998). Other studies (Urban 2005; Dolisca et al. 2009) also supported young people demonstrating conservation behaviors through the effects of social norms and/or personal norms that may have contributed to their ease of perceived behavioral control in exhibiting pro-environmental behaviors.

6.5.4 Implications, Limitations, and Future Research These findings extend the existing literature on key determinants of proenvironmental behaviors, specifically in younger and older farmers in the context of the Taiwanese agricultural sector. Through gaining a better understanding of gaps between the two age groups (i.e., below 40 years and over 40 years), appropriate strategies can be developed to encourage pro-environmental behaviors. For example, with older farmers being more responsive to social norms, farmers’ associations can

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organize more social learning networks and opportunities to facilitate the sharing and mutual learning of pro-environmental farming techniques, knowledge, and skills. As for younger farmers who regard personal norms to be more influential on their pro-environmental behaviors, the focus can be on ensuring the availability of new and updated environmental information and ideas so that they are equipped with the necessary knowledge that can help advance their environmentally friendly behaviors. This study was empirical in nature, and therefore, the applicability of the findings to other parts of the country and sectors is constrained. A broader, more representative sample population is needed for testing in order to allow generalization of the findings. Furthermore, additional studies are required to provide comparisons with other countries and determine similarities or differences in this situation. In addition, future research can also be conducted to explore impacts of generational differences on sustainable development, such as environmental knowledge and attitudes, which may affect pro-environmental behaviors. As this study relied on a self-reporting questionnaire survey, evidence of the validity of the findings could be limited. Thus, it is suggested that observation techniques be used to help verify the responses provided in the questionnaire survey.

6.6 Conclusions: The Determinants of Farmers’ Pro-Environmental Behaviors in Taiwan In conclusion, this study investigated the influences of social norms, personal norms, and perceived behavioral control on farmers’ pro-environmental behaviors in Taiwan. The findings indicated a different influencing path for younger and older farmers with respect to their pro-environmental behaviors. Younger farmers’ pro-environmental farming behaviors are directly affected by their personal norms and indirectly by personal and social norms through perceived behavioral control. As for older farmers, social norms play a major role in influencing their pro-environmental behaviors, while personal norms might have an indirect impact via perceived behavioral control.

6.7 Summary The aim of this study (Fang et al. 2018) was to explore the determinants of farmers’ pro-environmental behaviors in Taiwan. In total, 526 valid questionnaires were received from a randomly stratified sample of younger (below 40 years) and older (over 40 years) farmers located in central Taiwan. The findings revealed that younger farmers’ pro-environmental behaviors are directly affected by personal norms and also indirectly by personal and social norms through perceived behavioral control. In contrast, older farmers’ pro-environmental behaviors are directly affected by social norms, whereas personal norms also have an indirect impact via perceived behavioral

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control. Results of this study can contribute toward the development of appropriate strategies for the two age groups of farmers who respond to different determinants of their pro-environmental behaviors.

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Klineberg SL, McKeever M, Rothenbach B (1998) Demographic predictors of environmental concern: it does make a difference how it’s measured. Soc Sci Q 79:734–753 Krejcie RV, Morgan DW (1970) Determining sample size for research activities. Educ Psychol Meas 30:607–610 Lee K (2008) Opportunities for green marketing: young consumers. Mark Intell Plan 26:573–586 Lee K (2009) Gender differences in Hong Kong adolescent consumers’ green purchasing behavior. J Consum Mark 26:87–96 Lewandowski I, Härdtlein M, Kaltschmitt M (1999) Sustainable crop production: definition and methodological approach for assessing and implementing sustainability. Crop Sci 39:184–193 Liao Y, Ho S, Yang X (2015) Motivators of pro-environmental behavior: examining the underlying processes in the influence of presumed media influence model. Sci Commun 38:51–73 Lichtfouse E (2010) Society issues, painkiller solutions, dependence and sustainable agriculture. sociology, organic farming, climate change and soil science; Springer. The Netherlands, Dordrecht, pp 1–17 Nielsen R (2007) The little green handbook: seven trends shaping the future of our planet. Picador, New York, NY, USA Ottman JA, Stafford ER, Hartman CL (2006) Avoiding green marketing myopia: ways to improve consumer appeal for environmentally preferable products. Environment 48:22–36 Pickett-Baker J, Ozaki R (2008) Pro-environmental products: Marketing influence on consumer purchase decision. J Consum Mark 25:281–293 Rigby D, Caceres D (2001) Organic farming and the sustainability of agricultural systems. Agric Syst 68:21–40 ROC yearbook—agriculture (2018) Available Online: https://english.ey.gov.tw/cp.aspx?n=D55 8EBF449B7C570. Accessed on 15 June 2018 Rosin C (2008) The conventions of agri-environmental practice in New Zealand: farmers, retail driven audit schemes and a new spirit of farming. Geo J 73:45–54 Thøgersen J (2006) Norms for environmentally responsible behaviour: An extended taxonomy. J Environ Psychol 26:247–261 Tilman D, Cassman KG, Matson PA, Naylor R, Polasky S (2002) Agricultural sustainability and intensive production practices. Nature 418:671 Ulluwishewa R (1993) Indigenous knowledge systems for sustainable development: the case of pest control by traditional paddy farmers in Sri Lanka. J Sustain Agric 3:51–63 Urban MA (2005) Values and ethical beliefs regarding agricultural drainage in central Illinois, USA. Soc Nat Resour 18:173–189 Wadud SE, Kreuter MW, Clarkson S (1998) Risk perception, beliefs about prevention, and preventive behaviors of farmers. J Agric Saf Health 4:15–24 Willuweit L (2009) Promoting pro-environmental behavior. An investigation of the cross-cultural environmental behavior patterns. The case of Abu Dhabi. Master’s Thesis, Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden Wilson GA (2001) From productivism to post-productivism… and back again? Exploring the (un) changed natural and mental landscapes of European agriculture. Trans Inst Br Geogr 26:77–102 Wright J (2012) Sustainable agriculture and food security in an era of oil scarcity: lessons from Cuba. Routledge, London, UK Wu TC, Chiu WTF (2000) Development of sustainable agriculture in Taiwan. J Agric Assoc China 1:218–228 Zhang J (1993) Environmental hazards in the Chinese public’s eyes. Risk Anal 13:509–513

Chapter 7

Laborers

7.1 Introduction Regarding the meaning of working to have a meaningful life, we may face challenges balancing decent work, economic growth, and environmental protection. Looking at the definition of decent work (Sustainable Development Goal 8; SDG 8), it not only refers to a specific product with its own sustainable economic growth and higher levels of productivity, but also a good work environment. A good work environment, which affects emotions one feels when at work, includes factors like air, noise, light, and layout conditions in a harmonic workplace or office. It is an approach to business development and management geared toward sustainability for the wellbeing of labor from aspects of the physical and psychological environment. In a way, the meaning of decent work should be diversified as a destination with the sole aim of labor welfare receiving benefits from their jobs. Therefore, green positive living counsels for decent work regarding the effects of personality traits for constructively managing one’s emotions at work. From a green guidance perspective, the construct of pro-environmental behaviors is important in terms of the meaning of both work and life construction (Di Fabio and Bucci 2016). Data in this chapter, produced in collaboration with Dr. Yi-Te Chiang, Prof. Ulas Kaplan (see Fig. 7.1), and Prof. Eric Ng on the “locus of control” of labor, were previously published in 2019. Dr. Yi-Te Chiang, one of my Ph.D. students, was interested in the factor of the “locus of control”—the ability to change a situation through action. We all think that this is a key dimension of pro-environmental behaviors from the viewpoint of labor. Peyton and Miller (1980) noted that knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes of environmental issues, environmental action skills, and other variables can interact with and affect environmental actions. Environmental educators, therefore, should also consider the factor of “locus of control.” They further indicated that even if individuals possess the necessary environmental knowledge, values, and action skills, they might not engage in environmental actions if they cannot implement changes through © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_7

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Fig. 7.1 This project, working with Prof. Ulas Kaplan at Lesley University, Cambridge, MA, USA, was entitled “Locus of control: the mediation effect between emotional stability and proenvironmental behavior.” Ulas Kaplan, a Doctor of Education at Harvard University, was my roommate when we studied on the campus of Harvard University during the 2000s. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

their behavior. Hence, “locus of control” is likely to be critical for pro-environmental behaviors. Previous studies consistently revealed a link between locus of control and pro-environmental behaviors (Hines et al. 1987). In particular, the model of responsible environmental behavior (REB) developed by Hines, Hungerford, and Tomera incorporates the influence of the locus of control and has been widely applied in studies of environmental education and pro-environmental behaviors. However, the locus of control is a rather abstract concept of personality psychology; specific factors that lead to its emergence and whether those factors also affect pro-environmental behaviors remain unknown in terms of labor. Few empirical studies have investigated these issues. Therefore, the purpose of the current study in this chapter was to identify predisposing factors of the locus of control, perform exploratory and confirmatory analyses, and describe the impact paths.

7.1.1 Locus of Control The term “locus of control” was first proposed by Rotter (1954), and it has been a key factor in exploring personality and behaviors. Locus of control refers to people’s interpretation of their responsibility for an event. It represents generalized expectancies that events in one’s life are under or outside of one’s control. In the context

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of social learning theory, Rotter (1954) claimed that locus of control describes an individual’s ability to determine the outcomes of their behavior. In particular, people with a stronger internal locus of control tend to believe that they have control over their lives and therefore attribute outcomes of events to their own self-controlled behavior. Furthermore, they believe that the outcome of an action is the result of their own accomplishment, which is achieved through their own efforts (April et al. 2012). Such individuals are more likely to believe that an outcome arises from their own self-control (Jacobs-Lawson et al. 2011), and they tend to assign praise or blame to their own abilities (Carlson et al. 2009). In contrast, people who assign blame to an external locus of control tend to believe that outcomes in their lives are determined by uncontrollable opportunities, fate, or environmental factors (Rotter 1954; Hines et al. 1987). People with a stronger external locus of control do not attempt to implement changes on the basis of their own expectations. Instead, they tend to believe that life events are beyond their control (Jacobs-Lawson et al. 2011); they either praise or blame external factors after an outcome arises. Box 7.1: Locus of Control and Pro-environmental Behavior Peyton and Miller (1980) proposed roles that locus of control plays in environmental actions in addition to affecting pro-environmental behaviors. • Compared to individuals possessing an external locus of control, those with an internal locus of control tend to be initiators of social reform and social movements, and they positively attempt to control their environment. • Compared to individuals possessing an external locus of control, those with an internal locus of control tend to seek knowledge and information more positively, which is a crucial ability for solving environmental problems. • Compared to individuals possessing an external locus of control, those with an internal locus of control employ information more effectively. • Compared to individuals possessing an external locus of control, those with an internal locus of control are able to resist subtle manipulations and inhibit the dissemination of biased and erroneous information. • Individuals with an internal locus of control are able to delay gratification to obtain more substantial and insightful long-term benefits. • Compared to individuals possessing an external locus of control, those with an internal locus of control believe that skills rather than opportunities affect outcomes. Therefore, they are more willing to make efforts to achieve a desired outcome. • An internal locus of control indicates that an individual is more likely to change their self-concepts and assume responsibility. Peyton and Miller mentioned that locus of control is affected by family origin, race, social class, and psychological age. Thus, because locus of control is a particularly abstract concept, predisposing factors are likely to affect its formation. Therefore, the

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Fig. 7.2 Locus of control is affected by family origin, culture, race, social class, religion, rituals, psychological status, and age. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

aim of this chapter is to identify factors linked to the path of pro-environmental behaviors. In addition to exploring the locus of control, we investigated whether predisposing factors can be inferred through observations of individuals’ pro-environmental behaviors (Fig. 7.2). Thus, this study further explored predisposing factors of the locus of control to fill in research gaps and resolve problems that are not easily observed or predicted in the path from the locus of control to pro-environmental behaviors.

7.1.2 Emotional Stability and Neuroticism A review of previous studies indicated that emotion-related personality trait variables can facilitate an understanding of factors contributing to the formation of a locus of control. According to Smith (2015), emotions are spiritual actions and physical responses derived from human evolution that can be categorized into 150 different types. The ability to accurately detect, control, and manage emotions is associated with high stress resistance, a sound work performance, and leadership. Some studies indicated that locus of control is associated with emotional stability and neuroticism (Morelli et al. 1979; Morrison 1997). Judge et al. (2002) further revealed that locus of control and neuroticism are the most widely studied concepts of personality traits in psychology. In addition, several studies demonstrated that locus of control and

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anxiety are negatively correlated (Ray and Katahn 1968; Joe 1971; Archer 1979). In other words, the higher the anxiety score, the greater the tendency toward an internal locus of control. Anxiety is classified as a major element of neuroticism (Watson and Clark 1984). Emotional stability is a major psychological characteristic that is generated when people encounter difficulties or stress in daily life, and it has a stabilizing effect (Serebryakova et al. 2016). Furthermore, it is one of the big five personality traits proposed by McCrae and Costa (1987). Individuals with high emotional stability are regarded as calm, relaxed, safe, and comfortable. They are patient, self-contented, deliberative, unenvious, strong-minded, and objective (McCrae and Costa 1987; Saucier 1994; Roccas et al. 2002). Although emotional stability is an emotion-based characteristic that is considered unrelated to cognition-based values (Parks-Leduc et al. 2014), studies have shown that among the big five personality traits, it is a key factor affecting pro-environmental behaviors (Fraj and Martinez 2006; Swami et al. 2011; Milfont and Sibley 2012; Brick and Lewis 2014; Gifford and Nilsson 2014; Abdollahi et al. 2015). Conversely, other studies suggested that neuroticism is the cause of proenvironmental behaviors. Neuroticism is an important negative predictor of mental health and includes the following characteristics (Fig. 7.3): sensitivity, stubbornness, weakness, lack of patience, impulsiveness, high subjectivity, emotional tendencies, irritability, nervousness, suspicion, envy, self-pity, lack of trust, insecurity, and often

Fig. 7.3 Neuroticism includes the characteristic of sensitivity (i.e., like a cat). Sometimes, cats are sensitive to human emotional gestures. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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feeling fretful and worried. Neuroticism is often associated with anxiety and selfdoubt as well as with guilt, pessimism, and low self-esteem tendencies. In addition, neurotic individuals are prone to excessive emotional responses at work and are unable to effectively regulate negative emotions. However, people with a high degree of neuroticism sometimes exhibit emotions that are not completely negative. Fundamentally, in an atmosphere of negative emotions, these individuals are sensitive and sentimental and display power-saving behaviors. Their concern for future environmental conditions is established through environmental awareness (Hirsh 2010), giving rise to pro-environmental behaviors as well as concerns, sensitivity, and unease regarding future environmental conditions. Previous documents considered emotional stability/neuroticism to be more relevant to locus of control. Based on previous studies, we posited that emotional stability and neuroticism are self-expressions of the external environment. To generate environmentally friendly behaviors, these traits require mediating factors, and both are regarded as emotional motives. The effects of emotional stability and neuroticism on pro-environmental behavior remain disputed among scholars. Hence, more rigorous research needs to be conducted to gain further insights. In this study, emotional stability and neuroticism were adopted as two easily observed explicit personality traits that reflect the locus of control, which is less easily observed. In our studies, we hypothesized that emotional stability or neuroticism, which represent opposite views or contradictions, can affect pro-environmental behaviors, while the locus of control could have a mediating effect, i.e., an interior locus of control or exterior locus of control. Therefore, this study attempted to prioritize investigations of correlations among emotional stability, neuroticism, locus of control, and pro-environmental behaviors.

7.1.3 Proposed Framework and Hypotheses Since we began examining and detecting the complexity of causality of human behaviors, it has been impossible to construct a grand unified theory to use opposite variables in a structural model that conforms to the real world. We tried to develop two models to resolve a true/false issue scoped out by two opposite scenarios. This research adopted the emotional stability and responsible environmental behavior (REB) models of the big five personality traits to explore correlations among the variables; namely (1) internal locus of control, emotional stability, and pro-environmental behavior (as shown in Fig. 7.4); and (2) external locus of control, neuroticism, and pro-environmental behavior (as shown in Fig. 7.5). Based on the extant literature, the following hypotheses are proposed for examination. Hypothesis 1 (H1): Emotional stability positively influences an internal locus of control. Hypothesis 2 (H2): An internal locus of control positively influences proenvironmental behaviors.

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Internal Locus of Control H1

H2

+ve

+ve

Pro-Environmental Behavior

Emotional Stability

H3

+ve

Fig. 7.4 Proposed research framework for the internal locus of control (ILoC), emotional stability (ES), and pro-environmental behavior (PEB). A positive influence of the interaction is indicated by +ve

External Locus of Control H4

H5

+ve

+ve

Pro-Environmental Behavior

Neuroticism H6

+ve

Fig. 7.5 Proposed research framework for the external locus of control (ELoC), neuroticism (N), and pro-environmental behavior (PEB). A positive influence of the interaction is indicated by +ve

Hypothesis 3 (H3): Emotional stability positively influences pro-environmental behaviors. Hypothesis 4 (H4): Neuroticism positively influences an external locus of control. Hypothesis 5 (H5): Neuroticism positively influences an external locus of control, and neuroticism positively influences pro-environmental behaviors. We assumed, therefore, that an external locus of control positively influences pro-environmental behaviors. Hypothesis 6 (H6): Neuroticism positively influences pro-environmental behaviors.

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7.2 Materials and Methods 7.2.1 Participants and Procedures In order to verify the aforementioned theoretical framework, we conducted an online questionnaire survey on the Internet to collect samples of laborers that exceeded the estimated parameters detected by five times the sampling frame. Theories and hypotheses were proposed on the basis of previous studies, and research verification was performed using structural equation modeling (SEM). The National Taiwan Normal University Research Ethics Committee confirmed that our study did not fall within the scope of the Human Subjects Research Act in Taiwan, Republic of China (ROC). This committee approved the study protocol (201707HS001) and agreed with active informed consent being provided by all participants with the option of withdrawing from the research at any time from any sampling process. Non-probability sampling was employed in this study. Most respondents participated after passing a public recruitment process and a corresponding snowball system. Many respondents not only completed their own questionnaire but were also willing to distribute additional questionnaires to family and friends. In total, 500 questionnaires were distributed, and 473 valid responses were returned from laborers. The sampled population have been conducted in the construction and factory industries’ workforce working with hand tools, power tools, air tools, blasting tools, and small heavy equipment, and act as assistants to other trades as well such as operators. They, called blue-collar workers, involve a lot of hard physical works with low monthly income.

7.2.2 Measures This study adopted the big five personality traits that were proposed by Goldberg (1992) with 100 characteristics as their bases and constituting factors, to test participants’ emotional stability (or neuroticism). The emotional stability traits were extracted from these studies and compiled into similar (i.e., positive or negative) traits. Five statements were selected for inclusion in the questionnaire: “I am touchy (R),” “I am insecure (R),” “I am stubborn (R),” “I am envious (R),” and “I am fretful (R).” A five-point Likert scale (i.e., 1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neutral; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree) was used as a measure of respondents’ answers about these personality traits. The statement “I am only one person, so I can’t make a difference to the environment (R)” was extracted to measure the locus of control. Moreover, factors among participants’ responses that were considered to influence pro-environmental behaviors, included “I don’t have time (R)” and “I am more concerned with saving money (R).” Therefore, these statements were adopted for the current study, in which participants’ locus of control toward the environment was assessed using a five-point Likert

7.2 Materials and Methods

193

scale (i.e., 1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neutral; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree). Statements about pro-environmental behaviors were adopted from The Belgrade Charter (UNEP 1975). There were four pro-environmental behavior (PEB) statements included in the questionnaire, namely “I will regard consequences to society and to available resources,” “I am concerned with behaviors of environmental protection groups,” “I will persuade friends and relatives to engage in environmental actions,” and “I will write a letter or sign a petition about protecting the environment.” The participants’ attitudes toward the environment were measured using a five-point Likert scale (i.e., 1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neutral; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree). The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS v.23) was used for all analyses in this study. The reliability analysis confirmed that the questionnaires achieved Cronbach’s α values of 0.695 for emotional stability, 0.695 for neuroticism, 0.793 for internal locus of control, 0.793 for external locus of control, and 0.824 for proenvironmental behavior, indicating reliability. Additionally, LISREL9.2 was used to analyze the research hypotheses and measurement dimensions to establish a structural equation model and verify the overall and internal fit of the hypothetical research framework. A maximum likelihood estimation was applied to estimate the model parameters. Various fit indices were used as determination bases to test the overall model fit. A goodness-of-fit index (GFI), a comparative fit index (CFI), and a nonnormed fit index (NNFI) of >0.90 indicated acceptable goodness of fit; a root mean square error approximation (RMSEA) of 3 was preferred.

7.3 Results 7.3.1 Descriptive Findings Of the 473 valid questionnaires returned from laborers, descriptive findings indicated that females (58.4%) had a higher number of responses than males (41.6%). Most of the participants were aged 21–30 years (65%), followed by being aged 31–40 (18%) and 41–50 years (9.3%). Initially, an independent sample t-test was conducted for each variable by gender to understand their scores. Results revealed significant differences between females and males in relation to their emotional stability (df = 472, two-tailed t = 2.298 > 1.96, p < 0.05) and locus of control (df = 472, two-tailed t = 2.830 > 1.96, p < 0.005). We detected no significant variation between males and females in their pro-environmental behavior (df = 472, two-tailed, t = 0.944, p = 0.346) (Tables 7.1, 7.2 and 7.3). However, both emotional stability and locus of control might vary by gender.

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Table 7.1 Descriptive statistics and difference analyses related to gender of emotional stability, locus of control, and pro-environmental behavior Variables

Male (n = 197, 41.6%)

Female (n = 276, 58.4%)

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Emotional stability

3.19

0.71

3.34

t

p

0.73

−2.298

0.022

Locus of control

3.95

0.79

4.14

1.67

−2.830

0.005

Pro-environmental behavior

3.15

0.79

3.08

0.81

0.944

0.346

Table 7.2 Cross-analysis of educational backgrounds between females and males Gender

Age group

Total

Under 20 years old

21–30 years old

Males

4 (2.03%)

134 (68.02%) 36 (18.27%)

19 (4.06%)

4 (2.03%)

197

Females

7 (2.54%)

173(62.68%)

49 (17.75%)

25 (9.06%)

22 (7.97%)

276

Total

11 (2.33%)

307(64.90%)

85 (17.97%)

44 (9.30%)

26 (5.50%)

473

Table 7.3 Descriptive statistics for emotional stability (ES) items

31–40 years old

41–50 years old

Over 50 years old

Emotional stability

Mean

SD

ES1. I am touchy (R)

2.90

0.96

ES2. I am insecure (R)

3.56

0.93

ES3. I am stubborn (R)

2.61

0.83

ES4. I am envious (R)

3.53

1.00

ES5. I am fretful (R)

2.75

0.95

Overall emotional stability

3.07

0.63

SD standard deviation

Findings of emotional stability items are presented in Table 7.3. Among the five emotional stability items, “I am insecure (R)” and “I am envious (R)” had the highest mean scores, followed by “I am touchy (R),” “I am fretful (R),” and “I am stubborn (R)”. Results indicated an internal consistency reliability measurement with Cronbach’s α value of 0.695 for the emotional stability items. However, “I am touchy (R)” and “I am stubborn (R)” could be removed due to their lower factor loadings in the next session. Findings for the neuroticism items are presented in Table 7.4. Among the five neuroticism items, “I am fretful” and “I am stubborn” had the highest mean scores, followed by “I am touchy,” “I am envious,” and “I am insecure”. Results indicated an internal consistency reliability measurement with a Cronbach’s α value of 0.695 for the emotional stability items. However, “I am touchy (R)” and “I am stubborn (R)” could be removed for the next session due to their lower factor loadings.

7.3 Results Table 7.4 Descriptive statistics for neuroticism (N) items

195 Neuroticism

Mean

SD

N1. I am touchy

3.10

0.96

N2. I am insecure

2.19

1.01

N3. I am stubborn

3.39

0.83

N4. I am envious

2.25

1.12

N5. I am fretful

3.41

1.17

Overall neuroticism

2.93

0.63

SD standard deviation

Results (see Table 7.5) indicated that there were three subjective locus of control items; “I am only one person, so I can’t make a difference to the environment (R)” and “I am more concerned with saving money (R)” received the highest and lowest mean scores, respectively. The other item included “I don’t have time (R).” Cronbach’s α value of 0.793 suggested internal consistency for the locus of control items. Results (see Table 7.6) indicated that two subjective external locus of control items of “I don’t have time” and “I am more concerned with saving money (R)” received the highest and lowest mean scores, respectively. The other item was “I am only one person, so I can’t make a difference to the environment”. Cronbach’s α value of 0.793 suggested internal consistency for the external locus of control items. Findings (see Table 7.7) also revealed that there were four items about proenvironmental behavior, among which “I will regard consequences to society and to available resources” had the highest mean score. This was followed by “I am concerned about behaviors of environmental protection groups”; “I will persuade friends and relatives to engage in environmental action”; and “I will write a letter or Table 7.5 Descriptive statistics for internal locus of control (ILoC) items Internal locus of control

Mean SD

ILoC1. I am only one person, so I can’t make a difference to the environment (R) 4.16

0.83

ILoC2. I don’t have time (R)

4.01

0.93

ILoC3. I am more concerned with saving money (R)

4.02

0.83

Overall locus of control

4.06

0.73

SD standard deviation

Table 7.6 Descriptive statistics for external locus of control (ELoC) items External locus of control

Mean

SD

ELoC1. I am only one person, so I can’t make a difference to the environment

1.69

0.76

ELoC2. I don’t have time

1.85

0.92

ELoC3. I am more concerned with saving money

1.79

0.76

Overall locus of control

1.69

0.63

SD standard deviation

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Table 7.7 Descriptive statistics for pro-environmental behavior (PEB) items Pro-environmental behaviors

Mean

SD

PEB1. I will regard consequences to society and to available resources

3.55

0.76

PEB2. I am concerned about behaviors of environmental protection groups

3.18

1.03

PEB3. I will persuade friends and relatives to engage in environmental action

3.03

1.03

PEB4. I will write a letter or sign a petition about protecting the environment

2.68

1.12

Overall pro-environmental behavior

3.11

0.80

SD standard deviation

Table 7.8 Pearson correlation matrix (mean) ES ES N

N

ILoC

ELoC

PEB

1.000 −1.000***

ILoC

0.316***

ELoC

−0.316***

PEB

0.096*

1.000 −0.316**

1.000

0.316*

−1.000**

−0.096*

0.237***

1.000 −0.237***

1.000

*Two-tailed p < 0.05; **two-tailed p < 0.01; ***two-tailed p < 0.001 ES emotional stability; N neuroticism; ILoC internal locus of control; ELoC external locus of control; PEB pro-environmental behavior

sign a petition about protecting the environment.” Cronbach’s α value for the internal consistency reliability for the pro-environmental behavior items was 0.824.

7.3.2 Correlation Analysis According to the correlation analysis (see Table 7.8), the relationship between emotional stability and locus of control (r = 0.316) was the strongest. Findings also revealed low correlations of locus of control with pro-environmental behavior (r = 0.237) and of emotional stability with pro-environmental behavior (r = 0.096). Thus, all three dimensions in this study were correlated.

7.3.3 Hypothesis Testing LISREL9.2 was used to analyze the research hypotheses and measurement dimensions to establish a structural equation model and verify the overall and internal fit of the hypothetical research framework. A maximum likelihood estimation was applied to estimate the model parameters. Various fit indices were used as determination bases to test the overall model fit. A goodness-of-fit index (GFI), a comparative fit index

7.3 Results

197

(CFI), and a non-normed fit index (NNFI) of >0.90 indicated acceptable goodness of fit; a root mean square error approximation (RMSEA) of 3 was preferred. In addition, the verification process revealed that, among emotional stability and neuroticism variables, the factor loading of “I am touchy (ES1, N1)” and “I am stubborn (ES3, N3)” were 0.5 implies satisfactory internal consistency. We, thus, found that these characteristics might not have any effects on the locus of control path and used a Pearson correlation analysis to find the correlation between emotional stability and an internal locus of control (Table 7.9). This result was confirmed that the ES1 (touchy) and ES3 (stubborn) items, which reflected negligibly significant correlations with two of the three ILoC items, and analytical results of N and ELoC were identical. This confirmed that being touchy and stubborn were less relevant to the locus of control. Being “touchy” may occur in both situations of internal/external locus of control. Being “stubborn” was also the same. With factor loadings of insecurity, envy, and fretfulness being >0.5, they easily promote the appearance of an external locus of control and vice versa (i.e., an internal locus of control). After deleting the “I am touchy (ES1, N1)” and “I am stubborn (ES3, N3)” statements, GFI = 0.956, CFI = 0.961, and NNFI = 0.945 were obtained for H1 to H3, all of which exceeded the cutoff of 0.9. Furthermore, the RMSEA was 0.070, which was below the cutoff of 0.080, and the normed hi-square reached 106.72 (>3). The model GFI was re-established for hypotheses H4 to H6, and the GFI, CFI, and NNFI reached 0.972, 0.976, and 0.966, respectively (all > 0.9); the RMSEA was 0.048 (3). The respective indices satisfied the requirements for goodness of fit. Therefore, these two proposed models were adopted as the final models in this study. Table 7.9 Pearson correlation matrix (mean) ES1

ES2

ES3

ES4

ES5

ES1

1.000

ES2

0.284*** 1.000

ES3

0.226*** 0.248*** 1.000

ES4

0.333*** 0.336*** 0.144**

ES5

0.581*** 0.297*** 0.224*** 0.413*** 1.000 0.082

ILoC1

ILoC2

ILoC3

1.000

ILoC1 0.022

0.143**

ILoC2 0.046

0.208*** 0.119**

0.253*** 0.184*** 0.575*** 1.000

0.191*** 0.147**

1.000

ILoC3 0.119**

0.216*** 0.066

0.225*** 0.230*** 0.498*** 0.612*** 1.000

*Two-tailed p < 0.05; **two-tailed p < 0.01; ***two-tailed p < 0.001 ES emotional stability; ILoC internal locus of control

198

7 Laborers

The path coefficient from emotional stability to the internal locus of control (H1) was 0.44 (t = 7.421, p < 0.001; SE = 0.060). The path coefficient from internal locus of control to pro-environmental behavior (H2) was 0.31 (t = 5.003, p < 0.001; SE = 0.063). The path coefficient from emotional stability to pro-environmental behavior (H3) was −0.02 (t = −0.326, p > 0.001; SE = 0.066). The path coefficient from neuroticism to external locus of control (H4) was 0.44 (t = 6.740, p < 0.001; SE = 0.066). The path coefficient from external locus of control to pro-environmental behavior (H5) was −0.28 (t = 4.023, p < 0.001; SE = 0.069). The path coefficient from emotional stability to pro-environmental behavior (H6) was 0.00 (t = 0.066, p > 0.001; SE = 0.072). Hence, H1, H2, and H4 were confirmed with moderately positive effects of 0.7, thus exceeding the recommended threshold of 0.60 suggested by Bagozzi and

210

8 Visitors to a College Campus

Fig. 8.4 Map of the study location. Illustrated by Yi-Te Chiang

Yi (1988: 82), for place attachment, satisfaction, responsible environmental behavior, and the behavioral intention to revisit.

8.2.2 Questionnaire, Sampling, and Survey Process The questionnaire used in this study was designed with reference to related national and international studies and comprised six parts with a total of 80 questions. Sampling was conducted by randomly selecting people who were nearest the wetland, such as teachers and students at the Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, administrative personnel of the NTNU Gongguan Branch, and members of the local community, to be study respondents until the sample quota was met. According to Moore and Graefe (1994), one-time sightseeing visitors were beyond the scope of this study. After the Water and Green Project was implemented under the National Development Plan of Taiwan in 2003 by the Ministry of Education to provide universities with subsidies for creating wetlands, NTNU, partially supported by the Architecture and Building Research Institute, Ministry of the Interior created this artificial wetland, which may have affected the local residents, faculty members, and students engaged in education. Local residents who visit this wetland for exercise, fresh air, or to practice sports as well as faculty members and students who volunteer to

8.2 Experimental Materials and Methods

211

maintain the environment by clearing litter and pool waste are involved in in-depth exploration of this environment and were asked to share their opinions with others concerning the value of this wetland with respect to the utility and learning opportunities that it affords. We mainly explored the perspectives of visitors residing in the local community, faculty members on campus (e.g., staff of a nearby post office who grow organic pepper plants around this wetland), and students (e.g., graduates and college students who organize events for clearing exotic floating plants and guide at-risk youths attending a local junior high school).

8.3 Statistical Characterization This study explored whether the background variables and variables of user experience and level of participation considerably differed among place attachment, satisfaction, responsible environmental behavior, and the behavioral intention to revisit. • Place attachment: This term can be separated into two notions, namely place dependence and place identity. Place dependence refers to the ability of a place to bring satisfaction to individuals by affording them a sense of wellbeing (Scannell and Gifford 2017). Place identity indicates the self-clarity that individuals experience in accordance with a sense of belonging to a place that they have developed from making regular visits during certain periods of time. We combined these two notions into place attachment in our research hypotheses. • Satisfaction: When individuals have a pleasant feeling from exploring or experiencing something, they can better understand their own mental state and needs. Therefore, satisfaction represents a pleasant feeling individuals have when they attribute an emotion to a sense of fulfillment or gratification (Hwang et al. 2005; Yuksel et al. 2010; Prayag and Ryan 2012; Ramkissoon et al. 2013). • Responsible environmental behavior: This term is defined in this study as a demonstration or aspect of environmental empathy related to activities that have been suggested to resolve problems in the natural environment (Van Liere and Dunlap 1981). Individuals or community members are considered to engage in responsible environmental behavior when they demonstrate agreement with this notion by taking beneficial actions to protect the environment as pro-environmental behaviors (Fang et al. 2017a, b; Chiang et al. 2019). Because our research focused on a constructed wetland, we identified relevant types of responsible environmental behaviors, such as picking up litter in the wetland. • Behavioral intention to revisit: To revisit means to return or visit again. We defined the behavioral intention to revisit as whether a visitor intended to return for a second or subsequent visit (Jang and Feng 2007; Huang and Hsu 2009; Lee et al. 2012), rather than as their behavior of actually returning to see this constructed wetland.

212

8 Visitors to a College Campus

Fig. 8.5 Model hypotheses in this study

We used a multiple regression and path analysis to analyze relationships among all of the variables. η2 was used to explain the correlation intensity. When homogeneity of variance was determined, the Bonferroni test was used for post hoc comparisons, and when heterogeneity was ascertained, Dunnett’s T3 procedure was also employed. A simple regression analysis was conducted to ascertain whether place attachment could be used to predict satisfaction, responsible environmental behavior, and behavioral intentions as well as whether satisfaction could be applied to predict responsible environmental behavior and behavioral intentions after the application of Pearson’s correlation. A multiple regression was then conducted to analyze the predictive relationships between place attachment and satisfaction (independent variables) and responsible environmental behaviors and behavioral intentions (dependent variables). The model’s explanatory power (R2 ) was calculated. Finally, a path analysis was conducted to estimate the parameters of the place attachment model. The framework for the hypotheses is presented in Fig. 8.5. Furthermore, the path structure model was used to determine impacts of place attachment and satisfaction of wetland visitors on their behavioral intention to revisit and responsible environmental behaviors. Thus, the following hypotheses, which are associated with five paths from related studies, are proposed. Hypothesis 1 (H1): Place attachment positively affects satisfaction (Hwang et al. 2005; Yuksel et al. 2010; Prayag and Ryan 2012; Ramkissoon et al. 2013). Hypothesis 2 (H2): Place attachment positively affects responsible environmental behavior (Vaske and Kobrin 2001; Halpenny 2010; Ramkissoon et al. 2013). Hypothesis 3 (H3): Place attachment positively affects revisit behavioral intentions (Lee et al. 2012; Prayag and Ryan 2012; Stylos et al. 2017). Hypothesis 4 (H4): Satisfaction positively affects responsible environmental behavior (Chiu et al. 2014; Ramkissoon and Mavondo 2015; Han et al. 2016). Hypothesis 5 (H5): Satisfaction positively affects the behavioral intention to revisit (Jang and Feng 2007; Huang and Hsu 2009; Lee et al. 2012).

8.3 Statistical Characterization Table 8.1 Reliability values of four variables

213 Variable

Cronbach’s α

Place attachment

0.945

Satisfaction

0.916

Responsible environmental behavior

0.818

Revisit behavioral intentions

0.849

Results of this study will contribute to filling in gaps detected by relevant studies that had insufficient evidence to determine influences among variables and can therefore serve as a reference for future research on the behavioral intention to revisit wetlands.

8.4 Results and Discussion Among the 411 questionnaires received, 391 were valid and 20 were invalid, yielding an invalid rate of 4.87%; 51 users provided recommendations for improving the constructed wetland.

8.4.1 Demographic Information The demographic information of wetland users in our sample is presented in Table 8.1. Overall, there were 185 (47.3%) male respondents and 206 (52.7%) female respondents; their average age was 36 years. Regarding their occupations, most participants were students (39.6%), followed by faculty members and employees (30.4%). The results revealed no significant differences between female and male respondents according to a chi-squared test and no significant differences between neighboring and non-neighboring respondents to this constructed wetland in terms of place attachment, satisfaction, responsible environmental behavior, or the behavioral intention to revisit (Table 8.2).

8.4.2 Path Analysis Data obtained from the multiple regression analysis were used to conduct the path analysis. First, the endogenous variables in the model that could not be explained by the exogenous variables constituted the residual variance. In this study, the standard error coefficient of the √ estimate (se ) was adopted to indicate the path analysis diagram and is expressed as 1 − R 2 . The results obtained were as follows: satisfaction, se = 0.925; responsible environmental behavior, se = 0.851; and the behavioral intention

214 Table 8.2 Demographic information of the sample

8 Visitors to a College Campus Item

Category

Number

Percentage (%)

Gender

Male

185

47.3

Female

206

52.7

Occupation

Educational level

Engineering

7

1.8

Business

18

4.6

Service

28

7.2

Student

155

39.6

Government official

9

2.3

Housekeeper

119

30.4

Retired

30

7.7

Others

24

6.1

Missing value

1

0.3

Junior high school or below

7

1.8

20

5.1

Senior high school

Age (years)

College

162

41.4

Graduate school

202

51.7

36

9.2

21–30

153

39.1

31–40

62

15.9

41–50

56

14.3

51–60

43

11.0

Above 61

30

7.7

Missing value

11

2.8

Under 20

to revisit, se = 0.716. Using the standardized regression coefficients in Table 8.3, the path analysis coefficients of the place attachment model could be determined. Figure 8.6 presents the estimated results of the model parameters. The effect analysis of the model can be separated into direct effect, indirect effect, and total effect. • Direct effect. The standardized regression coefficient was the direct effect of the path analysis. 1. Place attachment is the direct effect of satisfaction, and the coefficient value was 0.380. 2. Place attachment is the direct effect of responsible environmental behavior, and the coefficient value was 0.281. 3. Place attachment is the direct effect of revisit behavioral intentions, and the coefficient value was 0.477.

8.4 Results and Discussion

215

Table 8.3 Multiple regression parameters test results predicting satisfaction, responsible environmental behavior, and revisit behavioral intentions Dependent variable

Estimated value (B)

Standard error

(Constant)

2.696

0.106

Place attachment

0.259

0.032

Beta allocation

t value

p value

25.49

1.96, p < 0.001) between parents from urban and rural areas in Beijing. Path analyses revealed that parents from urban and rural areas had different behavioral intention paths. For urban parents, findings indicated that subjective norms (β = 0.73, t = 21.84 > 3.29) and perceived behavioral control (γ = 0.22, t = 6.12 > 3.29) had direct impacts on antiPM2.5 behavioral intentions. In contrast, attitudes (γ = 0.39, t = 3.74 > 3.29) and subjective norms (β = 0.60, t = 8.55 > 3.29) of rural parents were found to directly influence their anti-PM2.5 behavioral intentions. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Prof. Shumei Liu of the Department of Preschool Education, Hangzhou Normal University, China, Prof. Chie-Chien Tseng at the Department of Health Promotion and Health Education, National Taiwan Normal University, and Mr. Yi-Te Chiang at the Graduate Institute of Environmental Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taiwan, for their contribution to this article. Funding This work was funded by the Ministry of Science and Technology (Grant No. 105-2511S-003-021-MY3) and National Taiwan Normal University (NTNU), Taiwan.

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Chapter 12

Outreach Media

12.1 Introduction Ongoing global environmental problems nowadays can be attributed to increasing population, economic development and industrialization, pollution, urbanization, and resource depletion. The fundamentals of these ongoing problems are predominantly associated with people’s lifestyles and their extensive activities occurring in natural surroundings (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002; Barr and Gilg 2006), which gives rise to the importance of balancing relationships between humans and natural environments which was previously recognized and supported by the World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987. The development of environmental awareness, knowledge and skills is considered essential to help minimize environmental problems, and environmental education is seen as a key element in creating an environmentally literate society (Potter 2009; Short 2009). Through these means, responsible environmental behaviors can be developed and help prevent and minimize environmental problems in a sustainable manner (Bamberg and Möser 2007; Mobley et al. 2009). Accordingly, formal education systems play important roles in environmental educational efforts and in particular at higher-educational levels where transdisciplinary curricula are offered that can help further facilitate and enhance university students’ environmental literacy that aims to develop responsible environmental behaviors (Moody et al. 2005; Pe’er et al. 2007). Over the years, significant efforts have been made to design and develop environmental education curricula in Chinese for the higher-education sector in order to create the necessary awareness and develop critical knowledge and skills toward achieving responsible environmental behaviors. However, there has been inadequate evidence to provide greater insights about the success or failure of those efforts. Given that there is a general lack of existing empirical knowledge about significant aspects of environmental literacy in China, this study aimed to fill in this gap by investigating the level of environmental literacy from technology-enhanced learning in graduate students who have been exposed to © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 W. Fang, Envisioning Environmental Literacy, Sinophone and Taiwan Studies 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7006-3_12

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transdisciplinary curricula that can potentially further enhance the development of their knowledge, actions, and outreach. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted by the United Nations in 2015, provides a blueprint for prosperity and human welfare in the future. In response to ever-changing technological developments and globalization in Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4 of quality education, these corporations continue to build capacity in organizational learning and team innovation in order to maintain sustainable operations and competitiveness toward SDG 8, which is decent work and economic growth. Organizational innovation relies on the creativity of employees (Amabile et al. 2002), and the focus has been on sharing knowledge and encouraging creative thinking that seek to develop innovative solutions to address existing and future business challenges (Scott and Bruce 1994; Zhou and George 2001). While a corporation’s sharing of internal knowledge through organizational learning can increase individual employees’ skills and learning effectiveness, it also helps drive a collective innovation process that will contribute toward the corporation’s overall sustainable efficacy and development (Hackman and Wageman 2005; Obstfeld 2005; Abbas et al. 2019). Such an emerging trend prompted the need to review the relationship between sustainable business development and management education that seeks to facilitate effective communication of key abilities such as adaptability to face uncertainties, creativity, and detection and processing of emotions, confidence, respect, dialogue, critical thinking, and systematic thinking (López-Alcarria et al. 2019). Perry-Smith (2006) stated that creativity involves attitudes and actions of an employee to take risks. However, it is imperative that managers provide a supportive environment and incentives to encourage their employees to think creatively and explore innovative solutions to assist in making more informed strategic decisions (Lee et al. 2019). An individual employee’s ability to be creative is directly influenced by factors such as diverse skills and autonomy in the organization (Yoo et al. 2019). Brown and Fridman (2020) indicated that feedback (e.g., in audiovisual written forms) also plays an important role in encouraging creativity. Computer-mediated communication (CMC) and face-to-face (FtF) communication are two formats of feedback communication that are used to foster creativity, and CMC is considered to have greater media richness than the traditional FtF approach (Zhao 2019) (see Fig. 12.1). Although studies revealed that CMC is a more relaxing and engaging type of feedback communication format than FtF (Croes et al. 2018, 2019; York 2019), there has been a lack of investigation into correlations between communication formats and creativity. This chapter attempts to fill in this gap by combining the media richness theory and creativity to explore relationships between features of media richness and creative thinking by focusing on creativity training via two different communication formats (i.e., CMC and FtF). The following research questions are proposed: 1. Will the use of different communication formats (i.e., CMC and FtF) have an impact on potential creative thinking?

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Fig. 12.1 Computer-mediated communication (CMC) is considered to have greater media richness than the traditional face-to-face (FtF) approach. CMC is a more relaxing and engaging type of feedback communication format than FtF. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

2. What is the correlation between media richness and potential creative thinking through the use of the above two types of communication format?

12.2 Literature Review and Hypotheses 12.2.1 Media Richness Media richness theory posits that the richness of information relies on the capacity of communicating information by media. A communicating medium is considered a “rich medium” when the target audiences can better understand the information transmitted. Conversely, if more time is required to understand the information received, then it is considered a “lean medium” (Daft and Lengel 1983; Ishii et al. 2019). The level of media richness has four key features of the availability of immediate feedback, the use of multiple cues, language variety, and personal focus, which have significant effects on information equivocality and uncertainty (Daft and Lengel 1983; Ishii et al. 2019). Handke et al. (2018) stated that the efficacy of an organization depends on the extent to which media richness conforms to the information required by the task and further proposed that the use and cognition of media are dynamic interactions of people and technology. On the other hand, Chidambaram and Jones (1993) argued that while a greater level of media richness has the ability

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to better manage uncertain information, it has a limited effect on reducing the equivocality of the information. Instead, this may increase the complexity and diversity of the communication process and content. Previous studies (Short 1976; Daft and Lengel 1986; Wei 2008) revealed that the FtF (e.g., communication with language and non-verbal cues) communication format has the highest level of media richness, followed by CMC (e.g., audiovisual), media with only audio, and written media. However, as the difficulty and cost of information transmission have decreased due to advances in modern technologies (see Fig. 12.2), CMC is increasingly being utilized as a communication format. This is particularly evident with the introduction of mobile immediate messaging software, which can be customized to facilitate interactive communication that occurs at any time and at any place. Its capacities for data storage, indexing, and searching, and the convenience of using the media by an individual are also greatly enhanced (Culnan and Markus 1987). Studies suggested that learners are more likely to perform better in generating new ideas for new product development under the FtF communication format than their counterparts who used the CMC format (Tichavsky et al. 2015; Wu et al. 2016; Liu et al. 2019). However, CMC may have potential advantages in terms of creativity learning and performance within a team context (Wu et al. 2016). In a study conducted

Fig. 12.2 Synchronized interactions in computer-mediated communication can offer effects similar to those of real-time face-to-face communication through instant texts, voice, and video transmission (Culnan and Markus 1987; Litosseliti et al. 2005). Photo by Yi-Te Chiang

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by Hatem et al. (2018), the production rate, communication efficiency, and level of cooperation with CMC indicated by the total quantity of information exchange were much higher than those of the FtF format because users experienced more interactions with the CMC format. It is the relatively higher equivocality that enables CMC users to exhibit greater levels of active participation and effort, given that space and time barriers are broken down, thus enabling team members to cooperate more effectively and efficiently on a common task (Walther 2011; Wu et al. 2016). CMC via the virtual world is regarded as more fun and pleasurable than FtF interactions (York 2019). Croes et al. (2018) also suggested that selecting between FtF or CMC is significantly influenced by the perceptions of users with respect to controllability, anonymity, and coexistence. Compared to CMC, FtF communicators deliver more facial expressions, and any changes in tone of voice may increase the level of tension during communication (Croes et al. 2019) (see Fig. 12.3). The interactive CMC environment also offers more personalized information and differential interactive communication, which has a higher degree of freedom, giving more time and space to learners to review the appropriateness and completeness of their opinions before they put forth their views (Smith 2004; Erhart 2018). Furthermore, CMC provides more time for users to contemplate the transmitted information during the interaction and produce a considered response by integrating the information with existing knowledge (Wu et al. 2016). On the other hand, the FtF format does not allow much time for analysis and discussion of different viewpoints, especially when participants are shy or are not ready to share, which will lower participatory interactions and affect the creativity performance (Erhart 2018). Furthermore, a relaxed learning situation will help elicit a greater level of creative thinking from

Fig. 12.3 Face-to-face communication does not allow much time for analysis and discussion of different viewpoints, especially when participants are shy or are not ready to share, which lowers participatory interactions and affects the creativity performance. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

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learners. Research shows that creativity rarely emerges under stressful circumstances, and thus, it is important to keep learners in a relaxed mental state, where the subconscious can nurture and form thoughts that give rise to creative thinking (Parnes 1967). Therefore, considering the interactivity and advances of the CMC format, its media richness has grown significantly in recent years (Kushlev and Heintzelman 2018; Brown et al. 2019).

12.2.2 Creativity Some studies (Guilford 1967, 1986; Chen 2005) suggested that creativity is derived from the structure of intelligence, which includes cognition, memory, divergent thinking, convergent thinking, and assessment, but other researchers (Amabile 1983; George and Zhou 2001; Perry-Smith 2006; Koednok and Sungsanit 2018; Soda et al. 2019) used a broader definition. Creativity can be perceived as the ability to generate new viewpoints, relationships, or meanings to produce an innovative idea that differs from the original by reprocessing, amending, integrating, or recombining linkable factors based on the original knowledge structure that satisfies a special need or meaningful purpose and exhibits a new originality which has its own unique values (Mednick 1962; Guilford 1967; Runco and Jaeger 2012) (see Fig. 12.4). While one study (Zhang et al. 2019) indicated that knowledge sharing can limit creativity, other researchers argued that sharing such knowledge enhances creative skills, openness, and independence, which are key characteristics of creativity (Niezabitowska et al. 2019). Therefore, creativity is the foundation of innovative knowledge, and innovation is the result of expressed creativity. Creativity is the process of developing innovative solutions to solve problems (see Fig. 12.5), but such a process usually differs as a result of differing contexts (Wakefield 1989; Lin et al. 2012; Lin and Lien 2013; Tan et al. 2019). Accordingly, the need to assess creativity is well supported by several studies (Isaksen et al. 1993; Cramond 2011), and one of the different techniques used is cognitive assessment (Piirto 1998). The most commonly used cognitive assessment method examines levels of fluency, flexibility, elaboration, and originality of the thought process as an assessment index (Guilford 1967; Torrance 1968). The Torrance Test of Creative Thinking (TTCT), developed by Torrance (1974), adopts a more stringent graphic and language written test that measures potential creativity. Prior studies (Karpova et al. 2011; Perry and Karpova 2017; Vally et al. 2019) indicated that through well-designed training, creativity can be elevated and further enhance the skill and efficacy of individual employees, which will have a flow-on effect to the collective innovation process. This can significantly contribute to the overall effectiveness and growth of sustainable operations in a corporation. This study focuses on investigating the impacts of communication formats (specifically CMC and FtF) in creativity training on potential creativity and seeks to address the two proposed research questions identified earlier.

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Fig. 12.4 Creativity can be perceived as the ability to generate new viewpoints, relationships, or meanings to produce an innovative idea that differs from the original. Clay crafts are created when a soft, malleable material is manipulated and shaped to create novel forms by children’s hands at a fishing village in Taiwan. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

12.2.3 Research Hypotheses of Media Richness and Creativity Media richness and creativity have been extensively researched within their respective contexts, and this is evident in the extant literature. Media richness has garnered much attention in recent years given advancements in modern technologies that have facilitated the enhancement of media delivery, quality, influence, and outreach. Some of the key domains that were previously explored include the effects of media richness on social media (Lodhia and Stone 2017), education learning (Shepherd and Martz 2006), trust and loyalty (Tseng et al. 2017), organizational learning (Labafi

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Fig. 12.5 Creativity has been a longstanding research theme from an individual perspective, where the focus has been on instigating new ideas, new ways of thinking, and problem solving. These include the influence of creativity on performance (Khedhaouria et al. 2015), teaching and learning (Tan 2015), personal development and growth (Barbot et al. 2016), and new product development (Dayan et al. 2017). In Huang’s art, monkeys are often used to symbolize humans who are entrapped or bound by their curiosity and creativity. Monkeys appear gentle, child-like, and tender, representing figures connected to human creatures in some naughty ways. Painting by Ms. Su-Mei Huang, all rights reserved

et al. 2018), information quality (Chen and Chang 2018), marketing (Alamäki et al. 2019), and communication (Peltokorpi 2015). However, there are limited studies that explored correlations between media richness and creativity. This research will specifically explore relationships of the availability of immediate feedback of media richness, use of multiple cues, language variety, and personal focus of the medium with the four indices of fluency, flexibility, elaboration, and originality of creativity. The definitions of these key terms are briefly outlined in Tables 12.1 and 12.2.

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Table 12.1 Definitions of key terms related to media richness Term

Definition

The availability of immediate feedback

The speed at which the user of communication media can receive an immediate response when transmitting information so as to amend and revise the information

Use of multiple cues

The degree of closeness to the actual situation of the language and non-verbal cues covered in transmitted information through communication media

Language variety

The degree of ease of interpretation or thinking without spending extra effort by the user when transmitting meanings of language and symbols through the communication media

Personal focus of the medium

The flexibility and adjustability of the communication media for the user

Adapted from Daft and Lengel (1983) and Ishii et al. (2019)

Table 12.2 Definitions of key terms related to creativity Term

Definition

Fluency

The ability to generate a large quantity of thoughts

Flexibility

The ability to look at familiar thoughts or situations in different ways

Elaboration

The ability to add more details to existing thought

Originality

The ability to produce new concepts that others have not thought of

Adapted from Guilford (1967), Torrance (1968), and Chen (2005)

Given the above discussion, the following variables are proposed for investigation in this research and are briefly explained accordingly. Figure 12.6 presents a hypothetical model for this research study. • Independent Variables The independent variables of this research were creativity training using different communication types. The experimental group adopted the CMC method which involves using software (i.e., WeChat), which is the most widely used social media in China. As for the control group, participants received traditional FtF creativity training. • Dependent Variables The dependent variables in this study were derived from the “Abbreviated Torrance Test for Adults (ATTA)” which is a projective assessment of potential creative thinking abilities that includes key indicators such as fluency, flexibility, originality, and elaboration (Guilford 1967; Torrance 1968; Goff 2002).

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Fig. 12.6 Research hypothetical model (e.g., media richness vs. creative thinking fluency) of the hypnotic impact on the creativity potential after creative training by media richness. CMC, computermediated communication; FtF, face-to-face. Illustrated by Yi-Te Chiang

• Intervening Variable In this research, the perception of media richness was used as an intervening variable to determine if there was an impact on potential creativity by creativity training through different communication types. • Control Variables The control variables adopted in this study during the preparation and experiment stages were the uniform content, procedure, time, and lecturers. • Hypotheses Based on the above discussion and research from Guilford (1967, 1986), Torrance (1974), Wu et al. (2016), Hatem et al. (2018), and Smith (2004), this research posits the following hypotheses for investigation. Hypothesis 1 (H1): The potential creativity cognition performance of CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 1a (H1a): The fluency performance of CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 1b (H1b): The flexibility performance of CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 1c (H1c): The originality performance of CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group.

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Hypothesis 1d (H1d): The elaboration performance of CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 2 (H2): The overall media richness perception of CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 2a (H2a): The perception of the availability of immediate feedback by CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 2b (H2b): The perception of the use of multiple cues by CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 2c (H2c): The perception of language variety by CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 2d (H2d): The perception of personal focus of the medium by CMC learners in the experimental group is better than that of FtF learners in the control group. Hypothesis 3 (H3): The perception of media richness is significantly correlated to potential creative thinking.

12.3 Materials and Methods 12.3.1 Preparation Stage This research, based on the above hypotheses, used common creativity methods that were subjected to an experiment of creativity training (Niezabitowska et al. 2019). Next, the Abbreviated Torrance Test for Adults (ATTA) projective assessment to measure potential creative thinking abilities was employed to evaluate the results of the creativity potential after the learning process (Goff 2002). A survey was also conducted with postgraduate students (who were also currently working as full-time business professionals in organizations) to assess their perceptions of media richness (Table 12.3), and it adopted a five-point Likert scale (i.e., 1 = strongly disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = neutral; 4 = agree; 5 = strongly agree) as a measurement of respondents’ answers about their perceptions of media richness.

12.3.2 Experimental Stage (Quasi-experiment) This research was conducted in Shanghai, China, which is regarded as having one of the most conductive and open business environments in China (Figs. 12.7 and 12.8). Subjects selected for this study were specifically targeted postgraduate students who were also currently working as full-time business professionals in organizations within a master’s program (those majoring in communication management, business

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Table 12.3 Media richness perception measurement items Dimension

Survey content

Source

Availability of immediate feedback

1. The design of the learning process provides me with effective information to help me communicate quickly

Carlson and Zmud (1999), Dennis et al. (1999), Rice and Love (1987)

2. The design of the learning process allows me to ask questions and immediately understand 3. The design of the learning process makes it easier for me to communicate and exchange ideas with others 4. The design of the learning process makes it easier for me to understand the content when I am communicating with others 5. The design of the learning process allows me to immediately grasp the status of transmitted information Use of multiple cues

6. The design of the learning process offers the option of attaching elements like pictures and graphs that can help others understand the information when it is transmitted

Carlson and Zmud (1999), Johnson et al. (2006), Rice and Love (1987)

7. The design of the learning process allows me to use other non-verbal cues besides language and numbers (such as facial expressions, body language, audiovisuals, pictures, graphs), when communicating with others 8. The design of the learning process allows me to provide more detailed non-verbal cues as auxiliary information when I am communicating with others (continued)

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Table 12.3 (continued) Dimension

Survey content

Language variety

9. The design of the learning Carlson and Zmud (1999), process provides a more Johnson et al. (2006) flexible way of expression that allows me to freely use the language with which I am familiar, such as Chinese, English, digital, graphics, symbols, that can help clearly convey the intended message

Source

10. The design of the learning process offers me richer and more diverse ways (such as punctuation, font size, color) to accentuate the meaning of the words Personal focus of the medium

11. The design of the learning Carlson and Zmud (1999), process is a medium where I Johnson et al. (2006), Rice and can exhibit my personal Love (1987) features such as looks and forms 12. The design of the learning process offers me the ability to display and edit personalized information

administration, or public relations and advertising) at the Shanghai College of Shih Hsin University, one of the affiliated colleges of Shih Hsin University, Taiwan. Two groups of a total of 67 students (i.e., CMC experimental group, n = 33; FtF control group, n = 34) majoring in communication management, business administration, or public relations and advertising studies were randomly selected to participate in this study. The two groups were taught creativity training by the same lecturer which involved a three-hour class session, in which the CMC experimental group used mobile communication software (i.e., WeChat) for communication, whereas the FtF control group utilized a traditional FtF communication format. Upon finalizing the subjects and experimental methods, as well as setting the time for rehearsal, the official training and surveys were subsequently separately conducted with the two groups. Written consent forms were delivered to all students to obtain their agreement to participate in this study, and at the same time, we informed them of their right to withdraw from the research at any time without penalty. The questionnaire survey proceeded after permission to participate had been received from all participants and was conducted in a classroom setting in their respective classes. Participants were given approximately 30 min in class to complete the questionnaire, and the class teacher collected them when completed.

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Fig. 12.7 Shanghai, located on the Southern edge of the Yangtze River estuary, is regarded as having one of the most conductive and open business environments in China. Illustrated by Yi-Te Chiang

12.3.3 Analysis This research adopted Cronbach’s α to examine the reliability of the questionnaire in order to understand the consistency of its questions (Table 12.4). Results of the internal consistency reliability test indicated that Cronbach’s α value for the availability of immediate feedback was 0.866; use of multiple cues was 0.650; language variety was 0.776; and personal focus of the medium was 0.833, which were all at an acceptable level. In addition, Cronbach’s α values of the entire questionnaire ranged 0.650–0.886, with an overall reliability value of 0.883. As such, this questionnaire

12.3 Materials and Methods

313

Fig. 12.8 This research was conducted in Shanghai which is regarded as having one of the most conductive and open business environments in China. Photo by Wei-Ta Fang

passed the reliability test, since a Cronbach’s α value of ≥0.8 denotes excellent reliability (Cohen 1992; Mallery and George 2003; Kline 2013; DeVellis 2017). In terms of validity, three communication scholars from Shanghai’s Jiao Tong University and Taiwan’s Shih Hsin University were invited to examine the validity of the questionnaire. The convergent validity, which is used to examine the degree of correlation between each dimension and its question (Campbell and Fiske 1959), of this research reached a par level because the Pearson correlation coefficient of every item attained a significant level, indicating good convergent validity. As for the discriminant validity, which is used to examine the result of discrimination among the dimensions for which a regular factor analysis is employed (Campbell and Fiske 1959), this research adopted the factor analysis method. The factor loading for every item (except for questions 6, 7, and 10) was >0.5, and the Pearson correlation coefficient for all questions reached a significant level (p < 0.0001). Results of the convergent validity and discriminant validity of media richness perceptions are outlined in Table 12.5, which suggests that the research questionnaire attained a satisfactory overall validity. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS v.22) was used to analyze the information collected in this study, and tests such as the independent sample t-test and Pearson correlation coefficient were conducted to examine if correlations existed between key constructs of the study.

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Table 12.4 The reliability of the questionnaire of media richness Dimension

Survey content

Mean

Standard deviation

Cronbach’s α

Availability of immediate feedback

1. The design of the learning process provides me with effective information to help me communicate quickly

4.35

0.63

0.866

2. The design of the learning process allows me to ask questions and immediately understand

4.24

0.69

3. The design of the 4.16 learning process makes it easier for me to communicate and exchange ideas with others

0.71

4. The design of the 4.19 learning process makes it easier for me to understand the content when I am communicating with others

0.65

5. The design of the 4.27 learning process allows me to immediately grasp the status of transmitted information

0.66

6. The design of the learning process offers the option of attaching elements like pictures and graphs that can help with understanding the information when transmitting it

1.30

Use of multiple cues

3.56

0.650

(continued)

12.3 Materials and Methods

315

Table 12.4 (continued) Dimension

Language variety

Survey content

Mean

Standard deviation

7. The design of the 3.24 learning process allows me to use other non-verbal cues, besides language and numbers (such as facial expressions, body language, audiovisuals, pictures, graphs), when communicating with others

1.18

8. The design of the learning process allows me to provide more detailed non-verbal cues as auxiliary information when I am communicating with others

3.71

0.88

9. The design of the 3.40 learning process provides a more flexible way of expression that allows me to freely use the language with which I am familiar, such as Chinese, English, digital, graphics, or symbols, that can help clearly convey the intended message

1.15

10. The design of the 3.11 learning process offers me richer and more diverse ways (such as punctuation, font size, colors) to accentuate the meaning of the words

1.10

Cronbach’s α

0.776

(continued)

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Table 12.4 (continued) Mean

Standard deviation

Cronbach’s α

Personal focus of the 11. The design of the medium learning process is a medium where I can exhibit my personal features such as looks and forms

3.53

0.74

0.833

12. The design of the learning process offers me the ability to display and edit personalized information

3.65

0.70

Dimension

Overall reliability

Survey content

0.883

Table 12.5 The questionnaire validity of media richness Dimension Availability of immediate feedback

Use of multiple cues

Language variety Personal focus of the medium

Item

Factor loading

Pearson correlation coefficient

p value

1

0.653

0.764**

p < 0.0001

2

0.713

0.830**

p < 0.0001

3

0.734

0.834**

p < 0.0001

4

0.773

0.875**

p < 0.0001

5

0.688

0.733**

p < 0.0001

6

0.422

0.821**

p < 0.0001

7

0.276

0.761**

p < 0.0001

8

0.720

0.734**

p < 0.0001

9

0.526

0.908**

p < 0.0001

10

0.376

0.900**

p < 0.0001

11

0.746

0.930**

p < 0.0001

12

0.603

0.922**

p < 0.0001

**p < 0.01

12.4 Results 12.4.1 Distribution of Demographic Profiles In total, 67 students participated in the experiment, among which 41 were males (61.2%) and 26 were females (38.8%). A majority of respondents were aged 41– 50 years (50.7%), followed by over 50 years (28.4%), 31–40 years (13.4%), and under 30 years (7.5%). Table 12.6 below briefly presents the overall demographic distributions of respondents.

12.4 Results Table 12.6 Overall demographic distributions

317 Variable

Item

Number

Percent (%)

Gender

Male

41

61.2

Female

26

38.8

≤30

5

7.5

31–40

9

13.4

41–50

34

50.7

>50

19

28.4

6

100

Age (years)

Table 12.7 Demographic distributions of the computer-mediated communication experimental group

Total

7

Variable

Item

Number

Percent (%)

Gender

Male

18

54.5

Female

15

45.5

≤30

3

9.1

31–40

3

9.1

41–50

18

54.5

9

27.3

33

100

Age (years)

>50 Total

In terms of the demographic distribution of the CMC experimental group, there were a total of 33 students (18 males and 15 females). Respondents in this experimental group were in the following age groups: 41–50 years (54.5%), over 50 years (27.3%), 31–40 years (9.1%), and under 30 years (9.1%). As for the FtF control group, there were more males (67.6%) than females (32.4%) out of a total of 34 students. A majority of respondents of this control group were aged 41–50 years (47.1%), with others in the categories of over 50 years (29.4%), 31–40 years (17.6%), and under 30 years (5.9%). Tables 12.7 and 12.8 below briefly outline the demographic distributions of respondents for both the CMC experimental and FtF control groups, respectively. Table 12.8 Demographic distributions of the face-to-face communication control group

Variable

Item

Number

Percent (%)

Gender

Male

23

67.6

Female

11

32.4

Age (years)

≤30

2

5.9

31–40

6

17.6

41–50

16

47.1

>50

10

29.4

34

100

Total

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Table 12.9 Torrance potential creativity cognitive performance in an original-score evaluation Variable

CMC (N = 33) FtF (N = 34) Mean

t value

p

Mean

SD

SD

H1a: Fluency

16.60

1.77

14.79

1.72

4.25***

p < 0.0001

H1b: Flexibility

15.97

2.19

14.85

2.16

2.10*

p = 0.039

H1c: Originality

17.45

1.77

16.29

2.01

2.50*

p = 0.014

H1d: Elaboration

16.79

2.22

15.70

2.46

1.90

p = 0.06

H1: Potential creativity cognition performance

16.70

1.99

15.41

2.09

2.58*

p = 0.012

***p < 0.001, two-tailed test; *p < 0.05, two-tailed test CMC computer-mediated communication; FtF face-to-face; SD standard deviation

12.4.2 Torrance Creativity Cognitive Performance This research adopted the ATTA as a tool to measure the creativity potential, with scores based on the norm of fluency, flexibility, originality, and elaboration. Results (as shown in Table 12.9) of the independent sample t-test for the Torrance creativity cognitive performance (ATTA) indicated that the overall mean score of the CMC experimental group was higher than that of the FtF control group in terms of creativity cognition (p = 0.012, t-test). This signified that participants in the CMC group had greater creativity than did those in the FtF group. Although there was no significant difference (p = 0.052, t-test) in the elaboration performance between the CMC and FtF groups, the CMC group (mean, 16.79) had a slightly higher mean score than the FtF group (mean, 15.70). On the other hand, the findings revealed that there were significant differences in the performance of fluency, flexibility, and originality between the CMC and FtF groups. The CMC group had a better fluency performance which suggested a greater ability to generate a larger quantity of meaningful thoughts than the FtF group. The CMC group also had a better flexibility performance than the FtF group, whereby they could better describe more capabilities to easily modify their willingness to change their existing thoughts. In terms of originality performance, the CMC group outperformed the FtF group with a greater ability to produce new concepts and unique ideas toward problem solving. Therefore, hypotheses H1 (p = 0.012, t-test), H1a (p < 0.0001, t-test), H1b (p = 0.039, t-test), and H1c (p = 0.014, t-test) were supported, whereas hypothesis H1d (p = 0.06, t-test) was rejected.

12.4.3 Independent Sample t-Test Analysis of Media Richness Perceptions Findings (Table 12.10) of the independent sample t-test for media richness perceptions indicated that the overall mean score of the CMC experimental group was

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319

Table 12.10 Independent sample t-test analysis of media richness perceptions in a norm-referenced evaluation Dimension

CMC (N = 30) FtF (N = 32) Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Availability of immediate feedback

4.13

0.61

4.36

0.44

Use of multiple cues

4.04

0.64

3.00

0.75

t value −1.70

p 0.094

5.88***