Environmental History of Oceanic Islands: Natural and Human Impacts on the Vegetation of the Juan Fernández (Robinson Crusoe) Archipelago [1st ed.] 9783030478704, 9783030478711

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Tod F. Stuessy

Environmental History of Oceanic Islands Natural and Human Impacts on the Vegetation of the Juan Fernández (Robinson Crusoe) Archipelago

Environmental History of Oceanic Islands

Frontispiece Tree ferns and other endemic vegetation on Alejandro Selkirk Island in the Juan Fernández Archipelago

Tod F. Stuessy

Environmental History of Oceanic Islands Natural and Human Impacts on the Vegetation of the Juan Fernández (Robinson Crusoe) Archipelago

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Tod F. Stuessy Herbarium/Museum of Biological Diversity Department of Evolution, Ecology, and Organismal Biology The Ohio State University Columbus, OH, USA Department of Botany and Biodiversity Research University of Vienna Vienna, Austria

ISBN 978-3-030-47870-4 ISBN 978-3-030-47871-1 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1

(eBook)

Every effort has been made to contact the copyright holders of the figures and tables which have been reproduced from other sources. Anyone who has not been properly credited is requested to contact the publishers, so that due acknowledgment may be made in subsequent editions. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

No doubt the general appearance of the vegetation is very different now from what it was when the island was first visited. Henry Moseley (1892: 467)

This book is dedicated to the memory of Professor Clodomiro Marticorena Pairoa (1929–2013) of the Departamento de Botánica, Universidad de Concepción, Chile, who shared a deep interest in the historical aspects of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. He had a vast knowledge of early sea voyagers and their chronology and influence. It is with great sadness that he passed away before this book was conceived and written, but his spirit flows through every one of these pages.

Other Books by Tod F. Stuessy

Cladistics: Perspectives on the reconstruction of evolutionary history (1984). Edited with T. Duncan. Cladistic Theory and Methodology (1985). Edited with T. Duncan. Plant Taxonomy: The systematic evaluation of comparative data (1990). Case Studies in Plant Taxonomy (1994). Sampling the Green World: Innovative concepts of collection, preservation, and storage of plant diversity (1996). Edited with S. Sohmer. Evolution and Speciation of Island Plants (1998). Edited with M. Ono. Flavonoids of the Sunflower Family (Asteraceae) (2001). With Bruce Bohm. Plant Systematics: A half-century of progress (1950–2000) and future challenges (2001). Edited with E. Hörandl and V. Mayer. Deep Morphology: Toward a Renaissance of morphology in plant systematics (2003). Edited with V. Mayer and E. Hörandl. Plant Taxonomy: The systematic evaluation of comparative data, ed. 2 (2009). Systematics, Evolution, and Biogeography of Compositae (2009). Edited with V. Funk, A. Susanna and R. Bayer. Monographic Plant Systematics: Fundamental assessment of plant biodiversity (2011). Edited with W. Lack. Plant Systematics: The origin, interpretation, and ordering of plant biodiversity (2014). With D. Crawford, D. Soltis, and P. Soltis. Plants of Oceanic Islands: Evolution, biogeography, and conservation of the flora of the Juan Fernández (Robinson Crusoe) Archipelago (2018). Edited with D. Crawford, P. López-Sepúlveda, C. Baeza, and E. Ruiz. Systematics of Hypochaeris Section Phanoderis (2019). With 15 co-authors.

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Preface

Scientists from the Ohio State University, the University of Vienna, the University of Concepción (Chile), and many other institutions have worked on evolutionary and biogeographic investigations in the Juan Fernández Archipelago for over 35 years. These investigations have resulted in numerous articles in scientific journals during this period, as well as having been synthesized recently in a comprehensive book on the evolution and biogeography of the plants of the archipelago (Stuessy et al. 2018a). On our 12 expeditions to the archipelago from 1980 to 2011, we became aware of the natural and human impacts to the island ecosystem, and these experiences suggested that another story needed to be told in more detail: the historical ecology of the archipelago. Many natural factors have impacted these isolated islands. The two major islands are four and one million years old, and during this time, much natural change has taken place. Subsidence and erosion by wind and water has shaped the landscape to the form seen today. These modifications have not only impacted the geomorphology of the islands but also their vegetation and flora. Following four million years of natural changes in the islands, impacts have come from human activities over the past more than 400 years. The archipelago was first discovered in 1574 by the Spanish navigator Juan Fernández, and from this point onward, a series of European visitors arrived in the islands. The archipelago was strategically situated for obtaining food, water, and edible plants, and subsequently also for meat from goats set ashore by the early visitors. Fish and lobster also abounded. This was a true oasis for ships surviving the harrowing voyage around Cape Horn and before sailing further westward into the Pacific for oriental markets. As time progressed, the islands also became a convenient hiding place for English, French, and Dutch ships as they attacked the Spanish colonies along the western coast of South America. The historical visitors to the Juan Fernández Archipelago often left chronicles of their activities. Captains, pilots, and travelers routinely kept logs of their voyages, sometimes with considerable details. These documents were often published, supplemented at times by drawings and maps, as the European public was thirsty

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for information about the New World. It is this trove of information that has been digested for the assessments presented in this book. Historical ecology recognizes the huge roles that humans have played in shaping the landscape of the planet (Bilsky 1980), and oceanic islands have been particularly susceptible to disturbance from human activities (Kirch and Hunt 1997; Keppel et al. 2014; Copsey et al. 2018). People are by nature competitive and greedy, motivated largely by familial and tribal affinities. Because of their beauty, natural resources, and remoteness (and hence often weakly defended), oceanic islands have had their environments substantially modified. These become case studies of human impact on the ecology of the Earth. Because islands are small and surrounded by water, the impacts can often be clearly documented as resulting from specific human activities. The Juan Fernández Archipelago is an instructive case study of human impact on the vegetation of an oceanic island. There never were indigenous peoples in this archipelago (Haberle 2003), and therefore, from the moment in 1574 when the islands were discovered, human impact began. Over the subsequent 400 plus years, the detailed reports from officers and travelers on visiting ships serve as an accurate picture of human activities. Because ecological sensitivities were virtually unknown until the second half of the twentieth century, nearly all of the human impacts on the islands have been negative. It is somewhat sad to present negative perspectives, but it hopefully serves as a reminder of what can happen to the entire planet if we do not care for it properly. The Anthropocene (Steffen et al. 2011) may be remembered as a remarkable period of invention by a single species on earth, or it may signal the end of the natural ecosystem upon which we and all other life forms depend. Columbus, USA/Vienna, Austria 2020

Tod F. Stuessy

Acknowledgements

Every book reaches completion because of support from numerous individuals and institutions. This book is no exception. During research in the archipelago, our group has been aided by the administrators and guides of the Robinson Crusoe Islands National Park. This park is one of many in Chile that is managed by the Corporación National Forestal (CONAF), charged with oversight of the natural resources of the country. As one of Chile’s national parks, all collecting and scientific study now is carefully regulated. Supporting our work have been the park chiefs, Bernardo Ackermann, Gastón González, and Ivan Leiva. The guides and associates were especially helpful, and these included: Alfonso Andauer, Jorge Angulo, Guillermo Araya, Danilo Arredondo, Danilo Arredondo, Jr., Oscar Chamorro, Esteban Charpentier, Miguel García, Alvis González, Claudio González, Guillermo González, José González, Michael González, Bernardo López, Guillermo López, José López, Eduardo Paredes, Aldo Recabarren, Teodoro Rivadeneira, and Ramón Schiller. Work in the islands would have been impossible without the support of these outstanding professionals and friends. Time away from normal duties to work in the Juan Fernández Archipelago was generously granted by the Ohio State University, the Los Angeles Museum of Natural History, and the University of Vienna. Because of the complex logistics involved with research in the islands, especially on the remote Alejandro Selkirk Island, where no supplies exist, considerable time was needed for the expeditions, normally lasting four to six weeks. The Departamento de Botánica of the Universidad de Concepción, Chile, served as a site for many pre- and post-organizational aspects of the expeditions, as well as their personnel joining as full collaborators on all trips and research publications. This book would never have been written without the encouragement and support from colleagues on so many expeditions and cooperative laboratory studies from 1980 to the present. These include: Gregory Anderson, Pedro Aqueveque, Jorge Arriagada, Carlos M. Baeza, Gabriel Bernardello, Daniel J. Crawford, Michael Doyle, Leonardo Gaete, Alejandro Gatica, Fidelina González, Josef Greimler, Ana María Humaña, Gabriele Kottirsch, Thomas Lammers, Alejandro Landero, Luis Letelier, Patricio López-Sepúlveda, Oscar Matthei, Johannes Novak, xiii

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Patricio Novoa, Patricia Pacheco, Oscar Parra, Patricio Peñailillo, Roberto Rodríguez, Richard Roederer, Mauricio Rondanelli, Eduardo Ruiz, Roger Sanders, Jaime Sepúlveda, Mario Silva, José Soto, Alan Stuessy, Patricia Stuessy, Ulf Swenson, Koji Takayama, Eric Tepe, Karin Tremetsberger, Eduardo Ugarte, Hugo Valdebenito, and Delbert Wiens. These colleagues come from Argentina, Austria, Chile, Ecuador, Japan, Mexico, Sweden, and USA. Most of the historical information for this book was obtained from the primary literature, but some additional data were acquired from institutions and individuals. Visits to the Royal Geographic Society, London, UK, and the Archivo de las Indias, Sevilla, Spain, resulted in copies of important historical maps. James Flatness of the Map Division of the US Library of Congress, Washington, DC, also sent me copies of old maps of the archipelago. Books were consulted at the library of the British Museum. Lyndon Wester and John Francis kindly shared copies of older texts already acquired during their previous researches on the archipelago. Carlos M. Baeza provided scientific identifications of some plants mentioned as vernacular names in the historical documentation. The excellent history of the Juan Fernández Archipelago by Ralph Woodward (1969), frequently cited in this book, was most helpful for information on the cultural side of island development. Ann-Mari Skottsberg graciously translated into English the diary of her mother, Inga, written in Swedish on their expedition to the archipelago in 1954–1955. Maps, drawings, and photographs have been reproduced with permission from several sources: Pacific Science (Figs. 2.2, 6.1, 6.2); Josef Greimler (Figs. 4.1a, b, 6.1, 6.2); National Portrait Gallery, London (Figs. 7.5, 7.9, 9.1); Oscar Matthei (Fig. 9.4); Botanical Research Institute of Texas Press (Fig. 9.5); Piero Delprete (Fig. 9.5); Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Fig. 10.1b); Departamento de Botánica, Universidad de Concepción (Fig. 10.4); Rüdi Looser (Fig. 12.3); University of California Botanic Garden (Fig. 12.6); Mary Anne Kunkel and Alfonso Susanna (Fig. 12.10); Otto Solbrig (Figs. 13.1, 13.11a); Nordic Journal of Botany (Figs. 14. 1, 14.2); and Cambridge University Press (Fig. 15.1). Many historical images of people are out of copyright and in the public domain, but they have been reproduced from the following sources: Fig. 7.1, Willem Schouten, Gottfried and Merian (1631); Fig. 7.15a, Jorge Juan, Villanueva (1989: 32); Fig. 7.15b, Antonio de Ulloa, Museo Naval, Madrid; Fig. 8.3, Juan Ignacio Molina, Jaramillo (1987: frontispiece); Fig. 8.4, Alejandro Malaspina, Kendrick (1999: frontispiece); Fig. 8.8, Amasa Delano, Teller (1960: opposite p. 18); Fig. 9.3, David Douglas, Wilson (1919: opposite p. 16); Fig. 9.6, Claudio Gay, Aguirre de Maino (1981: 332); Fig. 9.12, J. Ross Browne, Goodman (1966: frontispiece); Fig. 9.13, Rodulfo Philippi, Fürstenberg (1906: frontispiece); Fig. 10.1, Henry Moseley, Moseley (1842: frontispiece); and Fig. 11.1, Carl Skottsberg, Skottsberg (1918a: 122). Daniel Crawford, Josef Greimler, and Patricio López-Sepúlveda kindly read the entire manuscript and made many helpful suggestions for improvement. Gil Ortiz expertly drafted Figs. 15.2 and 15.4, and Robert Klips digitally photographed two dozen figures from original sources. Franz Stadler helped with the index.

Acknowledgements

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Financial support for all Juan Fernández studies was provided by the US National Science Foundation (from the Systematic Biology and International programs), Austrian Science Fund (FWF), Austrian National Bank, Armand Erpf Foundation, Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History, and the National Geographic Society.

Contents

1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 The Importance of an Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Historical Ecology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Impacts on Oceanic Islands from Native Peoples . . . . . . . . 1.4 Impacts on Island Environments from European Visitors . . . 1.5 The Importance of Documenting Human Impact on Natural Vegetation of Oceanic Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part I

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The Archipelago

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The Island Setting . . . . . . . 2.1 Geology and Soils . . 2.2 Climate and Weather . 2.3 Flora . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Vegetation . . . . . . . . 2.5 Human Settlements . .

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The Importance of the Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Political Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Ecological Significance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Evolutionary and Biogeographic Significance 3.3.1 Evolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Biogeography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Modern Flora and Vegetation

Native and Endemic Flora . . . . . . . . 4.1 Examples of the Vascular Flora . 4.2 Statistics of the Vascular Flora . 4.3 Biogeography of the Flora . . . . . 4.4 Conservation Status of the Flora

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Introduced Species . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Introduced Flora . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Statistics of Introduced Species 5.3 The Most Serious Invasives . . .

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Vegetational Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Vegetation of Alejandro Selkirk Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Comparison of Vegetation Between the Two Major Islands .

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Historical Documentation of Human Activities

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Discovery and Early Exploration (1574–1749) 7.1 Sixteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Seventeenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Eighteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Colonial Period (1750–1819) . . . . . . . 8.1 Control of the Archipelago . . . . 8.2 Development of the Archipelago 8.3 Chilean Independence . . . . . . . . 8.4 Fur Seal Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5 Sandalwood Trade . . . . . . . . . .

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Early 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5

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Botanical Period (1820–1875) . . . . . . . Initial Visitors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early Naturalists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Island Developments and Other Visitors . California Gold Rush . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Philippi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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10 Floristic Period (1876–1906) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 Challenger Expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 Surveys of Island Resources . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3 Economic Development and Other Visitors 10.4 Johow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.5 Additional Travelers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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11 Skottsberg (1907–1917) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 11.1 Expedition of 1907–1908 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 11.2 Expedition of 1916–1917 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 12 Touristic Period (1918–1959) 12.1 1920s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2 1930s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.3 1940s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.4 1950s . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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13 Modern Period (1960–Present) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.1 Major Botanical Research Expeditions . . . . 13.2 Other Visitors to the Archipelago . . . . . . . 13.3 Refined Floristic Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.4 Studies on the Vegetation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.5 Biological Investigations on the Flora . . . . 13.6 Surveys of Physical and Human Resources 13.7 Conservation Initiatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.8 Damages to the Ecosystem . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.9 New Books and Articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Part IV

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Summaries of Impacts on Vegetation

14 Natural Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 14.1 Subsidence and Erosion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 14.2 Impacts on Vegetation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 15 Human Influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1 Impacts of Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.2 Cutting of Forests on the Northeastern Side of Crusoe Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.3 Fire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.4 Harvesting of Individual Plant Species . . . . . . 15.5 Establishment of Domesticated Plants . . . . . . 15.6 Competition from Invasive Plants . . . . . . . . . 15.7 Introduction of Domesticated Animals . . . . . . 15.8 Damage from Feral Animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.9 Loss of Marine Animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Part V

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Robinson . . . . . . . .

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Conservation . . . . . . . . . . . . 271

16 Existing Conservation Efforts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.1 Conservation Status of the Native and Endemic Species of the Flora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.2 CONAF Conservation Initiatives . . . . . . . . . . . 16.3 Other Initiatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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17 Recommendations for the Future . 17.1 Previous Recommendations . . 17.2 Personal Recommendations . . 17.2.1 Administrative Needs 17.2.2 Animal Control . . . . 17.2.3 Plant Control . . . . . .

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17.2.4 Erosion Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 17.2.5 Educational Efforts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 17.2.6 Research on the Endemic and Native Flora . . . . . . . . . 288 Epilogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 Literature Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 The Importance of an Historical Perspective There is nothing more important for the interpretation of reality than understanding history. History is the area of knowledge that deals with examination, documentation, and interpretation of events over time. In context of this broad definition, nearly all aspects of our world are in some measure historical, including the origin and evolution of our entire planet (and universe). As long as there is time and structure in our existence, there must be history. We often think of history as being more focused on human events, and in this context, one of the first Western historians was the Greek writer Herodotus (c. 425 BCE), who traveled extensively throughout the Mediterranean (Classical) world and chronicled information from these experiences. He was somewhat uncritical in his reports, documenting nearly everything he learned, including fanciful or exaggerated claims. Another Greek author, Thucydides, wrote (431 BCE) with much more objectivity about the Peloponnesian War between Sparta and Athens. From these beginnings, the writing of history has become an important part of the human experience. Because our own life span is limited to a very short slice of time, we find it fascinating to learn more about what has happened previous to our own existence. Whether learning about the past really prevents us from repeating negative consequences in the present or future (Santayana 1905) is debatable, simply because no world situation is exactly the same at any point in time. Hence, what seemed bad policy a thousand years ago may not be bad today or tomorrow due to changing conditions. Nonetheless, studies of previous events of human history are of great interest to most persons, who read history with the hope of understanding better the workings of human society. The most dramatic (or calamitous) events obviously tend to attract the most interest. The challenge is not only to chronicle events of the past but also to try to understand reasons for the occurrence of the events, i.e., seeking causes (Diamond and Robinson 2010).

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_1

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History is particularly significant for understanding biological patterns and processes. Although one may not usually view biology in context of historical events, all processes in the biological world are essentially historical. They have a beginning, a transition, and an end. This would include daily cellular processes, such as photosynthesis and respiration, plus energy transformations and development. Reproductive behavior is also historical. The end results from biological processes are patterns, such as cell structures, which represent snapshots in any one particular point in time. Particularly historical are studies of systematics and evolution. Here we seek patterns in the natural world and then attempt to understand the processes that produced the patterns. Systematics is the study of the kinds and diversity of life and relationships among them (Simpson 1961), or more simply, the study of biodiversity in its broadest sense. The systematist seeks order in nature, and usually arranges the entities so discovered into a structure of information, or classification. If done effectively, such a structure contains much data about organisms to serve as a useful information-retrieval system as well as allowing for predictive insights on qualities not yet observed or chronicled. The revealed patterns then allow search for processes to explain their origins. Evolution is obviously the general explanation for the origin of biodiversity, and two broad approaches have been developed. Microevolutionary investigations focus on understanding the processes active at the populational level, generally dealing with concepts of genetic diversity, isolating mechanisms, and eventual speciation. Macroevolutionary studies deal with understanding the long-term evolutionary transitions leading to the patterns among organisms seen today. Fossil evidence can be of great value here, because fossils provide evidence of morphological features that existed at particular time periods in the past. They are similar to archaeological finds in human historical investigations, but here occurring over millions rather than only thousands of years. Modern phylogenetic analyses using nucleotide data are now fundamental for these phylogenetic reconstructions at all levels of the taxonomic hierarchy (Baum and Smith 2013). History is also fundamental for ecology, which can be regarded as the affinities of organisms to each another and in relation to their physical surroundings. The role of systematics here is obvious, as one cannot very effectively understand the relationship of organisms to the environment if the entities themselves are not clearly circumscribed, either informally or in a more scientifically meaningful way. As with systematics, ecology first attempts to document the patterns in nature, such as vegetation types, life forms, elements of an ecosystem, etc. After patterns have been revealed, the challenge turns toward explaining the processes of change within the ecosystems. This is immensely difficult, because so many variables exist. Most ecosystems are unbelievably complex, including not only the most conspicuous organisms, such as trees, shrubs, or even herbs, but then come the herbivores, the predators on the herbivores and their own parasites. Not easily observed but extremely important are the below-ground organisms, such as the fungi, arthropods, annelids, and bacteria and viruses in huge quantities. Attempting to understand such complex organismic systems and in relation to environmental factors is what makes ecology intriguing as well as difficult.

1.2 Historical Ecology

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1.2 Historical Ecology Out of this general purview that ecology has strong historical dimensions has developed the scholarly area called historical ecology. The origins of this term are somewhat diffuse, but Crumley (1998) suggests that it was first used in a doctoral thesis by Don Rice (1976). He attributed it to the anthropologist Edward Deevey, who in the early 1970s directed the Historical Ecology Project at the University of Florida. More visibility came with the volume edited by Lester Bilsky (1980) entitled Historical Ecology: Essays on Environment and Social Change. Subsequent volumes appeared with historical ecology in their titles (e.g., Crumley 1994; Kirch and Hunt 1997; Balée 1998a), and new reviews have recently appeared (McClenachan et al. 2015; Szabo 2015; Beller et al. 2017). The idea of historical ecology is to encourage collaboration between different social science areas, such as anthropology and geography, or between different aspects represented by hybrid fields such as environmental history or landscape ecology (Crumley 1998; Bürgi and Gimmi 2007). The basic concept is to document changes in the environment over time, particularly as events impact the landscape (Balée 1998b). Many factors can and have influenced the landscape of the Earth over different time scales. Two types of basic impacts can be characterized: those that have occurred naturally; and those that are due to human activities (Rhemtulla and Mladenoff 2007). Very dramatic impacts on the landscape have occurred from natural earth events such as continental drift or Pleistocene glaciations (Lowe and Walker 1997). These are long-term events that have indeed been responsible for major reshaping of large portions of the planet, concurrent with effecting changes in the environment and the organisms contained within it. Other natural impacts have taken place within much shorter time frames, such as volcanic explosions, severe drought, natural fire, pestilence (such as fungal invasions or migrating locust hordes), tidal waves, or meteor impacts (e.g., at the end of the Cretaceous, 66 mya, resulting in the 180 km wide Chicxulub crater in the Yucatán peninsula of Mexico; Renne et al. 2013). One can argue that human activity is also a part of the natural cycle of the world, but the impact from people has been so great, especially over the past several centuries as the size of the human population has grown geometrically, that it has occasioned a more acute influence on the landscape than most impacts resulting from natural phenomena. The impact that humans have had on the ecosystems of the planet is unparalleled, such that some workers are now referring to this period of Earth history as the Anthropocene (e.g., Steffen et al. 2011; Helmus et al. 2014; Waters et al. 2016). It is impossible not to notice the continual building of new factories and other businesses, as well as more homes, apartments, roads, shopping centers, airports, sports arenas, and parking lots. To feed and clothe the increasing numbers of new persons on the planet requires increased acreage dedicated to domesticated plants and animals, which involves clearing of original ecosystems. The oceans have also been impacted, due mainly to overfishing and pollution (Halpern et al. 2008). To these human impacts can be added the serious problems of sea level rise, desertification,

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and extreme weather associated with climate change due to increased CO2 levels in the atmosphere (Mora et al. 2018). A very significant role of historical ecology is in the interpretation of landscape change that will have impacted evolutionary processes and patterns. This is particularly important in oceanic islands that can have relatively short life spans. Attempting to infer modes of speciation, for example, is difficult in an island that has already undergone significant geomorphological change over millions of years. Because of subsidence and erosion, the present geographic and ecological contexts of populations may not at all reflect conditions when species originated. Clearly, the best locations for the most robust inferences should come from studies on younger rather than older, islands. Comparison between organisms on islands of different ages and even between those on different archipelagos, must always take the historical context into account (Stuessy, in press).

1.3 Impacts on Oceanic Islands from Native Peoples Oceanic islands are areas of the world that have been particularly impacted by humans. For centuries these islands, many in tropical or subtropical climates, have provided agreeable homes for numerous human tribes, particularly in the Pacific Ocean. From southeast Asia, peoples of the Pacific have travelled in the past thousand years to islands of Polynesia through remarkable voyages of discovery in simple boats (Wilmshurst et al. 2011; Matisoo-Smith 2015). In many islands, fresh water has made it possible to live comfortably and develop communities. Food has often been abundant from the sea, and sometimes also from available native plants, which were supplemented by produce from rudimentary agriculture. Indigenous peoples, however, have not always treated their ecosystems in a sustainable fashion (Rolett and Diamond 2004). The birds of oceanic islands have suffered considerably, being consumed as food and use of their feathers for adornments (Steadman 1997, 2006; Culliney 2006). Based on fossil evidence, it has been estimated that two-thirds of the species of endemic birds in the Hawaiian archipelago were extinct (Culliney 2006) by the time of first arrival of European voyagers (Captain Cook in 1778; Ziegler 2002). As native birds have gone extinct, it is probable that some native plants that depended on the birds as pollinators may also have disappeared. Such may be the case in the Hawaiian Islands with the honeycreepers (Drepanidinae) and the lobeliads, although direct evidence for coevolution or coextinction between these groups is still uncertain (Lammers and Freeman 1986). Perhaps one of the most dramatic examples of impact on the natural ecosystem from indigenous Polynesian inhabitants has occurred in Easter Island (also called Rapa Nui). Now belonging to Chile (acquired in 1888), this small island (63 mi2 ) is located in the middle of the Pacific Ocean far removed (3,512 kms west) from the Chilean mainland. The closest inhabited island is Pitcairn, some 2,075 kms to the west. Despite this isolation, people did arrive to Easter Island. A number of theories regarding the time of arrival have been proposed, but Hunt and Lipo (2006)

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have shown convincingly that colonization occurred about 1200 CE. A stable society was developed, and cultural success allowed time for artisans to construct massive human stone figures (moais) weighing more than ten tons. These were moved on designated pathways toward the sea and placed on stone altars (ahus). What mechanism permitted moving such heavy structures has occasioned several hypotheses, the most recent being that of moving them upright with three attached ropes and a rocking motion (Hunt and Lipo 2011). Although most food was taken from the sea, some agriculture was employed. Native trees were harvested for building of houses as well as boats. Lack of foresight led to the continual destruction of more of the forests, until not enough wood was available for making new fishing boats. Hunt (2007) also stressed negative impacts on the vegetation from invasive rats. These factors led to hunger, civil strife, and war. Contact with Europeans occurred in 1722 with the arrival of the Dutch voyager Jacob Roggeveen, which opened the door to other European visitors. These contacts resulted in disease within the native population due to lack of immunity against Old World pestilences. Peruvian ships in 1862–1863 captured hundreds of the inhabitants of Easter Island to work indentured in the guano mines off the Peruvian coast (Maude 1981; Heyerdahl 1989), which reduced the native population to a dangerously low level, with only 110 individuals remaining by 1877. Descendants from these remaining families have survived, but they are only a remnant of the original population. This is a very instructive case study, because it illustrates how human society can collapse if not enough attention is given toward preservation of the natural resources in the environment.

1.4 Impacts on Island Environments from European Visitors The age of exploration, fueled mainly by hopes of encountering fame and fortune, plus a curiosity about other parts of the planet, led to ships sailing to different areas of the globe from Portugal, Spain, England, France, and the Netherlands (Crosby 1986; Howse 1990; Pagden 1993; Brockway 2002; Cook 2007). The principal objective was to find routes to the lucrative Spice Islands, sometimes combined with an evangelical motive, and many oceanic islands provided convenient stopping points for these early seafarers. Islands in the Atlantic were very strongly impacted (Duncan 1972; Schiebinger 2004) because these became stepping stones from Europe to Africa and then to the New World. Over the centuries, oceanic islands have been highly valued for communications, navigation, economic gain, and military and strategic objectives (Duncan 1972). During the age of wars in Europe, especially during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, islands became additional places of conflict, as they were essential as places to replenish spent food and water and to provide rest for weary or ill sailors. Pirates found them especially attractive, as often no permanent and fortified settlements existed, which gave them free rein to come and go as they pleased.

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With the arrival of European visitors to oceanic islands of the world, impacts on natural ecosystems occurred. If indigenous peoples had already been in the islands, then additional changes in the environment took place; if the islands had always been uninhabited, then human alterations of Nature began from this starting point. The principal impact focused on disturbances to the native vegetation, and this had repercussions for other plants as well as animals. Because ships needed constant repair, wood was harvested from native trees and fashioned into lumber for masts, planking, or other needs. During the age of the steamers in the nineteenth century, wood was also turned into charcoal to fire ships’ boilers. As trees were cut from these areas, usually as close as possible to the harbors, erosion ensued. The second most severe impact on the natural vegetation of oceanic islands has come from the introduction of invasive species of animals. Some species were deliberately introduced, such as goats or rabbits. The idea was to allow them to reproduce naturally and develop larger populations, such that hunting them on future visits would provide a source of meat for the sailors. Unsurprisingly, these animals did become successful, but they also ate anything necessary for survival, which included many indigenous species of plants. Goats were especially menacing because due to their sure-footedness, they foraged on nearly all parts of islands. A third major impact has resulted from damage caused by introduced plants. Usually introduced inadvertently along with packaging or other materials, seeds of aggressive European weeds were transported very successfully to distant islands. Once established, they often flourished in absence of homeland predators. All islands have had their share of such invaders, and with more modern tourism, it is becoming a very high conservation priority to try to halt these new and harmful immigrants. As permanent settlements became established in islands, cultivated plants were also brought for gardens, both for produce and for ornament. Some of the latter sometimes escaped and also became aggressive competitors with the native plant species.

1.5 The Importance of Documenting Human Impact on Natural Vegetation of Oceanic Islands Human impact on Pacific oceanic islands from European contacts has been going on for many centuries, starting with the sixteenth century. The negative consequences of most of these contacts has been chronicled by numerous scholars, especially during the latter part of the twentieth century. The reader may wonder what the point is to once again document negative consequences of human intervention into island landscapes. Isn’t the message abundantly clear without having to beat the drum once more? An appropriate answer might be that we can never emphasize enough the devastation that humans have caused on the natural environment. This is hardly a trivial matter, as our own survival requires that we understand our own impacts on a global scale and carry out remedial actions to mitigate this harm. There can hardly be anything more important than this.

1.5 The Importance of Documenting Human Impact on Natural Vegetation …

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Because trying to deal with all factors causing damage to the environment of the entire Earth is a major undertaking, a focus on a smaller land mass, an island, becomes more tractable. This hopefully serves as a more concrete and envisionable example of the importance of understanding our environment and the role that humans play within it. For example, today many persons find it comfortable to deny global warming, despite the hard data showing temperature increases over the past decades (Hansen et al. 2010). The problem is too vast and the reasons for such an increase in temperature are too multifaceted to be convincing to some persons. An island, however, is much easier to visualize and contemplate. This is also a reason why many scientists find islands as suitable laboratories in which to examine patterns and processes of evolution in preference to continental regions.

Part I

The Archipelago

To appreciate the historical impacts on the ecology of the Juan Fernández Archipelago that will be presented in Chaps. 7–15, we first need to have an orientation to their present condition. This means knowing about the geography, geology and soils, climate and weather, flora, vegetation, and human settlements. These aspects provide a picture of what the islands are like physically, as well as of the plants and vegetation that now grow there, plus the human residents. Chapter 2 presents an overview of this information. In addition to sketching conditions within the Juan Fernández Islands, it is also important to highlight their political, ecological, and evolutionary significances. This archipelago has long been strategically valuable for Spain and later Chile, and there have been struggles for its political control. As for ecology, the vegetation of the island has been modified over the millions of years of its existence, and to understand the present ecological patterns requires investigating changes due to both natural and human factors. From an evolutionary perspective, the islands harbor many endemic species of plants, which have evolved within the archipelago and whose origins require explanations. This is the natural island laboratory so often mentioned by evolutionary and biogeographic biologists. Chapter 3 provides discussions of these important concepts, which sets the stage for more detailed information on the flora and vegetation in Part II of this book.

Chapter 2

The Island Setting

Most all oceanic islands are very attractive. The blue water, green vegetation, and bright beaches combine to beguile the visitor. That tourism is one of the major pillars of the economy of many island nations, such as Hawaii or Tahiti, attests to the continuing lure of oceanic islands. One can imagine the anticipation of sailors, after barely surviving a hazardous voyage around Cape Horn, to suddenly be viewing a tranquil green and beige landscape with a protected harbor. Although the Juan Fernández Archipelago has very little to offer in the way of accessible sandy beaches, the islands are still undeniably appealing (Fig. 2.1). The Juan Fernández Archipelago is located in the SE Pacific Ocean at 33°S latitude (Fig. 2.2). There are two major islands, Robinson Crusoe Island, which lies 667 km west from the Chilean coast and Alejandro Selkirk Island, 181 km further west. Off the SW coast of Robinson Crusoe Island, about 1 km, lies the smaller Santa Clara Island, which was likely connected to the former during initial volcanic formation as well as possibly during lowering of sea level during the Pleistocene (Sanders et al. 1987). These islands are small, with Alejandro Selkirk Island being the largest at 50 km2 , Robinson Crusoe Island 48 km2 and Santa Clara Island only 2.2 km2 . As for elevation, these same islands reach to 1,319 m, 915 m and 350 m, respectively (Stuessy 1995). The names of these islands have changed over the years, and a short explanation is in order. The discoverer of the easternmost island, Juan Fernández, called it Santa Cecilia after the name of the saint on the day of discovery (22 November 1574; Medina 1974). Other voyagers, however, soon referred to the entire archipelago as the Juan Fernández Islands, and this has been the historical label most used until the second half of the twentieth century. The easternmost island was called descriptively Más a Tierra (often written Masatierra; “closer to the land [continent]”) and the one westward Más a Fuera (or Masafuera; “further away”). The Chilean government officially renamed the islands the Robinson Crusoe Archipelago in 1962, primarily to stimulate tourism. Masatierra was officially renamed Isla Piloto Robinson Crusoe,

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_2

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Fig. 2.1 Robinson Crusoe island in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Southwesterly view from Cerro Agudo

commonly referred to as Robinson Crusoe Island, and Masafuera was officially designated Isla Marinero Alejandro Selkirk, or Alejandro Selkirk Island. The renaming of the islands was not as inappropriate as it might seem, because there was a connection with Robinson Crusoe of Daniel Defoe’s famous novel of 1719. In February of 1704 a Scottish sailing master, Alexander Selkirk, arrived near the islands aboard the ship Cinque Ports under command of Thomas Stradling (Woodward 1969). Selkirk and Stradling got into a dispute, such that Selkirk demanded to be left off the ship and remain on the island, which at that point Stradling was pleased to allow. Although many ships visited the islands in ensuing years, Selkirk was always wary of being picked up by an enemy of Scotland or England and thrown into prison, such that he remained undiscovered until finally on 2 February 1709 he made contact with British ships (Mégroz 1939). Two years later he arrived in England, and because of his fascinating experiences, he was interviewed by many journalists. There is no evidence that Daniel Defoe actually spoke with Selkirk, but in any event, the reports available served as material that led to Defoe’s book Robinson Crusoe published in 1719, still available in bookshops today.

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Fig. 2.2 Map of the Juan Fernández Archipelago in the southeastern Pacific showing the three major islands

2.1 Geology and Soils The Juan Fernández Archipelago is completely volcanic, having originated from a submarine hotspot on the Nazca Plate (Baker et al. 1987; Huene et al. 1997), now located c. 100 km west of Alejandro Selkirk Island. At that spot beneath the ocean is a submarine volcano, called Friday Seamount, which is presumably the present location of the original hotspot that gave rise to the existing archipelago (Devey et al. 2000; Fig. 2.3). Between Alejandro Selkirk Island and Robinson Crusoe Island are additional seamounts, as there are also eastward from Robinson Crusoe Island toward the Chilean continent. Important is that as far as we know, none of these seamounts has ever been above the surface of the ocean. The largest is Guyot (seamount) O’Higgins, 135 km E of Robinson Crusoe Island and now more than 300 m beneath the ocean. Because these seamounts are on the Nazca Plate that inclines downward toward the Chilean coast, and eventually is subducted under it, they get dragged deeper as they travel eastward at c. 6 cm/year (Minster and Jordan 1978). In every oceanic archipelago, it is of interest to learn if ancient seamounts could have served as stepping-stones for the colonization of the flora of the islands. Although it is impossible to exclude such a possibility for the Juan Fernández Archipelago, at present

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Fig. 2.3 Bathymetry of the southeastern Pacific Ocean, indicating the Juan Fernández Archipelago on the Nazca plate and with submerged seamounts (guyots; numbers indicate depth in meters under the sea to the highest submerged point). MF, Masafuera (= Alejandro Selkirk Island); MT, Masatierra (= Robinson Crusoe Island). Data from Mammerickx and Smith (1978) and Prince et al. (1980); from Stuessy et al. (1984a)

there is no evidence that this occurred. Further, for such a chain of ancient islands to have served as stepping-stones for the present two islands, they would have to have been exposed at the same time. Evidence is again lacking. The ages of the islands in the Juan Fernández Archipelago were originally believed to be from the Eocene (Brüggen 1950), largely because of the occurrence of Lactoridaceae and Thyrsopteridaceae, ancient families of flowering plants and ferns, respectively. Modern investigations with K-Ar radiometric methods have revealed much younger ages for the two islands, and several laboratories have reached similar conclusions (Table 2.1). Robinson Crusoe Island is approximately 4 million years old and Santa Clara Island is similar, but Alejandro Selkirk Island is much younger at approximately 1 million years. The older date of 2.4 million years for Alejandro Selkirk Island was reported by Stuessy et al. (1984a) from a rock sample from Chorro Doña María on the SSE Table 2.1 Radiometric dating (K-Ar) of rocks from islands in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, in millions of years Reference

Alejandro Selkirk Robinson Crusoe Santa Clara

Booker et al. (1967)

0.85–1.3

3.1–3.5

Ferrara et al. (1969)

0.87–1.3

2.0–3.9

Stuessy et al. (1984a)

1–2.4

3.8–4.2

Baker et al. (1987) Lara et al. (in prep., cited in Astudillo 2014) 0.93 ± 0.02

4.0 ± 0.2 3.85 ± 0.15

5.8 ± 2.1

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coast of the island. The other dates for this younger island range from 0.85-1.3 million years, or an average of 1.1. These data suggest that Alejandro Selkirk Island is most likely about 1 million years old, which corresponds with its geomorphology with deep and narrow valleys (quebradas). Another check on this age comes from considering the distance between the two islands (181 km). At the hypothesized rate of plate movement of 6 cm/year (Minster and Jordan 1978), dividing 181 km by this rate yields approximately 3 million years, or the difference in ages between the two islands. Assuming that the rock sample from Doña María was accurately dated, it may represent volcanic uplifting of an older rock that was laid down from the hotspot prior to the formation of the present island. From a biogeographic and evolutionary perspective, knowing the geological ages of the present islands is fundamental for the construction of hypotheses. Because Robinson Crusoe Island is the oldest and closest to the South American continent, it would be the likely site of colonization for plant propagules. Because it is the oldest island, more time has existed in which evolutionary processes could have taken place. It is definitely the case that more intra-island speciation has occurred on Robinson Crusoe Island in contrast to Alejandro Selkirk Island. In fact, the largest endemic genera, Dendroseris and Robinsonia, both of family Asteracaae, have eight and seven species, respectively, on the older island. The largest set of endemic species (five) on Alejandro Selkirk Island occurs in Erigeron, also of Asteraceae, but these have not diverged morphologically to such an extent to be designated taxonomically as an endemic genus. The surface layers of all islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago consist of volcanic rocks and eroded lava. The backbone of both major islands is made up of basaltic ridges, which are most clearly evident on Robinson Crusoe Island because erosion over a longer period of time has left them more exposed. These areas are resistant to water and wind erosion, but most of the surrounding areas are of ancient lava and ash, both of which degrade more quickly over millions of years. The layers of strata on Robinson Crusoe Island consist of nepheline to alkali basalts, olivine and quartz tholeiites, and hawaiites (Baker and Keyvan-Scocouhi 1982; Gerlach et al. 1986; Farley et al. 1993). The younger Alejandro Selkirk Island contains numerous olivine-rich dikes (Natland 2003), called masafuerite by Johannsen (1937). The present soils of islands of the archipelago consist of different types, such as dark brown forest soil, gravelly humus soil, weathered basaltic fragments and humus particles mixed together, and yellowish-reddish sand with fragments of rock (Skottsberg 1953a; Quensel 1954). Ortiz R. (1982: 100-134, plus Anexo 1) carried out numerous analyses of soils but only from Robinson Crusoe Island. This survey emphasized the serious soil erosion that has taken place in several places of the island. In fact, only c. 38% of the total surface of Robinson Crusoe Island has no apparent erosion (Ortiz 1982). This is not surprising, because when the vegetational cover is removed, the friable volcanic soil is easily eroded by wind and water. In general, as one goes from sea level to higher elevations on the two major islands, there is more precipitation, the vegetation becomes denser, and the organic layer in the soil increases.

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2.2 Climate and Weather The climate of the Juan Fernández Archipelago is mild, best characterized as subtropical (Johow 1896). It has also been called warm-temperate (Fuenzalida 1966), warmmarine with mild winters (Novoa and Villaseca 1989), or Mediterranean-type with strong oceanic influence (Hajek and Espinoza 1987). The temperature during the year varies somewhat from a maximum of 20.4 °C in the summer to a minimum of 11.6 °C in the winter, with a mean annual temperature of 15.6 °C (Skottsberg 1953a). The average variation between summer and winter is normally only 5.5 °C (Hajek and Espinoza 1987). Frost and even occasional snow have been reported at the top of Alejandro Selkirk Island, which reaches to 1,319 m. Robinson Crusoe Island, however, at only 915 m, has never had snow reported. The islands receive 956 mm of precipitation during the year (Hajek and Espinoza 1987; 922.10 mm reported by Novoa and Villaseca 1989), with more rain falling during the winter months. It should be remembered, however, that climatic measurements have been recorded primarily from Robinson Crusoe Island in the permanent settlement of San Juan Bautista. Due to the high ridges of the islands and prevailing wind patterns, precipitation can occur locally, which leads to moist valleys in the higher areas. Because of its higher elevation, Alejandro Selkirk Island is often covered by low-hanging clouds, which makes research activities in that zone much more difficult. Weather is the expression of climate on a daily basis. In general, the higher reaches of both islands can expect at least some rain during many days of the year. At lower levels of the island, which are drier, rain is less frequent and usually falls when broad oceanic fronts move across the Pacific Ocean. When this happens, all air traffic ceases between islands and continent, and generally no fishing is permitted either (the port is closed). The weather can be unpredictable, with airline flights suspended by several days at a time. The good news is that with modern satellitebased weather reporting and good communications between the continent and the archipelago, weather forecasting, and hence travel planning, has markedly improved in recent years.

2.3 Flora The vascular plant flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago consists of a total of 475 ferns, gymnosperms (conifers and relatives), and angiosperms (flowering plants). The flowering plants clearly dominate the flora of both islands (with 415 taxa), followed by a lesser number of ferns (57 taxa). The gymnosperms are represented by only three introduced taxa. Although the two islands are approximately the same size, the older Robinson Crusoe Island harbors a greater number of taxa (391 versus 277; Stuessy et al. 2018b), due no doubt to its original larger size and older age, which provided more opportunities for intra-island speciation. This combination of age and

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size was doubtless responsible for the higher level of endemic species now seen on the older island. Among the endemic flora of the archipelago, several families of ferns and flowering plants have been particularly evolutionarily successful (data from Stuessy et al. 2018b). As for ferns, Hymenophyllaceae (filmy ferns) are the most speciose, with 15 species total (12 native and three endemic). Hymenophyllaceae are also abundant on the South American continent in moist habitats, providing a suitable source of colonists to the archipelago. Among flowering plants, the largest families are Asteraceae (daisies; 31 species), Cyperaceae (sedges; 17 species), and Poaceae (grasses; nine species). These are large families that have successfully colonized many areas of the world, including other oceanic archipelagoes (Carlquist 1974, 1981).

2.4 Vegetation As with most oceanic islands, the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago is disharmonious (Carlquist 1981; König et al. 2019), that is, it is composed of elements that are not known to grow together in continental regions. Because of the difficulties of dispersal over long distances, followed by challenges of establishment and population growth, only certain species of flowering plants and ferns are successful for making the journey and becoming permanent residents. The vegetation of the two islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago is now well known from modern surveys by Greimler et al. (2002a, 2013), and this serves as a basis against which to understand the historical changes that have helped yield the present condition. The vegetation of Alejandro Selkirk Island is what might be anticipated in a young volcanic island. The vegetation is arranged into clear zones, with seven being dominant: Dicksonia externa tree fern community; Lophosoria quadripinnata fern community; fern-grassland mosaic; Myrceugenia schulzei forest; AnthoxanthumNasella-grassland; coastal grassland; and open grassland, including miscellaneous smaller units, such as liverwort patches. The human impact over the centuries has been less significant in this island. Alejandro Selkirk Island is also geologically young, which means less time has transpired for natural alteration to the original vegetation. On Robinson Crusoe Island the pattern of vegetation is much different. More vegetational types exist (15), but a number of these are either dominated by invasive species or contain mixtures of native and introduced species. No broad zones occur, either, with most being narrow bands oriented along the basaltic ridges of the island. This is also the island that has had an established human settlement for more than 250 years. The island is also much older geologically than Alejandro Selkirk Island. The combined effects of natural island subsidence and erosion over four million years, and human impact over more than four centuries, have resulted in these modern vegetational patterns. The theme of this book, in fact, is to sort out these influences in an interpretation of their impacts on the present vegetation of both islands. History has played a fundamental role in shaping this natural ecosystem.

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2.5 Human Settlements Beginning in the mid-eighteenth century, a permanent settlement in the Juan Fernández Archipelago called San Juan Bautista (St. John the Baptist; Fig. 2.4) was established alongside Cumberland Bay (Bahía Cumberland). The number of inhabitants in this village historically has varied from a few persons to more than 600; at present there are about 900 persons living in the village. This bay is the best protected and secure anchoring spot on any of the islands of the archipelago. It is here that sailing ships arrived to drop anchor and to send dinghies ashore with sailors who searched for fresh water and food. They also sought rest, recuperation, and an opportunity to repair the ships. It was not until 1751 that the Spanish decided to claim Robinson Crusoe Island definitively, and they did so by building a fort (Santa Bárbara) armed with cannon (Morel 1975). The small village received families from the continent (part of the Vice Royalty of Peru) in the second half of the eighteenth century, and the settlement expanded to nearly 600 people (Woodward 1969). In addition to families arriving to Robinson Crusoe Island also came entrepreneurs, hoping for rich profits from sale of lobsters, fish, lumber, charcoal, etc. Two examples suffice. Antonio Fernández López in 1868 attempted to develop Alejandro Selkirk Island, building a road, wharf and buildings, but this was a complete failure. His interests then turned to Robinson Crusoe Island, with the hopes of bringing in colonists, but it also failed and his contract with the Chilean government terminated in 1877. A new contract was made with Alfred Von Rodt, a Swiss citizen who had served in the Austrian Army. His interest was to maintain a village of colonists and to harvest

Fig. 2.4 San Juan Bautista in 1986, Robinson Crusoe Island

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wood and fish (dried), and fur seals from Alejandro Selkirk Island. Although the community did maintain itself, the economic benefits to Von Rodt largely disappeared by 1885. He stayed in the island, however, and his granddaughter still resides there (pers. observ.). Also arriving to Robinson Crusoe Island were convicts to serve their sentences in isolation from the continent. The revolution in South America against the Spanish Crown took place during the distraction of the Peninsular War between Spain and France in 1808-1814. This greatly weakened the reach of the Spanish army under Ferdinand VII, and it afforded the opportunity for new independent governments to be formed. In Chile, after initial success of the rebellious militias in 1811, royalist troops recaptured the mainland in 1814, and many patriots were exiled to Robinson Crusoe Island. These prisoners were forced to live in caves in the sides of the volcanic slopes, which had been carved from the rock by convicts at the end of the eighteenth century, and some of them can still be visited today. The more difficult and hardened criminals were sent to the isolated Alejandro Selkirk Island, but the principal penal development on this island was developed in the early twentieth century. Stone houses were built, the ruins of which can also still be seen. This colony was established in 1909 at the mouth of Quebrada de Las Casas, one of the larger and centrally located flat areas of the eastern side of the island that also had abundant drinking water. Although this extreme isolation served well to remove undesirables from mainland society, it was very difficult to maintain order and expensive to provision, eventually being abandoned in 1930.

Chapter 3

The Importance of the Islands

The Juan Fernández Archipelago is attractive in many features, but the islands lack easily accessible sandy beaches, and there are few marked trails. These are isolated islands that still are largely undeveloped for tourists accustomed to luxury, such that their attractions serve more for the naturalist, adventurous traveler, and scientist. To begin with, getting to the island is not simple. Either one arrives to Robinson Crusoe Island by boat after a two-day trip from Valparaíso, Chile, or one flies in a small 5–8 seat propeller plane from Santiago, Chile, a flight that lasts 2.5 h. When arriving by plane, the small landing strip is located at the far western side of Robinson Crusoe Island, which then requires taking a small boat 1.5 h around to the only village, San Juan Bautista, on the northeastern side of the island. There are a few pensions, some small restaurants, a few souvenir shops, but the rest are homes, municipal and military buildings, park service headquarters, churches, nursery, and a school. Getting to Alejandro Selkirk Island is even more difficult, as the island is 181 km further west into the Pacific Ocean. The only means of getting there is by boat. There are no commercial facilities on this island–only fisherman and their families who spend seven and one-half months of each year there (1 October–14 May). Visiting this island is only for the true outdoors type or more often scientists with a particular reason for visiting. The importance of the archipelago, therefore, does not lie in high-end tourism. The charm of the islands and their people doesn’t derive from expensive hotels, luxury condominiums, fancy restaurants, or casinos. It derives from the isolation, simplicity, and character of the people, plus the archipelago’s fascinating natural beauty. It is, in fact, one of the few relatively undeveloped oceanic islands on the planet. The real significance of the archipelago, therefore, derives from its political and strategic value, especially for Chile, and its ecological, evolutionary, and biogeographic imports.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_3

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3.1 Political Significance Over the centuries, the Juan Fernández Archipelago has been of enormous strategic value for Spain and later Chile. During the 17th century, the position of Robinson Crusoe Island, with its protected natural bay (Bahía Cumberland), served as an excellent location for pirates to attack the Spanish colonies along western South America. It was essential, therefore, that Spain should take full control of the island, and this was achieved by building the fort Santa Bárbara in 1751, furnished with canon. The strategic value of this island was therefore completely appreciated at that time, and this perspective continues to the present day. The difficulty that Argentina has had with the British in the Malvinas (Falkland Islands) has reinforced this point of view for the Chileans and the Juan Fernández Islands. Following independence in the early 19th century, Chile has mostly attempted to remain neutral among European warring states, but there have been conflicts with neighboring countries. The first major conflict took place during 1879–1884, the War of the Pacific (Sater 2007), between Chile, Peru and Bolivia (the following historical information also derived from Wikipedia and other general sources). At that time, the northern boundary of Chile terminated just south of the town of Antofagasta, and Bolivia owned a substantial corridor to the sea extending to just north of the town of Tocopilla. Chile had mineral mines in this region that operated under license with special tax status from Bolivia. Unexpectedly, in 1878 Bolivia increased taxes and refused to rescind the measure despite protests from Chile. Previously, Bolivia had signed a secret security pact with Peru in 1873, which aligned these two countries against Chile. Bolivia moved to auction the physical resources of one of Chile’s major mining companies, and Chile responded by capturing the town of Antofagasta. Further discussions proved fruitless, and open war developed among the three countries. Contests occurred at sea and on land, but fortunately no battle was fought in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, perhaps due to its isolation from the continent. Chile finally triumphed against its neighbors, and the resultant peace in 1883–84 gave Chile the Bolivian corridor (Antofagasta) as well as part of southern Peru (Tarapacá), allowing Chile to expand northward to include the city of Arica. In the 20th century there have been border disputes between Chile and Argentina, focusing primarily on Patagonia. Because both countries were settled mostly by European immigrants from Italy, Germany, Switzerland, Spain, and France, among others, trade between Chile and Argentina and Europe has always been an important part of the economy of both nations. A free route through the Magellan Straits has, therefore, been highly valued by Chile. Furthermore, both countries are aware of possible oil or mineral wealth offshore of Patagonian islands, and each country wants to have a fair share of these resources. In the 1960s in contrast with previous agreements, Argentina claimed ownership of three islands in the Beagle Channel, Picton, Lennox, and Nueva. The cause was submitted to international arbitration, and the islands were awarded to Chile. Argentina did not accept this decision and

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prepared for aggression. Negotiations between the two countries continued until 1978, but they finally broke down. It must be remembered that both countries at this time were under military dictatorships, and a distraction from internal problems for both of them would not have been unwelcome. Argentina prepared for war and began sending troops into Patagonia. The Pope, John Paul II, appealed to the presidents of both countries to allow mediation, and this was agreed upon, hence halting an armed conflict; in 1979 a peaceful resolution finally was achieved. The territorial solution allowed for both countries to claim parts of Patagonia, which proved satisfactory to both parties. This solution preserved the rights of both countries to use the Straits of Magellan without interference, and for other foreign ships to be able to do the same, which preserved open shipping to Chilean ports.

3.2 Ecological Significance In addition to strategic value, the Juan Fernández Archipelago has importance as a natural reserve both for Chile as well as for the entire world. Although much disturbance to the native vegetation of the islands took place during the 16th–19th centuries, as this book will document in detail (Chaps. 7–10), the archipelago was finally designated a national park on 16 January 1935. Designation as a park is one important step, but this must be backed up with measures of protection, which did not happen until formation of the Corporación Nacional Forestal in 1972. A realistic and effective plan for development was published in 1976 (CONAF 1976), but scarce resources did not allow conservation initiatives to be implemented until the 1980s. A further step has been designation of the archipelago as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve in 1977. The Archipelago is also on the “tentative” list to be designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, which will provide enhanced international prestige for conservation of the natural environment. The main reason that the Juan Fernández Archipelago has been treated as a Chilean national park, as well as accorded international environmental designations, is due primarily to the high level of endemism of the vascular plant flora. The most recent inventory of the flora of the islands (Stuessy et al. 2018b) lists 26 endemic ferns and 104 endemic flowering plant species, yielding 45 and 71% endemism, respectively. This is a very high level of endemism for a small oceanic archipelago, and Robinson Crusoe Island contains the highest density per km2 of endemics on any oceanic island (Bernardello et al. 2001). One very important consideration for explaining these high levels of endemism is that the two major islands, Robinson Crusoe and Alejandro Selkirk, are of different geological ages, at approximately four million years and one million years, respectively (Table 2.1). This age differential has had a major impact on the development of the flora and vegetation on the two islands. All factors being equal, one would anticipate a higher number of endemic species on the older island in contrast to that of the younger island, because more time has elapsed in which speciation could have taken place; this is, in fact, the case with 71 and 47 species, respectively

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(Stuessy et al. 2018b). Furthermore, it is hypothesized that a large portion of the older island has already disappeared through subsidence and erosion (see Chap. 14), which has compacted the endemic flora into a smaller area (Sanders et al. 1987). This is doubtless an important factor in yielding the very high percentages of endemism in these small island areas. This point is reinforced by comparison of the patterns of vegetation between the two islands (for detail see Chap. 6). Alejandro Selkirk Island has been studied by Greimler et al. (2013), and broad vegetational zones occur in contrast to the vegetation on Robinson Crusoe Island (Greimler et al. 2002a), which has very narrow zones and many areas of invasive species and eroded regions. Humans have taken their toll on the flora and vegetation of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. One of the important aspects of being able to chronicle the human influences on the island ecosystem is that there never were any indigenous peoples prior to European discovery (Haberle 2003). The Juan Fernández Archipelago has the great advantage in that the early observers to the islands were chronicling the naturally formed landscape, and the documentation of their own activities began the record of human impacts on the vegetation. Because Europeans had a great curiosity about the newly opened Pacific island world in the 16th and 17th centuries, much was written and published by ships’ officers or other educated travelers on these trips. The islands, therefore, serve as an instructive case study on the impacts of humans on an island ecosystem. The effect of these human activities, plus the natural factors mentioned above, have acted to reduce the coverage of vegetation on the Juan Fernández Islands. Both islands of the archipelago have suffered in this regard, but because of the protected natural harbor on Robinson Crusoe Island, this is where most of the ships anchored, and where a permanent settlement finally developed in the 18th century. Reduction of forest coverage on this island was substantial, with some areas along the northeastern coast being completely denuded of vegetation followed by erosion. On Alejandro Selkirk Island large areas of forest were also harvested (Greimler et al. 2013), but due to the difficult terrain, these regions were much smaller and closer to the only spot (Las Casas) that was used as a temporary village, and which also included a penal colony for several decades in the early 20th century. Disturbances to the native vegetation also impacted many species within the flora. At the present time, the population number and size of many natives and endemics are at dangerously low levels. As a conservation overview, of the 57 native and endemic species of ferns, four are critically endangered, 18 are endangered, and 23 are vulnerable, together representing 79% of the total (Stuessy et al. 2018c). For the 148 species of flowering plants, there have been eight extinctions, with 16 species being regarded as critically endangered, 65 endangered, and 45 vulnerable, or together making up 89% of the total. As a general statement, therefore, more than four-fifths of the endemic flora of the archipelago is now in need of conservation attention.

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3.3 Evolutionary and Biogeographic Significance In addition to ecological importance, the Juan Fernández Archipelago is significant because of the many evolutionary and biogeographic investigations on the flora that have been completed in the past 35 years. These have contributed not only to understanding the origin and evolution of species in this particular island system but also for providing insights on island biology in general. The geographical and temporal dimensions of the archipelago are the principal reasons for ability to infer evolutionary and biogeographic hypotheses with considerable precision.

3.3.1 Evolution The first evolutionary challenge in the Juan Fernández Archipelago has been to determine the phylogenetic relationships among all the endemic plant species. It is only with knowledge of affinities that patterns and processes of evolution can be inferred. Phylogenetic relationships have been hypothesized by many workers for different genera in the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, and the most comprehensive summary can be found in Stuessy et al. (2018d). These affinities have been based initially on morphological features, but recent DNA data have provided more precise information. There is a higher percentage of comprehensive phylogenetic data available for the endemic flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago than for that of any other major island system. Evolution within an immigrant population that arrives to an isolated oceanic island starts with successful establishment, population enlargement, and genetic change. It is most significant to learn the amount of genetic variation within and among populations of endemic species, because this can be important for setting conservation policies. A species that is quite genetically uniform will have less opportunity to adapt to changing environmental conditions, such as erosion, loss of habitat, introduction of predators, etc. Because of the small size of the endemic flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, it has been possible to examine genetic diversity by use of several population genetic markers, beginning with isozymes, then RAPDs (Random Amplified Polymorphic DNA), ISSRs ( Inter-Simple Sequence Repeats), SSRs (Simple Sequence Repeats), AFLPs (Amplified Fragment Length Polymorphisms), and microsatellites. Crawford et al. (2001a) summarized the results from isozymes, and patterns of variation correlated with life-history differences, such as inbreeding species having lower genetic diversity than outcrossing ones. One of the most severely restricted species is Chenopodium sanctae-clarae, confined to the small islet Morro Spartan off the coast of Santa Clara Island. Predictably, genetic variation within the population of this endangered species is low (Crawford et al. 1988). Degrees of genetic variation within and among populations is also correlated with the two principal modes of speciation, cladogenesis and anagenesis. Taxa that originate in the islands and have morphological and genetic features distinct from

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close continental relatives become endemic species. There are two principal ways that a new species may be formed. The first is by cladogenesis, or the splitting of a lineage into two or more distinct species. In oceanic islands, this process often takes place across a varied ecological landscape, which provides different habitats into which colonizing populations disperse and adapt. Over time, populations isolated from each other develop morphological adaptations to each of the environments and accumulate genetic differentiation. Often, these species look very different from each other. This is the phenomenon of adaptive radiation that has occurred frequently in oceanic islands and has resulted in amazing complexes of closely related species, such as seen in the Hawaiian silverswords (e.g., Carlquist et al. 2003). Recent studies have demonstrated that the degree of genetic variation among species originating via cladogenesis is not great (e.g., Takayama et al. 2015a), even though the morphological differences may be quite striking. As a result, such species are usually genetically compatible and hence able to hybridize. The second principal mode of speciation in oceanic islands is by anagenesis. This phenomenon is a type of transformational speciation, or progenitor-derivative speciation (Crawford 2010), whereby the colonizing species changes into something else over time. The successful original immigrant builds up a larger population size that does not disperse (or successfully adapt) to distinct environments. Genetic variation develops within this population due to mutation, drift, and modest directional selection. Over time, perhaps one million years, the genetic and morphological differences have accrued such that this new population may be regarded as an endemic species. Genetic studies have shown that the level of genetic variation within an anagenetically derived species is much higher than within any single cladogenetically originated one (Takayama et al. 2015a; Crawford et al. 2018a). Although studies on the genetics of anagenetic island species were initiated in Ullung Island, off the eastern coast of Korea (e.g., Pfosser et al. 2005; Takayama et al. 2012, 2013), more recent studies have focused on the Juan Fernández Archipelago with compatible genetic results (summary in Crawford et al. 2018a). The Juan Fernández Islands have provided a good system in which to compare and contrast the two types of speciation (Stuessy et al. 2018d: tab. 13.7, p. 268), because 57% of the endemic species have originated via anagenesis and 41% by cladogenesis (the remaining 2% by hybridization).

3.3.2 Biogeography The Juan Fernández Archipelago is isolated from the South American continent, which is the closest land mass, and this geographic isolation has been a primary factor in encouraging speciation in the islands (Crawford et al. 2018b). Robinson Crusoe and Alejandro Selkirk Islands are also separated by 181 km, which provides effective geographic isolation not only between them and the continent but also between the two islands. The two islands at the present time are approximately the same size of 50 km2 (Stuessy 1995). Santa Clara Island, a small island of 2.2 km2 and lying about one km off the southwestern coast of Robinson Crusoe Island, was

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likely physically connected with Robinson Crusoe Island when it was formed. From a biogeographic perspective, the probability of a propagule dispersing from South America to the closest island (Robinson Crusoe) is vastly greater than to the island located much further westward. Some plant colonists to the archipelago have arrived from the western Pacific (e.g., Coprosma, Haloragis), but this has not been frequent. Also very important for interpretation of biogeographic and evolutionary phenomena are the different geological ages of the two major islands. From radiometric dating, Robinson Crusoe Island is approximately four million years old, whereas Alejandro Selkirk Island is much younger at c. one million years (Table 2.1). These are islands that have originated from a hotspot on the Nazca Plate, which is moving eastward toward the South American continent. The importance of this information is several-fold. It means that the older island was above the surface of the ocean approximately three million years before the other one appeared, and hence the former was available to receive plant colonists over a much longer time frame. From a biogeographic perspective, not only is Robinson Crusoe Island closest to the major source area of the flora (Bernardello et al. 2006), but it also was the only location for arrival of propagules for the first three million years of existence of the archipelago. Again, the probability of colonization to the older and closer island is much greater than to the younger and more distant one. This realization allows hypotheses to be formulated that take this geographical and temporal structure into account. Other oceanic island systems, such as the Hawaiian Islands or the Galápagos Islands, can teach much about patterns and processes of evolution, but these archipelagos are more complicated with many islands of different ages and hence open up more alternative hypotheses. It is the simplicity of the Juan Fernández Archipelago that supports strong inferences on evolutionary and biogeographic phenomena. For inferring geographic origins for the Juan Fernández flora, Bernardello and Anderson (2018) have used phylogenetic relationships of the endemic species based on morphology, nucleotides, and other information. They have shown that 82% of the native and endemic angiosperm species have been derived from South America (including 12% from Chile and 10% from the Neotropics) and 18% from the Pacific (including 4% from Australia and 4% from New Zealand). The most common mode of dispersal has been by birds, although the spores of ferns have been dispersed obviously by wind. Bernardello and Anderson (2018) have also shown that the most common pollination mechanism within the endemic flora is by wind. This is a surprising result, as many of the flowers of endemic species have structures that appear to facilitate pollination by insects. Insects are scarce in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, with hummingbirds being the most conspicuous animal pollination vector. It appears that many continental progenitors of island plant immigrants were originally insect pollinated, but after dispersal and successful establishment in the archipelago in an environment of low insect diversity, strong selection for wind pollination ensued. These studies have shown the importance of studying pollination mechanisms in the field rather than by inferring hypotheses solely on the basis of floral morphology.

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Other biogeographic insights in the archipelago have come from efforts to develop a formula that explains levels of specific diversity within both of the Juan Fernández islands. The approach has been to develop inferences that explain the presently observed level of numbers of species on the older island, and then to use these inferences to predict the number of species on the younger island. Because we know the species diversity on the younger island, this provides a test of the method (Sontag et al. 2018). Most important has been the realization that the older Robinson Crusoe Island was positioned westward when it first was formed (i.e., it was further away from the South American continent), and it was much larger than at present. Subsidence on the Nazca Plate and erosion by water and wind has reduced this older island to as much as only 5% of its original surface area (Sanders et al. 1987). This changing position and size of the island has had an impact on the specific diversity, the island being initially less accessible but also being a larger target area for colonization. Over four million years, the island has lost considerable land area and doubtless also ecological regions, in effect condensing the vegetation and flora. To model species diversity on Alejandro Selkirk Island, it was necessary to develop a probability of colonization, a probability of the island as a target area, exclusion of in-situ speciation within the island, and subtraction of anagenetically derived species from immigrants from Robinson Crusoe Island. This approach has yielded a reasonable estimate of the actual number of species for the younger island, suggesting that these factors must have been significant in the shaping of the flora of the archipelago.

Part II

Modern Flora and Vegetation

For a proper understanding of the natural and human impacts on the flora and vegetation of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, it makes sense to first sketch the nature of these resources as we find them at the present time. Because the vegetation consists of associations of species, it is important to indicate the size of the vascular plant flora and something of its characteristics as to origin, endemism, and scarcity. This latter point is especially important because the conservation status of many of the species is threatened or endangered. Chapter 4 discusses the native and endemic species of the flora of the archipelago. There are differences in floristic composition between the islands, which relates to their distance from the South American mainland and their differing geological ages. Chapter 5 comments on the many introduced species, some of which have become invasive pests that are complicating survival of the native and endemic plants. These pressures have led to many species of the flora now being threatened, endangered, or extremely endangered, and some of them have already gone extinct, including the sandalwood. Chapter 6 provides a synthesis of the present-day vegetation on both islands, made possible due to the recent comprehensive vegetation maps by Josef Greimler and colleagues of the University of Vienna, Austria (Greimler et al. 2002a, 2013). Having these modern maps, the first useful, accurate, and comprehensive maps ever produced for the archipelago, now allows interpretations on how the vegetation might have changed over the history of the islands to yield the patterns we now observe. Without these new maps and discussions, it would have been impossible to produce this present book.

Chapter 4

Native and Endemic Flora

It has taken nearly 200 years to reach a comprehensive understanding of the vascular plants of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, but the benefit of this slow progress is that the flora is now quite well known. The early collections and reports on the flora by Bertero (1830), Philippi (1856a, b), and Hemsley (1884) developed a preliminary list of species that began to reveal the distinctive nature of the native and endemic taxa. The efforts toward a comprehensive analysis of the flora began toward the end of the nineteenth century, especially with the book-length contribution, Estudios sobre la Flora de las Islas de Juan Fernández, published by Federico Johow in 1896. The Swedish botanist, Carl Skottsberg, based on new collections and contemporary taxonomic literature, dug much deeper in a series of publications on the native and endemic plants of the archipelago, most notably his treatments of the ferns and flowering plants (Christensen and Skottsberg 1920; Skottsberg 1921; plus supplement, Skottsberg 1951). From this strong base, modern approaches to summarizing the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago began with a catalogue of vascular plants by Marticorena et al. (1998). This was a comprehensive new list of taxa, plus statistical analysis of the flora, that set a new platform upon which modern floristic work could be built. Many new expeditions were completed to the archipelago, especially the collaborative projects between The Ohio State University (U.S.A.), The University of Vienna (Austria), and the Universidad de Concepción (Chile) involving 12 trips from 1980 to 2011, which resulted in many additional collections and expanded knowledge of variation within the endemic species. A few new species were encountered (e.g., Rodríguez-Ríos et al. 1990), but this was not a significant part of the new inventorying effort. The main focus was on understanding biogeographic and evolutionary patterns and processes. Another series of explorations was carried out by Philippe Danton and Christophe Perrier from 1998 to 2013 (and continuing), which led to another catalogue of the vascular plants of the flora (Danton et al. 2006), and again a few new taxa (Danton 2006a, 2014; Danton et al. 2015). A new catalogue of the flora now has been published by Stuessy et al. (2018b), which provides the latest updates of the inventory of the ferns and flowering plants of the archipelago. A full flora with © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_4

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descriptions and illustrations has been in production for some time, and it has just recently been published (Danton and Perrier 2020). An online manual of the native and endemic species in the flora has also recently become available (Penneckamp 2018, 2019). Furthermore, a new catalogue of the vascular plants of Chile (including the Juan Fernández Archipelago) has just appeared (Rodríguez et al. 2018), which contains some additional modifications for the island flora, mostly changes of taxonomic rank or change of names due to application of cladistic classification that enforces holophyly (i.e., monophyly s.str.).

4.1 Examples of the Vascular Flora Of the total 148 native and endemic vascular species of the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Stuessy et al. 2018b), a few are of particular interest for historical, biogeographic, or evolutionary reasons. Of the 57 native and endemic ferns and fern allies in the islands, two tree ferns are particularly noteworthy. Blechnum cycadifolium (Fig. 4.1a) is a very characteristic tree fern approximately 2 m tall in vegetation of the upper ridges (over 500 m) on Robinson Crusoe Island. The genus is a large one worldwide with c. 150 species, with some 50 occurring in the New World (Tryon and Tryon 1982). It is of interest that the four endemic species of Blechnum in the archipelago are not closely related to each other (Stuessy et al. 2018d). Blechnum cycadifolium appears to have derived anagenetically from B. magellanicum from continental Chile, from where it originally dispersed. The other species (B. longicauda, B. mochaenum var. fernandezianum, B. schottii) have other origins from South America. The other interesting and evolutionarily significant tree fern of Robinson Crusoe Island is Thyrsopteris elegans (Fig. 4.1b), also found in moist montane forests above 500 m. This species is sufficiently distinct from other ferns now to be placed in its own family Thyrsopteridaceae (Smith et al. 2006), formerly residing in Dicksoniaceae

Fig. 4.1 Ferns endemic to the Juan Fernández Archipelago. a Blechnum cycadifolium. b Thyrsopteris elegans

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(Kramer 1990). This fern lineage appears to be very ancient, as fossils with similar characteristics have been found from the Upper Cretaceous (c. 70 mya) from Cerro Guido, Magallanes, Chile (Menéndez 1966). Nishida and Nishida (1979) have also described a related genus, Thyrsopterorachis, from the Upper Cretaceous of Japan. The occurrence of Thyrsopteris-like ferns in the Northern and Southern hemispheres during the Cretaceous, and because the Juan Fernández Archipelago has a maximum age of four million years, creates an interesting biogeographic puzzle. The most reasonable solution is that the genus was once more broadly distributed elsewhere in the world, dispersing to the islands after they were formed, followed by extinction in other regions that left the island plants as the only remaining relictual population. This is of special conservation import, as it represents not only an endemic species and genus but also an endemic family in the archipelago. A number of flowering plants endemic to the Juan Fernández Archipelago are also worthy of comment. One of great historical importance, and that will be emphasized in Chaps. 7–13, is the endemic palm, Juania australis (Fig. 4.2), confined to RobinFig. 4.2 Juania australis

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son Crusoe Island. The morphology and anatomy have been studied in some detail (Moore 1969; Tomlinson 1969; Uhl 1969), based on collections from the ChileU.S.A. expedition of 1965. The evolutionary affinities of this species are not clear at present, perhaps because of its isolation through time. The genus falls within the general area of tribe Ceroxyleae, near to Ceroxylon (Trénel et al. 2007). Molecular clock estimates by these same authors suggest that Juania may have evolved some 25 million years ago, which would mean again a group that originated on the South American continent, dispersed to the older island, and survived refugially. The importance of the species historically is that the tender shoot apex can be cut and boiled, resulting in a cabbage-like vegetable, and hence the appellation “cabbage tree.” The negative of this is that the entire tree must be cut down to obtain the apex, i.e., it is a non-renewable resource. Because this delicacy was of paramount importance for scurvy-ridden sailors in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, many thousands of trees have been sacrificed. Even in the twentieth century many trees were cut for production of souvenirs (boxes, walking sticks, etc.) because of the attractive pattern of blackish vascular strands in the stems. Despite this harvesting, the genus still survives on the highest ridges and numbers between 1000 and 2000 individuals (Stuessy et al. 1983; Ricci 2006). The dominant forest tree on Robinson Crusoe Island is Nothomyrcia fernandeziana (Fig. 4.3a). This was previously treated as Myrceugenia fernandeziana (Skottsberg 1921; Landrum 1981a, b), but recent molecular phylogenetic studies reveal that it is distinct from Myrceugenia schulzei on Alejandro Selkirk Island as well as from other species in South America (Murillo-Aldana et al. 2012). Although somewhat isolated from other genera of the family, it may be closest to Blepharocalyx from South America (Murillo-Aldana and Ruiz 2011; Murillo et al. 2013; Retamales and Scharaschkin 2015). Historical evidence reveals that this species was widely distributed over Robinson Crusoe Island. It was heavily harvested for firewood and lumber, with the valleys of Puerto Francés, Valle Colonial, Valle Inglés, and La Vaquería being largely denuded of the forest formed by this tree. The species is small, with stems not usually exceeding 30 cm in diameter.

Fig. 4.3 Forest trees endemic to Robinson Crusoe Island. a Nothomyrcia fernandeziana on upper slopes of La Vaquería. b Drimys confertifolia

4.1 Examples of the Vascular Flora

35

Another important forest tree on Robinson Crusoe Island, and to a lesser extent on Alejandro Selkirk Island, is Drimys confertifolia (Fig. 4.3b). This is an endemic species that relates evolutionarily to Drimys winteri and D. andina from mainland Chile (Ruiz et al. 2008; López-Sepúlveda et al. 2015). Dispersal apparently arrived first to the older island, accompanied by autochthonous speciation, and followed by subsequent dispersal of this new species westward to the younger island when it was formed about one million years ago. Some molecular divergence now can be seen between populations on the two islands, but this does not seem to have been accompanied by morphological changes. How common this species was originally is difficult to determine, as there are no historical comments that pertain specifically to it. The trees are often large, however, which would have made them desirable for lumber, although the wood is light (Graham 1824: 505, Appendix VI, “mayo;” based on a manuscript report by Reyes 1792, again published in 1958). The same can be said for the massive and vulnerable Zanthoxylum mayu, which is the largest diameter tree in the archipelago reaching to several meters, and which most probably was also harvested historically. Other interesting endemic plants of the archipelago are the rosette trees Dendroseris and Robinsonia (Fig. 4.4). These plants have long stems with leaves tufted near the apex, both belonging to the sunflower family (Compositae), and both genera being endemic to the islands. As members of this large family of flowering plants are

Fig. 4.4 Rosette trees endemic to Robinson Crusoe Island. a Dendroseris litoralis. b Robinsonia gayana (male plant)

36

4 Native and Endemic Flora

usually herbaceous in continental areas, it is interesting that the rosette tree habit is reasonably common in endemics of oceanic islands (Carlquist 1974). Relationships among the 11 species of Dendroseris are well understood (Sanders et al. 1987; Crawford et al. 1992; Sang et al. 1994), with three to four subgenera being recognized. One interesting point is that the three species restricted to Alejandro Selkirk Island are not closely related to each other, each one having evolved anagenetically from a different subgenus from the older island. Molecular phylogenetic studies have revealed that Dendroseris nests within the large genus Sonchus (Kim et al. 1996, 1999, 2007). On this basis, some workers suggest that the species of Dendroseris might be better treated as belonging to Sonchus (Mejías and Kim 2012), but the distinct morphological differences argue against such a treatment (Stuessy et al. 2018b). The best known species of the genus is Dendroseris litoralis, occurring naturally only on Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands. It is very scarce in the wild, but fortunately it adapts well to cultivation and numerous individuals are growing in the village as well as in gardens on the continent. Most interestingly, the species is pollinated by hummingbirds, which is not typical for the family. Another endemic rosette tree in the archipelago is Robinsonia, which consists of eight species, seven of which occur on Robinson Crusoe Island and the eighth, R. masafuerae, only from Alejandro Selkirk Island. This genus has been determined to nest phylogenetically within the very large genus Senecio (Pelser et al. 2007), one of the largest genera of flowering plants with more than 1000 species (Mabberley 2017), and once again, some workers have transferred all of the species of Robinsonia into Senecio (Pelser et al. 2010). Because of the distinctive morphological features of dioecy and the rosette habit, such a generic submergence is not recommended (Stuessy et al. 2018b). Some of the species of Robinsonia, such as R. gayana and R. gracilis, are reasonably numerous on Robinson Crusoe Island, but others, such as R. megacephala, are extremely rare (Ricci 2006). Robinsonia berteroi has been considered extinct (Danton and Perrier 2005), although the CONAF guides have recently found a single individual at the top of El Yunque (CONAF 2016), but no specimen has been made for documentation. The evolutionary relationships among the species have been investigated thoroughly by morphology (Sanders et al. 1987), DNA chloroplast restriction data (Crawford et al. 1993a), and ITS DNA sequences (Sang et al. 1995). Among the herbaceous members of the flora, the endemic species of the genus Gunnera are conspicuous for their very large leaves and extended flowering stalks (Fig. 4.5a). The genus is common in South America (Wanntorp and Wanntorp 2003), but there are three endemic species in the archipelago (Pacheco et al. 1993), two on Robinson Crusoe Island (G. bracteata, G. peltata), and one on Alejandro Selkirk Island (G. masafuerae). In addition to the large size of the leaves, especially in G. peltata and G. masafuerae, the petioles harbor nitrogen-fixing blue-green algae (Nostoc) in a mutualistic relationship. The tissue inside the petioles is edible, and these are often on sale in continental Chilean markets (from the continental species G. tinctoria). Phylogenetic studies on relationships among species of the genus have suggested that G. masafuerae is not directly related to the two other species, but it appears

4.1 Examples of the Vascular Flora

37

Fig. 4.5 Distinctive plants endemic to Robinson Crusoe Island. a Gunnera peltata, with Pedro Aqueveque. b Lactoris fernandeziana

to represent a separate introduction and subsequent speciation in the archipelago (Wanntorp et al. 2001, 2002). Perhaps the most unusual endemic genus of the Juan Fernández Archipelago is Lactoris, with the single species L. fernandeziana. (Fig. 4.5b). The distinctive morphological features of this species are such that it has been problematic to determine relationships with other families of flowering plants (Carlquist 1964; Lammers et al. 1986). The recent molecular phylogenetic analyses suggest that Lactoris is related to Aristolochiaceae (Qiu et al. 1993; Soltis et al. 1997, 2011; Naumann et al. 2013). Lactoris certainly has little morphological resemblance to Aristolochia, although there is some affinity with Saruma, a monospecific genus from China. There can be little doubt that based on morphological, anatomical, and embryological evidence (Carlquist 1990; Tobe et al. 1993; Tucker and Douglas 1996; González and Rudall 2001; Wagner et al. 2014), Lactoris belongs in Piperales (Stuessy et al. 1998a). This tie suggests that Lactoridaceae are ancient, which would make the family one of the evolutionarily early angiosperms. Fossil pollen data confirm this hypothesis. Pollen of the genus (and family) is very distinctive, being a tetrad at time of dispersal (Zavada and Taylor 1986; Sampson 1995), and grains have been reported (as Lactoripollenites) from marine sediments off the western coast of Africa at 70–90 million years of age (Zavada and Benson 1987), in terrestrial Australian sediments from 50 to 70 million years (MacPhail et al. 1999), and in southern South America at c. 52 million

38

4 Native and Endemic Flora

years (Quattrocchio 2017) and c. 19 million years (Gamerro and Barreda 2008). It appears, therefore, that this ancient family was once broadly distributed within the Southern Hemisphere, followed by dispersal to Robinson Crusoe Island at some point after the island was formed four million years ago, and finally becoming extinct elsewhere, surviving refugially on this single island. At the present time, there may be 1000 individuals left (Ricci 2001), fortunately growing in very secluded locations. The reproductive biology of Lactoris has been examined, and it appears to be wind pollinated (Bernardello et al. 1999). Levels of genetic variation have also been assessed within and among populations of the species, low levels being found using isozymes (Crawford et al. 1994) and somewhat broader variation with ISSRs (Crawford et al. 2001).

4.2 Statistics of the Vascular Flora Having complete lists of the vascular plants of the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Stuessy et al. 2018b) makes it possible to provide statistics for the islands. The categories of plants discussed in this chapter are the native and endemic taxa, but the introduced plants are also included in the tables presented for comparison here, as they will be discussed in the next chapter. The endemic species are of special interest for our understanding of the patterns and processes of evolution that have taken place in the archipelago. The native species are important, in conjunction with the endemic taxa, for interpreting the biogeographic origins of the flora and for understanding the distributions of species within the archipelago. For concerns regarding conservation, the focus is mainly on the endemic taxa, especially endemic families and genera, but also on species. Table 4.1 provides comparative data for the numbers of endemic, native, and introduced taxa of vascular plants (ferns and flowering plants) in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. These data are the most recently available from Stuessy et al. (2018b). Table 4.1 Numbers of endemic, native, and introduced taxa (species, subspecies, and varieties) of vascular plants in the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago Biogeographic category

Total number

Ferns and fern allies

Gymnosperms

Basal angiosperms

Monocots

Endemic

135

26

0

5

19

85

73

31

0

1

19

22

Subtotals

208

57

0

6

38

107

Introduced

267

0

3

0

55

209

Totals

475

57

3

6

93

316

Native

From Stuessy et al. (2018b: 95)

Dicots

4.2 Statistics of the Vascular Flora

39

For the flora as a whole, there are 135 endemics, 73 natives, and 267 introduced taxa. Most of these are at the specific level, but some refer to subspecies or varieties. The endemics are an important part of the flora, and these represent 65% of the non-introduced taxa. This is a high level of endemism for these small islands. The ferns show a lower level of endemism (45%) because of their greater dispersal ability through air-borne spores. No native or endemic gymnosperms occur in the archipelago, only introduced species. If we group the basal angiosperms (Archaeangiospermae) with the dicots, then these have 78% endemism in comparison with the monocots with 50%. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the introduced plants outnumber the native and endemic taxa combined. This emphasizes the large pressure that is placed on the native vegetation by these invasive species. A more detailed view of levels of endemism is provided in Table 4.2. One family of ferns is endemic, Thyrsopteridaceae, and one family of basal angiosperms, Lactoridaceae, is also endemic. At the generic level, there are 13 endemic genera, again Thyrsopteris and Lactoris, plus three monocot genera (Juania, Megalachne, Podophorus) and eight dicot genera (Centaurodendron, Cuminia, Dendroseris, ×Margyracaena [an intergeneric hybrid; Crawford et al. 1993b], Nothomyrcia, Robinsonia, Selkirkia, Yunquea). At the specific level, 45% of the ferns are endemic and 71% of the angiosperms; these latter give 50% for the monocots and 78% for the dicots (including basal angiosperms). As for habit among the native and endemic taxa of the islands, most of the diversity lies with the herbs (66%, nearly all perennials), with woody trees and shrubs encompassing 18%, tree ferns only 2%, and rosette trees making up a substantial 13%. Table 4.2 Numbers (over total numbers of natives and endemics) and percentages of endemic families, genera, and species (not including infraspecific taxa) in the vascular flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago Taxon

No. endemic families/total no.

% Endemic families

No. endemic genera/total no.

% Endemic genera

No. endemic species/total no.

% Endemic species

Ferns and fern allies

1/14

7

1/24

4

25/56

45

Basal angiosperms

1/3

33

1/3

33

5/6

83

Monocots

0/7

0

Dicots

0/31

0

3/21

14

19/38

50

8/56

14

80/103

78

Totals

2/55

4

13/104

13

129/203

64

Angiosperms

1/41

2

12/80

15

104/147

71

The total numbers do not include introduced taxa, only those that are native and endemic From Stuessy et al. (2018b: 95)

40

4 Native and Endemic Flora

4.3 Biogeography of the Flora With a comprehensive list of species in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, it is possible to attempt to determine their geographic origins. Important is to understand the phylogenetic relationships so that the continental progenitors of the island endemics can be inferred. Because the islands are the closest to South America, especially Chile, it would not be surprising if this were a major source area. Because the ferns disperse so well over long distances, they are less diagnostic for estimating the directions for immigration to the islands; the flowering plants, therefore, will be emphasized. Bernardello et al. (2006, 2018) have estimated that about 82% of the flowering plants have been derived from South America, and of these, it can be said with some confidence that 10% have come from the Neotropics and 12% from Chile. Even more broadly, 77% of the genera of the island flora also have species in Chile. The other 18% of the flowering plants have come from Pacific regions, including Australia (4%) and New Zealand (4%). It has also been inferred (Bernardello et al. 2006), based on morphology of propagules, that the main agent of dispersal has been by birds (either external on feathers or feet) or internal (by ingestion). It must also be remembered that a number of the endemic species in the archipelago have originated by cladogenesis within each of the islands and also anagenesis between the islands, particularly from the older to the younger island (Stuessy et al. 2018d). It is useful to consider the distribution of the endemic, native, and introduced species in the Juan Fernández Archipelago among the three principal islands. Table 4.3 gives these data, divided into the three biogeographic categories and subdivided taxonomically. Starting with the totals, there are 391 specific and infraspecific (mostly species) on Robinson Crusoe Island, which is unsurprising due to its greater age, its likely larger size at origin, and the more substantial human impact which would have brought more introduced species. Alejandro Selkirk Island harbors 277 taxa, and the very small (2.2 km2 ) Santa Clara Island only 58. Regarding endemic taxa, Robinson Crusoe again has more with 90 versus 66 on the younger island and only eight on Santa Clara. As for the native species, both major islands have the same number of taxa (55), but Santa Clara possesses only six. For the introduced species, the larger number of 246 taxa on Robinson Crusoe Island attests to the high levels of human activity, with fewer 156 taxa on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and with a rather high 44 taxa for the very small Santa Clara Island.

4.4 Conservation Status of the Flora Not only is it important to know the total number of species that are now found in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, but it is also significant to know the conservation status of these taxa. Especially in context of the theme of this book, the conservation mandate must be taken under consideration to preserve this unusual and evolutionarily instructive flora. Although existing conservation efforts and recommendations

4.4 Conservation Status of the Flora

41

Table 4.3 Distributions of specific and infraspecific taxa of endemic, native, and introduced vascular plants of the major islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago Biogeographic category

Island Alejandro Selkirk Island

Robinson Crusoe Island

Santa Clara Island

Endemic Ferns and fern allies

19

19

1

3

4

0

Monocots

10

11

0

Dicots

34

56

7

Angiosperm subtotals

47

71

7

Subtotals

66

90

8

30

24

3

Basal angiosperms

Native Ferns and fern allies Basal angiosperms

1

1

0

Monocots

11

16

1

Dicots

13

14

2

Angiosperm subtotals

25

31

3

Subtotals

55

55

6 0

Introduced Gymnosperms

2

3

33

52

7

Dicots

121

191

37

Angiosperm subtotals

154

243

44

Subtotals

156

246

44

Totals

277

391

58

Monocots

Some taxa are found on both islands From Stuessy et al. (2018b: 96)

for the future will be discussed in detail in Chaps. 16 and 17, a brief summary is provided here to set the stage for the historical documentation in Part Three of this book. Table 4.4 summarizes the conservation status of the vascular flora of the archipelago, following IUCN (2001) categories, and derived from the list in Stuessy et al. (2018b). The totals show convincingly that the endemic and native flora of the islands is under considerable threat. Of the 208 total species, for six (3%) of them data are lacking (“data deficient”) to be able to determine what the conservation status should be; further investigations are needed. Twenty-three species (11%) are regarded as being of “least concern,” that is, out of danger at the present time. The remaining categories are those under some level of threat. At the extreme end of the spectrum, eight species (4%) are considered as having gone extinct or have been

42

4 Native and Endemic Flora

Table 4.4 Conservation status of the native and endemic species of the Juan Fernández Archipelago Taxon

Ferns and fern allies Basal angiosperms Monocots

Total number of species 57

Data deficient

Least concern

Vulnerable

Endangered

Critically endangered

2

10

23

18

4

3

3

6

Extincta

38

2

8

15

12

Dicots

107

2

5

27

50

16

1 7

Totals

208

6 (3%)

23 (11%)

68 (33%)

83 (40%)

20 (10%)

8 (4%)

From Stuessy et al. (2018c: 151) a Including two extirpated and one extinct in the wild

extirpated. The five extinctions are: Eryngium sarcophyllum (Apiaceae), Podophorus bromoides (Poaceae; Baeza et al. 2002), Robinsonia berteroi (Asteraceae; Danton and Perrier 2005), Robinsonia macrocephala (Asteraceae), and Santalum fernandezianum (Santalaceae). The intergeneric hybrid, ×Margyracaena skottsbergii (Rosaceae), is apparently extinct in the wild but survives in the CONAF garden on Robinson Crusoe Island. Two native species, Empetrum rubrum (Ericaceae) and Notanthera heterophylla (Loranthaceae), have been extirpated from the archipelago. The most conspicuous extinction deals with the sandalwood, which at one time was abundant on Robinson Crusoe Island, but was harvested for sale to Oriental markets. This story is emphasized in Part Three of this book. The other categories of threat are “vulnerable” with 68 species (33%), “endangered” with 83 species (40%), and “critically endangered” with 20 species (10%). If we lump these three categories together, there are 171 taxa (82%) that are in some way threatened at the present time. That is, most of the native and endemic flora of the islands is under conservation alert. Occasionally there is good conservation news, such as the re-discovery of the rare orchid Gavilea insularis on Alejandro Selkirk Island (Danton 1998), but such positive reports are rare. One approach to conserving endangered plants is to have them cared for in a botanical garden. CONAF has for two decades had a working garden on Robinson Crusoe Island, but recently this has been expanded and given higher priority (Danton et al. 2013). A botanical garden can serve many functions in context of conservation (Oldfield 2011). Most importantly, the species themselves can be propagated and saved, although this takes considerable attention by responsible gardeners. Having endemic plants on display in a garden can be a powerful educational tool for the inhabitants of San Juan Bautista, especially for teaching the younger generation of islanders. Such a display is also important to teach visitors about the floristic value of the vegetation of the island, which fits well with increased development of ecotourism for the local economy. Other than the costs of maintaining a botanical garden, it is important that the species be watched for possible interspecific hybridization when related species are brought from isolated localities on the islands and placed in

4.4 Conservation Status of the Flora

43

spatial proximity in the garden, such that pollination may be facilitated between them. However fascinating this may be biologically, it is important that the seed set and future germination trials be monitored carefully so that artificially induced interspecific hybrids are not unintentionally reintroduced to the natural environment.

Chapter 5

Introduced Species

Preservation of species in a geographic area depends on maintaining populations in a condition for survival into future generations. This requires taking into account the biological requirements of each species and the ability of the environment to provide those critical needs. Alteration of the environment through natural change by subsidence and erosion, as well as human modification through felling of trees, cultivation of land, or fire, are negative factors that are being emphasized in this book. But another factor is also fundamental for the conservation of species: the control of introduced and invasive species. Introduced species are those that have arrived to an island through human activities. These aliens, removed from their own normal predators, can proliferate and outcompete the native and endemic flora. Preservation of biodiversity, therefore, is tied directly to dealing with introduced species within an ecosystem (Heywood et al. 1989; Williamson 1996; Cronk and Fuller 2001; Bellard et al. 2017). It is for this reason that an inventory of introduced species is important for understanding conservation in the Juan Fernández archipelago. They are not necessarily harmful to the island environment, but if an introduced species flourishes in the new setting and begins to take over areas that were previously occupied by native or endemic species, then this is regarded as invasive and of much greater conservation concern. Other terms have been applied to invasive species, such as aliens, non-natives, pests, exotics, opportunists, weeds, naturalized species, etc. (Smith 1989; Lambelet-Haueter 1990, 1991; Ryves et al. 1996; Reynolds 2002). All areas of the world have been impacted by invasive species, both from plants and animals, but oceanic islands have been particularly vulnerable (Simberloff 2001; Greimler et al. 2002b; Sax and Gaines 2008; Kawakami and Okochi 2010; Kueffer et al. 2010; Simberloff et al. 2013; Bellard et al. 2017; Leclerc et al. 2018). Plants are valuable resources for people, serving as foods, construction materials, pharmaceuticals, and for beautification. When people migrate, they usually take some plants with them, often in the form of seeds that will travel well. These introductions are almost always done without any intent to create problems with the environment, but once established in and around the new villages, some of the introduced species © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_5

45

46

5 Introduced Species

may be dispersed elsewhere to great negative consequences. In the twentieth century there have been developments of many islands for touristic purposes, and these activities have resulted in the importation of numerous cultivated plants for gardens and parks, some of which have escaped cultivation and become aggressive invaders of the natural ecosystem. As the environment degrades, the invasive species may be more adaptable to these worsening conditions and preferentially outcompete the native flora (Fritts and Rodda 1998; Funk and Vitousek 2007; Greimler et al. 2017).

5.1 Introduced Flora Prior to the discovery of the Juan Fernández Archipelago by Juan Fernández in 1574, only native and endemic plants existed in the islands. It was from that point forward that plants were introduced and exotic species began to accumulate. The first comments on introduced species of plants to the archipelago were provided by Mary Graham (1824), who as an untrained naturalist, specifically mentioned only eight species. Because this was 250 years after the islands were discovered, many more introduced species must have been present. Attempts at colonization of Robinson Crusoe Island began at the end of the sixteenth century (Woodward 1969), and many plant introductions must have occurred at that time and afterward. By mid-nineteenth century, Philippi (1856a, b) listed 45 introduced species. The later part of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century yielded comprehensive inventories of the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, which included introduced species. The first was by Johow (1896) as part of his elaborate study of the entire flora. He divided his lists of introduced species into those that were introduced inadvertently and became naturalized (71 species, pp. 224–226) and those that were introduced intentionally (24 species, pp. 227–228), yielding a total of 95 species. This was followed by the inventory of Skottsberg (1921), who listed (pp. 214–227) 130 introduced species. In Skottsberg’s (1951) supplement to the flora, he offered seven additions, which yielded a total of 137 introductions. Based on increased collecting activities in the Juan Fernández flora in recent decades, more additions have been made to the numbers of introduced species. In a catalogue of the adventive flora of the archipelago, Matthei et al. (1993) recognized 195 introduced species, 175 registered from Robinson Crusoe Island, 106 occurring on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and 25 from Santa Clara Island (some species were found on more than one island). Swenson et al. (1997) provided a re-evaluation of some historical citations, corrected some previous misidentifications, and added introduced species for a new total of 227 species. Cuevas et al. (2004) added more species to this number for a total of 260 aliens. Based on a series of new collections and observations in the archipelago beginning in 1997, Philippe Danton and collaborators have provided a new summary of 503 introduced species (Danton et al. 2006). This total, however, includes many plants from gardens, or recent escapees from gardens, none of which is yet invasive to the native vegetation. The Ohio State-Vienna-Concepción

5.1 Introduced Flora

47

expeditions from 1980–2011 also encountered additional introduced species. Greimler et al. (2018a) provide the most recent summary of introduced species, based on all of the above sources and excluding new garden introductions, for a total of 267 taxa. An important point that merits comment is that it is more difficult to document precisely the presence of introduced species than with native and endemic taxa. The confirmation of the presence of all species in the Juan Fernández Archipelago is, and should always be, based on herbarium collections. Photographs can be useful in some cases, but verbal reports are less convincing, because there is no way to reconfirm the identifications. With herbarium sheets deposited in public institutions, these can always be re-examined and determinations checked. The inventories of the vascular flora of the islands, therefore, are based on herbarium records—not sight records. With native and endemic species, once these are reported in the flora, they usually remain a part of the ecosystem, because they have become adapted to the island environment over thousands and millions of years. Most of the disappearances are due to recent human impacts. With introduced species, these may appear and be collected and they may again disappear, as most of them are not well adapted to the island ecosystem. Some of them may become inordinately successful, becoming serious invasive species, and these will usually be collected repeatedly. There is also the tendency for botanists to focus on and collect the native and endemic species, as these are the most interesting from biological and evolutionary perspectives. As a result, it is very difficult to know exactly how many introduced species are in the islands at any one point in time. Historically the total number recorded keeps going up, but part of this may be due to more recent attention to the ecological aspects of alien invasions and the adding of collections of species that had not been collected previously. Earlier-collected species may not now still be present. Despite problems with obtaining a precise inventory of introduced species, it is likely that the number of introduced species has continued to increase in the archipelago due to the high level of human activities during the twentieth century.

5.2 Statistics of Introduced Species Stuessy et al. (2018b: 95) recorded 267 introduced taxa of gymnosperms and angiosperms for the Juan Fernández archipelago. There are no introduced ferns, as these are rarely invasive (see Wilson 1996, for an exception in the Hawaiian Islands). It is important to note that the number of introduced species is greater (56%) than the number of natives and endemics (206; 44%). Easter Island has been calculated at 75% introduced species in the flora, Hawaiian Islands at 44%, and the Galápagos Islands at 29% (Cuevas et al. 2004), which means that the Juan Fernández Archipelago has received a considerable dose of introduced plants. Species in the largest families are well represented, especially Asteraceae and Poaceae, which count among those harboring some of the world’s worst invasive species (Holm et al. 1991).

48

5 Introduced Species

Matthei et al. (1993) have estimated the geographic origins of the introduced flora of the archipelago, with the following results: Eurasia (61%), Americas (excluding Chile; 22%), Chile (11.4%), Africa (2.9%), Australia/New Zealand (2.3%), and Pantropics (0.6%). The high level of introductions from Eurasia is not surprising because of the high frequency of European visitors to Robinson Crusoe Island over many centuries. The next highest source area is Chile, which again is understandable due to the frequent colonist and tourist visits from the continent, especially during the twentieth century. The distribution of introduced species has also been inventoried for each of the three islands by Matthei et al. (1993), Danton et al. (2006), and most recently by Stuessy et al. (2018b: 96). Robinson Crusoe Island contains 246 species, Alejandro Selkirk Island 156, and Santa Clara 44 (Table 4.3). Once again, the island closest to the mainland and with the only protected harbor has received a much larger share of human traffic, and this is reflected in a much higher number of introduced species. Remember that the surface area of Alejandro Selkirk Island is approximately the same as that of both Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands combined, but the level of impact from introduced species has been much less. This lower number is not due to a lack of information from the more isolated island, as detailed studies have recently been done on the flora and vegetation (Greimler et al. 2013; López-Sepúlveda et al. 2013). The high level of introduced species on Santa Clara is noteworthy, as it is only 2.2 kms2 and is covered mainly by introduced species, especially grasses. This island, along with the entire western end of Robinson Crusoe Island, has been naturally dry and barren and regarded as “sterile” by the early European visitors. Such a habitat would favor establishment of more resistant invasive species. The domesticated and cultivated plants, growing in and around San Juan Bautista on Robinson Crusoe Island and Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island have been inventoried in Stuessy et al. (2018b: 80). Some of them around San Juan Bautista, e.g., the trees Pinus radiata, Cupressus sempervirens, and Eucalyptus globulus, have adapted well and now provide shade and help hold the soil to stem erosion. Even more importantly, they are now used for lumber and firewood, which greatly eases the pressure on the native trees. Other cultivated plants include species of mints, legumes, grasses, and those of high ornamental value (e.g., Hydrangea macrophylla). Garden plants do not represent a present danger to the vegetation, but some cultivated plants might escape and later become serious pests (e.g., Johow 1893). Good examples of such dangers might be Lonicera japonica and Lantana camara, both of which are known to be very aggressive competitors (Schierenbeck 2004; Taylor et al. 2012; August-Schmidt et al. 2015). A list of these potential pests is given in Table 5.1. As a further warning, Table 5.2 lists 12 introduced species in the Juan Fernández Archipelago that are also found in at least five other island archipelagos and that have become invasive in at least some of them (from Danton et al. 2006; Kueffer et al. 2010). The point here is that there are, indeed, numerous species that reside on the islands that have the potential to become aggressive pests, if not controlled carefully.

5.2 Statistics of Introduced Species Table 5.1 Invasive or potentially invasive plants found in the Juan Fernández archipelago that are naturalized (n), escaped from gardens but still within the limits of the village (v), or still residing behind garden fences (g). Based on Danton & Perrier (2006); modified from Greimler et al. (2018a: 139)

Taxon

49 Distribution

Status

Acacia (Racosperma) dealbata

AS, RC

n

Acacia (Racosperma) melanoxylon

AS, RC

n

Acaena argentea

AS, RC, SC

n

Ailanthus altissima

AS

n

Albizia lophantha

RC

n

Anthoxanthum odoratum

AS, RC

n

Aristotelia chilensis

AS, RC

n

Arundo donax

RC

g

Avena barbata

AS, RC, SC

n

Canna indica

RC

n

Carduus pycnocephalus

RC

n

Carpobrotus aequilaterus/edulis

RC, AS

n

Centaurea melitensis

AS, RC, SC

n

Chasmanthe aethiopica

RC

v

Chusquea culeou

RC

g

Cortaderia selloana

RC

v

Cupressus goveniana

RC

n

Cupressus macnabiana

RC

n

Cupressus macrocarpa

AS, RC

n?

Delairea odorata

RC

v

Eucalyptus globulus

AS, RC

n

Ficus carica

AS, RC

n

Galium aparine

AS, RC

n

Hedychium flavescens

RC

v

Lantana camara

RC

g

Lardizabala biternata

RC

n

Lobelia tupa

RC

n

Lonicera japonica

RC

v

Papaver somniferum

RC, SC

n

Phormium tenax

RC

v

Pinus pinaster

RC

v

Pinus radiata

AS, RC

n

Pittospermum crassifolium

RC

v

Pittosporum eugenioides

RC

n

Pittosporum tenuifolium

RC

g

Robinia pseudoacacia

RC

v

Rubus ulmifolius

AS, RC

n (continued)

50 Table 5.1 (continued)

Table 5.2 Introduced plants in the Juan Fernández archipelago that are found in at least five island groups and have become invasive in some of them (according to Kueffer et al. 2010). Status according to Danton et al. (2006): c = cultivated, es = escaped from garden, n = naturalized; modified from Greimler et al. (2018a: 138)

5 Introduced Species Taxon

Distribution

Status

Santalum album

RC

g

Sorghum halepense

RC

v

Sporobolus indicus

RC

g

Teline monspessulana

RC

n

Ugni molinae

AS, RC

n

Vinca major

RC

v

Watsonia borbonica

RC

v

Watsonia meriana

RC

v

Zantedeschia aethiopica

AS, RC

n

Species

Family

Status

Ailanthus altissima

Simaroubaceae

n

Carpobrotus edulis

Aizoaceae

n

Cytissus scoparius

Fabaceae

c

Delairea odorata

Asteraceae

es

Erigeron karvinskianus

Asteraceae

c

Fuchsia magellanica

Onagraceae

c

Holcus lanatus

Poaceae

n

Lantana camara

Verbenaceae

c

Oxalis pes-caprae

Oxalidaceae

es

Paraserianthes (= Albizia) lophantha

Fabaceae

es

Phormium tenax

Agavaceae

es

Psidium cattleianum

Myrtaceae

c

5.3 The Most Serious Invasives Despite the large number of introduced species that have been documented as being in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, only a few of them have been incredibly successful and now pose serious threats for conservation of the native and endemic flora. It is impossible to say with certainly which invasive species is the most threatening at this time, but for certain the following would provide some of the greatest challenges: Acaena argentea, Anthoxanthum odoratum, Aristotelia chilensis, Rubus ulmifolius, Rumex acetosella, and Ugni molinae. During investigations of the vegetation on both major islands (Greimler et al. 2002a, 2013), 196 plots (relevés) were taken on different parts of these islands, with the strategy of sampling as many different habitats as possible. The most frequent invasive species in these samples are shown in Table 5.3. Four of the six species mentioned above were more common on Robinson

5.3 The Most Serious Invasives

51

Table 5.3 The most frequent invasive species in 196 vegetation plots (relevés) sampled in the Juan Fernández archipelago (Greimler et al. 2002a, 2013). Dispersal acronyms: b = birds, en = endozoochory, ep = epizoochory, w = wind. Modified from Greimler et al. (2018a: 137) Taxon

Frequency (%) in relevés Alejandro Selkirk Island

Dispersal

Robinson Crusoe Island

Shrubs Aristotelia chilensis

7

28

en (b)

Rubus ulmifolius

0

20

en (b)

Ugni molinae

0

32

en (b)

6

36

ep

Hypochaeris radicata

60

8

w

Plantago lanceolata

23

7

ep/en

Rumex acetosella

67

30

w/en

Sonchus asper/oleraceus

36

10

w

Aira caryophyllea

27

31

w/ep

Aira praecox

23

0

w/ep

Anthoxanthum odoratum

69

27

w/ep

Briza minor

20

20

w/ep

Holcus lanatus

22

0

w/ep

Herbs Acaena argentea

Grasses

Crusoe Island, in which Rubus occurred in 20% of the plots, Aristotelia in 28%, Ugni in 32%, and Acaena in 36%. For the other two, Anthoxanthum occurred in 27% and Rumex in 30%, but these also occurred at higher levels of 69% and 67% on Alejandro Selkirk Island, respectively. The only other very frequent invasive species were the grasses, Aira caryophyllea (about 30% of the plots), and Briza minor (20%). The invasive shrubs predominate on Robinson Crusoe Island and the grasses are dominant on Alejandro Selkirk Island. The herbs are common on both islands, although most herbs (except Acaena argentea) were found in more plots on Alejandro Selkirk Island: Hypochaeris radicata, Plantago lanceolata, Rumex acetosella, and Sonchus asper/oleraceus).

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Fig. 5.1 Invasive species on Robinson Crusoe Island. a Rubus ulmifolius forming a dense thicket in Valle Colonial. b Acaena argentea

The blackberry (“zarzamora”), Rubus ulmifolius (Fig. 5.1a), native to the Mediterranean region of Europe, was brought to continental Chile to serve as living fences by Guillermo Délano in 1859 on his ranch, Arquén, in the province of Linares (Matthei 1995: 337; 9th Region). The first collections of this species on Robinson Crusoe Island were by Looser on 13 Feb 1927 (Looser 1927a: 84), with individuals found growing in the Plazoleta del Yunque on Robinson Crusoe Island. He surmised that plants must have been introduced about ten years earlier, and Guzmán (c. 1950) stated that Desiderio Charpentier (“Carpentier”) introduced the species about 1920. Plants in this same locality have continued to grow aggressively, as attested by our own observations in 1980, where the species still forms a very large patch. Because the stems can grow densely, no other species is able to survive beneath it. It is very adaptable, largely because it can reproduce clonally as well as having delicious fruits that are eaten and widely dispersed by birds. Cutting the stems only produces a temporary reduction, as the species sprouts vigorously from the cut-over base. Johow (1896: 264) said that he brought plants of Rubus idaeus (red raspberry) to Robinson Crusoe Island for the colonists to use as fencing and as a food source, but this species did not escape and become problematic, and it is not now registered for the flora. Another abundant invasive species on Robinson Crusoe Island is Acaena argentea (Fig. 5.1b), the “trun.” The genus consists of about 100 species in the Southern Hemisphere (Mabberley 2017). Philippi was the first to collect Acaena argentea in 1864 on Robinson Crusoe Island along with A. Ahrends, so indicated in Philippi’s unpublished diary mentioned by Johow (1896). Skottsberg (1921: 219) also cites it from Alejandro Selkirk Island in the Quebrada de Las Casas behind the settlement. Because of the ease of transport of the fruits with hooks, it is likely that it was introduced to Robinson Crusoe Island inadvertently from the Chilean continent where it occurs in Regions 6–9 (Matthei 1995). From a conservation perspective, it is easy to be discouraged with the vast areas of open, eroded, soil that have now been covered with this species. It is easily dispersed by animals and people, as hooked fruits easily adhere to fur or clothing. After walking through large patches, it is necessary to pull off the balls of ripe fruits that have successfully adhered to trouser legs, and this itself provides more dispersal of the species. Goats and sheep have been two of the

5.3 The Most Serious Invasives

53

Fig. 5.2 Invasive species on Robinson Crusoe Island. a Aristotelia chilensis. b Ugni molinae, forming dense stands on Cordón Central, with Roberto Rodríguez

principal dispersal agents. The quandary represented by this species is that although it is an aggressive pest, it nonetheless can hold the soil in very dry, barren, eroded areas. Aristotelia chilensis (Fig. 5.2a), the “maqui,” is native to the southern forests of Chile and Argentina. The genus consists of five species distributed in eastern Australia, New Zealand, and from Peru to Chile (Mabberley 2017). The species has small edible, and quite delicious fruits, which may have been the reason that some person introduced the species to San Juan Bautista, from where it escaped. In the Juan Fernández Archipelago, especially on Robinson Crusoe Island, the species has proliferated in the moister quebrada (ravine) bottoms and completely shaded out the native flora in these areas, now estimated to cover 6.5% of the surface of the island (Dirnböck et al. 2003). Philippi was the first to collect this species in 1864 on Robinson Crusoe Island, along with A. Ahrends. The only redeeming aspect of maqui in the archipelago is that the stems are well suited for constructing the lobster traps used by the fisherman. Harvesting for this purpose, however, cannot keep pace with new growth and expanding populations of the species. In some ways the worst pest on Robinson Crusoe Island is the shrub Ugni molinae, the “murtilla,” because it has greatly proliferated in the middle and upper regions of the island, and it fits in well with the landscape (Fig. 5.2b). It is unknown who introduced this species or when, but it undoubtedly came from continental Chile

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5 Introduced Species

where it occurs natively in south-central regions. Johow (1896: 94) mentioned that in his trip of 1892 he found considerable abundance around San Juan Bautista and up toward Selkirk’s Lookout (Portezuelo), but also that it was not cultivated in the village at that time. It was presumably introduced earlier, escaping from village gardens, and subsequently disappearing from the village. The species has an agreeable small edible fruit, which also makes it easily dispersed by birds. Dirnböck et al. (2003) have estimated that this species now covers 4.6% of the island. The species can form dense patches, under which only a few other species can grow (Alarcón et al. 2019). It is possible to walk through these populations, but it takes time to push the branches aside and plow slowly forward. One serious concern is that this introduced species has now adapted to the same high elevation areas where the endemic species, Ugni selkirkii, grows, and it is now outcompeting it. Because the aspect of this invasive species is such that it fits well into the landscape, fewer concerns about its removal have been suggested. It is at least possible to navigate through these patches, which is not at all possible with zarzamora or maqui (except with tedious cutting and hacking of a trail). Detailed analyses and summaries of the potentials of the above four major invasive species to further invade the native forest on Robinson Crusoe Island have been examined by Dirnböck et al. (2003). The area of the island now dominated by Aristotelia chilensis is 6.5%, Ugni molinae 4.6%, Acaena argentea 11.9%, and Rubus ulmifolius 7%. Based on environmental variables of elevation, solar radiation, topographic similarity index, and slope position, it is possible to estimate the distributional advances that these species will make over the next 80 years. Approximately 50% of the already greatly reduced montane forest would be expected to be replaced by these invaders unless steps are taken to block their advances. Anthoxanthum odoratum is one of the most widely distributed herbaceous invasive species in the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Table 5.3). This species is native to Eurasia and is a well-known invasive species world-wide (Peart 1989). The first collections of this species were made by Edwyn C. Reed in 1869 (with José Guajardo) on Robinson Crusoe Island (Matthei et al. 1993). Recent studies on Alejandro Selkirk Island for inventorying the introduced species (López-Sepúlveda et al. 2013) have shown this species to be one of the most widely distributed on the island, occurring in 62 of the 89 plots (relevés) sampled. Anthoxanthum odoratum, along with other invasive species, covers most of the flat middle elevation table lands of the island. On Robinson Crusoe Island the species is less abundant, but nonetheless very common, especially in the low and dry western portion of the island. Rumex acetosella, “vinagrillo,” is another pervasive weed on both islands (Table 5.3), but particularly so on Alejandro Selkirk Island. This species is broadly distributed in Europe and is now an invasive species, including in most regions of continental Chile (Matthei 1995). It is a small herb, 10–50 cm tall, and is edible in small quantities, which may help explain why it first was introduced to the archipelago. Matthei et al. (1993) suggest that the species was first collected by Germain in 1854 from Robinson Crusoe Island, as reported by Philippi in 1856a, b. In recent inventorying on Alejandro Selkirk Island (López-Sepúlveda et al. 2013), in 89 relevé samples R. acetosella appeared in 61 of them, nearly as abundant as Anthoxanthum odoratum.

5.3 The Most Serious Invasives

55

The difficulties of attempting to eliminate invasive species from the Juan Fernández Archipelago are overwhelming, due to their broad distributions over the islands. Such challenges can lead to considering whether it is realistic to try to totally eliminate them. The amount of money for this effort would be immense, and such focus would divert funds from other conservation needs, such as development of the botanical garden and seed bank, replanting of damaged areas, education of the villagers and visitors, etc. Some workers have reached the conclusion that in some instances it makes more sense to learn to live with invasives and try to control their spread rather than attempting total elimination (Davis et al. 2011; Vince 2011). Ugni molinae would be a good case in point, because it is so completely established on the ridges of Robinson Crusoe Island, and it does not appear visually out of place on the landscape.

Chapter 6

Vegetational Patterns

Understanding of the vegetation of the Juan Fernández Archipelago has developed over a period of about 190 years, beginning with comments by Bertero (1830). Many additional descriptions were provided by Philippi (1856a, b), Hemsley (1884), and Moseley (1892), but the first comprehensive outline was provided by Johow (1896) as part of his presentation on the floristic composition of the islands. This was greatly elaborated upon by Carl Skottsberg based on his visits to the islands in 1908, 1916, and 1917, but which wasn’t published until nearly half a century later (Skottsberg 1953a). Skottsberg also produced vegetation maps of both major islands, but the base maps themselves were inaccurate, especially for Alejandro Selkirk Island, which made precise plotting of the vegetation difficult. A detailed report of the vegetation was published by Kunkel (1957a) for the area on and around the summit of the highest peak on Robinson Crusoe Island (El Yunque), and Schwaar (1979) presented a transect analysis of this same high mountain. An elaborate mapping effort was done by a team under supervision of Ortiz (1982), who used newer aerial photographs taken in 1980 by the Chilean Air Force. This investigation resulted in an elaborate classification of more than 120 different vegetation units, many based on dominance of individual species, but it was cumbersome to use because of this complexity. For proper comparisons of vegetation between the two islands of the archipelago, a modern approach was needed. Josef Greimler and colleagues from the University of Vienna, Austria, and the University of Concepción, Chile, completed vegetation surveys in Robinson Crusoe Island during the expeditions of 1999 and 2000, based on field observations and 106 plots (relevés), which added to information from aerial photographs taken by the Chilean Air Force in 1980. Relevés are inventories of all species within a designated small area (between 100 and 400 m2 ), in a manner originally innovated by Braun-Blanquet 1928, 1964), which also emphasizes cover (dominance) and abundance. Details of the methods can be found in Greimler et al. (2002a), with a general summary in Greimler et al. (2018b). Based on data obtained from the expedition of 2011, Greimler et al. (2013) also produced a vegetation map

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_6

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of Alejandro Selkirk Island, based on 90 relevés and using the same methods as on the older island. The results now provide two modern vegetation maps of both islands that can be compared and contrasted (Figs. 6.1 and 6.2).

6.1 Vegetation of Alejandro Selkirk Island It makes sense to begin by discussing the vegetation of the younger and more isolated island, Alejandro Selkirk Island, because it has been in existence for only about one million years, and the patterns of vegetation can be seen more clearly than on the older island. Seven distinct vegetation zones have been mapped (Fig. 6.1): Dicksonia externa tree fern community (Fig. 6.3a); Lophosoria quadripinnata fern community (Fig. 6.3b); fern-grassland mosaic; Myrceugenia schulzei forest (Fig. 6.3c); Anthoxanthum-Nasella-grassland (Fig. 6.3d); coastal grassland; and open grassland. Rocky or eroded areas, and cultivated and escaped plants, are also shown, although these play only a small role on this younger island. The overall appearance is that these vegetation zones have developed over one million years since the island was formed, and they may reflect to a large extent the original vegetation. The upper reaches of Alejandro Selkirk Island appear to have been relatively undisturbed over the recent centuries, with the exception of occasional fire (e.g., Barría 1996). It has been hypothesized that this island originally may have been nearly 2000 m in elevation (Sanders et al. 1987), which if correct, would probably have harbored additional vegetation zones in the higher regions. A lowering of the island may have led to development of the fern-grassland community and the Lophosoria quadripinnata fern community now at 1100–1300 m. The Dicksonia externa tree fern community, which is now confined to the southern part of the higher regions of the island, may have been in a more extensive zone along the eastern side of the island, perhaps losing ground to the more rapidly growing smaller ferns when the island subsided. At lower elevations on Alejandro Selkirk Island, the Myrceugenia schulzei forest may have crept into the upper regions of the quebradas as they were forming through erosional processes during the one million years. Lower areas where this vegetation type occurred were probably cut for lumber and firewood. As this forest receded, the invasive grasses may have aggressively moved from around the village into this open area, being able to out-compete the native grasses or other herbs.

6.2 Vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island The situation with the vegetation on Robinson Crusoe Island is much different. The vegetation zones consist of (Greimler et al. 2002a; Fig. 6.2): upper montane forest (typically with tree ferns, tall ferns, and Drimys confertifolia); lower montane forest (Fig. 6.4a); Ugni molinae scrub; Rubus-Aristotelia scrub; fern assemblage

6.2 Vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island

Fig. 6.1 Vegetation map of Alejandro Selkirk Island. From Greimler et al. (2013)

59

60

6 Vegetational Patterns

Fig. 6.2 Vegetation map of Robinson Crusoe Island. From Greimler et al. (2002a)

(Fig. 6.4b); Libertia chilensis assemblage; Acaena argentea assemblage (Fig. 6.4c); Nassella-grassland; weed assemblages (Fig. 6.4d); tall ruderals; cultivated Eucalyptus, Pinus, Cupressus; forest with alien plants; scattered native plants among rocks; scattered grassland and weeds among rocks; grassland with Acaena. There are also large expanses of rocks and eroded areas, plus the settlement and airfield. The overall patterns on this island reflect a high number of vegetation zones that contain introduced (invasive) species. In fact, the original montane forests now occupy only 25% of the present surface area. Although this island harbors a larger number of discernible vegetation units, most of these have developed by an intermixing of invasive with native species. If we take into consideration the hypothesized geomorphological changes in the landscape of Robinson Crusoe Island over the past four million years (Sanders et al. 1987), it is possible to understand the configuration of the present vegetation. Large amounts of surface area have been lost by subsidence and erosion, perhaps as much as 95% (Stuessy et al. 1998b). As the elevation of the island reduced from c. 3000 m to the present 915 m at tallest point ( El Yunque), and as subsidence and erosion led to a drastic reduction of the perimeter of the island, the vegetation had to adapt as best it could as the environment kept changing. At the present time, the montane forests are clustered around the highest ridges of the island, which is where the highest rainfall occurs. Furthermore, these areas are much more difficult of access, and this explains

6.2 Vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island

61

Fig. 6.3 Types of vegetation on Alejandro Selkirk Island. a Dicksonia externa tree fern community, near Los Inocentes. b Lophosoria quadripinnata fern community, Plano de La Mona. c Myrceugenia schulzei forest, upper regions of Quebrada de Las Vacas. d Anthoxanthum-Nasella-grassland, looking toward Quebrada Sándalo

why these forests were not cut down by visitors and colonists seeking lumber or firewood. The introduced species have penetrated the natural vegetation to such an extent that they have formed their own mixed associations. Some of the most aggressive species, such as Ugni molinae, a small wiry shrub, has successfully established on the ridges in more open regions. This species blends well with the landscape and does not look out-of-place, but it grows in dense thickets of 1–3 m tall, which precludes most other native species from growing underneath. There is so much of this invasive species, that it would seem unrealistic to attempt its removal. Other invasives, such as Aristotelia chilensis, Rubus ulmifolius, and Acaena argentea form almost uniform associations and also keep native species out. The first two might be contained through an aggressive cutting and poisoning program, but Acaena argentea is presently also holding the soil in open eroded areas. It is important to remember that these invasives have been a factor on the landscape since arrival of humans in 1574, which indicates that substantial modification of the vegetation has taken place during the past 400 years.

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6 Vegetational Patterns

Fig. 6.4 Types of vegetation on Robinson Crusoe Island. a Lower montane forest, Quebrada Villagra. b Fern assemblages, near La Piña, Puerto Francés. c Acaena argentea covering large areas in Valle Inglés. d Weed assemblages and cattle, Valle Inglés

6.3 Comparison of Vegetation Between the Two Major Islands Comparison of the patterns of vegetation between the two islands leads to some useful conclusions. The geological ages of the two islands are quite different, with Alejandro Selkirk Island being approximately one million years of age and Robinson Crusoe Island about four million. This age difference correlates with the outline of the two islands, the younger still having a rounder shape reflecting its volcanic origin. The perimeter of the older island is very dissected, not at all resembling an original volcanic island, but instead giving the appearance of substantial island modification that has resulted from sinking due to subsidence on the Nazca plate and considerable wind and water erosion. Furthermore, due to erosion of the landscape, broad valleys predominate on the older island whereas on the younger island there are mostly deep amphitheater-headed narrow valleys (quebradas). These differences correlate with the vegetation on the younger island being in well-defined mostly broad zones around the island and into the quebradas. This is not the case with the older island, where most of the vegetation is compacted into narrower bands that are distributed around the remaining basaltic central ridges. The present pattern of vegetation on Robinson Crusoe Island, therefore, is of a refugium in and around the central high regions. The only area that still has a relatively large portion of original upper montane forest is toward the southeast, in the area called Cordón Chifladores, just west of the upper

6.3 Comparison of Vegetation Between the Two Major Islands

63

reaches of Puerto Francés. Difficulty of access to this area, because of its remoteness, has helped preservation in recent centuries. In addition to the differences in vegetation between the islands that have resulted from the natural impacts of geological age and erosion, there also have been differential impacts from human activities over the past four centuries. The human impact on the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island has been substantial. Only two original vegetation zones still exist, the upper and lower montane forests, and here is where the endemic species of the island still reside. Figure 6.1 reveals that these zones are mostly very narrow and occur huddled along the highest ridges of the island. These forests have been cut with enthusiasm over the past 400 years, such that most of the original forest at lower elevations has been completely eliminated (Danton 2006b). Complicating the situation have been the large numbers of invasive plant species that now make up most of the plant cover of the island. Although more vegetation zones can be recognized on Robinson Crusoe Island, this is due to the compaction of the forests and the intermingling of many of the aggressive introduced species. Of the 15 categories of vegetation recognized by Greimler et al. (2002a; see also Fig. 6.2), 11 contain large elements of invasives. Because only limited settlements were developed on Alejandro Selkirk Island, due to the absence of a safe harbor and difficulties of landing on shore, the human impact has been less than on Robinson Crusoe Island. The only settlement on the younger island was at Las Casas, which was the base for the fur seal harvesting at the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century (see Chap. 8). This same locality also served as a penal colony during the early part of the 20th century. During these times, considerable areas of native forest had been cleared, convicts having been charged with cutting trees to make lumber for construction of buildings or repair of ships, as well as to use for firewood. The colony held hundreds of men at its peak, and this would have placed a considerable pressure on the trees Myrceugenia schulzei and Zanthoxylum externum. Many of the former are now distributed along the margins and upper reaches of the deep quebradas (Fig. 6.3c), which would have been nearly inaccessible for harvesting.

Part III

Historical Documentation of Human Activities

To appreciate historical changes in the ecosystems of the Juan Fernández Archipelago requires understanding both natural events that have transpired as well as human impacts. This part of the book lays out in some detail the available historical information for human activities contained in textural material and in maps and drawings that were published from 1574 to the present. The early data available from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries are especially pertinent for helping us understand the changes to the islands. As mentioned earlier, one of the advantages of using the Juan Fernández Archipelago as a case study is that no indigenous people lived there prior to discovery by European navigators. The early documentation, therefore, begins to tell the story of what people did and when they did it. Some of these activities, especially cutting of trees for wood, have had a huge impact on the vegetation of the islands that can be seen clearly today. Most of the comments and observations in these chapters deal with plants, vegetation, and terrestrial animals. Some comments are also included on the marine animals, especially the once abundant fur seals and elephant seals, which suffered enormously from human harvesting. Remarks on the diverse fish and abundant lobsters are also provided, as they have also been greatly depleted over the centuries. Adding these observations provides further evidence of the heavy negative impact on the ecosystems of the islands from human activities. The historical information is presented in seven chapters that focus on major phases of human influence. Chapter 7 deals with the discovery of the archipelago and the early explorations from 1574 to 1749. This is a very important period because during this time trees were felled for lumber to refit ships, to build houses, and to construct small boats. It is additionally significant because it provides the clearest view of what the original vegetation was like. The colonial period documented in Chap. 8 is a short one (1750–1819), but nevertheless significant, because it deals with harvesting of the valuable sandalwood as well as the killing of millions of fur seals and elephant seals on both major islands. Chapters 9–11 are framed in context of the botanical research activities, during which time observations were also made on the status of the vegetation. Chapter 9 covers the early botanical period from 1820 to 1875, including the first major compilations of the flora by Hemsley

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Part III: Historical Documentation of Human Activities

(1884). Chapter 10 follows these botanical contributions with the floristic period (1876–1906), highlighted by the extensive observations of Johow (1896). Chapter 11 deals with the many observations by Skottsberg during 1907–1917, which provided a major impetus for understanding the flora and vegetation of the archipelago. The touristic period is outlined in Chap. 12, spanning 1918–1959, during which time many botanical souvenirs were taken from Robinson Crusoe Island. Chapter 13 indicates the many contributions during the modern period (1960–present) that emphasized biogeography and evolution plus a focus on conservation. To provide the reader with a clear appreciation of the information available in these historical documents, much original textual material has been quoted or paraphrased. The idea is to show when the voyagers arrived in the island, what the reasons for their being there were, and what they did during their stay to impact vegetation as well as marine life. The many maps and drawings of the islands provide additional critical evidence of the state of vegetation at that particular time.

Chapter 7

Discovery and Early Exploration (1574–1749)

The Discovery and Early Exploration period encompasses the time from when the Juan Fernández Archipelago was first sighted up to when Spain finally took control with fortifications and colonization. This is the phase when European countries used the islands for repairing ships, obtaining fresh water, harvesting vegetables (against scurvy), hunting animals for meat, and allowing crews to rest and recuperate. Privateers, especially commissioned by English and Dutch governments, used the islands as a place from which to attack Spanish coastal towns and passing ships. It was during this phase that the human disturbance to the ecosystems of the Juan Fernández Islands began.

7.1 Sixteenth Century The Juan Fernández Archipelago was discovered in 1574 by the Spanish sea captain, Juan Fernández. He had sailed from Callao (the port of Lima) in Peru south to Chile (either Valparaíso or Concepción; Woodward 1969), but instead of taking the usual route close to the coast, he first sailed westward into the Pacific and then turned south. The reason for this tactic may have been to avoid the strong northflowing Humboldt Current, which makes the voyage southward extremely slow. Juan Fernandez’s passage proved to be very fast, so much so that the authorities were suspicious that the Devil might have had a role in this amazing feat. On 6 November he first passed the Islas Desventuradas, consisting of San Félix and San Ambor (later San Ambrosio). These islands were first sighted and named by Magellan in 1520 (documented on that same voyage by Pigafetta 1525, paragraph 19) as the “Îsles infortunées” (Islas Desventuradas in Spanish) and already well known to Spanish navigators. As Juan Fernández continued to travel southward, on 22 November 1574

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he saw and documented the existence of two new islands, which he called Santa Cecilia (Guzmán c. 1950; Medina 1974). These were most probably Robinson Crusoe Island and Santa Clara Island. No evidence exists that the ship anchored there nor that anyone went ashore, but some authors persist in stating that he did visit the island (e.g., Muñoz 1980). Likewise, there are no records of any observations on the vegetation or any other features (Medina 1974). Alcedo (1788) stated that the Juan Fernández Archipelago was discovered in 1563 (repeated by Burney 1803: 274), but there appears to be no evidence for this earlier date (Feliú y Cruz 1918; Woodward 1969). Although the Juan Fernández Archipelago was discovered in 1574, there apparently exists no map from the sixteenth century that shows the islands. Suarez (2004: 64) suggests that the archipelago did appear in the map of Abraham Ortelius in 1587, but these are the Islas Desventuradas (as Felix and Nabor) and not Juan Fernández. This lack of appearance in early maps might have been due to suppression of their location for security reasons by Spanish authorities. Beginning with the seventeenth century, the Juan Fernández Islands start to appear on various maps (e.g., Van Noort 1601). It is surprising that there is still uncertainty as to who first discovered and named Alejandro Selkirk Island. The earliest name was the descriptive “Isla Fuera” or “Más a Fuera” (further away). It is very doubtful that Juan Fernández saw this island on his voyage of discovery. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa in 1589 sailed approximately 100 miles west of Alejandro Selkirk Island (cf. map in Covens and Mortier 1721– 1741), but it is unlikely that he was able to see the island at that distance. Maps from the early seventeenth century show only one island in the archipelago (e.g., that of Willem Blaeu 1617; reproduced in Campbell 1981, pp. 24–25). Antonio de Vea sailed past both islands on 13–21 October 1675 (Navarrete 1943), but this was a century after Robinson Crusoe Island was discovered. The historian Vicuña Mackenna (1883: 781) says only that since discovery, navigators of the Pacific have called the island “Más Afuera.” It was not long after Robinson Crusoe Island was discovered that attempts were made to establish a colony, and this was the beginning of human activities in the archipelago. A Chilean empresario, Juan Jufré, made an exploratory journey to Robinson Crusoe Island in 1575, probably on 1 November (all Saints Day), because he named the main harbor Todos Santos (Woodward 1969). The objective was to determine the economic feasibility of establishing a colony, which apparently was negative as no further initiative was taken. The island was successfully colonized in 1591 by Capt. Sebastian García Carreto from Spain, who established a community that survived until 1596. This island was favorable for survival because of the fresh water and abundant fish, lobster, and fur seals. It is believed that this was the moment that goats (and perhaps other animals) were first introduced to the archipelago (Woodward 1969). In 1599 another attempt to colonize Robinson Crusoe Island was made by the Spaniards Martin de Zamora, Diego de Ulloa, and Fernando Álvarez de Bahamonde. They brought indigenous people from the continent, who built homes and

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cultivated vegetables (Woodward 1969), but it is not known specifically what domestic plants were brought to the island. The colonists also cut wood, fished, and harvested fur seals. Despite all efforts, this colony also failed, but it is not clear how long it lasted. By the time the island was visited in 1616 by Schouten and Le Maire, no people were present.

7.2 Seventeenth Century A very significant visit to the Juan Fernández Archipelago in the early years of the seventeenth century was accomplished by the Dutch navigators Willem C. Schouten (Fig. 7.1) and Jacque (Jacob) Le Maire (Schouten 1618a, b). Schouten was in charge of navigation and Le Maire was in charge of all matters dealing with the cargo and trade (i.e., supercargo; Kerr 1824). The islands, in fact, had not been relocated by the other European powers after first sighted by Juan Fernández in 1574. Their two ships, the Eendracht and the Hoorn, made a southern passage around the tip of South America, but on the way the Hoorn caught fire and burned (Woodward 1969). In honor of this lost ship (as well as being the name of the birthplace of Schouten in Holland), this southernmost point of the continent was named Cape Hoorn, still in use today (as Horn). The combined crews now on board the Eendracht continued into the Pacific and finally arrived at Robinson Crusoe Island on 1 March 1616 (Fig. 7.2), anchoring in the main bay. Fig. 7.1 Willem Cornelisz Schouten

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Fig. 7.2 Portion of detailed map indicating the specific route of Willem Schouten around South America and the Juan Fernández Archipelago. From Schouten (1618b)

Schouten (1619: 27) provides a brief description of Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands, which is the first set of observations on its ecosystem: “There are two islands, both of them very high land: the smallest [Santa Clara] lying most westward, is a very dry bare island with nothing on it, but bare hilles and cliffes, the greatest (lying eastward) [Robinson Crusoe] is also full of very high hilles, but hath many trees, and very fruitfull. Therein are many beastes, as hogges, and goates.” As a result of the woods being so dense, they were unable to catch these animals. They also searched for cattle, but they did not mention if any were seen or captured. Guzmán (1619: 29), who was also on the voyage, suggests that the hills were full of hogs, goats, other animals, and cattle. Hogs and goats might be expected on Robinson Crusoe Island, being feral animals from the colony established by García

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in 1591–1596 or perhaps from the one established by Zamora, de Ulloa and Álvarez in 1599. Based on these reports, the eastern part of Robinson Crusoe Island at this time was covered with trees, but that Santa Clara Island was very dry and without much noticeable vegetation. Goats and hogs were already common in the valleys of Robinson Crusoe Island. No observations on specific plants were provided, but due to the existence of two previous colonies, it would not have been impossible that some invasive plants would already have arrived. After re-discovery of the Juan Fernández Archipelago by Schouten and Le Maire, news of the existence of these islands that contained fresh water and an agreeable climate travelled fast throughout Europe. For any ship struggling to pass the tip of South America and continue westward into the Pacific, finding a safe harbor in which to rest and recuperate and refit boats, safe from the political problems attendant the Spanish colonies along the continent, was immediately significant. As a result, numerous voyagers found the islands and used them for their needs. These included ships from England, France, The Netherlands, and also Spain (Table 7.1). Table 7.1 Historical reports of visits to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during discovery and early exploration (1574–1749) Author of report

Year published

Dates in islands

Willem C. Schouten

1618a, b (1619)

1–3 Mar 1616

Jacques Le Hermite

In Decker (1648)

5–13 Apr 1624

John Scutten

In Alonso de Ovalle (1649)

Late sixteenth or early seventeenth century

Diego de Rosales

In Vicuña Mackenna (1877)

1662–1665

Antonio de Vea

In Navarrete (1943)

13–21 Oct 1675

Bartholomew Sharp

In Hacke (1699)

25 Dec 1680–12 Jan 1681

Basil Ringrose

In Esquemeling (1685)

25 Dec 1680–12 Jan 1681

William Dampier

1697

22 Mar–8 Apr 1684

Lionel Wafer

1699

Dec 1687

William Funnell

1707

7–29 Feb 1704

Woodes Rogers

1712

31 Jan–13 Feb 1709

Edward Cooke

1712

31 Jan–13 Feb 1709

Amédée Franðois Frézier

1714

Aug–Oct 1712 (uncertain if he was actually in the islands)

John Clipperton

In Kerr (1824)

7 Sept–7 Oct 1719

George Shelvocke

1726

11 Jan–6 Oct 1720

Jacob Roggeveen

1838

25 Feb–17 Mar 1722

George Anson

1748

9 June–19 Sept 1741

Philip Saumarez

In Heaps (1973)

9 June–19 Sept 1741

Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa

1748

9–22 Jan 1742

Juan Francisco de Sobrecasas

In Medina (1923a)

Mar 1750–Dec 1751

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Fig. 7.3 Drawing of the northeastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island, from Le Hermite in Gottfried and Merian (1631)

Following the information provided by Schouten, another Dutch navigator, Jacques Le Hermite, arrived at Robinson Crusoe Island on 5 April 1624 and departed on 13 April (Callander 1768). The island was first sighted on 4 April, but due to prevailing winds, anchorage in the main bay wasn’t possible until the following day (Fig. 7.3). Le Hermite was admiral of a large fleet of 11 ships, funded largely by the East India Company, and charged by the Dutch government to sail to the South Sea and harass the Spanish colonies wherever possible. After the difficult passage around Cape Horn, Le Hermite arrived first to Robinson Crusoe Island with the ships Holland and Amsterdam, and the other ships followed over the next several days. The objective was to rest and obtain fresh water, vegetables, fish, and goat meat in preparation for attacks against the Spanish cities along the South American coast. Information on what was seen and done on the island was chronicled apparently by Adolph Decker (1648 Dutch version; according to Callander 1768), who was Captain of the Marines with the Dutch fleet. This account was presumably based on the journal of Le Hermite, who was killed at Callao, Peru (Cox 1938). Seals were killed for meat as well as their oil. There were also large numbers of elephant seals, which the sailors killed “not for food only but for diversion” (Callander 1768: 312). As for observations on the landscape, it was mentioned that there were “valleys covered with clover” (Kerr 1824: 202) on the northeast side of the island. Further, “There were many goats in the island, but difficult to be taken…. There were plenty of palmtrees [the endemic Juania australis] in the interior, and three large quince-trees near the bay.” They also found timber for various uses, but no trees were fit for masts. Burney (1813: 19) added that “Among the trees were some like the elm [probably

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Nothomyrcia fernandeziana], …. Sandal wood was growing in great quantity, of an inferior quality to the sandal wood of Timor [Indonesia].” The drawing from Le Hermite of the northeastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island (Fig. 7.3) merits further comment. Most of the ships are shown anchored in Cumberland Bay, which is the only large bay in the island. The tallest peak would be El Yunque, the ridge toward the right is Salsipuedes, immediately to the left of El Yunque is Cordón Central, and slightly further to the left is Damajuana. Valle Inglés is placed to the right of Cumberland Bay. By inspection and comparison, this is a remarkably accurate drawing of this side of the island, which generates confidence in the placement of symbols representing trees (forests) that occur in all the valleys and hills on this side of the island. The Jesuit Alonso de Ovalle chronicled the history of Chile in 1649. In this history he documented the activities of John Scutten, who apparently visited both major islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. Little is known of him directly, but reports of his voyage were presented by Theodore and John de Bry (1590–1634). This was later translated into English by Pinkerton (1813), but his text was apparently based on the translation of Churchill and Churchill (1745). Ovalle speaks only of two islands, which appears to refer to Robinson Crusoe and Alejandro Selkirk Islands, which would be the first report of the latter island, although still unnamed. Several statements are helpful in giving information regarding the landscape (all from Pinkerton 1813: 91). Regarding Alejandro Selkirk Island, it “appeared to them barren, as being covered with wood, and very mountainous.” The larger Robinson Crusoe Island was “likewise mountainous, but has a great variety of trees, and much grass, with which are fed great herds of swine and goats.” On Robinson Crusoe Island, there was a safe harbor (Cumberland Bay) and the nearby shore was with “a delicate valley full of trees of all sorts, and wild boars, and other animals feeding in it.” One of the problems with this report, and other early reports, is that much information was copied from other sources and woven into a presentation. Some facts might be due to direct observations and others from previous writings. Summarizing the information as presented by Ovalle, it appears that Alejandro Selkirk Island had trees and apparently some barren places (perhaps grassy areas), and that Robinson Crusoe Island contained many trees of different species as well as grassy areas. In the region of the principal bay (Bahía Cumberland), feral hogs, goats, and cattle were seen. Another attempt at colonization of Robinson Crusoe Island by Spain was made by another Jesuit, Diego de Rosales, from 1662 to 1665 (Woodward 1969). This attempt at colonization failed, but some observations on activities were chronicled by Vicuña Mackenna (1877: xlvi), indicating that Rosales sowed the first seeds of trees (presumably non-native) and European vegetables, that herds of goats were present, and that they destroyed the forests by eating the bark of trees. It is unclear where Vicuña Mackenna obtained these observations, presumably from manuscripts, as no such descriptions can be found in Rosales’ own published history (1877–1878). The suggestion that Rosales was the first to sow seeds of trees and cultivated vegetables is contradicted by Woodward’s (1969) report that Zamora, Ulloa, and Álvarez did so as part of their colonization efforts in 1599.

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Antonio de Vea visited the Juan Fernández Archipelago in 13–21 October of 1675, but he sailed around both islands without going ashore (Navarrete 1943). The normally precise Woodward (1969: 22) stated, apparently erroneously, that Vea did visit the island in 1675, and that he released “ferocious dogs” to discourage visitors from other countries. The idea was that the dogs would also eat the goats, thus reducing the food source for pirates or other enemies. These specific observations seem doubtful, although this overall strategy by the Spaniards was likely correct. In 1680 Captain Bartholomew Sharp, along with English buccaneers including Basil Ringrose, William Dampier, and Lionel Wafer, had been harassing the Spanish colonies in Panamá (Woodward 1969). In June they turned their attention southward and sailed toward Perú, raiding settlements and ships along the way. They continued to La Serena in Chile and then turned westward to Robinson Crusoe Island, arriving finally on 25 December. Sharp appears to have called this island “Queen Catharine’s Island” as reported by Callander (1768). No useful descriptions were made (or survive) from Dampier or Wafer from this visit, but Sharp (in Hacke 1699) did mention that goats were found on the island, and they harvested (and salted) about 100, also taking an equal number alive aboard ship. It appears that they were anchored off the southwest low side of Robinson Crusoe Island near “a small island adjacent thereunto,” [i.e., Santa Clara]. Four days later (29 December) they moved to Cumberland Bay. There they made the ship fast to nearby trees (obviously close to shore) and obtained quantities (“great store;” p. 45) of fish and lobsters. Mutiny within the group ensued, however, and Sharp was replaced as captain by John Watling. Upon sighting three Spanish ships on the horizon on 12 January 1681, the Englishmen hurriedly set sail, unfortunately leaving a native Panamanian (Miskito Indian named Will) on the island, who had sailed with them but had been off in the vegetation at the time of hasty departure. Basil Ringrose, who was sailing with Sharp, also wrote about his impressions of the same visit to Robinson Crusoe Island, and in much greater detail. He never published this account, but it was obtained and included by Esquemeling (1685) in his Buccaniers of America, vol. 2. Ringrose was in and around Robinson Crusoe for more than two weeks (25 December 1680 to 12 January 1681), and he wrote considerable about what he observed and what the seamen did during their stay on the island. The ship anchored at four places: (1) on the south side of the western part of Robinson Crusoe Island, near the present airport; (2) Puerto Francés [“False Wild harbor” or “False Bay”]; (3) Cumberland Bay [“Windy Bay”]; and (4) Puerto Inglés [“West Bay” or “Cap’t Sharps Bay”]. Regarding the general appearance of the landscape, at the western portion where they first anchored there was “not one stick of wood nor tuft of grass” (p. 394). In looking toward the northeast part of the island, however, “there was much wood to be had,” suggesting that this area was well forested. His sketch map (Fig. 7.4), in fact, shows tree symbols along this side of the island as well as their four anchorages. Although they spent a night up the valley at Puerto Francés (False Bay), no comments were offered on the vegetation in this locality. When anchored in Cumberland (Windy) Bay, many fur seals and elephant seals (sea lions) crowded on the beach. Men were sent to shore in the launch to cut wood, presumably of native or endemic species, and they slept on land near the

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Fig. 7.4 Sketch map of Robinson Crusoe (“Juan Fernandez”) and Santa Clara (“Great Key”) Islands. From Ringrose (in Esquemeling 1685)

bay, using ferns as beds, “whereof there is huge plenty upon this island” (p. 396). Ringrose also mentioned the “great multitudes of trees like our English box, which bear a sort of green berries, smelling like pimento, or pepper” (p. 396). This is confidently Nothomyrcia fernandeziana, the most common endemic species on the island; the vernacular name often used for this species, in fact, is pimiento (Gunckel L. 1968). On 30 December the crew continued “cutting down wood” (p. 396). Goats were sought for food, and “three-score” (i.e., 30) were killed when the men first went ashore on the western side of the island. Goats were again hunted in this area on 10 January and 12 January. Goats could have been available also in the forest on the eastern side of the island (no evidence provided), but the vegetation was thick and hard to penetrate. The open drier areas to the west afforded much better chances of shooting the goats and running them down. Another detailed report on Robinson Crusoe (“John Fernando”) Island was provided by William Dampier (Fig. 7.5), who had earlier sailed on the same voyage with Bartholomew Sharp in 1680–81, but had published no observations from that visit. Dampier, although a buccaneer, seems to have been less interested in money than in experiencing the world as a traveler, observer, and naturalist (Bonner 1934; Kemp and Lloyd 1961; Shipman 1962; Lloyd 1966; Preston and Preston 2005). As a result of his intellectual curiosity, his comments about Robinson Crusoe Island perhaps have more credence than those from other privateers of the day. Dampier was a disciplined diarist, and he took great pains to preserve his manuscripts by protecting them within a bamboo tube sealed at the ends with wax (Shipman 1962: 6). In 1684 Dampier returned to the island, this time sailing with Capt. John Cooke and Capt. William Ambrosia (Ambrose) Cowley, the ship arriving 22 March and staying until 8 April (16 days). Dampier’s observations on the island were contained in his book entitled “A new voyage round the world” published in 1697. Many of Dampier’s observations on Robinson Crusoe Island are worth presenting in detail as they give quite a good impression of the state of the island at this time. Regarding the general landscape, he noted that “The sides of the Mountains are part Savannahs, part Woodland” (1697: 87). “The Grass in these Savannahs … is

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Fig. 7.5 William Dampier

not a long flaggy Grass, such as is usually in the Savannahs in the West-Indies, but a sort of kindly Grass, thick and flourishing the biggest part of the Year” (p. 87). Carlos M. Baeza (in litt.) suggests that these native grasses, based on the limited information provided, might have been species of Nassella. Dampier mentioned that the term “savannah” should not be used for places cleared of wood by humans, but rather used for grasslands that are found originally in uninhabited places, such as is the case in Robinson Crusoe Island. In the wooded eastern portion, “The Woods afford divers sorts of Trees; some large and good Timber for Building, but none fit for Masts” (p. 87). Regarding the western end of the island, “there is neither Wood nor any fresh Water, and the Grass short and dry” (p. 88). It is clear, therefore, that the eastern part of Robinson Crusoe Island was covered by trees with some thick grasslands, and that the drier western part was covered only by short grass. Dampier made little mention of specific plants, except for one observation: “The Cabbage Trees of this Isle are but small and low; yet afford a good Head, and the Cabbage very sweet” (p. 87). This refers to the endemic palm, Juania australis, the apical meristem of which was cut away and boiled as a vegetable. The problem with this harvesting was that the entire tree had to be chopped down to access the apex.

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Dampier’s comments on animals of Robinson Crusoe Island were more extensive than on the plants. Regarding the goats: “The Savannahs are stocked with Goats in great Herds; but those that live on the East-end of the Island [the savannah and wooded portion] are not so fat as those on the West-end; for though there is much more Grass, and plenty of Water in every Valley, nevertheless they thrive not so well here as on the West-end, where there is less Food; and yet there are found greater Flocks” (1697: 87, 88). Dampier also described two species of fish in some detail, the Snapper and the Rock-Fish (“Baccalao”), and considerable space (a full p. 89 and part of p. 90) was devoted to the appearance and behavior of the fur seals, which occurred everywhere on the coast of the island and numbered in the “Thousands” or “possibly Millions” (1697: 89). Elephant seals (sea lions) were also present, but Dampier made no mention of numbers. They could be eaten (“indifferent good Food”), and they also yielded a large quantity of oil useful for cooking. It is worth noting that upon the arrival of Dampier’s ship to the island, the Miskito Indian named Will (from Panama territory, present day Honduras or Nicaragua) who had been left alone inadvertently in 1681 from the Sharp expedition, was still alive and greeted Dampier and company enthusiastically. This was the first example of the Robinson Crusoe experience, more attention being given later to the Scottish sailor Alexander Selkirk who lived alone on the same island from 1704 to 1709. Gray (1937: xxxii, n. 3), in fact, suggested that the influence on Defoe for his famous novel came from Dampier’s account of Will as well as reports about Selkirk (see below). Lionel Wafer, sailing with Captain Davis aboard the ship Bachelor’s Delight, visited Robinson Crusoe Island in December of 1687. Wafer published observations on the island in his book A new voyage and description of the Isthmus of America (1699: 192). He commented that goats existed on the island, which they hunted and ate. Three or four of the seamen, who had lost their prize money through gambling and who didn’t wish to head to sea again, elected to stay on the island. They were provisioned with necessities including “Maiz” (corn), some of which they planted, and they also lived on fish plus the burrowing birds called fardelas (Pterodroma externa). The men survived on the island until October 1690, at which time they were picked up by Captain John Strong in the ship Welfare. Little is known of the activities of these men during their stay in the island, with the exception that they tamed “a great number of goats, so that at one time they had a tame stock of 300” (Burney 1816: 297). More important is that during this short visit of 11 days by the Welfare, the surgeon George Handisyd went ashore and collected at least two plants, both ferns: Adiantum chilense and Asplenium dareoides. These were eventually given in London to Sir Hans Sloane, the founder of the British Museum, where these specimens can be examined today. These are the first known botanical specimens collected from the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Middleton 1909; Dandy 1958; Gunckel L. 1971). The next collections known from the archipelago were made by Mary Graham in 1822 (Graham 1824), a lapse of 132 years.

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7.3 Eighteenth Century The next descriptions of Robinson Crusoe Island came from William Funnell (1707) during his visit 7–29 February 1704 as mate with William Dampier on the ship St. George. They approached the island on 7 February, but thinking this was not the island they had sought, they sailed eastward but returned on 10 February to anchor in Puerto Inglés (“Little Bay;” Fig. 7.6). As this was not a well-protected location, they soon transferred to Cumberland Bay (“the Great Bay”). Funnell’s description of the vegetation of the island is not very comprehensive, only noting that: “The woods afford several sorts of Trees, but none fit for Masts. Here are Pamento-Trees in abundance [= Nothomyrcia fernandeziana], but the Spice [i.e., fruit] was not ripe whilst we were here: Also abundance of Cabbage-trees [= Juania australis], altho small, yet very good and sweet” (1707: 18). Some of these comments are suspiciously similar to those of Dampier (1697), which suggests that Funnell may have carried a copy of Dampier’s book on his voyage. His relatively crude drawing of the island (Fig. 7.6) shows the hills on the northern side of the island to be completely forested, which would have been the case at this point in time. Because of the often cited occurrence of cabbage-trees on Robinson Crusoe Island, it is worth repeating the detailed description offered by Funnell (1707: 18, 19) as well as showing his drawing of the species (Fig. 7.7a). The species being described is Juania australis, an endemic genus of palms (Fig. 7.7b). “The Cabbage-tree is of Body small and straight, with several Knots or Joynts about four Inches from each other, like a Bamboe-Cane, void of any Leaves, except at the top; in the midst of

Fig. 7.6 Drawing of Robinson Crusoe Island in Funnell (1707: fig. 10, opposite p. 12) with notes on anchorages and sources of fresh water

7.3 Eighteenth Century

(a)

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(b)

Fig. 7.7 The “cabbage tree” (Juania australis) as a drawn in Funnell (1707: fig. 11, opposite p. 18) and as b photographed recently on Robinson Crusoe Island, with El Yunque in the background

which, the Cabbage is contained; which when boiled, is as good as any GardenCabbage I ever tasted. The Branches are commonly about twelve or thirteen Feet in length, and about a foot and an half from the Trunk of the Tree they shoot forth Leaves, about four foot long, and an Inch and a half broad. These Leaves grow so regularly that the whole Branch seems but one entire Leaf. The Cabbage when it is cut out from amongst the bottoms of the Branches, is commonly about six Inches about, and a foot long; some more, some less; and is as white as Milk. At the bottom of the Cabbage grow great Bunches of Berries, of about six pound weight, in the shape of a bunch of Grapes. Their Colour is red like a Cherry; and the Berries are about the bigness of a black Cherry, with a large Stone in the middle; and they taste much like English Haws. We never climb up to get the Fruit or Cabbage, because the Tree is so high, and there is not any thing to hold by; so that a Man would find it a hard matter to get up. For I have seen some of these Trees, after we have cut them down (which we always do to get the Cabbage) to be ninety or a hundred Feet in length.” Funnell’s description is impressive for the age, although he misinterpreted the central part (rachis) of the palm leaf as a branch. The edible portion is the large apical meristem, but he also indicates the method of harvesting the species, which involves killing an individual for each apical meristem obtained. It is uncertain how many plants of this species originally existed on the island, but at the present time about 1000–2000 individuals occur nearly all in high isolated valleys or ridges (Stuessy et al. 1983; Ricci 2006). It is worth mentioning that for some reason the term “cabbage tree” has also been applied to the endemic rosette tree, Dendroseris litoralis, of the sunflower family (e.g., Hahn et al. 2014a), perhaps due to the large leathery leaves. Funnell (1707: 20, 21) had much more to say about the animals of the island. “Of Goats, …, here is great plenty, and especially towards the West part of the Island;

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they resort thither, by reason there is better Pasture for them. Of these Goats we used to get store; and a Joint of one of them roasted, with about half a foot of our Cabbage boiled, makes a very good Meal.” He also mentioned numerous feral cats, but he observed no dogs. “Birds here are few or none of Note, except the Humming-Bird, which is about the bigness of a Bee. It hath a Bill no bigger than an ordinary Pin; his Legs are small, but in proportion to his Bulk; his Feathers are very small, and mostly black. We seldom used to catch or see these Birds, unless toward Evening; and then they would come humming about us: But if it was dark, and we had a Fire, before Morning we should have a hundred of them fly into the Fire.” We summarize from Funnell’s descriptions that the western part of Robinson Crusoe Island harbored more goats and apparently in considerable quantity. Feral cats were common. As for hummingbirds, they were apparently very abundant; at present they are easily observed (Colwell 1989; pers. observ.), but not in the quantities described by Funnell. This reduction in population size may have to do with the reduction of the numbers of individuals of endemic plants that provide sources of nectar, such as Rhaphithamnus venustus, Dendroseris litoralis, etc. Funnell also offered comments on marine animals: “here are Seals in such abundance, that without driving them away, there is no going ashoar. Here are also a great many Sea-Lyons; and for Cavallies [fish probably of the genus Pseudocaranx; Dyer and Westneat 2010], Silver-fish, Groopers, Breams and Craw-fish, here is such great plenty, that it is almost incredible” (1707: 21). Funnell also described that they killed the large elephant seals (sea lions) for oil by placing a pistol in their mouth and firing. Others were used for “Sport,” whereby seven or eight sailors would each come with a half pike (= spontoon, 6–7 feet long) and prick the animal to death, which took two or three hours. A very important visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was the Scottish sailor, Alexander Selkirk, who was on the same ship Cinque Ports as Funnell, but due to unexpected circumstances spent more than four years there during 1704–1709. Although he made no direct observations on the vegetation of the island, at least that have survived, his circumstance was of such importance that it warrants a brief discussion. Recall that the second major island of the Juan Fernández archipelago, Isla Alejandro Selkirk, was named after him. Selkirk (originally Selcraig; Mégroz 1939) was born in Largo, Scotland in 1676. Apparently a mischievous child, he left home for a seaman’s career after a warrant was taken out for his arrest for having “indecent behavior” in church. Selkirk’s mathematical inclinations and general intelligence allowed him to advance to the level of navigator of some considerable respect (Woodward 1969). William Dampier, discussed above, had been commissioned as general Captain of a privateering expedition against the French and Spanish colonies and was in charge of two ships that sailed from Kinsale, Ireland, on September 1703. Dampier was designated Captain of the St. George and Captain Charles Pickering of the Cinque Ports. It was on this latter ship that Alexander Selkirk had signed on as sailing master. Near Rio de Janeiro, Capt. Pickering died and was replaced by Lieutenant Thomas Stradling. Both ships survived the difficult passage around Cape Horn, and eventually both were successfully anchored on 10 February 1704 in Cumberland Bay in the Juan Fernández

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Archipelago. Disturbances developed among the crew of the Cinque Ports, especially between Capt. Stradling and 42 of the men, including Selkirk. On 29 February, another ship approached the island and the expedition, hoping to capture a good prize, left Cumberland Bay in pursuit. The Cinque Ports was unable to join the fight, presumably due to adverse winds, but the St. George did engage one of the French ships, the St. Joseph, for up to seven hours, but the latter eventually escaped. Both English ships returned to the Juan Fernández Islands, but in the meantime, two other French vessels had arrived, anchored in Cumberland Bay, and captured all stores that had been left on shore by the English for their return trip, plus three of the five men who had been inadvertently left behind because of the hasty departure in chase of the original two French ships. Not wishing to engage these new French ships, Dampier turned the expedition to the Peruvian coast, and after very limited success at capturing prizes or looting coastal colonies, subsequently continued north toward Panama. It was here that the two ships departed, with Dampier staying in the Peru-Panama area, and Stradling heading southward to prey upon the coastal region from Peru to Chile, using Juan Fernández as a base. On the return trip to the island, relations between Stradling and Selkirk became very strained, such that the latter decided to leave the ship and remain on the island, hoping to be picked up soon by another English privateer. Stradling was not adverse to doing so, and Selkirk was dropped on shore with some provisions, clothes and bedding, musket, powder and shot, hatchet, knife, kettle, Bible, and some additional items (Woodward 1969). Selkirk stayed in the island four years and four months, until being picked up by Captain Woodes Rogers on the Duke on 1 February 1709, with William Dampier along as pilot. Captain Woodes Rogers was a disciplined officer in command of the Duke which sighted Robinson Crusoe Island at 7:00 on 31 January 1709. At 14:00 on the same day, a small boat (“pinnace”) with crew rowed toward shore, arriving near Cumberland Bay at dusk, but a fire was spotted on shore which caused much worry. Capt. Rogers gave signals for the boat to return to the ship, which it immediately did. Preparations were made in the evening for an engagement the next day (1 February) on shore with the persons who were tending the observed fire (thought to be French). About noon, another small boat (“yawl”) departed for the shore, and there was one man seen waving a white flag attempting to draw attention. This was Alexander Selkirk, after four years and four months in isolation on the island. He was dressed in goat skins, had a full beard, and presented a generally wild appearance. He was taken from shore back to the Duke and there met again William Dampier and other familiar members of the crew. His reputation as a navigator was sufficiently good that Capt. Rogers offered him the post of mate on his ship, which he accepted. The ships departed Sunday, 13 February 1709. The information we have about the vegetation and natural history of the Robinson Crusoe Island comes not from Selkirk directly, but from reports made by the captains of the two ships that were on the same privateering expedition together: Capt. Rogers (1712) of the Duke and Capt. Edward Cooke (1712) of the Duchess, plus Richard Steele’s interview (1713) with Selkirk after he had returned to London. Rogers (1712: 93–99) offered comments about Robinson Crusoe Island taken from what Selkirk had told him plus his own limited observations, but most information

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dealt with Selkirk and his personal situation rather than the vegetation and flora of the island. We do learn that “We spent our time till the 10th in refitting our Ships, taking Wood on board.” As for comments regarding specific plants, Rogers mentioned that “Piemento [Nothomyrcia fernandeziana] is the best Timber, and most plentiful on this side of the Island, but very apt to split till it is a little dry’d: we cut the longest and cleanest to split for Fire-wood. …. Piemento Trees are plenty here, and we saw some of 60 foot high, and about two yards thick; and Cotton Trees [referring to species of Bombax from Asia, which have a large and smooth trunk; probably Zanthoxylum mayu] higher, and near four fathom round in the Stock. …. The Cabbage-Trees abound about three miles into the Woods, and the Cabbage very good; most of ‘em are on the tops of the nearest and lowest Mountains.” Regarding cultivated plants, Rogers (1712: 93, 99) added that Selkirk had turnips, parsley (Petroselinum crispum), purslane (Portulaca oleracea), and watercress (Nasturtium officinale), demonstrating that a variety of domesticated plants had already become established in the island. As for animals, Rogers (1712: 93–97, 101) reported that there were many goats. Dampier, Glendal, and Selkirk with ten of the crew members, in fact, went hunting on the southwestern side of the island and harvested 16 animals, but they saw “above a thousand.” Rogers also commented on the cats, which have not often been mentioned by other travelers. “He [Selkirk] was at first much pester’d with Cats and Rats, that had bred in great numbers from some of each Species which had got ashore from Ships that put in there to wood and water. The Rats gnaw’d his Feet and Clothes while asleep, which oblig’d him to cherish the Cats with his Goats-flesh; by which many of them because so tame, that they would lie about him in hundreds, and soon deliver’d him from the Rats.” Rogers mentioned a hummingbird “of various Colours,” and a large number of fur seals and elephant seals. As attested by other visitors, the fur seals were so numerous as to make passage on land difficult. He also said that they boiled up the fat of the elephant seals to produce 80 gallons of oil, a not insignificant quantity. Cooke (1712: 108) also reported on information received from discussions with Selkirk as well as reviewing reports of other visitors (Ovalle, Schouten, Dampier, Cowley, Funnell), but he also added observations of his own, although occasionally adapting what was reported earlier (especially from Funnell and Rogers). He illustrated the general landscape (Fig. 7.8) and commented on some of the plants: “there are some Turnips, and other Roots, which, I suppose, were formerly sow’d; and there is great Plenty of Wood and Water.” He also stated that they “fitted” their ships, which would have required cutting some of the trees for this purpose. There is a good description of the cabbage tree (Juania australis), but this appears to be taken from Funnell (1707). Cooke continued (1712: 108–110) with comments on the goats, documenting a trip to the western portion of the island: “on Thursday the 10th of February 1708, 9 [crew members] went to the S.E. [S.W.] Point of the Land to catch Goats alive; but meeting with wet Weather, and their Time being short, they took few, tho’ they saw abundance very large and fat; and yet this End of the island is the barrenest Part of it.” There were large numbers of fur seals and elephant seals, plus “such Plenty of Fish, as Pollock, Cavallos, … Rock-Fish, Silver-Fish, … Hakes, Oldwives, and

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Fig. 7.8 Map of Robinson Crusoe Island (above) and sketch of the north side (below; both from Cooke 1712) showing where the ships Duke and Duchess anchored, the forests on the northern side of the island, the cabbage tree (Juania australis) in the higher central region, and goats in the dry western portion. Note resemblance to the map by Ringrose (in Esquemeling 1685; Fig. 7.4) and the drawing of the cabbage tree to that in Funnell (1707; Fig. 7.7a)

large Crawfish, as good as our Lobsters, &c. that in four Hours, two Men in a Boat near the Shore, in five or six Fathom [c. 30 ft] Water, might take enough to serve 200 Men.” Some of these details are reminiscent of those by Funnell (1707). The interview of Selkirk by Richard Steele in 1713 (reprinted in Niles 1946) provided little data regarding the vegetation and natural history of Robinson Crusoe Island. In fact, the few comments on the landscape and animals mirrored much of what was published in the reports by Rogers (1713) and Cooke (1712). It may well be that Selkirk had by the time of this interview developed a standard rendition of his isolation on the island, doubtless due to the many questions that were directed his way from curious friends, acquaintances, and journalists. The messages from Steele’s article, however, dealt with the effects of isolation from other humans and development of spirituality and self-sufficiency, which were important themes of influence for Defoe’s classic novel, Robinson Crusoe, of 1719.

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Because these reports by Rogers, Cooke, and Steele were based primarily on recalling what Selkirk told them about his years on the island, it would be worthwhile, indeed, to have an account written by Selkirk himself. In a book on “Crusoe’s Island,” Ober (1898) showed on p. 263 the title page of what was presumed to be Selkirk’s diary (“Providence Display’d, or a very Surprising Account of one Mr. Alexander Selkirk, … Written by his own Hand,” London, 1712). This is apparently an anonymously authored pamphlet, based on material in Rogers (1712) and Cooke (1712) but “stuffed out with invented reflections and new details” (Mégroz 1939: 2), later appearing in the Harleian Miscellany (1745, vol. 5, pp. 402–406, being publication of the “scarce, curious, and entertaining pamphlets and tracts, as well in manuscript as in print, found in the late Earl of Oxford’s Library”). Selkirk returned to England on 14 October 1711 (Mégroz 1939) and was quite the sensation, which may have led to someone taking liberty of producing the Providence Display’d pamphlet in 1712, apparently based on information from Rogers and Cooke (Howell 1829), to capitalize on Selkirk’s popularity. It is worth noting that another book was published in 1800 by Isaac James (1800) under the same general title, which also is a compilation of information from Rogers, Cooke, and other sources (Howell 1829). Sutcliffe (1843), a former governor of Robinson Crusoe Island, also compiled information regarding Selkirk, plus adding valuable insights to the island during his administrative tenure there. Other books appeared (e.g., Boniface-Saintine 1851) that elaborated further on information on Selkirk and the island, including the vegetation, but these appear to be fanciful inventions that go way beyond the comments from Rogers and Cooke, and hence cannot be relied upon. The more recent books on Selkirk by Ballard (1967) and Souhami (2001) are entertaining, but also a mixture of fact and fancy. About 1712 a group of Frenchmen and some Chileans established a fishery business on Robinson Crusoe Island, under the supervision of Mssr. Apremont (Woodward 1969). The idea was to exploit the bacalao fish (Polyprion oxygeneios; Dyer and Westneat 2010). They used the ship San Carlos, which was originally a French ship that had been purchased by a group of Chileans, to transport the fish to the mainland for sale. This industry was short-lived, as in August of 1712 the ship went aground on the island and was wrecked. The fisherman stayed on the island until retrieved by the Spanish ship S. Dominick, returning to Valparaíso on 14 October (Frézier 1714). Amédée Franðois Frézier was commissioned by Louis XIV to explore the Spanish West Indies for information regarding geography of the regions, their peoples, fortifications, and opportunities for trade and commerce. This he accomplished in the years 1712–1714 in the ship Mary. He commented on Robinson Crusoe Island, apparently during his voyage to Valparaíso, Chile, in August–October of 1712. His observations on the island (1714: 96) are brief, stating: “That most Easterly Island of John Fernandes would be very fruitful, if cultivated: There is no Want of Wood and Water; there are wild Swine and Goats, and a prodigious Quantity of Fish.” The most significant point here is the mention of hogs. What is not entirely clear is if he actually visited the island himself, or if he is offering information obtained from talking to the fisherman who had been on the island (see Apremont above).

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The next report of activities in the Juan Fernández Archipelago comes from the Captains of two ships, George Shelvocke in the Speedwell and John Clipperton in the Success, who sailed initially on the same expedition. Because England and Spain were not at war in 1718, it was not possible for these privateers to sail legally under English commissions and then attack Spanish ships and colonies. They petitioned, therefore, to sail under the Austrian Netherlands flag, which at the time was at war with Spain. In view of this situation, the ships were renamed the Prinz Eugene and Staremberg, respectively. However, during the outfitting of the two ships, Great Britain did declare war against Spain, which allowed them to change the names of the ships back to the Speedwell and Success and sail with commissions from Great Britain. Shelvocke was initially in command of the entire expedition, but in part because of his apparently extravagant management (Burney 1816, vol. 4: 520), Clipperton was put in charge. This occasioned bad feelings between the two men, which persisted throughout the voyage. On 13 February 1719 the two ships sailed from Plymouth, England, toward the South Seas. Because of the vagaries of wind and other hazards that might cause them to become separated, meeting places were established between the two ships, first in the Canary Islands, second in the Cape Verde Islands, and then in the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Wycherley 1928). The two ships both reached Grand Canary Island, but not at the same time, and subsequently missing each other at the second rendezvous in Cape Verde. They both finally arrived in Robinson Crusoe Island, but again, not at the same time. Clipperton in the Success arrived in Robinson Crusoe Island first on 7 September 1719, and he sailed in the vicinity of the island for a full month (Kerr 1824), waiting for the arrival of Shelvocke. To serve as a clue to Shelvocke that they had been in the island, they carved the words “Magee” and below it “Capt. John” on a tree. William Magee was the surgeon of the Success, a fact well known to Shelvocke. As Clipperton had a reputation with the Spaniards as an English privateer, it was judged prudent not to use his last name to avoid advertising his presence in the vicinity. During their month-long stay, the priorities were to heal the crew, obtain water, wood, and meat, and repair the boat for their continuing voyage. They “took a considerable number of goats” (Kerr 1824: 408), and they also “took on board a supply of wood.” Four of the crew members escaped to the woods, hoping to remain, but two were eventually captured. They related how they survived “entirely on the cabbage-trees, which are here in great plenty” (Kerr 1824: 408). The party departed the island on 7 October. Shelvocke, meantime, had been making port at the designated rendezvous points, but the Speedwell was more heavily laden with provisions, especially spirits, and therefore trailed the more rapid Success. In contrast to Clipperton who made no direct publications of this voyage, Shelvocke wrote a book about his travels, which was printed in 1726. They sighted Robinson Crusoe Island on 11 January 1720, and went on and off shore for several days. Because the main objective of coming to the island had been to rendezvous with Clipperton, Shelvocke and his men spent most of the time fishing and building up a store of salted fish for the continuation of their journey. A small boat (the Mercury) was taken to shore to plug up leaks, but he makes no mention of any other activities on land that would have impacted the vegetation. They departed for the Chilean and Peruvian mainland on 15 January. After numerous

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skirmishes along the coast, they headed back to Juan Fernández, sighting Robinson Crusoe Island on 11 May 1720. The initial objective was to obtain fresh water by sending the small boat to shore, but this only replenished their daily consumption. As a result, they finally anchored in Cumberland Bay and used the small boat to make more water trips each day. On May 25, however, a strong gale sprung up and the ship slipped cable and drifted toward the rocks, striking them and causing the main-mast, foremast, and mizzen topmast to fall, leaving the vessel shipwrecked. All efforts were made to salvage documents, instruments, books, powder, and bread before the ship might be broken up; it was also taking in water at fast pace. By nightfall, all hands were on shore with only one casualty, and by morning, the ship had broken up with only one cask of beef and some flour (farinha de pão) washing up on shore. The group pitched tents a half-mile from the sea and began to get as secure as possible under the difficult circumstances. Discussions ensued on the feasibility of constructing a new boat so as to be able to leave the island, and all persons were in favor of this plan. The days ahead, therefore, were dedicated to construction of a large ship, plus smaller boat, and in obtaining food and providing shelter so that they could survive until leaving the island. This period lasted until 6 October, more than four months. As a result of this unanticipated change of plans, Shelvocke had time to write in his journal regarding their activities in the island, which resulted in more than 50 pages in his book (1726). Shelvocke provided a section of his travel book entitled “Description of the Island of Juan Fernandes,” in which he offered much detail on the geography and landscape. Unsurprisingly for a seaman, he dedicated much comment to the bay, currents, and winds. He continued later that “One good quality belonging to the woods which cover this Island is, that they are everywhere easy of access, there being no under-growth of bushes or shrubs, except in some of the deepest valleys, where the fern grows very high, and of which there are even large trees, with trunks of good substance” (p. 250). This was a very useful comment, because now these valleys are often filled with stands of dense maqui (Aristotelia chilensis) or the blackberry (zarzamora; Rubus ulmifolius), which were introduced later in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, respectively. Trees were cut for wood to make charcoal (p. 213) for cooking and metalwork, and especially for the building of a new boat for their escape from the island. Shelvocke (1726) also contributed considerable information on several of the dominant plants (pp. 248, 249): “The soil is fruitful, abounding with various sorts of large beautiful trees, mostly aromatic; the names of those we knew were the Piementotree, which bears a leaf like a Myrtle, but somewhat larger, with a blue blossom; their trunks are short and thick, and their heads very bushy, and as round and regular as if they were kept so by art.” This was surely referring to Nothomyrcia fernandeziana, even today still called “pimiento” (Gunckel L. 1968). “There is another sort much superior in bulk to the former, which I take to be somewhat like that which affords the Jesuit’s bark.” This was a reference to quinine (Cinchona from Peru), which does not occur in the islands; it may be a reference to Zanthoxylum mayu, which has a very large trunk and smooth bark. “On the top of some of the mountains are plains cover’d with groves of the Italian laurel, mention’d by Frezier [Frézier 1714] in his

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description of Chili; these grow up in a strait slender body, from which sprout small irregular branches from the root to the tip, bearing leaves like the laurel in England, but smaller” (p. 249). This was probably referring to Drimys confertifolia, which is common now in the island, but not abundant. Drimys winteri is frequent in the continent and may be what was reported by Frézier. Because of the importance of the cabbage-tree (Juania australis) as an edible vegetable, much description was provided by Shelvocke (1726: 249, 250) on this particular plant, indicating it was “found in most parts of the Island” and “when we went in search of them we were obliged to cut down a lofty tree, for every one we got.” Although the detail presented here on Juania australis was quite extensive, it is fair to remember that earlier reports (e.g., Funnell 1707) also had descriptions, and these were known to Shelvocke and likely incorporated into his own discussion. Shelvocke also commented on domesticated plants found around Cumberland Bay. “Some of the English that have been here formerly, sow’d turnips, which have spread very much, together with two or three small plantations of pumpkins; but my men had never patience to let any of these come to maturity; we likewise found plenty of water-cresses and wild sorrel” (p. 250). This was probably Rumex acetosa, but it might have been a species of Oxalis, or even Rumex acetosella; R. acetosa was cultivated in Europe at this time. Regarding terrestrial animals, Shelvocke mentioned (pp. 251, 252) the everpresent goats, indicating that there were “plenty” of them. He also added that the Spaniards had left dogs to destroy the goats, and the dogs were “now very numerous.” Because the men did not much like the taste of seal meat, and because they had killed so many of them just to eat the entrails, which were more palatable, some of the men also ate cats: “there is hardly taking a step without starting one; they are in size and colour exactly the same with our house cats; those [sailors] whose stomachs preferr’d their flesh for food, have assured me, that their hunger found a more substantial relief from one meal of it, than from 4 or 5 of seal or fish; and to their great satisfaction, we had a small bitch [dog] which would catch almost any number they wanted in an hour or two.” The cats apparently preyed upon the burrowing birds called fardelas. Shevocke commented (p. 253) on the fur seals and elephant seals. “But I shall venture to say, that there were continually some thousands of seals and sea-lyons on the beach, till towards the latter part of our stay, when (as I have already observed) with what we had destroy’d, and those who were driven away by the perpetual slaughters of them, they appear’d so thin amongst us, that I have sometimes not seen above two or three on the shore.” The consistent killing of the fur seals and elephant seals on Robinson Crusoe Island was finally resulting in smaller populations of these formerly abundant species. Because of the difficult situation in which the sailors found themselves, they mutinied and disorder ensued, lasting for several months. Shelvocke was eventually reinstated as Captain, but the crew remained unruly until they departed the island. The substitute boat was completed on 9 September, and it was christened appropriately the Recovery. Most persons left on 6 October, but 11 or 12 sailors, and an equal number of “Blacks and Indians” (p. 242) decided to stay on the island, hoping for rescue at some later time.

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Jacob Roggeveen, from the Netherlands, was the next visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island who left detailed notes about his visit. Roggeveen sailed under the auspices of the Dutch West India Company, and the goal of the voyage was to search for the mysterious Southern Continent (Woodward 1969). He sailed with three ships, Den Arend, Thienhoven, and De Africaansche Galey. The expedition left The Netherlands on 21 August 1721, rounded Cape Horn, and finally arrived at Juan Fernández, with the Thienhoven dropping anchor first followed by the other two ships the following day on 25 February 1722. Roggeveen and his company stayed in Robinson Crusoe Island for nearly three weeks, during which time they dedicated to recuperation of the crew and refitting of their three ships. They cleaned the ships both inside and out and tarred the riggings. Roggeveen commented that they “provided ourselves with all necessaries which are to be got there, to wit, extremely good water and firewood” (1838: 81). They found available greens and cultivated cabbages, but regarded them as inferior to those normally eaten in their home country. Although Shelvocke (1726) observed fewer fur seals and elephant seals on Robinson Crusoe Island, Roggeveen found the seals “in innumerable quantity by the thousand on the beach and rocks, also from sea-lions” (p. 81). Goats could be “seen but not procured except with danger to life” (p. 82), and one of the crew, in fact, fell down a precipice while chasing a goat and was killed. Roggeveen and crew left Robinson Crusoe Island on 17 March 1722 and sailed westward, remarking on seeing Santa Clara Island (“the small island;” p. 82) in the distance as they passed by on the north side of the main island. They continued westward, and on 18 March they encountered Alejandro Selkirk Island. Perhaps more importantly, even further westward they eventually discovered Easter Island, so named because they arrived on Easter Day 5 April 1722. One of the most detailed reports on the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island in the eighteenth century was prepared by the British Capt. George Anson (Fig. 7.9). He was sent as commander of an expedition of six ships (excluding the two supply ships, Ana Pink and Industry) and 1939 men (Heaps 1973: 26) to explore the South Sea and harass Spanish ships and colonies. They left Portsmouth, England, on 18 September 1740 and sailed for the eastern coast of South America (Woodward 1969). The Spanish learned of this effort and sent Admiral José Pizarro to intervene, but Anson’s party escaped into the bad weather around Cape Horn. Anson, aboard the Centurion, survived the harrowing trip and arrived off the coast of southern Chile with a damaged ship and many of his crew sick or dying. Although the original plan was to first attack Valdivia, the weakened condition of the crew and ship recommended that they head directly for the Juan Fernández Archipelago for recuperation and repairs. After some navigational problems, they finally arrived in the main bay of Robinson Crusoe Island on 9 June 1741. This was, in fact, christened as “Cumberland Bay” by Anson, perhaps because it reminded him of the lakes and hills in Cumberland County in northwestern England, but this is pure speculation. The crew was so ill that of the 200 original seaman on the Centurion, only about a dozen were able to stand and move on their own accord to arrive on shore (Woodward 1969). A small boat went to shore on 11 June, and later that same day another of the ships from

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Fig. 7.9 George Anson

their squadron, the Tyral, arrived and anchored safely. Another trip was taken to set up tents on 12 June, and all the sick crewmen were brought on shore 16–18 June. In the ensuing days, the surviving men from the two ships totaled approximately 300, which when nursed to health, provided a good crew for doing needed repairs, obtaining fresh water, etc. On 21 June another ship was sighted, which proved to be the Gloucester from their initial squadron. Due to the small and ill crew plus difficult winds, it wasn’t until 23 July that this ship was finally able to set anchor in Cumberland Bay. Only about 50 men had survived, but these recovered within a few weeks on land. Finally on 16 August, the supply ship from their squadron, the Anna, arrived, but much of the supplies had been spoiled by contact with seawater. Prior to arriving at Robinson Crusoe Island, the Gloucester had sailed too far westward so that it arrived first at Alejandro Selkirk Island (“Masa-Fuero”). Because there is no natural port there, they were unable to land, but Captain Matthew Mitchel reported to Anson that the island was “almost every where covered with trees and verdure, and was near four miles in length” (Anson et al. 1748: 132; Fig. 7.10). Upon finally arriving at Robinson Crusoe Island, Anson wondered if other of their ships might have also arrived at Masa-Fuero and were waiting for him to come. The Tyral was sent to check on this under command of Capt. Saunders, and after returning in about three weeks, he reported that “our people found it was covered with trees, and that there were several fine falls of water pouring down its sides into the sea” (Anson

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Fig. 7.10 Drawings of Alejandro Selkirk Island. a Northeastern side of island (note abundant trees and more open, probably grassy, areas). b Western side of island, showing steep precipices and scattered grasslands. Both from Anson et al. (1748: plates XXI, XXII)

et al. 1748: 150), but that none of their ships was present. He also noted that “it abounds with goats” (p. 151), perhaps because no dogs had been introduced by the Spaniards. There were “vast numbers” of fur seals and elephant seals. The drawing in Fig. 7.10a from Anson’s report shows clearly the extensive forests all over Alejandro Selkirk Island, with some areas of grassland near the steep precipices. The importance of the visit by Anson and company was that he was a very educated observer, and that they stayed until 19 September 1741, more than three months actually on the island (with a brief interruption at sea capturing a Spanish merchant vessel, Nuestra Señora del Monte Carmelo). The descriptions and maps provide a very good indication of the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island at this point in time. These reports were also very important to the British navy, as the island “is the only commodious place in those seas where British cruisers can refresh and recover their men after their passage round Cape Horn, and where they may remain for some time without alarming the Spanish coast” (p. 115 in Anson et al. 1748). Anson pointed out that the only safe anchorages were on the northern side of Robinson Crusoe Island, and these were named (Fig. 7.11) the East Bay (= now Puerto Francés), Cumberland Bay, the West Bay (= Puerto Inglés), and Sugar-loaf Bay (La Vaquería). Goat Island is now called Santa Clara Island and Monkey Key is known as El Verdugo. He correctly pointed out that Cumberland Bay was the much preferred anchorage, as it is quite protected from the currents. The other bays are more like smaller indentations along the coast, affording only modest protection against the elements.

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Fig. 7.11 Map of Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara (“Goat”) Island. Shown are the principal anchorages (East Bay, Cumberland Bay, West Bay, Sugar-loaf Bay), The highest peak (El Yunque), and “Barren Land” toward the west. From Anson et al. (1748: plate XV)

The general landscape of Robinson Crusoe Island, as viewed from the Centurion, can be seen in Fig. 7.12. Anson remarked that “the broken craggy precipices, which had appeared so unpromising at a distance, were far from barren, being in most places covered with woods; and that between them there were every where interspersed the finest vallies, clothed with a most beautiful verdure” (Anson et al. 1748: 112). He also noted that “The northern part of this Island is composed of high craggy hills, many of them inaccessible, through generally covered with trees” (p. 117; see also Fig. 7.13), but “The southern, or rather the S.W. part of the Island, as distinguished in the plan, is widely different from the rest, being dry, stony, and destitute of trees, but very flat and low, compared with the hills on the northern part” (p. 117; Fig. 7.11, “Barren Land”). Very interesting is that “the woods which covered most of the steepest hills, were free from all bushes and underwood, and afforded an easy passage through every part of them” (p. 119). This means again that at this time, neither of the two vicious vegetal plagues had been introduced that now form dense thickets in the

Fig. 7.12 View of the northern side of Robinson Crusoe Island with El Yunque in the center. This is a quite accurate drawing, resembling the actual geomorphology of this part of the island. From Anson et al. (1748: plate XVII)

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Fig. 7.13 A survey of the northeast side of Robinson Crusoe Island, showing the East Bay (= Puerto Francés), Cumberland Bay, the West Bay (Puerto Inglés), and Sugar-loaf Bay (La Vaquería). Note extensive forests to the shoreline. From Anson et al. (1748: plate XVI)

valleys of the island, that is, no maqui (Aristotelia chilensis, native to the continent) or zarzamora (Rubus ulmifolius, from Europe). As for individual plant species, Anson remarked (1748: 117, 118) that: “The trees of which the woods on the northern side of the Island are composed, … are none of them of a size to yield any considerable timber, except the myrtle-trees [Nothomyrcia fernandeziana], which are the largest on the Island, and supplied us with all the timber we made use of; but even these would not work to a greater length than forty feet. …. There were also some few cabbage-trees upon the Island, … but as they generally grew on the precipices, and in dangerous situations, and as it was necessary to cut down a large tree for every single cabbage, this was a dainty that we were able but rarely to indulge in.” This comment suggests that with the over-harvesting of Juania australis, after more than 160 years since discovery of the archipelago, the size of the population of this endemic genus of palms had now been reduced considerably, perhaps even to modern dimensions of 1000–2000 plants. A particularly detailed description was given of the environs of Capt. Anson’s tent (Fig. 7.14), which provided an excellent view of the area about ½ mile up from the shore. This would probably be approximately where the garrison of carabineros (the national police) is presently located. This location gave a good view of the entire bay as well as offering better watch of the horizon for approaching ships. In the view and description provided by Anson, the area had a lawn, presumably so maintained by the animals, which was surrounded by “myrtle” trees (Nothomyrcia fernandeziana). It seems evident from this drawing that trees largely covered this general region, but that a clearing had been developed, perhaps by previous visitors who cut trees for refitting ships. The documentation by Anson from his visit in 1741 to Robinson Crusoe Island was the most detailed yet provided. Based on the high accuracy of the landscape

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Fig. 7.14 View on shore of Robinson Crusoe Island c. ½ mile from Bahía Cumberland, showing site of Capt. Anson’s tent, more or less where the military (carabineros) station is located at present. El Yunque is the middle peak flanked by Damajuana (left) and Cordón Central (right). Notice the abundant “myrtle” trees (Nothomyrcia fernandeziana). From Anson et al. (1748: plate XVIII; French translation)

shown in the drawing of Fig. 7.12, it is reasonable to assume that the other drawings (Figs. 7.11, 7.13 and 7.14) were also done as precisely as possible for the age. The myrtle forests were extensive and covered most of the northeastern side of the island. Some trees had been cut by previous colonists and visitors, but much of the original vegetation still remained. In other words, after 167 years since discovery of the archipelago, serious loss of forest had not yet occurred. Anson also commented upon domesticated plants: “we had great quantities of watercresses and purslain, with excellent wild sorrel, and a vast profusion of turnips and Sicilian radishes: These two last, having some resemblance to each other, were confounded by our people under the general name of turnips. We usually preferred the tops of the turnips to the roots, which were often stringy; though some of them were free from that exception, and remarkably good” (Anson et al. 1748: 118). They also found many acres covered with clover and oats. His report added that they had sown garden seeds of lettuce and carrots, and “stones” of fruit trees such as plums, apricots, and peaches, hopefully for use by subsequent British travelers. As for terrestrial animals on Robinson Crusoe Island, Anson commented (1748: 121) that the Spaniards “put on shore great numbers of large dogs, who have increased apace, and have destroyed all the goats in the accessible part of the country; so that there now remain only a few amongst the craggs and precipices, where the dogs cannot follow them. These are divided into separate herds of twenty or thirty each.” Because of this inaccessibility they rarely were able to kill more than one goat per

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day. Some of the seamen killed dogs for food, but that they had a fishy taste, perhaps because they were surviving on young seals. As for cats, they saw “not above one or two during our whole stay” (p. 124), but rats occurred in great numbers. “We saw but few birds, and those chiefly hawks, blackbirds, owls, and hummingbirds” (p. 124). As with previous visitors to Robinson Crusoe Island, Anson saw numerous fur seals, although he did not emphasize the huge abundance as was done earlier (Anson et al. 1748: 122). A page and one-half (on pp. 122–124) was devoted to describing the appearance and behavior of the elephant seal (sea lion), especially commenting on their high concentration of fat (and hence oil), plus their hearts and tongues serving as “good eating.” Regarding the abundant fish (p. 124), he mentioned the large “cod” [i.e., bacalao], “cavallies, gropers, large breams, maids, silver fish, congers [conger eel] of a peculiar kind, and above all, a black fish which we most esteemed, called by some a Chimney sweeper, in shape resembling a carp” (probably Girella albostriata; Dyer and Westneat 2010). They also relished the endemic lobster (“cra-fish”) which generally weighed eight or nine pounds, a great deal larger than those available at present, providing another example of overfishing (see the detailed recent report on the decline of the lobster populations by Arana 1987). The excellent observations on Robinson Crusoe Island by Anson notwithstanding, a controversy has long existed on the authorship of Anson’s journals of the voyage around the world during 1740–1744. This problem of authorship is explained in detail by Williams (1974: xxi–xxv, 1999: 237–241), and the following information comes from those presentations. Anson apparently was not fond of writing, although he was obliged to write daily in his captain’s log, and this he did extensively. It is very clear that the chaplain on the Centurion, Richard Walter, prepared the first draft of the work, using Anson’s logs and other relevant materials. Even the title of the first edition says: “By George Anson, … Compiled from Papers and other Materials of the Right Honourable George Lord Anson, and Published under his Direction, by Richard Walter, ….” Apparently Walter consulted often with Anson about the project after they had returned to London. The project may have languished a bit, and at some point the experienced pamphleteer, mathematician, and engineer, Benjamin Robins, took over finishing up the book, which finally appeared in May of 1748. In view of the involvement by both Walter and Robins in preparing Anson’s information for printing, they must also be regarded as authors of the book along with Anson as the senior author. Some historians have ascribed the book only to Walter (e.g., Woodward 1969) or to both Walter and Robins (e.g., Williams 1974), but it seems proper to treat Anson as the first author, as it was he who wrote the initial observations. Anson’s Lieutenant, Philip Saumarez, also kept a journal (published recently by Heaps 1973), and this contains additional information to that found in Anson’s own record. In some cases the data repeat observations made by Anson, but there is enough difference to warrant comments. As for the general landscape, “The southern part of it is flat and barren and being extremely dry and stony and entirely destitute of trees we flattered ourselves to have found on this part great quantities of goats” (Saumarez in Heaps 1973: 118). This coincides with previous reports that the largest goat herds were found on the drier southwestern region of the island. Saumarez continued (pp. 118–120) with more detail on the goats and feral dogs that hunted them: “The

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place is covered with dogs of an enormous size resembling the grey hounds. These with the advantage of level surface have effectually destroyed the goats on this side [i.e., around Cumberland Bay], whose refuge consists of steep rocks and precipices, and probably in time will destroy them on the other [i.e., on the SW drier side], the dogs likewise having contracted an agility and swiftness almost equal to the goats.” He estimated there might be 150 or 160 goats on the island, and in herds of 16–20 animals each. As for other animals, Saumarez remarked (in Heaps 1973: 120) on the “blackbirds, hawks, owls, hummingbirds, and the pardella which burrows in the earth.” Saumarez provided considerable details about individual plant species (in Heaps 1973: 121), even apologizing for his lack of botanical knowledge. “The island is entirely overspread with woods on the north amongst which are several aromatic trees such as the vinters bark tree [Drimys confertifolia], arber magillaneus, called by some the pimento tree. A large tree resembling our ash whose leaves and bush have the property of the rue [i.e., Ruta graveolens] and used by us as bitters [probably Zanthoxylum mayu, also of Rutaceae]. The berries were like the dwarf lemon with tufted blossoms like the primrose, of a yellowish colour. The myrtle tree [Nothomyrcia fernandeziana], these were the largest on the whole place, supplies us with timbers for several uses …. The tree excreted likewise the polipody [Polypodium intermedium] which we found a good laxative…. [and] we discovered the ash coloured ground liver wart [probably the liverwort Marchantia, as this was known to science in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Bowman 2016] recommended as useful against the venom of mad dogs …. Also several kinds of maiden hair [the fern Adiantum chilense] with great abundance of very high leaves with which the valleys are entirely covered and grow to an extraordinary largeness.” This probably described the ferns in general, including the tree ferns Dicksonia berteroana, Blechnum cycadifolium, and Thyrsopteris elegans. Saumarez also mentioned (p. 119) watercress, wild sorrel, turnips, “great quantities of clover and oats,” and the cabbage tree, which was now scarce. Some of these observations were similar to those of Anson, and they doubtless discussed many of these points together. On 8 September 1741, Anson’s party spotted a Spanish ship approaching the island, and not wishing their position to be reported to the Spanish authorities, they set chase in the Centurion. The Spanish ship disappeared, and Anson changed direction back toward the island. On this trajectory on 11 September, they were able to capture an unarmed Spanish merchant ship without resistance, which was taken to the island and armed with guns from the now abandoned supply ship Anna. This, plus the refitted Centurion, Gloucester and Tyral, were subsequently able to mount successful attacks on shipping and colonies along the costs of Chile and Peru, followed by crossing the Pacific Ocean. Most important on this return voyage was their capture in the Philippine Islands of the Nuestra Señora de Cobadonga, a Spanish ship laden with gold and silver from sale of goods in Acapulco. This provided for the officers and remaining crew members a true fortune, perhaps at least a partial compensation for all the suffering on this arduous expedition. The expedition returned to England in 1744. The voyage was a commercial success, but only 145 men survived the trip (Woodward 1969) from the original 1939.

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Fig. 7.15 Spanish investigators of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. a Jorge Juan. b Antonio de Ulloa

Anson’s plundering of the Spanish American colonies had been a success for England and an embarrassment for Spain. Viceroy Villagarcía in Peru decided to send two naval officers, Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa (Fig. 7.15), to investigate the Juan Fernández Archipelago and report back. They sailed on the La Rosa (Ulloa) and the Nuestra Señora de Belén (Juan), each ship carrying 350 sailors. They arrived first at Alejandro Selkirk Island on 7 January 1742, staying only one day, and then sailing on to Robinson Crusoe Island, arriving 8 January, and finally dropping anchor in Cumberland Bay on 9 January (Juan and Ulloa 1748). They stayed in the island until departure on 22 January, a period of approximately two weeks. During this time, their task was to make observations on the geography, natural history, and strategic potentials of the island. Because they were both experienced in geographic and scientific surveys, their report offers valuable information on the natural history of both islands of the archipelago. Most of their comments on Robinson Crusoe Island, however, deal with the terrestrial and marine animals, and much less on the vegetation and plants. Their report was published in 1748 in Spanish, but later translated into English and made more generally available. They also prepared a secret report (Noticias secretas de America….) to the King of Spain, Fernando VI, which was not published until 1826, but this dealt with administrative issues, especially abuses of the clerics and officials toward the native populations, corruption, need for greater governmental and military efficiencies, etc., and offered no additional insights on the vegetation of the islands. Juan and Ulloa (1748: 218, 219) made general comments and prepared a map of the landscape of Robinson Crusoe Island (Fig. 7.16): “In this island are mountains

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Fig. 7.16 Map of Robinson Crusoe Island. From Juan and Ulloa (1748; reprinted in French edition of 1752)

of a great height; and the sides of those towards the N are covered with trees of good timber; but few or none are seen on those of the S. part, except in the breaches and valleys; owing doubtless to the piercing violence of the S winds, which destroys them or checks their growth. On the other hand, every part is cover’d with tall grass or straw.” They continued with (pp. 217, 218): “Its valleys are full of trees, and some of them of excellent timber. Here is likewise the piemento tree [i.e., Nothomyrcia fernandeziana] resembling the Chiapa in new Spain [i.e., Pimenta dioica, Myrtaceae]. The plains and little hills produce a sort of straw, resembling that of oats, and growing higher than the usual stature of a man.” [C. Baeza in litt. suggested that this must be Megalachne berteroniana]. As with other ships that have stopped in the island, Juan and Ulloa loaded up with “water and wood” (p. 225) before leaving for Santa María on the Chilean continent. As for animals, Juan and Ulloa (1748: 218) commented on the “many dogs of different species, particularly of the greyhound kind; and also a great number of goats”. They repeated the idea (p. 250) that the dogs were set on the island by order of the “presidentes de Chile y virreyes del Perú” to eliminate the goat population so that no food (meat) would be available for the pirates from England, France, etc. They infer that the birds have been eaten by the dogs, because not many birds were seen. There was a long discussion (pp. 220–222) of the many fur seals (“sea wolves”), and they recognized two different “species.” They continued (pp. 222,

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223) with a long discussion of the elephant seals (also called “Lobos de Aceyte, or oil wolves”); these marine mammals appeared to be the chief food of the dogs, since the goat population was nearly inaccessible. Juan and Ulloa also commented (1748: 224, 225) very favorably on the abundant fish and lobsters: “The chief kinds are cod [“bacallao”], berrugates, the spur fish sole [“lenguados”], turbet [“rodaballos”], jureles, and lobsters; besides an infinite number of small fish, which covered the water: … The lobsters are often half a yard in length, and are taken even with greater ease then the others [i.e., the fish].” Due to the many attacks on the Spanish colonies and shipping lanes, especially the very embarrassing capture of the Manila galleon by Lord Anson, the decision was made to colonize and fortify Robinson Crusoe Island. The relatively critical report by Juan and Ulloa (1748), pointing out many problems and inefficiencies, supported this decision. As a result, on 11 March 1750 the ship Las Taldas left the port at Concepción on the Chilean mainland and arrived in Cumberland Bay. It contained 62 military troops, 171 colonists, both men and women, plus 22 criminals (Medina 1923a). Along with this company was Juan Francisco de Sobrecasas, who had been assigned the task of making a detailed reconnaissance of Robinson Crusoe Island with recommendations for fortifications and development. Of interest to us are his observations on the natural history of the island. He remained in the island a total of 20 months until December 1751. As he pointed out, observations by previous visitors were often made from aboard ship or in the vicinity of Cumberland Bay, whereas due to his long residence in the island, he was able to reconnoiter considerable of the land surface. He was particularly critical of some of the observations made by Juan and Ulloa, and he pointed to presumed errors they made in their report, including some of the identifications of the plants. He also apparently did prepare a map of the island, mentioned in his Relación (Sobrecasas in Medina 1923a), but this map has not yet been located (Medina 1923b). Although the arrival of the colonists signaled the start of a new phase of Spanish domination of Robinson Crusoe Island, Sobrecasas makes several direct comparisons with observations by Anson and Juan and Ulloa, and hence his data are included in this chapter on discovery and exploration. Sobrecasas made few observations about the general landscape, but he did comment more specifically about the plants, some of which are native or endemic and others introduced. As for trees, he stated that (in Medina 1923a: 465) the hills and slopes were covered by five or six species of trees, including the sandalwood and “guayacan” (Sophora fernandeziana; Gunckel L. 1968). He further commented (p. 465) that there were trees that gave a type of little oranges of the size of hazel-nuts, but it is unclear to what this might refer. Sobrecasas said that he continuously ate the apices of the endemic palm, Juania australis, in the 20 months he was there, as did the entire village (“todo el pueblo”). If all 255 persons were routinely eating the chonta apices,

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even if the trees were more abundant at first, after these 20 months, there would have been many fewer! It is probably true that Anson did not roam over the island as much as did Sobrecasas, simply because of the emergency situation in which Anson found himself, but it is hard to believe that the endemic palm was still so abundant as Sobrecasas suggested. Sobrecasas was also very skeptical regarding Anson’s comments about the sowing of seeds of herbs and fruit trees, which presumably bore fruit later on. Sobrecasas said that because no persons were available to take care of these domesticated plants, it seems unlikely that they survived. It would seem possible, however, that fruit trees might survive in the equable climate of Robinson Crusoe Island even without human attention. Regarding herbaceous plants, he stated (in Medina 1923a: 465) that one finds on the slopes of the hills different species of grasses and cattails (identifications provided by C. Baeza, in litt.), such as cortadera (= Cortaderia selloana), enea (= Avena barbata or A. fatua), and theatina (= Typha angustifolia). Cortaderia selloana has been cultivated on Robinson Crusoe Island and Avena barbata is known as an introduced species, but no species of Typha (cattail) has been recorded in the archipelago (Stuessy et al. 2018b). The cattail is not a member of the grass family (Poaceae), belonging instead to Typhaceae, but it does have long, linear, grass-like leaves. Even more detailed was Sobrecasas’ list of medicinal herbs, presumably all introduced. He listed these by vernacular names as follows (in Medina 1923a: 465; scientific identifications in parentheses, taken from Matthei 1995): malva (probably a species of Malva, such as M. nicaensis, but it might be M. neglecta, or M. parviflora), trifolio (likely Trifolium sp.), vinagrillo (probably Oxalis micrantha), moreta, nabos silvestres (nabo is Brassica napus); romasa (probably Rumex crispus), arthemisa (Artemisia sp.), chicoria silvestre (Cichorium intybum), cardo santo (Silybum marianum), berros (Rorippa nasturtium-aquaticum), mastuerzo (Capsella bursa-pastoris, or possibly Coronopus didymus, although neither was recorded by Matthei 1995, for the archipelago); and mostaza (Sisymbrium officinale). It is completely plausible that these introductions were made in some cases deliberately and that others were inadvertent. Overall, however, it shows that some of these rather aggressive invasive species, such as Silybum marianum and Rumex spp., have been in the archipelago for quite some time. At present, Silybum marianum is very abundant in the drier areas near the air strip on Robinson Crusoe Island as well as in other disturbed locations. As for terrestrial animals, Sobrecasas commented (in Medina 1923a: 469) on the goats, but he didn’t say how many. He did mention that they were surviving in the high rocky areas (away from the dogs), but that the new colonists learned to lasso them, such that he feared they may not last long. As for birds, Sobrecasas found lechuzas (owls), cernícalos (sparrow-hawks), picaflores (hummingbirds), pardelas, and zorzales (Turdus sp.). He also commented on the abundance of rats. Regarding marine animals, he (in Medina 1923a: 470–472) talked at some length about the seals, mentioning that two species existed (probably the fur seal and the elephant seal), but

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he doesn’t say how abundant they were. As for fish, he mentioned that many different kinds were found around the island: lenguado, jureles, viejas, brecas, pampanitos, dentones, rodaballos, langostas (lobsters, up to three feet in length), anguilas (eels), berrugate, and tollo (spotted dogfish). A high diversity of fish species still exists in the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Dyer and Westneat 2010), but not in the incredible abundance as before.

Chapter 8

Colonial Period (1750–1819)

The 176 years between discovery of the archipelago by Juan Fernández in 1574 and the decision of Spain to take control of Robinson Crusoe Island in 1750 were full of visits by ships of different European countries. The trip around Cape Horn at the tip of South America was so taxing that nearly all ships on around-the-world voyages had to stop in Juan Fernández in order to refit the boats and to heal and refresh the seamen. Robinson Crusoe Island, in particular, had a protected harbor, abundant fresh water, fish of many different species in unbelievable quantities, edible plants, and even fresh goat meat. For the pirates, the island was a very convenient staging place to attack Spanish ships and the coastal colonies. Privateers obtaining commissions from England, the Netherlands, and France were the principal agents with orders to disrupt Spanish trade and treasure, which had been returning to Europe and fueling wars on that continent. The very embarrassing capture of the Manila treasure galleon by George Anson in 1742, which was much publicized in England (and Europe in general), plus the critical report on inefficiencies in the Spanish colonies by Juan and Ulloa (1748), led to numerous measures of improvement by the Spanish government, including taking control of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Since most ships stopped at Robinson Crusoe Island, focus was placed there. No one disputed Spanish ownership of the archipelago, but everyone utilized the islands simply because Spain had done nothing to defend them.

8.1 Control of the Archipelago As mentioned at the end of Chap. 7, the engineer Juan Francisco de Sobrecasas was assigned the task of visiting Robinson Crusoe Island for 20 months during 1750–51 and to construct a fort that would defend Cumberland Bay as well as possibly also Puerto Inglés and Puerto Francés (Woodward, 1969). His arrival was with troops and © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_8

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colonists from the Chilean mainland with the intention of maintaining a permanent presence on the island. Convicts were also sent along to help build these fortifications. With the colonists also came cows, pigs, sheep, mules, and chickens (Woodward 1969). Help in maintaining leadership and providing order in the new community fell to the first governor of the island, Lt. Col. Juan Navarro Santaella (Vicuña Mackenna 1883: 410). As evidence of the seriousness of fortifications, with the expedition came rifles, muskets, powder, 18 cannon, and more than 7000 cannon balls. Also important is that Navarro and company formally named the new colony San Juan Bautista and the new fort Santa Bárbara (Woodward 1969). Additional settlers and prisoners soon arrived, and progress was made on the fortifications. Progress was set back, however, by the earthquake of 25 May 1751, one of several that have wrought devastation in the little village. Col. Navarro and his family were killed, and many buildings and fortifications were destroyed, especially those near the coast (Woodward 1969). By June 1751 needed supplies and a new interim governor (Francisco Espejo) were dispatched to the island, soon to be followed by the permanent new governor Capt. Manuel Castel Blanco. Significant is that a new fort was constructed higher up from the shoreline, which also provided a better vantage point from which to fire the cannon against marauding ships approaching Cumberland Bay. Nine cannon were installed at Fort Santa Bárbara and four were placed at Puerto Inglés. Despite the high costs of maintenance of the settlers, military, and prisoners in the new colony, the investment in Robinson Crusoe Island was judged necessary to help protect the Spanish colonies and shipping on the western side of southern South America. Because the colonists produced little to sustain themselves, constant supplies were necessary to maintain the village. Castel Blanco was governor from 1751 to 1758, followed by Lt. Col. Antonio Narciso de Santa María until 1764, being replaced by Capt. Francisco de Rivera (Vicuña Mackenna 1883; Woodward 1969). During this period no recorded privateers from other countries approached Robinson Crusoe Island, perhaps because the news of Spanish occupation had reached other European capitals. The first recorded visitor to the Juan Fernández Archipelago after Spanish fortification of Robinson Crusoe Island was the Englishman John Byron (Fig. 8.1) from 26 to 30 April 1765 in the ship Dolphin (Table 8.1). After making the difficult passage through the Straits of Magellan, he ignored orders to continue northward toward California and instead pushed out into the Pacific (Gallagher 1964b). Because of this trajectory, they arrived at Alejandro Selkirk Island, which was not at all fortified, approaching the island on 28 April 1765. Due to the winds and currents, and with no protected bay, they had difficulties in reaching shore to obtain fresh water. He commented (Byron in Gallagher 1964a: 86) that: “This island is very high & mostly cover’d with wood, the only clear Spots I saw upon it were towards the No end. They appeared very green & pleasant & there were hundreds of Goats feeding there.” He also stressed the abundant fish. After provisioning with water, fish, and goat meat, they departed on 1 May for the western Pacific in search of the Solomon or other Islands (Byron in Gallagher 1964a), eventually returning to England.

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Fig. 8.1 John Byron

Table 8.1 Historical reports of visits to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the colonial period (1750–1819) Author of report

Year published

Dates in islands

John Byron

In Gallagher (1964a)

26–30 Apr 1765

Philip Carteret

In Wallis (1965)

10 May 1767; 12–25 May 1767

Juan Ignacio Molina

1776

Before 1767

Alejandro Malaspina

In David et al. (2001)

12–14 Mar 1790

Thaddaeus Haenke

In Edwards (1942)

10–c. 14 Nov 1793

Bernard Magee

1795

24–31 May 1792

Edmund Fanning

1833

19 Jan–5 Apr 1798

Amasa Delano

1817

26–31 Mar 1800; 1805

William Moulton

1804

30 Oct 1800–Jan 1803 (several visits)

Ross Cox

1832

6–7 Feb 1812

Juan Egaña Risco

1826

Nov 1814–Jun 1817

After conclusion of this rapid circumnavigation, apparently one of the fastest accomplished at the time (Carrington 1967: 269), the Dolphin once again set sail from England for the Pacific in 1766, this time under command of Capt. Samuel Wallis. Along with the Dolphin sailed the smaller ship, the Swallow, under leadership of Capt. Philip Carteret. The ships again passed through the Straits of Magellan, but

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they became separated on the western end of the straits (Woodward 1969). Following Byron’s route, Wallis in the Dolphin travelled directly to Alejandro Selkirk Island. He took on fresh water but made no observations about the vegetation (Robertson 1948). Carteret finally also arrived in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, but he arrived first at Robinson Crusoe Island on 10 May 1767, not realizing that the island had already been fortified by the Spanish. Upon approaching the island, he was very surprised to see the many people on shore, and the fort armed with cannon flying the Spanish flag. As for observations, he mentioned the occurrence of “about 25 or 30 houses, much Cattle feeding on the brow of the hills which seemed to be Coltiveted, many spots being parted and inclosed.” (Carteret in Wallis 1965: 128). When attempting to sail into Cumberland Bay, a small ship left shore in their direction with uncertain intentions, and it was judged best to leave this area and sail onward to Alejandro Selkirk Island. What is obvious from these few observations is that San Juan Bautista had been colonized effectively and houses, gardens, and domesticated cattle had been established. On 12 May 1767 Carteret in the Swallow arrived at Alejandro Selkirk Island. As usual, because of lack of a proper bay, they had difficulties arriving on shore to take on needed fresh water. The island is imposing, essentially completely mountainous (Fig. 8.2). Carteret’s observations indicated (in Wallis 1965: 130): “Trees fitt for fire wood an[d] a prodigious number of goats running about.” Most of the days spent at the island were devoted to filling their casks with fresh water, which due to the complicated currents and winds, plus unpredictable surf, was not a simple matter.

Fig. 8.2 Drawing of the northwestern side of Alejandro Selkirk Island. From Carteret in Hawkesworth (1773)

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They also killed some of the numerous fur seals to make lamp oil. Some firewood was prepared, although it was jettisoned to lighten the small boat before it was hoisted back onto the main ship. As for the second smaller boat, the sailors (p. 139) cut trees for making rollers on shore, so that the boat could be hauled up and wait out bad weather before returning to the Swallow. They departed approximately on 25 May 1767 heading northward toward the Islas Desventuradas. The stop in Alejandro Selkirk Island had been difficult mainly due to the squalls and gusts of wind, hard rain, lightning and thunder, plus unruly surf.

8.2 Development of the Archipelago Another report on the Juan Fernández Islands during the colonial period was completed by the abbot Juan Ignacio Molina (Fig. 8.3), who was born in Chile in 1740 in Villa Alegre, Linares, and dedicated his interests to the natural history of the country. This involved traveling and making observations, as well as accumulating information from previously published works. There is no evidence that he visited the Juan Fernández Archipelago personally, although this may have occurred. Fig. 8.3 Juan Ignacio Molina

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Along with all the other Jesuits, he was expelled from Chile in 1767, immigrating to Bologna, Italy, where he remained until his death in 1829. He published anonymously in Italian in 1776 his major work, the Compendio della Storia Geografica, Naturale e Civile del Regno de Chile. This was translated in 1782 into Spanish, which attracted much attention in Europe and elsewhere, and an English version was published by Richard Alsop in 1808. The original version from 1776 (pp. 212–214) described some aspects of the plants of Robinson Crusoe Island (translated by Alsop 1808: 265): “It abounds with excellent wood, among which are the sandal, the yellow wood and the chonta, a species of the palm, which produces a fruit that is far from unpleasant; the wood of the trunk, which is hollow like a reed, becomes of a beautiful black, and is nearly as hard as iron.” Although some of these details might have been distillations from other authors or perhaps from persons who lived in or visited the island, it demonstrates continued existence of these species and the forests of the island. A major impact on the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island resulted from the activities of the Spanish colonists who had become permanently established. Few other European visitors came to Bahía Cumberland because of the danger that was present from Fort Santa Bárbara. Much of the following account derives from Woodward (1969), who provides a very useful chronicle of the administration of the island and the activities of the colonists, military personnel, and prisoners during this period. Many of his sources came from documents housed in the Biblioteca Americana de José Toribio Medina, contained in the Biblioteca Nacional de Chile in Santiago. A strong proponent of development of Robinson Crusoe Island was Manuel de Amat y Juniet, who was Captain General of Chile until promoted to Viceroy of Peru in 1761. In this capacity, he ordered additional construction in San Juan Bautista, repairing damaged houses from the earthquake of 1751 plus new structures. His support was significant, because not all government officials were convinced that continued investment in the island was worth the effort. Lt. Col. José Gómez de la Torre was appointed the new governor of the island in 1768, and he remained in the position until 1771. At this time, the military garrison had from 50 to 100 men stationed in the island, largely to control the population of convicts who were being held there. With the high concentration of criminals on the island, and these of the worst kind (murderers, violent thieves, etc.), it is unsurprising that the number of colonists dwindled proportionately. Especially scarce were women, a situation which kept the single men on edge, frequently quarrelling over the few women married to military personnel. Governor Gómez, in fact, requested in 1771 from the Captain General of Chile a shipment of women, selected from impoverished areas or in correctional institutions in the mainland. On April 18 of 1772 a ship did arrive at Robinson Crusoe Island with a dozen ladies, but their immediate fate is not known. Col. Blas González took over command of Fort Santa Bárbara in 1788, and he commented to the Viceroy on the poor condition of the rifles and cannons. Furthermore, the level of military personnel had declined to 25 soldiers, who were still responsible for maintaining order among the approximately 100 prisoners. Only 11 settlers and four children remained of the colonists.

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During the period of permanent colonists, an interesting report was prepared on the different woody plant species that were known in Chile at that time by Judas Tadeo de Reyes (1789), and this included those from the Juan Fernández Archipelago. It is unclear if he actually visited the island or simply distilled information available about them. Apparently the Spanish crown asked for this report, particularly as to obtain information regarding the economic potentials of these plants. Nine species were given from Robinson Crusoe Island, some reported earlier, and some here for the first time (correspondence of vernacular and scientific names based on Gunckel L. 1968): canelo (Drimys confertifolia); chonta (Juania australis), espinillo (Rhaphithamnus venustus), mayo (Zanthoxylum mayu), michay (Berberis corymbosa), peralillo (Coprosma pyrifolia), resino (Robinsonia gayana), sándalo (Santalum fernandezianum), and temu (= palo colorado; Nothomyrcia fernandeziana). All of these trees still can be found in the island, with the exception of the sándalo, which is now extinct due to persistent harvesting. None of them is abundant, except for Nothomyrcia fernandeziana. This report was published as Appendix VI by Mary Graham (1824) and republished in the Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía in 1956 (No. 124: 213–236). One of the most ambitious scientific and exploring expeditions of the eighteenth century was organized and executed by Alejandro Malaspina (Fig. 8.4) under the full Fig. 8.4 Alejandro Malaspina

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support of the Spanish government (Kendrick 1999; Williams 2013), and it stopped in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. This was a very long voyage that lasted five years beginning in 1789 and finishing in 1794, involving 200 men transported in two specially constructed and equipped ships, the Descubierta and Atrevida. The idea was scientific, being to investigate the natural history of the Spanish colonial empire along the western coast of South America, and then also into the Pacific Ocean. A second, less publicized objective, was to assess the economic and political status of Spain’s New World possessions (Cutter 2001). Many preparations were made for the voyage, including the purchasing and packing of scientific supplies, such as jars, preservatives, drawing paper, notebooks, and other supporting items. There were two well-known botanists assigned to the voyage, Thaddaeus (Tadeo) Haenke (Arnade and Kuehnel 1959) and Luis Neé (Muñoz G. 1992, 2001). They collected many important specimens, with many plants also being illustrated (Sotos S. 1982; Villanueva 1989; García G. 2001). The Descubierta left Talcahuano (near Concepción, Chile) and sailed out to Robinson Crusoe Island, arriving near the island on 12 March 1790 (David et al. 2001). Despite their having the full support of the Spanish government, they elected not to head directly into Cumberland Bay, but instead to sail along the southern side of the island. Malaspina called Santa Clara Island “Isla de los Conejos,” or Rabbit Island, attributing this name to Anson, but the latter called this island “Goat Island” (see Fig. 7.11). They continued during the day and then pushed westward overnight toward the far island. In the morning of 13 March they arrived near Alejandro Selkirk Island, but no attempt was made to go on shore (nor has any illustration of the island survived). In part this must have been because Carteret (in Wallis 1965) provided considerable information regarding Alejandro Selkirk Island, including mention of the difficulties of attempting to arrive on shore as well as those involved with sailing around the island. With good winds Malaspina returned to Robinson Crusoe Island, arriving at sunset, this time following a course along the northern side, and at dawn the next morning (14 March) continuing eastward toward Valparaíso. In view of the principal objectives of the expedition being the gathering of scientific data, it may seem odd that Malaspina did not spend time investigating the natural history of the Juan Fernández Islands. This lack was probably due to the existence of the detailed reports by Anson et al. (1748) and Juan and Ulloa (1748). The main focus of this quick trip around the two islands, as evidenced by the numerous measurements, appears to have been to establish more precisely their latitude and longitude. After leaving the Juan Fernández Islands, the Malaspina expedition continued its circum-Pacific sailing voyage, extending to the Philippines, and finally returning to Callao, Peru, on 23 July 1793. It was decided that the two naturalists, Haenke and Neé, would remain in South America for additional observations and collections, each eventually working their way to Buenos Aires and Montevideo for passage back to Europe. Due to the hardships on the Pacific voyage, which affected Haenke’s health, he was advised to sail to Chile for rest and recuperation. He obtained passage on the merchant ship El Águila that left Callao on 16 October 1793 on route to Valparaíso. To avoid the north-flowing Humboldt Curent, the ship sailed first west and then south, arriving to Robinson Crusoe Island on 10 November. They stayed

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at most five days in the archipelago, leaving approximately on 14 November and landing at Valparaíso (or possibly Concepción; Pérez 1942) on 16 November. We know of Haenke’s observations on the Juan Fernández Archipelago because of a manuscript that was discovered in the British Museum (No. 17,592) under the title of “Descripción del Reyno del Peru.” Part of this manuscript (pp. 257– 395) carried the subtitle of “La Descripción del Reyno de Chile,” which contained many of Haenke’s comments on the region, including those on the Juan Fernández Archipelago (pp. 257–267, recto and verso). Manuscript material pertaining to Chile was published in 1942 under the editorship of Agustín Edwards, the Chilean Ambassador to England. There has been discussion if Haenke himself really authored this manuscript, but the weight of evidence seems to confirm that he did (Arnade and Kuehnel 1959). Haenke was a careful observer, and in the few days he spent in the archipelago, he offered useful information. Whether he visited Alejandro Selkirk Island is doubtful, due to the shortness of his stay and because his observations are brief for that island (only 10 lines of text). Some of his sentences strongly parallel those in Juan and Ulloa (1748), a work that Haenke mentioned (manuscript p. 259; p. 67 in Edwards 1942), and a copy of which he surely possessed or to which he had access. The village of San Juan Bautista at this point contained 300 inhabitants, including 20 couples. Of special interest was the list of military personnel stationed there, which included six officers, 45 soldiers, a surgeon, barber, and two clergymen. He also provided a list of the annual salaries for each of the personnel, as well as giving the types and quantities of annual provisions from continental Chile necessary to support the colony. Haenke offered useful comments on the flora and fauna of Robinson Crusoe Island. As for native plants, he mentioned that the chonta was good eating either raw or cooked. He observed five or six other tree species on the slopes and ridges, including the sandalwood and the “guayacán” (Sophora fernandeziana). Cultivated plants reported were beans, cabbage, corn, garlic, lettuce, onions, potatoes, squashes, wheat, plus some grasses and medicinal herbs. As for animals, Haenke saw many rats, dogs, and goats, the latter being restricted to the higher elevations. Birds were seen, including the ever-present hummingbirds. The fish were numerous and diverse, with special comment on the “corvina” (Umbrina reedi; Dyer and Westneat, 2010), and the lobsters were also abundant. Haenke gave many observations on the abundant fur seals and elephant seals, following the lead of nearly all other visitors to the island. Although the Malaspina expedition made numerous observations on natural history, geography, politics, and economy of many areas of the Spanish coast, having been one of the most successful and productive of its time (Kendrick 1999), very little was published. This was due largely to miscalculation on the part of Malaspina regarding changing political winds in Spain. He naively aligned himself publicly against the powerful new chief minister Manuel Godoy, who lost little time in having Malaspina encarcerated, which lasted until 1803 (Cutter 2001). Having fallen from favor, and treated even as a criminal, Malaspina’s ability evaporated for publishing information from the voyage. Most of the hundreds of journals, charts, notebooks, hydrographic surveys, and drawings now reside in the Museo Naval in Madrid. In more recent times, interest has turned to publishing some of these discoveries of

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plants, animals, and cultural aspects of peoples visited, including Malaspina’s own log of the voyage (David et al. 2001). The formal treaty in 1793 between Spain and Britain led to Robinson Crusoe Island being now open to British ships, which encouraged the island to develop commerce with whaling and sealing ships from the United States and England. The island was well prepared to supply fresh water, some vegetables and meat, and lumber. As a result, by the 1790s the village had begun to prosper such that it contained about 40 houses. Two additional small forts had also been constructed, one at Puerto Inglés and the other at Puerto Francés, and additional fortifications had been constructed along Cumberland Bay. Another governor who was enthusiastic about development of Robinson Crusoe Island was Fernando Amador de Amaya, who arrived in 1794. Useful was his supervision of the preparation of a detailed map of Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands (Fig. 8.5), which was later published by Claudio Gay (1854). Regarding attempts to inventory the island, he offered freedom and a cash bonus to any prisoner who would climb the highest mountain on the island, El Yunque, and report findings. Two prisoners responded, Ramón Negrete and Francisco Clavel, and they scaled this 915 m high mountain on 19 November, staying until the following day. Due to dense fog, they were unable to make a very complete report. They climbed

Fig. 8.5 Map of Robinson Crusoe Island drafted by order of Fernando Amador de Amaya in 1795 and published by Claudio Gay (1854)

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El Yunque again, therefore, along with the soldiers Pedro José Gutiérrez and Marcel Boza on 24 November, this time having better weather and staying two days until 26 November. The results of the brief survey of the top of El Yunque revealed several interesting aspects of the vegetation (from Woodward 1969: 97–98). They scaled up the eastern side of the mountain, up from El Camote, which has always been the only feasible route. Upon reaching the top, the surface began with a large meadow covered with a thick growth of “pangue,” which would most certainly be Gunnera bracteata. Around the edges of this meadow was a thick grove of “cinnamon” (most probably canelo, Drimys confertifolia) and also “tucuma” trees (probably Nothomyrcia fernandeziana). Moving toward the west was another, higher, meadow. These meadows were very moist, and in some areas, a man might sink up to his knees. At the highest point they found ferns and other small plants. Further westward they encountered another grassy meadow with ferns along the slopes and cinnamon and tucuma trees along the edges. These observations revealed that the vegetation was very moist and different from the drier valleys found below at the base of El Yunque. The summit obviously was undisturbed, being far from human accessibility. However, to demonstrate to the villagers below that they had definitely reached the summit of the island, “we set fire to the hill, which burned for eight days and its flames illuminated the vicinity” (Woodward 1969: 98). It is somewhat difficult to imagine how such a humid location would burn so easily, but apparently it transpired, obviously causing serious damage to the native vegetation at the summit. The vegetation apparently did recover, because the most recent visits to El Yunque by Philippe Danton and associates (Danton 2000) and CONAF park guides (Alarcón 2015) revealed similar plant formations. The small village on Robinson Crusoe Island continued to survive toward the end of the eighteenth century. A new church had been built as well as a small hospital (clinic). Of the prisoners who were sent to the penal colony there, some of them were forced to dig out caves just east and slightly below Fort Santa Bárbara (Fig. 8.6). These caves became their homes on the island. Although spacious enough, they were damp and dark, altogether not ideal domiciles. Measures of defense on Robinson Crusoe Island had also been upgraded during the last years of the 18th century. The Fort Santa Bárbara had been strengthened and more cannon had been added. A small battery of four cannon had also been installed on the central shore of Cumberland Bay, and the westernmost point, Punto San Carlos, also now contained six cannon. Pangal, a very small bay on the eastern side of Cumberland Bay, was also fortified. The result was that it would have been nearly impossible for any unfriendly ships to sail into Cumberland Bay and survive. Small cannon installations had also been built in Puerto Inglés and Puerto Francés. The governor of the island, Amador de Amaya, wanted still more defensive capability, and although he requested an increase of soldiers, his petition was apparently never granted. By the turn of the century Governor Amador de Amaya had been replaced by Francisco de Quesada y Silva Barrio-Nuevo y Quiñones. His approach to the settlement of San Juan Bautista was to focus on keeping order both in civil affairs and in

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Fig. 8.6 Representative caves of the patriots, San Juan Bautista, Robinson Crusoe Island, with Patricio López-Sepúlveda

commerce. He made numerous restrictions on transactions, requiring that all property, including livestock, be registered in a book and no transfers could be made without his permission. He also decreed that all dogs, milk cows, and pigs must be penned in or tied up. There were cattle in the village, too, and their slaughter was now regulated by the governor.

8.3 Chilean Independence In 1811 Manuel Santa María y Escobedo arrived as the new governor of Robinson Crusoe Island. This coincided with the declaration of independence in Chile, which occurred in that same year. In Europe, Napoleon had invaded Spain and greatly weakened her ability to control the New World colonies, many of which took advantage during this period to declare their independence from the motherland. The impact on San Juan Bautista was not immediate, but eventually fewer ships arrived with needed supplies due to lack of resources in the new government. At this time there were 73 prisoners, 51 soldiers, 11 officers, two chaplains, one surgeon, and a few remaining settlers (Woodward 1969). By 1813 the idea of abandoning the penal colony was discussed, and final evacuation occurred in mid-1814. At this point, then, only three soldiers requested to remain in the island with all other personnel and settlers returning to the mainland.

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The final part of the colonial period took place as a result of Chilean independence in 1811. Numerous royalists fled to Peru and plotted to retake Chile, which they did successfully in 1814. The Spanish government rounded up many of the patriots involved with the new independence movement and sent them as prisoners to Robinson Crusoe Island, along with other criminals plus soldiers to maintain order. The patriots, numbering 42 in all, were from some of the most important Creole families in Chile, including lawyers, intellectuals, and priests. One of these patriots was Juan Egaña Risco, who was educated in philosophy, theology, and law. He had participated in the new government by drafting a defense and military organizational plan, a plan for education, plus suggestions toward a federal constitution. He had also participated as a member of the Poder Ejecutivo, or ruling junta (Mora 1826). This conspicuousness was sufficient for him to be exiled to Robinson Crusoe Island along with the other patriots. Egaña arrived to Robinson Crusoe Island in November of 1814 and was kept prisoner there until June of 1817, after Chile had once again regained independence under the combined forces of Bernardo O’Higgins and José de San Martín invading from Argentina. During their captivity, some of the patriots lived in the caves that had been dug earlier, and others lived in modest huts. As a learned man, Egaña took advantage of this isolation to write a two-volume commentary of his experiences, which was published years later (Egaña 1826). Among his comments about religion, politics, etc., were also observations that give some idea of the activities of the village at this point in time. He was definitely not struck by the beauty of the landscape, as had been Anson and other early voyagers. Of course, Egaña came from the upper stratum of Chilean society and was not accustomed to living with hardship. He complained about the destructive winds and constant rain (Egaña 1826: 36) and the large number of rats (p. 59), which were so large and aggressive that they defended themselves well against the cats on the island. He also complained about the frequent fires that resulted from careless handling of lighted candles in the huts (p. 60). On 5 January 1816, in fact, a large fire “spread over the entire island” (Woodward 1969: 125), and in the process the village also was destroyed. There were abundant flies, in part due to inadequate garbage sanitation and also fleas (p. 61), unsurprising from the quantity of rats on the island. Cattle were mentioned but without any indication of how many; meat seemed to be infrequently available to the prisoners. When Chile was liberated once again from Spanish control, a ship finally came in July of 1817 to take the 81 patriots, 20 prisoners, 22 soldiers, 14 servants, the physician, chaplain, governor, and seven single women back to the continent (Woodward 1969). Only three men chose to remain on the island, surviving by the sale of wood, meat, and vegetable products to visiting ships from different nations. During this four-year period of patriot exile, at least 150 persons lived in the community of San Juan Bautista. Activities would have continued to place pressure on the vegetation of the island, and the abundance of rats would also have contributed to damage of young shoots and flowers of species in the native flora. The new independent Chilean government headed by Bernardo O’Higgins was having difficulties, especially from a group of patriots supporting José Miguel Carrera, and also from a criminal gang under control of Vicente Benavides. These

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difficulties led O’Higgins to once again open the penal colony on Robinson Crusoe Island in August of 1817 and to send some members of these opposition groups to exile there. Mariano Palacios, known for his iron hand, was put in charge of the project as governor along with 35 troops to maintain order (Woodward 1969). Palacios maintained a too severe approach to the little colony, and this eventually resulted in a revolt on 3 September 1817, involving not only the prisoners but also the troops. They chose as new governor a former lieutenant of Carrera, young Manuel Muñoz Urzúa (Woodward 1969). Shortly thereafter a North American whaling ship, the Persia, under command of Capt. Cross, sailed into Cumberland Bay and anchored. A small boat headed to shore with a Mr. Coffin and several seamen, and at the same time, a small boat from the island started rowing toward the ship. The Captain became suspicious of their intent and immediately weighed anchor and left the bay, leaving Coffin and the other crew members, who had now reached shore, to their own devices. Coffin, along with his crewmates and a Spaniard from the gang of Benavides, commandeered the governor’s small boat and sailed to Alejandro Selkirk Island in hopes of connecting with a North American sealing or whaling vessel for an eventual return trip home. They were successful in reaching the island, and on 14 October the ship Washington appeared under Captain Reuben Swain. Coffin and his men boarded the ship and proceeded to take it over, but in an unguarded moment, the Captain took the ship back and made Coffin and his associates prisoners, who were turned over to the Chilean authorities in Valparaíso (Woodward 1969). On 4 November the governor of this port city requested the help of the United States whaling vessel, the Constellation, to sail to Robinson Crusoe Island and restore order, putting Palacios once again in control. This objective was completed, but the situation remained precarious. An earthquake occurred early in 1822, which destroyed many buildings, and which convinced Palacios that the colony must be abandoned. This finally occurred in late February of that same year. Once again the colony was nearly deserted, but again several men decided to stay on. They maintained cattle, fished, and collected sandalwood (Woodward 1969). Another visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was Bernard Magee, first Officer on the ship Jefferson originating from Boston, Massachusetts. He sailed around Cape Horn and arrived near Alejandro Selkirk Island on 24 May 1792, but he did not stop, continuing eastward toward Robinson Crusoe Island and approaching Cumberland Bay on 26 May. Because of the restrictions on foreign vessels dropping anchor in this harbor, they were not allowed to enter or conduct commerce with the islanders. They did need fresh water and foodstuffs, however, which the governor (Juan Calvo de la Cantera) finally allowed them to obtain using the small pinnace. Brought to the ship were “some pumpkins, a quantity of fine radishes, and about a bushel of small potatoes, of an inferior sort” (Magee 1795: 249). A steer was also slaughtered and the meat provided to the ship. These were apparently among the cultivated plants and domesticated animals that the Spanish colonists had established in the village of San Juan Bautista. Capt. Josiah Roberts and Magee left Robinson Crusoe Island on 31 May and headed for Valparaíso on the Chilean coast, followed by sailing north to the Islas Desventuradas by 5 July. There on the island of San Ambrosio they harvested fur seals, and within a period of seven weeks, they killed and cured 11,000 skins.

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8.4 Fur Seal Trade While developments were taking place on Robinson Crusoe Island, a number of visitors were arriving to Alejandro Selkirk Island, some in passing, and others connected to the fur seal trade. As the word about abundant fur seals available in the Islas Desventuradas and Juan Fernández Archipelago trickled back to New England in the U.S.A., ships made the harrowing passage around Cape Horn and headed for the islands. Because word had also been received of the inhospitable treatment from the Spanish in Cumberland Bay on Robinson Crusoe Island, many ships went directly to Alejandro Selkirk Island. The trade in seal skins, including that of the Juan Fernández Fur Seal (Arctocephalus philippii; Fig. 8.7), became a world-wide industry especially involving American and English ships. Apparently the first ship to document the harvesting of seals from Alejandro Selkirk Island was Capt. W. R. Stewart in the Eliza, who took some 38,000 pelts in 1792 (Torres 1987). The abundance of seals at this time was impressive, seemingly inexhaustible (Hubbs and Norris 1971), which served as a strong magnet for other ships to cash in on the profits. Another visitor to Alejandro Selkirk Island in search of fur seal pelts was Capt. Edmund Fanning on the ship Betsey, which sailed from Stonington, Connecticut, on 13 June 1797. They sailed first southeast to the Cape Verde Islands, where they obtained a good supply of goats, pigs, fowl, and fruit (Fanning 1924) in preparation for the continuation of the voyage. They then departed for navigation south-southwest along the eastern coast of South America, approaching land in Patagonia and then

Fig. 8.7 The Juan Fernández fur seal (Arctocephalus philippii) in a recovering population on Alejandro Selkirk Island

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the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands. From there they headed very far south to near the South Shetland Islands, and then northward along the western coast of South America finally arriving at Alejandro Selkirk Island on 19 January 1798. Anchorage on this island is complicated, and arriving on shore even more so. Due to rough seas, they finally maneuvered to the eastern side of the island off shore near Quebrada de las Casas, which has fresh water coming from the ravine, and which also has inviting pools for bathing. After finally getting established on shore, the killing of the fur seals began. This was an easy matter, as the seals had no fear of the seamen, and a simple sharp hit with a club on the head was enough to kill an animal. They calculated the existence of between “five and seven hundred thousand fur seals there, and several thousand wild goats” (Fanning 1833: 118). They, themselves, collected more than 4000 fur seal skins for sale in Oriental markets. They also collected firewood, apparently largely from trees that had fallen down during stormy weather, as well as a stock of goat meat for the continuation of the voyage. They stayed until 5 April 1798, nearly ten weeks. That such a sealing voyage could be profitable is attested by the wealth generated by Fanning’s expedition. From the initial investment of the backers, slightly less than $US8000, they exchanged their 4000 fur seal skins for Chinese goods in Canton, which resulted in a total return in New York of $120,000 (Teller 1960). Fanning himself received $15,000, a princely sum at the end of the eighteenth century, equating to more than $250,000 in current value. Another of the New England sealing voyages was completed by Capt. Amasa Delano (Fig. 8.8) from 1799 to 1800. Sailing from Boston on 10 Nov 1799 aboard the ship Perseverance (Teller 1960), he navigated around Cape Horn and finally arrived on 26 March 1800 at Robinson Crusoe Island, anchoring on the unfortified western side, near Santa Clara Island. Their stay at this island was short, and Delano provided few details from this visit about its natural history. Delano also returned to Robinson Crusoe Island (“Juan Fernández”) in 1805 (Teller 1960: 66). On this second visit, he wished to obtain needed supplies from the settlement, but the governor, Tomas O’Higgins, would not let him stay on shore, nor obtain any water, fruit, or other supplies. This hard line was due to the severe penalties handed out to a previous governor who was too accommodating toward American or British ships. The Spanish government tolerated no visitors at this point. Despite these difficulties, Delano (1817: 313) did make a description of Robinson Crusoe Island (“Juan Fernandez”), presumably based on his two visits, saying that “The island of Juan Fernandez is now considerably well cultivated in all those parts that are capable of receiving it…. It affords all the kinds of fruit and vegetable, which are produced on any part of the coast of Chili. Its live stock consists of black cattle, horses, sheep, goats, and all kinds of domestic fowls. The number of inhabitants is, I imagine, rather short of three thousand.” This estimate for the number of persons in San Juan Bautista is doubtless erroneous, perhaps in reality closer to 300 persons. Leaving Robinson Crusoe Island during his first visit to the archipelago, Delano on 31 March 1800 arrived at Alejandro Selkirk Island. Although he experienced difficulties with maintaining a secure anchorage and with attempting to arrive safely on shore, as remarked upon by previous voyagers, he pointed to several positive

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Fig. 8.8 Amasa Delano

aspects, such as the presence of goats, numerous fish, and seals. Regarding the vegetation of Alejandro Selkirk Island, Delano (1817: 305) remarked that: “The island of Massa Fuero has been much injured by volcanos, but, where there is any soil, it is pretty well clothed with wood.” As for invasive animals, Delano (1817: 307) commented that: “Goats were so plenty here in 1800, that I have known my sailors surround a flock and take twenty or thirty of them at a time.” He added: “the only quadrupeds found there are goats and cats. The latter were brought there in the year 1797. This island has not been without some inhabitants from that time till the year 1807, though the only object which induced people to reside on the island has been to obtain seals.” Delano also commented briefly upon the domesticated plants and animals (1817: 305, 306) indicating that between 1800 and 1804, when 10–20 ships were harvesting fur seals, there were all kinds of domesticated vegetables, plus hogs, sheep, and goats, and “domestic fowls.”

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Regarding the indigenous animals, we must remember that the principal objective of Delano’s visit to Alejandro Selkirk Island in 1800 was to obtain seal skins for sale to the oriental market in Canton. Two species of seal were present in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. The most abundant, and most suited for the fur market, was the Juan Fernández Fur Seal (Arctocephalus philippii). The very large Southern Elephant Seal (Mirounga leonina), or sea lion, was much less abundant and was killed principally for its copious quantities of oil. He explains the industry in considerable detail (Delano 1817: 306): “When the Americans came to this place, about the year 1797, and began to make a business of killing seals, there is no doubt but there were two or three millions of them on the island. I have made an estimate of more than three millions that have been carried to Canton from thence, in the space of seven years. I have carried more than one hundred thousand myself, and have been at the place when there were the people of fourteen ships, or vessels, on the island at one time, killing seals.” The price in the market of Canton for each dried seal skin was “as high as three or four dollars a skin, and as low as thirty-five cents; but the most common price which they have brought has been about one dollar” (Delano 1817: 307). Another sealing ship that stopped at Alejandro Selkirk Island was the Onico under Capt. George Howe. The mate on this voyage, William Moulton, maintained a journal of this five-year long voyage, which involved coming, staying, and going from the island on many occasions. This was published as a book by him in 1804. They arrived at the island on 30 October 1800. Regarding the island itself, he mentioned (Moulton 1804: 58) that the goats were very plentiful. On 30 September 1801 he was engaged in building a wooden hut, which would have involved the cutting of some trees. He commented further on January 1803 (p. 101) “That the island throughout has undergone the severest ravages by fire, is [as] sufficiently evinced by its appearance.” He also mentioned (p. 101) that: “Thousands of wild goats have been killed on this island by sealers, and a great plenty now inhabit the mountains; there are a variety of excellent fish also in the waters that wash its shores.” Also very useful are his comments about the sealers on the island (Moulton, 1804: 101): “There are more than two hundred people on this island (rising of one hundred and seventy of whom do not belong to any ship) of all descriptions and characters of men. There are a few deserters from American and English ships, among whom are convicts from Botany Bay [the penal colony in Australia].” These men were dedicated to harvesting the fur seal, which means killing and skinning them, and staking the pelts out to dry. This group of men was a rough lot, and the existence of such a large number of people would have placed considerable pressure on the trees in the immediate vicinity for simple houses and firewood, which would have been in Quebrada Casas and the steep slopes adjacent, as well as on the southwestern and northwestern sides of the island (especially Playa Larga and Playa Buque Varado). Fire may have been common, as many fires would always be burning on the shore and strong winds could spread hot embers to the upper levels of the island. A recent fire was inadvertently set by fishermen on the western side of the island during 1996, which burned more than 72 ha (Barría 1996). The forest does recover, however, as we observed during our expedition to the island in 2011.

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The number of fur seal pelts taken by ships in the period 1792–1807 has been chronicled by Torres (1987), and the numbers are staggering. He estimates that more than 3,000,000 skins were harvested by 14 ships from the U.S.A. during 1797–1804. The population suffered and plummeted, unsurprisingly, until the numbers by 1807 were so low as to make sealing in the island no longer profitable. Small amounts of pelt were taken during the remainder of the nineteenth century (Torres 1987), but the species was last reported in 1917 and thereafter presumed extinct. It was in 1965 that Bahamonde (1966) rediscovered a small population of the species, and with government protection the numbers have now increased to a respectable level. By the census of 1984, Torres (1987) reported a total of 6359 animals: 4318 on Alejandro Selkirk, 1544 on Robinson Crusoe, and 497 on Santa Clara Islands. The species is also still known from the Islas Desventuradas, but in smaller numbers. It was surmised that such a population bottleneck, created by destruction of so many individuals, must have led to a reduction of genetic variation within the populations. This was tested by Goldsworthy et al. (2000) using mtDNA sequences, but a surprisingly high level of genetic variation was found, at least equal to that reported for other seal species. Apart from the sealers, a casual visitor to Alejandro Selkirk Island at this time was the American Ross Cox, who sailed from the eastern United States, around Cape Horn, and then up the western coast of South America to the Columbia River of North America. During this passage, he stopped briefly at Alejandro Selkirk Island (“Massafuero”) for only two days, 6 and 7 February 1812. Despite such a short visit, he offered considerable observations that were instructive. The main objectives were to obtain fresh water and also food, goats (if possible) and also fish, which always were in abundance just offshore. There was the usual difficulty of getting themselves and the water casks to shore, but this being finally accomplished, the crew divided into three groups, one penetrating the ravine (Quebrada Casas) behind the arrival point, another heading up the steep slopes in search of goats, and a third following the coast around the southern edge of the island. Cox was with the group heading into the ravine, and he commented (Cox 1832: 31, 32) “we observed a great number of goats on the surrounding precipices; and the dead bodies of several, in a more or less decayed state, which we supposed must have fallen in bounding from cliff to cliff, and ascending the slippery and almost perpendicular hills among which they vegetate.” The group of seamen seeking goats managed to shoot two of them, and three men left in the boat were able to catch between “three and four hundred excellent fish.” They also caught lobster. The third group returned without success in finding goats or suitable trees for lumber. Cox further observed: “It [the island] was formerly well stocked with seals, but these animals have been nearly destroyed by American whalers. The goats are numerous, but too rancid to be used for food, except in cases of necessity. The island also appears to be devoid of wood. The carpenter, who went on shore for the purpose of procuring some that could be used in building a boat, found only a few pieces with a close grain, very hard, and in colour resembling box [boxwood].” This probably refers to Myrceugenia schulzei, which is scattered around the island. Cox’s comments about lack of wood suggest that by this time most of the trees close to shore had been harvested, especially around Quebrada Casas.

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8.5 Sandalwood Trade Along with interest in fur seal pelts for profitable sale in Cantonese markets came a similar interest in sandalwood. It is worth noting that although Edmund Fanning made no mention of collecting sandalwood on Alejandro Selkirk Island in 1798, in his same book he provided a discussion (Fanning 1924: 322, 333) of how sandalwood was harvested throughout the Pacific Islands. The history of sandalwood usage is a long one, extending back to the sixth century CE. Merchants from Arabia, Persia, and even China brought sandalwood from plants in India and the East Indies to China. During the nineteenth century, the sandalwood merchants came principally from Portugal, Holland, and England, and later even from Australia and the United States (Shineberg 1967). As the Pacific Islands were discovered and sandalwood was found on them, interest in trading with these cultures increased proportionately. The area of the Pacific that first received attention for sandalwood was the Fijian Islands. Harvesting began in the early nineteenth century and led to a near depletion of this resource by 1816. An example comes from the journal of William Lockerby from 1808–1809 (Thurn and Wharton 1925), which shows the dangers and difficulties of this new trading commerce. Traders then turned to the Marquesas Islands in 1814, and that resource was exhausted by 1817 (Shineberg 1967). The anthropological importance of the sandalwood trade was that the contacts of the Europeans with peoples of Polynesia were often the first such contact between these cultures (Shineberg 1967). The objective of the Europeans was obviously to obtain the sandalwood and sell it in China for profit. The Polynesians, who were living essentially at the level of the New Stone Age, were impressed with the material goods of the Europeans, especially articles made from iron, such as hoops, nails, and especially knives, and they were eager to trade sandalwood for them. The Hawaiian Islands had their sandalwood boom from 1811 to 1828, and this trade was highly competitive but more contractual (e.g., in the journal of Charles Hammatt; Wagner-Wright 1999); the most active period was from 1815–1826 (St. John 1947). The wood was used by King Kamehameha to acquire European goods, and in part sandalwood became a currency within the islands, with the King and his successors maintaining it as a royal monopoly. After serious overcutting on Oahu, steps were taken to conserve the resource, and this saved the species (Santalum freycinetianum) from extinction. Southwest Melanesia received attention for sandalwood harvesting in the late 1820s, beginning with the New Hebrides, followed by the Isle of Pines, the Loyalty Islands, and then New Caledonia during the 1840s (Shineberg 1967). Some wood continued to be obtained in small quantities until about 1865. Due to the many well-reported adventures encountered by European sandalwood traders, especially numerous reports of cannibalism by the Pacific islanders, this led to leisure reading based on this theme, even for youngsters (e.g., Ballantyne 1867–1879). One of the strong motivations for developing the sandalwood trade by English merchants was to use it in exchange for tea from China (Shineberg 1967). By the

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early nineteenth century, tea consumption in England had become an important part of the culture, and use of silver or gold coin in payment for tea was resulting in a large loss of currency. Because sandalwood was so important in Chinese culture, trade of sandalwood for tea was a good solution to the problem. The Chinese were particularly interested in obtaining sandalwood for incense in religious services (especially in Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam; Arun Kumar et al. 2012) and for burying with the deceased. Some wood was also used for making boxes or items of furniture. At present a strong industry still exists, based on plantations of Santalum album, grown largely in India. Articles of manufacture include combs, picture frames, fans, letter openers, and jewelry cases (Arun Kumar et al. 2012). It was not unusual that a ship having success with trading for sandalwood might carry to China anywhere from 50 to 100 tons (range 5–320; Shineberg 1967: Appendix 1). The difficulty with the sandalwood trade was that it required completely sacrificing the entire tree. The concentration of oil in the sandalwood occurs in the older stem near the roots; the young shoots do not contain sufficient commercial quantities. This circumstance is what drove merchants to continue to search for additional sources of sandalwood. Furthermore, the older trees of 40 or more years of age contained the best oils, which meant that even when plantations could be established, profits would be long-term in the making. The result throughout the Pacific region was a full assault on wild populations, and many were dramatically reduced in size and number. The genus Santalum is presently regarded as containing 15 extant species (Harbaugh 2008), with one additional extinct species from the Juan Fernández Archipelago, S. fernandezianum. Santalum is distributed across the Pacific Ocean from as far northwest as the Bonin Islands, Japan, and as far southeast as the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Harbaugh and Baldwin 2007). There are four endemic species in the Hawaiian Islands (Harbaugh and Baldwin 2007). It is somewhat ironic that the only species of sandalwood that was brought to extinction by the sandalwood traders was S. fernandezianum, restricted to the easternmost distribution of the genus and very distant from the other species in Hawaii and southwestern Polynesia. Skottsberg had the sad experience of encountering the last living tree of S. fernandezianum growing in Valle Inglés during his visit to Robinson Crusoe Island in 1908, and he reported on this discovery in 1910. After this plant died, the species became extinct. There have been suspicions of sandalwood also having occurred on Alejandro Selkirk Island, but no specimens have ever been provided for confirmation. There is even a Quebrada del Sándalo on the island, but no evidence of the species either of wood or branches with leaves or flowers has ever been produced. If sandalwood had existed on the island, it might have been the same species or even a different one. All is speculative without specimen documentation. Despite that S. fernandezianum is now clearly extinct, there is a surprising amount of information about its biology and relationships. Before the species had been studied scientifically, there was doubt as to exactly what the sandalwood in the Juan Fernández Islands really was. Kraus (1882) first examined the anatomy of the stem from “halbfossiles” (half fossil) wood of the species collected by Filiberto Germain under commission by R. A. Philippi of the Natural History Museum in Santiago,

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Chile. This was compared with similar material of S. album from the East Indies, and Kraus concluded that the wood collected from Juan Fernández did, in fact, belong to the genus. From pieces of wood collected by Federico Johow in 1892 on Robinson Crusoe Island, the anatomy of the wood has been described more recently (Baeza et al. 1999), this time in much more detail, thereby confirming and extending observations by Kraus. The island species was finally described as new to science by Federico Philippi (1892), based on a specimen collected by G. Gustavo Flühmann in 1888 from Robinson Crusoe Island. Although the plant was only in bud, Philippi regarded it as sufficiently distinct to describe it as new. Chemical analysis has also been done (Hoeneisen et al. 1998) on a wood sample of S. fernandezianum collected by Johow in January of 1892 and deposited in the herbarium of the Universidad de Concepción, Chile. Based on scarcity of good material, considerable doubt has existed on the proper relationships of S. fernandezianum to other members of the genus (Skottsberg 1930). More recently, Harbaugh and Baldwin (2007) have been able to get DNA from a specimen collected by Johow, and they successfully sequenced the 3 trnK intron from the chloroplast genome. These data, in conjunction with those from the same sequence in other species of the genus, revealed that S. fernandezianum is most closely related to S. acuminatum from SE Australia. The Juan Fernández species, therefore, presumably originated from Australia by long distance dispersal, and Harbaugh and Baldwin suggested that birds were the probable mechanism. Johnson (1982) has reported that another species, S. album, appears also to be bird-dispersed. As S. acuminatum is known to be chromosomally diploid (n = 10; Harbaugh 2008), one might infer that S. fernandezianum might also have been a diploid species.

Chapter 9

Early Botanical Period (1820–1875)

The impact on the vegetation of the Juan Fernández Islands during the Colonial Period was caused by a mixture of activities from continued visits by ships of different countries, development of the robust but short-lived sealing industry primarily on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and establishment of a permanent, fortified Spanish colony on Robinson Crusoe Island. Upon establishment of the permanent village San Juan Bautista, which surrounded Cumberland Bay, much more pressure on the natural vegetation was applied by the hundreds of persons who lived there. This intensified the use of wood for buildings and in fireplaces, and many more domesticated plants and animals found their way to the island. Following formal independence of Chile from Spain in 1818, visitors from European countries were welcomed to establish trade with the new nation. This included receiving ships to Robinson Crusoe Island as they traveled to different destinations up the South American coast and to North America, as well as sailing westward to Pacific Islands and eventually to the Orient. On a number of these voyages came also naturalists, some professionally trained and others amateurs with a genuine interest in natural history. Considerable traffic occurred during the California Gold Rush from 1848 to 1855 as prospectors sailed from the eastern United States around Cape Horn and then northward to the California goldfields, stopping at Robinson Crusoe Island for needed supplies.

9.1 Initial Visitors The very first collections of plants from the Juan Fernández Archipelago were made much earlier in 1690 by George Handisyd, who served as surgeon aboard the ship Welfare (Middleton 1909; Dandy 1958; Gunkel L. 1971). Only two specimens are known, the ferns Adiantum chilense and Asplenium dareiodes, both now housed in

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_9

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the herbarium of the British Museum (Sloane herbarium). These pioneering collections, however, did not stimulate other botanical collections, which developed independently much later in the early part of the nineteenth century. The initial collections during this early botanical period were made by Mary Graham (Fig. 9.1; Table 9.1). In 1822 she accompanied her husband, Thomas Graham, a captain in the British Navy, around Cape Horn. Due to difficulties in this passage he become ill and died, leaving her a widow upon arriving in Chile on the western side of the continent. During this time Commodore Thomas Cochrane from England had been contracted by the new independent country of Chile to transport soldiers from Chile to Peru in support of an invasion of that country for liberation from Spain. Based on this success, Cochrane was subsequently offered a position as commander of the Brazilian Navy to help them gain independence from Portugal. Before departing for Brazil, he sailed on the Coronel Allen along with Mary Graham, who had developed a strong friendship with him, to Alejandro Selkirk and Robinson Crusoe Islands, arriving at the latter on 24 January 1823. She went ashore for two days, on January 25 and 26, and it was during this time that she made botanical collections and observations. These were published in her book of travels in Chile and Brazil in 1824.

Fig. 9.1 Mary Graham

9.1 Initial Visitors Table 9.1 Historical reports of visits to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Early Botanical Period (1820–1875)

125 Author of report

Year published

Dates in islands

Mary Graham

1824

25–26 Jan 1823

Richard Longeville Vowell

1831

1823

Benjamin Morrell

1832

12–16 Jan 1824

David Douglas

1914a, b

14–18 Dec 1824

P. Parker King

1839

16–22 Feb 1830

Carlo Luigi Giuseppe Bertero

1830

Apr–June 1830

Claudio Gay

1832

2–21 Feb 1832

Richard Henry Dana, Jr.

1840

25–26 Nov 1834

Thomas Sutcliffe

1839, 1841, 1843

25 Nov 1834–early Sept 1835

Domingo Faustino Sarmiento

1849

4 Nov 1845

Frederick Walpole

1849

c. Jan or Feb 1846

J. Ross Browne

1853a

19–26 May 1849

Jacob David Babcock Stillman

1877

19–26 May 1849

Richard L. Hale

1923

7–9 Mar 1850

Ezekiel I. Barra

1893

16-21 Mar 1850

Rodulfo Amando Philippi

1856a, b, 1865a, b

Oct 1854 (Germain coll.), Nov 1864

Mary Graham recounts the recent history of the settlement in San Juan Bautista, which at this time was in partial ruin and nearly abandoned, with only five men still living there who prepared charqui and tallow for sale to passing ships and for the continent. Houses still were standing, but many doors, windows or roofs had been scavenged by visitors. The colony was abandoned in late 1821, and the effects of two years of total neglect were documented by her. Feral cattle were seen, as well as the remains of gardens in the village. Graham was very taken by what she saw in the island. Of course, she was also delighted to be in the company of Commodore Cochrane, which may have added to the euphoria of the visit. She enthused (1824: 347): “It [i.e., the island] is the most picturesque I ever saw, being composed of high perpendicular rocks wooded nearly to the top, with beautiful valleys; and the ruins of the little town in the largest of these [valleys] heighten the effect.” She added the following (p. 348): “The valleys are exceedingly fertile, and watered by copious streams, which occasionally form small marshes, where the panke [Gunnera peltata] grows very luxuriantly, as well as water-cress and other aquatic plants.”

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As for other plants, Mary Graham (1824: 348–352) commented on the “andromedas” [this would probably be the endemic Pernettya rigida], and myrtles [Nothomyrcia fernandeziana]. She also noted a flowering shrub with thick green leaves and purple flowers and berries, confidently the endemic Rhaphithamnus venustus. Graham was especially interested in domesticated plants such as the “giant fuscia,” which may have been Fuchsia magellanica that could have been brought from the continent as an ornamental by colonists in the late eighteenth century. She observed parsley, mint, strawberry, and winter cherry. She mentioned that the valley contained many fruit trees, and near the shore radishes and “sea-side oats” covered the area. She added observations on the “half-ruined hedges, which denote the boundaries of former fields,” in which she found apples, cherries, figs, pears, and quinces. From Graham’s observations, it is clear that many domesticated plants had flourished in San Juan Bautista during colonial time and were still growing well among the ruins of the village. Graham said much less about the animals on Robinson Crusoe Island, but she did mention many goats (1824: 353), perhaps from information provided by the five persons still residing in the island, or possibly from observations made by Cochrane and Shepard when they climbed up to Selkirk’s Lookout (Portezuelo). She commented (p. 353) on the “rock-cod [bacalao] and crawfish [lobster], the latter nineteen inches long,” but she made no commentary on the fur seals, which suggests that they had long disappeared (or were in small numbers elsewhere on the island). Mary Graham was also an accomplished illustrator, and in her book (1824) a plate is included showing the “Playa de Juan Fernandez,” which shows the area around Cumberland Bay (Fig. 9.2). It is done in a soft style (perhaps showing influence of the contemporary English landscape painter, William Turner), which makes it somewhat difficult to understand exactly what is being shown. The structures of the peaks, Damajuana toward the left and El Yunque on the right, are quite accurate. Taking the picture at face value, much of the area in the central valley appears to be devoid of trees, although some can be seen toward the back of the valley near the start of the peaks with some scattered trees at lower elevations. It appears, therefore, that considerable loss of trees in the central valley had occurred in comparison to the abundant tree cover shown by Anson in 1741 (see Fig. 7.14). The development of a permanent Spanish colony was no doubt responsible for the further use of woody resources in and around the village. Another visitor who passed “close to” Robinson Crusoe Island was Richard Longeville Vowell, apparently in 1823 (Vowell 1831: 370). Because he did not actually go ashore, it is difficult to know what he might have observed or heard, or distilled from previous sources, such as Anson et al. (1748). Vowell (1831: 381) discussed the fertility of the soil and the cultivation and abundance of apricots, cherries, peaches, and strawberries; he also mentioned “herds of wild pigs.” He offered additional observations on the gardens and feral animals (pp. 381, 382): “These gardens have been, in great measure, overgrown by weeds, for want of care; but the vegetables are still found growing wild, especially pumpkins, and melons of different kinds. There are large herds of horses and cattle on the island, which have tempted ships frequently to touch here for the sake of the skins; but, as the cattle are perfectly wild,

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Fig. 9.2 View of the southern portion of the central valley adjacent Cumberland Bay on Robinson Crusoe Island. Note the peaks Damajuana (left) and El Yunque (right). From Graham (edition of 1956: opposite p. 240)

it is dangerous to hunt them on foot.” And finally Vowell concluded (1831: 382) that the governor could make a “handsome fortune by establishing a settlement for cultivating the ground, and a fishery, as well as by the sale of timber, from the fine groves. Among these is found sandal wood, little, if at all, inferior to that produced in Coromandel [the SE coast of India].” Another visitor to both islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, from 12-16 January 1824, was the American voyager Capt. Benjamin Morrell. On the ship Wasp he visited Robinson Crusoe Island first with a shorter stop at Alejandro Selkirk Island. His observations seem to contain information similar to points mentioned by earlier travelers, which may suggest that he was repeating some of these impressions as well as adding his own new interpretations; he has also been accused of fabricating data from his voyages (Fairhead 2015). His book (1832) was apparently ghost-written by Samuel Woodworth (Fairhead 2015) based on Morrell’s log and notes, although this was not so indicated on the title page. In his defense, he offered an accurate comparison between the two islands which had not been published previously by other authors. He said of Robinson Crusoe Island (1832: 127) that “It may be readily known at a distance by its uneven surface, shooting up in many irregular hills. Still it is not so high as its neighbor Masafuero, which, when first seen, presents an even

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surface of elevated tableland.” This was a very perceptive comparison, which was later better explained when radiometric datings from the two islands revealed them to be four million years and one million years, respectively (Stuessy et al. 1984a; Table 2.1). Robinson Crusoe Island has undergone more erosion and subsidence over a much longer period of geological time. Morrell first arrived at Robinson Crusoe Island on 12 Jan 1824. His comments were as follows (1832: 127): “The plains and mountains are well covered with moderate-sized timber, comprising numerous trees of an aromatic character. The myrtle [Nothomyrcia fernandeziana] is the only large timber which came under my observation; ….. cabbage-trees [Juania australis] are common.” Vegetables were abundant, such as parsley, purslane, radishes, turnips, and watercress, as well as fruits such as apricots, apples, cherries, figs, peaches, pears, plums, and strawberries. Sandalwood was found “on the mountains, but not of the best quality.” The cultivated plants mentioned by Mary Graham, therefore, were still flourishing two years later. As for marine animals, Morrell reported no fur seals on Robinson Crusoe Island, but he did comment on the abundant fish and lobster (“crawfish”). Morrell also visited Alejandro Selkirk Island, but it is unclear from his book (1832) exactly when he arrived. It would probably have been 15 January because they left the island for the Chilean continent on 16 January. He made the following observations (p. 131): “Wood and water can be obtained here from the east side of the island, with very little trouble,” and “There are a great many goats on this island, the flesh of which is very tender and palatable food.” As for fur seals, Morrell’s crew harvested only 13, but they saw an additional c. 50 that they could not reach. This was what was left of the original huge population of three million.

9.2 Early Naturalists David Douglas (Fig. 9.3) visited the Juan Fernández archipelago from 14–18 December 1824. In contrast to all previous visitors to the archipelago, Douglas was trained as a gardener and botanist, eventually becoming a scientific traveler and botanical collector. He received training at different institutions in Scotland, including the Glasgow Botanical Garden, where William Jackson Hooker was also working. They collected together in the highland and island areas of Scotland (Smith 1997), Douglas in the process developing expert botanical collecting skills. This positioned him to be selected by the Horticultural Society of London to sail to the New World in search of fruit trees (principally seeds), and to botanize as time permitted. His observations were from the perspective of a professional scientist, therefore, in contrast to previous descriptions from travelers or captains and officers of ships. Douglas was much better trained and experienced in natural history as evidenced by the specific comments in his journal (Douglas 1914a, b). He not only had a sincere scientific interest in native plants but also a strong background in cultivated materials. His comments and collections were the most detailed on the flora of Robinson Crusoe Island published to this time. Because they were not published in a timely manner

9.2 Early Naturalists

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Fig. 9.3 David Douglas

after his trip and because he perished in Hawaii before being able to describe any new taxa, the impact on other voyagers was apparently minimal. His collections were distributed to different herbaria, especially in Europe. Nonetheless, the comments from his journals do offer much useful information on the plants and vegetation at the time of his visit to the Juan Fernández Archipelago at the end of 1824. He prepared two journals: one a condensed sketch of the voyage (Douglas 1914a) and another with much more detailed information (Douglas 1914b). They do not contain all the same data, however, and therefore comments have been taken from both of them. Douglas sailed from Gravesend in England on the ship William and Ann, under Capt. Henry Hanwell. The main destination of the voyage was the Pacific Northwest, and this was where Douglas made most of his collections and observations (Morwood 1973; Davies 1980; Mitchell and House 1999). The ship headed south from England toward Rio de Janeiro on the eastern side of South America, across the Straits of Magellan, and finally up the coast of Chile. Douglas arrived near Alejandro Selkirk Island on 14 December and commented (1914a: 53) only that there were “some stunted trees on the hills, and a few goats browsing on the rocky clefts.” In his detailed journal (1914b: 93), however, he says that “goats were seen in abundance,” which conforms more to reports of previous voyagers to the island. They continued

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onward to Robinson Crusoe Island, arriving on 16 December. The date he departed was 18 December (Douglas 1914b), a very short visit of only about two days. After leaving the island, he arrived in the Galápagos Islands on 9 January 1825 (Douglas 1914a). Regarding general observations on the landscape of Robinson Crusoe Island, Douglas was captivated by the place, in a way similar to the enthusiasm shown by Mary Graham in 1823. He wrote (1914b: 93) that “The whole island is very mountainous, volcanic, and beautifully covered with wood to the summit of the hills.” Six persons lived in San Juan Bautista, but it still had the appearance of being neglected and run-down. The houses were all destroyed as well as the fort, with 26 cannons laying on the shore below (two cannons can be seen on the beach in the plate from Mary Graham; Fig. 9.2). There was one Englishman, William Clark, and five Spaniards who during Douglas’ visit were on the western side of the island hunting seals, goats, and wild cattle (Douglas 1914a: 54). In his detailed journal, Douglas added more information (1914b: 94) on luxuriant peaches, an apple and quince, and two pears. Figs and vines also thrived. He observed radishes and “a sort of strawberry with large fruit of a pale whitish-red, not unpleasant; leaves, stem, and calyx very downy; dried a paper of seeds of this species lest it may prove indigenous to the island or the coast of Chile.” He took the opportunity to sow seeds in the central valley of grapes (“vine”), pears, some other fruit trees, and “culinary” vegetables, also giving some “to Clark to sow on various parts of the island.” Because Douglas was a trained botanist, he was particularly interested in native species of plants on Robinson Crusoe Island. In his detailed account of the voyage (1914b: 93–99), he provided a complete list of the plants he collected during his visit. This was the first scientific collection of plants from the archipelago and deserves some comment. He listed (Douglas 1914b: 95–99) 78 collections of flowering plants and ferns, plus three species of mosses, four different lichens, one marine alga, and also a filmy fern (Hymenophyllum). He collected a number of the endemics (unnamed in his list because they had not yet been classified botanically), such as Thyrsopteris, Nothomyrcia, and Dendroseris, located on the ridges and in the forests. Among the collections were also many introduced species of genera, such as Carduus, Euphorbia, Rumex, and Ruta, correlating with the existence of the Spanish colony for almost 75 years, and during which time much disturbance to the vegetation occurred in and around the settlement at lower elevations. As a backdrop to the botanical activities that were developing in the archipelago, it is pertinent to mention some of the governmental decisions that impacted Robinson Crusoe Island during this period. The Chilean government once again took interest in trying to develop San Juan Bautista, and toward this end they signed a contract on 26 February 1829 with José Joaquín Larraín, a private citizen, to rent the island for 12 years. The agreement stipulated that a garrison of 25 soldiers would be provided, and that the village would once again become a penal colony housing about 100 prisoners. Larraín did visit the island, but he soon returned to the continent after putting an associate, Giuseppe Zopetti, in charge of the project as governor. The initial priority was the construction of new buildings as the previous ones had fallen into serious

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disrepair. The number of criminals and political prisoners eventually reached nearly 200 persons, including a few women. A small number of free colonists were also encouraged to settle in the island, and they once again brought cattle, sheep, and hogs. They also cultivated areas around the village and sought sandalwood for sale to visiting ships (Woodward 1969). Robinson Crusoe Island was visited by Captain P. Parker King who arrived on 16 February 1830 and left the island for Talcahuano on the Chilean continent on 22 February. Carlo Bertero (a botanist to be discussed below) accompanied Capt. King, because the latter so stated in his published narrative (King 1839: 305). As is often the case, it is difficult to be certain what observations were original with Capt. King and what might have been distilled from what Bertero might have said, or even other works, particularly that of Anson et al. (1748). Nonetheless, King’s comments are worth documenting here, because they deal with interesting general aspects of the island. Regarding vegetation and plants of Robinson Crusoe Island, Capt. King (1839: 302) observed: “The higher parts of the island are in general thickly-wooded; but in some places there are grassy plains of considerable extent, whose lively colour contrasts agreeably with the dark foliage of myrtle-trees, which abound on the island.” He also commented on the previous activities of the Spanish colonists (pp. 302, 303), who cleared and cultivated the central valley adjacent Bahía Cumberland, and where stone walls still remained. Forty persons worked in the seal and cod industries, drying fish for the continental markets. He mentioned the grasses and also sandalwood (1839: 305): “The island produces several kinds of grass; but the most abundant herbaceous plant is a species of oat [probably Avena barbata; Fig. 9.4], which grows very luxuriantly, and towards the westward covers the ground for many miles.” “The sandal-wood, which has been described as indigenous to this island, was not found by us, growing, but a large quantity was collected about the hills and vallies, in a dry state, and apparently very old. It is of the red kind, and still preserves a strong scent. The mayor-domo told me there were no sandal-wood trees in the island; but we had reason to think his information was incorrect, for one of the inhabitants would have taken us to a place where he said they were growing in large quantities, had not our arrangements for sailing interfered.” As for domesticated plants Capt. King mentioned (pp. 305, 306) apples, balm, cherries, figs, mint, peaches, radishes, and strawberries. With regard to animals, King observed (1839: 304) both feral goats and dogs. “Wild-goats are very numerous among the inaccessible parts of the island.” Wild dogs had been sent by the Viceroy of Peru as a means of destroying the goats, which had been used for food by marauding buccaneers, but instead of destroying the goats, the dogs drove them to unreachable places. “Large troops of these dogs still range about the lower grounds.” It is sad to be reminded by Capt. King (1839: 307) that the once huge quantities of marine animals had at this point in time been greatly reduced: “The seals and sea-lions, which were so abundant formerly, are now reduced to such a small number, as to make the seal-fishery scarcely worth notice. They have been destroyed by taking them indiscriminately, without regard to age or sex, leaving none to propagate the race but those who by chance escaped.”

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Fig. 9.4 Avena barbata, a European invasive grass species (“wild oats”) that colonized the Juan Fernández Archipelago as early as the nineteenth century, if not earlier. A, habit; B, spikelet; C, lemma; D, caryopsis. Drawing from Matthei (1995: 411)

Following Capt. King in Robinson Crusoe Island was the botanist Carlo Luigi Giuseppe Bertero (Fig. 9.5), who returned for more intensive study. Originally from Santa Vittoria d’Alba in Piamonte, Italy (Vignolo-Lutati 1955), Bertero moved to Chile in 1827. He was a physician but also an enthusiastic botanist, collecting in his adopted country on every opportunity. By the start of 1830, newly independent Chile found itself embroiled in a civil war, which may have been an additional motivation to sail again to Robinson Crusoe Island and make significant collections of flowering plants, ferns, bryophytes (mosses and liverworts), lichens, and some algae. He arrived in April 1830 and stayed through June, amassing about 2000 herbarium specimens during the visit (Hemsley 1884), which consisted of 300 species (including cryptogams). On his return to Valparaíso in July of 1830, Bertero wrote a report of his trip and sent it to Jean Baptiste Antoine Guillemin in Paris, and it was rapidly published in the Annales des Sciences Naturelles (Bertero 1830). His specimens were dispatched to Delessert in Paris (Delprete et al. 2002). The large collection of some 15,000 specimens collected on the Chilean continent was eventually auctioned and purchased by the Botanische Reiseverein (Wörz 2007), which then sold many of these to European herbaria, such as Kew Gardens; the herbarium in Turin (Italy) has 68 flowering plants and 42 ferns collected by him (Vignolo-Lutati 1955). By chance, one packet of 446 specimens survived in the Museo de Historia Natural in Santiago (Muñoz-Schick 1999). Bertero sailed off to Tahiti for more collecting, but upon attempting to return to Chile, the boat vanished with no trace of crew

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Fig. 9.5 Carlo Luigi Giuseppi Bertero

or passengers. From his numerous specimens, many new taxa were published by botanists at different institutions, especially on the higher plants by Alphonse de Candolle in Geneva, David Don in England, and Luigi Colla at Rivoli near Turin (Colla 1835). The algae, fungi, lichens, hepatics, and mosses were published in detail by Montagne (1835). In his report of 1830, Bertero offered some observations on the vegetation of the archipelago but much more on specific plants. What is notable was the depth of botanical detail on individual genera and species, following the trend set by Douglas, and which would now continue to the present day. The following quotes have been translated and summarized from the original French into English by Hemsley (1884: 4–6). Regarding general landscape comments, Bertero stated that “The country was very well wooded, but the species of trees were few in number.” He continued with:

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“Twelve to fifteen species of ferns had taken possession of more than half of the ground; the rest was either wooded or wholly denuded of plants.” Bertero offered many comments about specific plants in Robinson Crusoe Island (Bertero 1830; in Hemsley 1884: 4–6). He pointed out that the most common trees were the “Canelo” [Drimys confertifolia], the “Mayu” [Zanthoxylum mayu], and the “Luma” or “Temu” [Nothomyrcia fernandeziana], and some of these were of a “prodigious size.” These species are still common on the island, although the mayu less so. “Hippotis triflora [Coprosma], a tree of medium size, was very common…. A Palm, known in the country by the name of ‘Chonta,’ inhabited the slopes of the highest mountains…. Sandalwood was only found in a dead condition, and usually half-buried in the earth.” Bertero also mentioned a number of endemic genera described later by other workers as Robinsonia, Cuminia, and Dendroseris. He made observations on many endemic species, including Chenopodium sanctae-clarae that is endemic to Santa Clara Island (“Goat Island”). Regarding domesticated and introduced plants and animals, Bertero (1830; in Hemsley 1884: 6) mentioned many “exotic plants that had become thoroughly naturalised and so abundant as to have all the appearance of being indigenous,” such as Apium petroselinum, Avena sativa, Chenopodium anthelminthicum, several species of Medicago, Melissa officinalis, Physalis peruviana, plus abundant peach trees. The introduced Cestrum parqui “was frequent near dwelling-houses” and “Fragaria chiloensis [the strawberry] bore better fruit than in Chili.” As for the animals, Bertero mentioned the numerous rats and goats, and a few hogs in “the valley of La Cueva” (probably Puerto Inglés). He added that “horned cattle were almost extinct; and there were no horses. Domesticated pigeons had become wild, and increased to an enormous extent.” The picture, then, of Robinson Crusoe Island at the time of Bertero’s visit was of considerable numbers of introduced plant species in and around San Juan Bautista, which was essentially the same observations made by Douglas six years earlier. Lots of fruit trees still were bearing abundant fruit. He commented on the abundance of ferns, which was also observed by Douglas. Bertero also pointed out that in the other areas without ferns, there were either wooded areas or those completely denuded of vegetation, doubtless due to the cutting of trees for wood by all the previous visitors to the island (especially during the colonial period). The endemic palm, Juania australis, was restricted only to the higher elevations of the island. Goats had again proliferated in the absence of numerous colonists hunting them, and some feral hogs and cattle were surviving in the wild. Pigeons (or rock doves, Columba livia) had not been mentioned by any other visitor to the island; presumably these were brought by the colonists as a food source and had escaped and now increased in number. Because of the rough living conditions and the large number of hardened criminals, a revolt developed in San Juan Bautista on 20 December 1831. Taking part in this exercise were 104 prisoners and also 13 soldiers, all led by Captain Domingo Tenorio, who had distinguished himself during a battle at Lircay in 1830 (Woodward 1969). The rebels seized a Connecticut whaling ship, the Annawan, which had innocently come into Bahía Cumberland, and they sailed away for the continent to eventual

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negative consequences. This left a much smaller community of soldiers, prisoners, and settlers on Robinson Crusoe Island. A very important visitor to the Juan Fernández Archipelago was the Frenchman Claudio Gay (Fig. 9.6). He arrived from Paris on 8 December 1828 (Fuenzalida 1944) as a professor in a new secondary school in Chile called the Colegio de Santiago (Vicuña Mackenna 1874). In addition to teaching, his passion was exploring and publishing on the natural history of this New World country, and he was contracted by the Chilean government toward achieving those objectives (Yáñez 1944). He travelled to many parts of Chile making observations and collections of plants, animals, and geological samples, depositing many of these in the newly formed Museo Nacional de Historia Natural in Santiago (Fuenzalida 1944). While in Valparaíso, Gay learned that the ship Colo-Colo was preparing to sail to Robinson Crusoe Island. Accordingly, he petitioned the government to be allowed to obtain passage to the island, so that he could make observations and collections. Permission was granted, and he sailed from Valparaíso on 31 January 1832, arriving in the island on 2 February. Gay (1832) made many observations on specific plants, including Drimys fernandeziana (D. confertifolia), an arborescent Urtica called manzano silvestre (Boehmeria excelsa), mayo (Sophora fernandeziana), Campanula (Wahlenbergia sp.), Zanthoxylon (Zanthoxylum mayu), Bromelia (Ochagavia elegans), two species of pimienta (referring probably to the variation in Nothomyrcia Fig. 9.6 Claudio Gay

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fernandeziana), and also the resina (Robinsonia spp.). He also mentioned the abundance of ferns, which were very numerous and varied. He added special emphasis to his comments on the five or six species of “Chicoreáceas” [Dendroseris spp.], which were also mentioned by Bertero, but still not yet classified scientifically. This genus was first described formally later in the year by David Don (during May, 1832). In addition to observations on the native and endemic flora, Gay (1832) pointed to the abundance of introduced plants. He mentioned Cestrum vespertianum [sic, vespertinum; probably Cestrum parqui, a common weed; Matthei 1995], Malva prostrata, Ammi visnaga, Physalis peruviana, and even peaches as being common. Gay (1832: 129) offered a perspective on introduced plants, such as the “rábano” (radish; Rhaphanus sativus), which he said had declared war (“la guerra”) against the indigenous plants, by attempting to invade the entire island. It covered large areas, and was also introduced into the forests, as well as reaching into the high mountains. The tradition of voyagers sowing seeds of medicinal and antiscorbutic plants on islands was probably one of the reasons for the establishment of some of these exotics. After nearly 250 years of human traffic in this island, therefore, the spread of introduced species was well documented. As for introduced animals, Gay (1832: 129) commented that the feral cattle and pigs were apparently scarce, but that rats, dogs, and goats were abundant. The goats circulated in small groups and inhabited very inaccessible places on the island, safe from the dogs and most people. After working in the island, Gay returned to Valparaíso and prepared for a long voyage back to France. During this time of preparation, he quickly wrote a report on his experiences in Robinson Crusoe Island (Gay 1832) for the journal El Araucano, which appeared on 3 March. Gay packed up many of his specimens from Juan Fernández, in addition to others he had collected throughout the country, and sailed back to Europe and Paris on 14 March. With these materials, he began to write up his detailed observations and descriptions. On 13 May 1834 he returned to Chile for more observations and collections, this time until 1842, finally returning to Paris where he remained. He was given Chilean citizenship on 29 December 1841 (Muñoz Pizarro 1944). His major accomplishment was publication of the monumental Historia Física y Política de Chile of which eight volumes comprised the Flora Chilena published from 1845–1854. A very useful contribution in context of this present book was the publication of the first accurate map of Robinson Crusoe Island (1854; Fig. 8.5), which had been drafted under orders of the former governor of the island, Fernando Amador de Amaya in 1795. This map showed the six watch stations (“Vigías”) that the Spanish established around the island, one at Puerto Inglés, one at the Pangal just south of Bahía Cumberland, one at Puerto Francés, and three on the back (western) side of the island. The map also showed only 10 houses in San Juan Bautista. As a complement to his written descriptions of Robinson Crusoe Island, Gay (1854) also published a plate showing the appearance of the area in 1832 around Bahía Cumberland, i.e., the region of San Juan Bautista (Fig. 9.7). Much can be interpreted by a careful examination of this plate. The drawing seems quite accurate, in the sense that the major mountain peaks are well delimited and in proper relationship to each other. For orientation, we can see the caves of the patriots that had been carved into the side of the central slope, and just to the right of these are the remains of the Fort Santa

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Fig. 9.7 View of San Juan Bautista in 1832. From Gay (1854)

Bárbara. Approximately twelve buildings are visible, most appearing as houses, and about 20 people are on shore with four arriving in a small boat. Three cattle can be observed on the left side of the painting. The village at this time, therefore, was very small with few people, a remnant of the fuller contingent left after the rebellion at the end of December 1831. The penal colony had been greatly reduced, and only few settlers remained. Notable is the absence of vegetation in the area surrounding the village, mostly denuded from the shore up the central ridge (Cordón Central). This drawing clearly shows the extent of forest cutting up to this time, but isolated plants of the endemic palm Juania australis can be seen on the highest ridges. This drawing serves as a useful contrast to that published by Anson et al. (1748; Fig. 7.14), some 90 years earlier, when trees were abundant almost to the coast of Cumberland Bay. It is likely that the real pressure on timber resources came from the village when it had several hundred persons living there at the beginning of the eighteenth century.

9.3 Island Developments and Other Visitors After Gay’s visit, a number of changes took place in administration of Robinson Crusoe Island. In February of 1832 the Chilean government renewed its efforts to develop the penal colony and also provided additional soldiers to keep order. Joaquín Larraín moved to the island in April or May, and he provided effective leadership, perhaps the best that the island had known to this point (Woodward 1969). By June

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of 1832 the number of prisoners were about 300, plus more than 100 soldiers; at least 200 women were now present. The contractor Joaquín Larraín returned to Valparaíso in 1833 and was stabbed to death in a street altercation. In his place the government named Antonio Hurtado as the new governor of the island, but he proved incompetent and was removed after only a few months (Woodward 1969). Colonel Francisco de Paula Latappiat was selected as the new governor and he arrived at the end of 1833. He was a disciplinarian and dispensed harsh justice for the community of San Juan Bautista, so much so that another revolt developed on 22 February 1834. A number of the rebels captured an unsuspecting ship, the Estrella, which had just entered Bahía Cumberland. They sailed off toward the Chilean continent, but most of the rebels were eventually captured. Latappiat resumed control of the island, but due to his harsh leadership of the community, he was removed by Chilean authorities by 18 September 1834. A new governor was appointed, the Englishman Thomas Sutcliffe. Sutcliffe did all he could to avoid being placed in command of the island, but to no avail. Because he was in Chilean military service, he was ordered to report to the island, and he finally did so on 25 November 1834. At this same time, another visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was Richard Henry Dana, Jr., best known for his book Two Years before the Mast published in 1840. This book chronicled his voyage on the ship Pilgrim that sailed from Boston on 14 August 1834, passing around Cape Horn, and finally arriving on the western coast of North America; he arrived back in Boston on 22 September of 1836 aboard a different ship, the Alert. Dana came from a well-off family and had enrolled as a student at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. When in his third year an attack of measles caused his eyes to become weakened, it was decided that he should undertake other activities to allow his eyes to recover, and he signed on as a member of the ship’s crew at age 19. He was not a typical rough seaman, but an educated person who kept a detailed diary of his voyage filled with impressions of life at sea and much honest reactions as he learned of the life of a merchant seaman. After returning to Boston, he re-enrolled at Harvard and completed his law degree, often taking on cases to defend unjustly treated seamen or other individuals (Adams 1890). Dana arrived at Robinson Crusoe Island on 25 November 1834, dropping anchor at midnight in Bahía Cumberland. On the next day the crew went ashore to obtain fresh water, and Dana found that at one point he had two hours without specific tasks. During this time he learned that the new governor of the island was “an Englishman,” that is, Thomas Sutcliffe, and that the Chilean government had returned to using the island as a penal colony for the past two years. Dana commented (1840: 33) on seeing edible plants in abundance, such as “Ground apples [Smallanthus sonchifolius, with tuberous roots], melons, grapes, strawberries of an enormous size, and cherries.” He was also given a block of sandalwood as a present, learning that (p. 34): “it grew on the hills in the center of the island,” but this wood specimen was lost upon his arrival home. He made no comments about domestic or feral animals. He did mention that there were about a hundred “huts or cottages” made of mud or unburned clay and whitewashed, plus the governor’s house, a chapel, and the presidio (barracks). There

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Fig. 9.8 Illustrations of the submarine explosion in Bahía Cumberland and accompanying tidal wave that occurred on 25 Feb 1835. a Arrival of tidal wave to San Juan Bautista. b Submarine explosion at night from near El Pangal on the southeastern side of the bay. From Sutcliffe (1839: frontispiece and between pp. 6 and 7)

were convicts once again on the island, which were being housed in the previously constructed caves. The Pilgrim departed the island at night on 26 November after only one day in the Bay. Dana’s overall impression of the island was very favorable, writing (p. 36): “I gave a parting look and bade farewell to the most romantic spot of earth that my eyes had ever seen.” Upon assuming command of Robinson Crusoe Island on 24 November 1834, Sutcliffe prepared a report that detailed the conditions upon his arrival. Sutcliffe saw “many seals on the shore” (Woodward 1969: 160) but no sea lions. Many wild dogs roamed over the island. Only three months after arriving in the island, an earthquake and nearby submarine volcanic explosion occurred on 20 February 1835 (Sutcliffe 1839), followed by a tidal wave, which caused most of the structures of the village to be destroyed. By taking quick action and heading toward higher ground, people were spared, and no fatalities resulted. Sutcliffe, in fact, published a detailed account of this event in 1839, including two views of the offshore explosion and tidal wave (Fig. 9.8). The sad circumstance of the destructive tidal wave gave Sutcliffe the opportunity to take charge of the community, and he plunged into rebuilding activities with great vigor. He supervised construction of a wharf, a barracks for the soldiers, and a chapel. A new school was constructed along with workshops and a corral for the cattle (Woodward 1969). At this time there were 229 prisoners, with 14 kept at Puerto Francés for cutting and gathering grasses for roofing, and 15 were stationed in Puerto Inglés for cutting trees for lumber and firewood (Woodward 1969: 162). In addition, 37 prisoners were capturing lobsters and four were killing seals. These activities attracted the attention of passing ships, and the village became more prosperous. Figure 9.9, taken from his book of 1839, shows a tidy village with more than 20 houses, and three large buildings, one bearing a flag, presumably the presidio. Two points are notable from this drawing. The first is the large number of fence rows, presumably representing fields for domesticated animals and/or cultivated plants. This included nearly the entire area of the village plus extending to the foothills of the major peaks. In the center is Cordón Central, and it appears without vegetation.

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Fig. 9.9 Drawing of Cumberland Bay and San Juan Bautista with surrounding peaks. From Sutcliffe (1839: between pp. 6 and 7)

The south slope of Salsipuedes (to the right) and the northern slope of Damajuana (to the left) also seem devoid of trees. Some regions do have major vegetation on them, especially on the middle slopes, but it is unclear exactly how precise the drawing might be. In any event, it is very likely that the village had become extended to a large area, and that the forest resources in the surrounding area had, indeed, been reduced over the previous years. This drawing is not terribly different from that by Gay in 1832 (published in 1854; Fig. 9.7), except for the numerous farms and fences. Further perspectives on the vegetation can be inferred from two more figures from Sutcliffe. In his 1839 book, he provided a small-scale map of the coastline surrounding San Juan Bautista and Cumberland Bay (Fig. 9.10). On the left side of the map can be seen forested regions down nearly to the coast. The same can be seen on the right side adjacent Puerto Inglés (“English Bay”). The right side of the village shows 14 houses and the garrison with two large and two small buildings in orderly fashion similar to what is shown in Fig. 9.9, and another set of 16 houses in what is called “Anson’s Dale.” The vegetational symbols in the village area are smaller than those to the sides, which may indicate that they represent cultivated trees. There also appear to be 14 small buildings (probably also houses) in Puerto Inglés (“Selkirk’s Dale”), perhaps to house the men cutting trees there. In his 1843 book, Sutcliffe also includes a map of Robinson Crusoe Island (Fig. 9.11), which is quite accurate in its general features. San Juan Bautista is referred to as “Kay’s Town,” although it is unclear why this was done. John Kay, who invented the flying shuttle for weaving, was Sutcliffe’s great-grandfather (Wikipedia) and was lauded by Sutcliffe in his 1843 book (pp. 11–15). Notice that the map also shows a “Presidio”

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Fig. 9.10 Map of shoreline on the northeastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island. From Sutcliffe (1939: between pp. 6 and 7)

Fig. 9.11 Map of Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands. The latter at this time (as Goat Island) contained an area for convicts (the “Presidio”). From Sutcliffe (1843: opposite start of Chap. 1)

on Santa Clara (“Goat”) Island, which suggests that some prisoners might have been held there. The progress of rebuilding achieved by Sutcliffe came at a cost and fomented resentment from the soldiers and prisoners. They were overworked, many holidays were eliminated, and food rations were reduced for the prisoners. When the military commander in the island, Captain Nicolás Saldes and Sutcliffe had a falling out, trouble once again brewed. On 1 August 1835 a rebellion ensued, led by the prisoners Juan Lillo Robles and José María Candía. Capt. Saldes and other officers supported

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Sutcliffe and managed to contain the rebels, with four of them being executed. But on 8 August, Saldes himself promoted a mutiny against Sutcliffe and took him prisoner in his own house, where he remained until being sent to the mainland in early September. Sutcliffe was acquitted of wrongdoing and continued working for the Chilean government in a military capacity until returning to England in 1839. After arriving in England, among other activities Sutcliffe dedicated himself to writing up his experiences in Peru, Chile, and in the Juan Fernández Islands. His first publication (1839) was a small book of 32 pages, dealing with his account of the earthquake of 20 February 1835 (nine pages) and then his justification for his actions as Governor of the island in the face of the rebellion (23 pages). This was followed by his much larger book (1841) recounting his experiences in Peru and Chile from 1822 to 1839. He provided another defense of his behavior in the island in this book, but this was only about ten pages of a total of 563. Perhaps to continue to justify his actions in the island, Sutcliffe published another book in 1843, this time with the title “Crusoniana: or, Truth versus Fiction, Elucidated in a History of the Islands ….” This was an elaborate and detailed history of the archipelago, distilled from numerous historical documents, and in that sense, it provided a useful overview of events and observations, but it has now been superseded by the excellent recent history by Woodward (1969). Sutcliffe’s book also contained testimonials regarding his character, etc., and also lists of subscribers and reviews of his other books. In November of 1835, a new governor, Capt. Manuel Tomás Martínez, arrived to Robinson Crusoe Island along with additional political prisoners, despite the growing impatience with high costs and poor record of success of the penal colony. Martínez kept order and explored the island carefully, in the process developing the sandalwood industry, the wood of which was in demand from visiting ships. He charged about one dollar (U.S.) for about 100 pounds of the fragrant wood, which could then be resold in American and European markets for 10–20 dollars (Woodward 1969: 169). Twothirds of the money from the initial sales in the island was kept by Martínez and onethird was distributed to the prisoners and soldiers who had done the harvesting. This activity doubtless resulted in a substantial reduction of the remaining populations of this endemic tree. In 1837 another penal colony was established on Alejandro Selkirk Island, with the prisoners just being dropped off and left to their own means of survival. Many of these escaped by signing on with ships that came to the island (Woodward 1969: 169), and their impact on the vegetation would have been minimal. At the beginning of November 1837, Andrés Campos took over as governor of the islands (Woodward 1969). Shortly after he took charge, three ships appeared in Cumberland Bay on 14 November 1837, which were war vessels from the PeruvianBolivian Confederation, now at war with Chile. Because the Chileans were vastly overwhelmed, Campos surrendered the village and garrison. Some of the soldiers of the garrison took to the hills and harassed the Peruvians, but of little consequence. All of the prisoners were set free and allowed to board one of the Peruvian ships that was headed for more skirmishes along the Chilean coast. As they departed, they burned much of San Juan Bautista. A few days later, an American whaling ship also came into Cumberland Bay, and the remaining settlers and soldiers elected to leave the island and return to Valparaíso. At this point virtually no inhabitants remained

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on the island, and this remained the condition until 1842, the village in complete ruins. That this was indeed the case was reported by the French Capt. Jules S.-C. Dumont D’Urville, who sailed close to Cumberland Bay in the Astrolabe on 3 June 1838 (Rosenman 1992: 137, 138). During 1842 another sailor, Archibald Osborne, left his whaling ship and took up residence on Robinson Crusoe Island. In the initial months of 1843, a young English boy “Johnny” also came to the island and lived together with Osborne in one of the caves of the patriots, essentially creating again a Robinson Crusoe-type pair. This quiet existence was interrupted, however, when the Maurelio family returned to the island from Talcahuano, Chile. As chronicled carefully by Woodward (1969: pp. 176–180), Francisco Javier Maurelio, who was born in the island in 1775 during the Spanish colonial period, returned to Robinson Crusoe Island in March of 1843. He came with his family and servants, a total of eleven people. Initially the Maurelios and Osborne and Johnny lived peacefully together. Soon thereafter, however, a North American whaling vessel stopped in the harbor and four seaman elected to stay and live with Osborne and Johnny, which they then did in one of the caves of the patriots. This English-speaking enclave created distance from the Spanish-speaking Maurelios, and the existence of the three Maurelio daughters attracted attention from the sailors. Furthermore, the seaman had brought arms with them from the ship, and the Maurelio family had none, all of which created consternation within the family. Eventually the Maurelios took action and attacked the seamen, confiscating their arms and wounding Osborne. He was subsequently executed, but the matter was investigated by the Chilean government and the Maurelios were removed from the island in October of 1843. The father was sent to jail for five years as punishment. The seamen also departed on another visiting ship, once more leaving the island bereft of inhabitants. An important visitor to Alejandro Selkirk Island was the Argentinian Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who visited the island on 4 November of 1845 aboard the Enriqueta (Sarmiento 1849: 12). Sarmiento was an educator and intellectual who had already established himself professionally. He fled Argentina after publishing pieces critical of the dictator Juan Manuel Rosas, which led him to Santiago. There he advised the government on educational reforms but also continued to publish critical pieces on Rosas, which began to complicate the relationship between Chile and Argentina. To defuse the situation, Chilean President Manuel Montt suggested that Sarmiento take a trip to other continents to study their educational systems and report back to Chile, a trip that lasted two and one-half years, and which included the United States (Rockland 1970). After departing from Valparaíso on the Enriqueta, the ship was carried westward to Alejandro Selkirk Island, and Sarmiento sailed around the island as well as being able to go ashore for a brief period of only a day. Sarmiento made many interesting observations regarding Alejandro Selkirk Island. He arrived to the island with two other companions from the Enriqueta and they encountered four men speaking English living at the mouth of Quebrada Casas, three adults and one youth of 18 years of age. One of the men, “Willams” (probably William Bonaparte; Fernández 1993: 635), was from Kentucky in the U.S.A., and the others many have also been North American, although this is uncertain. Sarmiento

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was impressed by the resourcefulness and hospitality of these men, as well as the natural beauty of the island. They spent one day climbing up to the high regions of the island (probably over 1200 m), and Sarmiento made observations on the natural history on this trip. His descriptions are literary rather than scientific, with a rich vocabulary, but his observations appear authentic. Sarmiento (1849: 22) mentioned the trees, being straight and solid, and useful for construction, being also inexhaustible in quantity. The most common tree now is Myrceugenia schulzei, but Drimys confertifolia also occurs scattered, probably at that time more common than today. The idea that such trees could easily be obtained from the slopes indicates that trees were still present along these areas. Some were decaying, which when growing on inclined places, they easily fell down to the coast. More significant are Sarmiento’s observations on the grassy areas (“praderías deliciosas;” 1849: 20), which are still abundant today, although now mostly consisting of introduced species (Greimler et al. 2013). He added further (p. 22) that the richness of this island consisted of the abundant grasses that held the rainwater, which daily came from the clouds that covered the mountain peaks. Because of the abundance of grasses, he opined that the land would be suitable for pigs and sheep, as well as horses and cattle, to the extent that 10–20 families might be able to live here. The comments of Sarmiento on the plants of Alejandro Selkirk Island were of a non-scientific type, not at all with the precision of Bertero or Gay, but they did give some indication of the plants growing there at this time. He mentioned (1849: 19) the small forests of the “palma arbusto,” which probably referred to the endemic tree fern Dicksonia externa. As for domesticated plants, the North Americans were resourceful and cultivated some plants for nourishment during the 26 months of their stay in the island (1849: 23, 24), such as potatoes, corn, and squash. There were also peaches, capulíes (Prunus salicifolia), and a plant that has an agreeable juice in the leaf petiole (“stem”) that can also be eaten (probably the endemic Gunnera masafuerae). Regarding the animals on Alejandro Selkirk island, Sarmiento commented on the thousands of feral goats (1849: 15, 19). When climbing up the hills, he saw hundreds of goats on the tops of several peaks and heard more of them bleating. Later he observed in different locations in the high regions one hundred herds of goats grazing. Down where the men lived in makeshift houses, Sarmiento commented on chickens, a pair of turkeys, and some dogs. He also mentioned domesticated cats and foxes (p. 23), the latter of which has never been reported by any other traveler on either island. Turkeys, likewise, are unusual reports. To earn money from passing ships, the four men had accumulated skins from 500 goats, 100 of fox (?) and cats, and some of the fur seals. Another visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was Lieut. Frederick Walpole in the English ship Collingwood between 1844 and 1848. Although Walpole published in 1849 two volumes of this voyage in the Pacific region, no date can be found from these volumes as to exactly in what year he was in the Juan Fernández archipelago. Based on his route, it was probably during early 1846, but that is a guess. He was there “in the middle of summer” (p. 363), which would mean probably January or February. Walpole’s account focused more on general aspects of the landscape and

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people and their interactions, which gave some idea of the conditions in and around San Juan Bautista. Walpole found only one Chilean family living on the island. He described the situation as follows (1849: 370): “The present settlement consists of two or three miserable ranchos, occupied by an old man and his wife; their eldest daughter married to a man who lived in the adjoining hut (a fine specimen of the Chilian peasant), and a marriageable daughter, very cross and ugly, who lived with the old people; there were also two younger sons, and some small fry. Besides these, there was an American sailor [William Pearce, fide Woodward 1969: 181], left by some ship for reasons probably not creditable enough to be related truly. I tried to persuade him to marry the maiden of the island, but he seemed not willing to take my advice. He expressed himself contented with his lot, and said he made money by selling fire-wood and goat’s flesh to the whalers and guiding them on their shooting excursions.” Firewood was used to fire the stoves in the galleys of the sailing ships. The settlers belonged to the Maurelio family, who went to Valparaíso in 1843 and returned to the island in late 1846 (Woodward 1969: 181). Walpole (1849: 365, 366, 373) offered some comments on plants in the vegetation. He wrote that: “The woods were mostly free from underwood,” which illustrated once again that large invasive plants, such as Rubus ulmifolius and Aristotelia chilensis had not yet been introduced to the island; they now occupy many of these areas in the forest (Greimler et al. 2002a). He mentioned many “cabbage-palms,” cherry trees, a plant with a “large blue pendant blossom” (Rhaphithamnus venustus), and a tree with “white, pearl-like flowers” (Drimys confertifolia, perhaps referring to the buds). As for sandalwood “a large log had been shown me,” but he was skeptical, thinking also that it might have come from elsewhere, perhaps arriving with a shipwreck to the island. As for domesticated plants, Walpole (1849: 365, 366) mentioned wild oats, radishes, nasturtiums, strawberries, and Cape gooseberries. He also saw figs, poplars, thyme, mint, and rhubarb. The latter referred to the endemic Gunnera peltata. The internal tissues of the leaf stalk (petiole) in species of this genus are edible and even today are sold in the markets of the Chilean continent. As for the animals, Walpole (1849) commented (pp. 366–375): “For such a small spot, Juan Fernandez has many animals; goats were plentiful, and as we came in, flocks of from four to twenty were seen grazing on every height …. The small island of Santa Clara, or Goat’s Island, is very full of them, and there they are more easily approached.” Walpole also mentioned many wild horses and also “herds of asses.” They saw no dogs, but the villagers said they were numerous, and there were also large feral cats. The settlers told him about “fowls and ducks, and some tame goats.” Rats were abundant. Birds were not common; he described only attractive hummingbirds plus “a thrush, and some large white birds.” As for the marine animals, Walpole was impressed by the abundant fish and lobsters (“crawfish”), and the conger eels were “almost as numerous as the crawfish.” Fur seals and elephant seals were scarce and only now found on the western side of the island.

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9.4 California Gold Rush Although the village of San Juan Bautista on Robinson Crusoe Island was now in a state of disrepair, being inhabited by only a few settlers, this situation was about to change due to the California Gold Rush from 1848 to 1855. Chilean miners were among the first workers to seek gold in California (Monaghan 1973), but these were supplanted in short order by the American 49ers, many originating from the eastern part of the continent. Prior to 1859, U.S. citizens travelling from the eastern coast either did so overland on the Gila or California Trails, by land across México or Panamá, or by ship around Cape Horn. When the Panama Railway opened in 1855 and the first transcontinental railroad was built in 1869 across the U.S.A., these opened up much easier transportation alternatives, and the shipping routes greatly diminished. As had been the case with around-the-world travelers, Robinson Crusoe Island had always been important as a stopping place to rest, recuperate, and repair ships before heading further into the Pacific. With the California Gold Rush, the island once again became important for those same reasons, and considerable traffic developed from Cape Horn to California, as well as back again. Most of these stops were of only a few days, but it provided a break in the hard travel and allowed fresh water, wood, and fresh vegetables and meat to be brought aboard. Most of the maritime traffic to the California gold fields, with stops at Robinson Crusoe Island, occurred between 1848 and 1850 (Woodward 1969: 190). Lewis (1949: 150) records that approximately 50 ships stopped in the island during 1849 and 1850. One of the Gold Rush 49ers to visit Robinson Crusoe Island was J. Ross Browne (Fig. 9.12) who visited 19–26 May of 1849 aboard the ship Anteus under command of Capt. Brooks. Browne was an interesting person who carved out a successful diverse career as a traveler, adventurer, entrepreneur, writer, humorist, essayist, and government official (Dillon 1965; Goodman 1966). His government job lasted from 1853 to 1859, beginning as a “confidential agent” (Dillon 1965) for the U.S. Treasury. He was assigned the task of examining possible misdeeds of government officials in newly acquired regions of Minnesota, Texas, California, Oregon and Washington. For a brief period in 1868–69, he was appointed by President Andrew Jackson as minister to China (Goodman 1966). Browne was a prolific writer, authoring 11 books and numerous articles for periodicals of literary and popular orientation (see extensive list in Goodman 1966, pp. 299–306). As for chronicling his visit to Robinson Crusoe Island, Browne first published his impressions in three issues of Harper’s Monthly in 1853a (February, March, and April) and one in Putnam’s Monthly (1853b, dealing mainly with Defoe and the novel). The commentaries from Harper’s Monthly were subsequently pulled together and published in book form as Crusoe’s Island (1867) with the exact same text. A few subheadings differ, and he added a few new illustrations, but the information regarding the island is the same. Browne also wrote a letter to his wife, Lucy, dated 16 May 1849 (pp. 106–112 in Browne 1969), which he doubtless began upon arriving near Juan Fernández and then elaborated more fully after departure. Some

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Fig. 9.12 J. Ross Browne

of this material was repeated in his articles in the Harper’s Monthly. The information (and pagination) offered here on the landscape and vegetation comes from the articles of February and March of 1853a. Browne provided an enormous amount of detail regarding Robinson Crusoe Island, despite that he was on the island only a few days. This included descriptions and comments regarding the people living on the island as well as on the natural setting. He did so, however, with lots of dialogue, which makes it fun to read, but one begins to wonder what is really factual and what is imagined as a mechanism for entertaining the reader. As Woodward (1969: 190) concluded: “Most of his narrative is composed of his adventures on the island and of an extremely imaginative and inaccurate version of its history.” Nonetheless, it is worthwhile looking carefully at his descriptions and attempting to sort out meaningful observations that deal with the vegetation. Most of his comments dealt with Valle Inglés rather than the area around San Juan Bautista, which makes them especially valuable. Shortly after arriving in San Juan Bautista, he and other companions rowed in a small boat to Puerto Inglés, which is only a short distance westward from Cumberland Bay. Their objective was to visit Selkirk’s cave, which is conveniently near the shore. Whether or not Selkirk actually used this cave is uncertain, but it is so regarded for touristic purposes even to this day. Browne found sixteen persons living in San Juan Bautista (Browne 1853a: 307), which consisted of the American William Pearce, and 4–5 Chilean families. These were housed in 6–7 huts constructed of wild-oats (probably Avena barbata) interwoven between long sticks. A similar construction was used for the roofs. To each of

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these cottages were attached primitive stone walls combined with brush, and there were shrubs and vines rambling around the structures. Regarding the general landscape in the vicinity of the village, Browne (1853a: 305) commented on the sides of the mountains being covered “…with patches of rich grass, natural fields of oats [Avena barbata], and groves of myrtle and pimento.” This is a little confusing in that the common names of myrtle and pimento both can be applied to the same species, Nothomyrcia fernandeziana. In any event, it suggests that the sides of the peaks had considerable numbers of this tree species. He emphasized (p. 308) that “The grass and wild oats grow in wonderful luxuriance in all the open spaces, and require little attention.” As for native and domesticated species of plants, Browne mentioned (1853a: 308) the existence of the native sandalwood, myrtle, and pimento, as well as “corkwood.” True corkwood refers to any of the four species of Duboisia of the Solanaceae, known only from Australia and New Caledonia. It is unclear what Browne is calling corkwood here because Duboisia is unknown from the island. As for the domesticated plants, Browne mentioned (p. 308) beets, cabbages, figs, onions, potatoes, radishes, turnips, and vines (grapes). He also opined (p. 308) that: “Many of the valleys abound in natural orchards [especially peaches], which have sprung from the seeds planted there by the early voyagers, especially by Lord Anson.” As for animals, Browne commented (1853a: 308, 309) on the cattle, goats, horses and other animals that were seen during his visit to the island. “Herds of wild cattle now roam over these beautiful valleys; fine horses may be seen prancing about in gangs, with all the freedom of the mustang; goats in numerous flocks abound among the cliffs; pigeons and other game are abundant; and wild dogs are continually prowling around the settlement.” In Valle Inglés, Browne also saw (p. 474) wild horses and herds of goats, plus “birds of bright and beautiful plumage.” Regarding marine animals (1853a: 309): “Boatloads of the finest cod, rock-fish, cullet, lobsters, and lamprey-eels, can be caught in a few hours all around the shores of Cumberland Bay, and doubtless as plentifully in the other bays.” Even more interesting are the observations that Browne made concerning fire. He met a contingent of about 20 rough Californians (49ers) around Selkirk’s Cave in Valle Inglés, and it appears that they deliberately set fire to the dry grass nearby, which then engulfed the entire valley. It is quite likely that these dry grasses could easily catch fire, and that the valley might have been burned throughout, at least at the lower elevations. Dr. Jacob David Babcock Stillman also visited Robinson Crusoe Island on the same ship, Anteus, as Ross Browne. They arrived near the island on 19 May 1849, but Stillman remained on the ship until final departure on 26 May (Stillman 1877: 94). Some of Stillman’s observations could only have been obtained from Browne and others who were actually on shore, but others could have resulted from views from the ship. In particular, Stillman could have made some observations from the ship on Santa Clara Island when they first arrived on its southern side (1877: 97): “The smaller island is only inhabited by goats, and these are in great numbers. It has no harbor, but many acres of table land, covered with a rank growth of wild oats and other grass.” At this stage, Santa Clara Island was full of goats, which would

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have been eating nearly all the native or endemic plants on the island. In fact, at the present time, few endemics exist on the island, the conspicuous exception being on the isolated rock nearby, Morro Spartan, which does house natives and endemics, including Chenopodium sanctae-clarae, known only from this location (Stuessy et al. 2018b). Another of the first 49ers to visit Robinson Crusoe Island was Richard L. Hale from Newbury, Massachusetts. He sailed as a passenger on the ship General Worth, under Capt. Samuel Walton, leaving Newburyport, Massachusetts, on 28 November 1849. He kept a journal of this voyage, which was edited and published in 1923 by his daughter Carolyn Hale Russ. After the usual difficult passage around Cape Horn, they sailed into the Pacific and arrived at Robinson Crusoe Island on 7 March 1850. Hale provided a chatty commentary of his impressions upon going ashore to San Juan Bautista (1923: 49): “There are but eleven inhabitants on the island, all nativeborn Chilians but one, and he is the harbor pilot—a smart-looking state of Main man, with a Chilian wife.” This was probably William Pearce. There were some cottages being occupied by the villagers, and these were made of “straw” woven up the sides, and the roof consisted of palm leaves (i.e., Juania australis); each house had one or two rooms. In his rambles up the hills, Hale and friends found a cabbage palm (Juania) and cut it down for sport, but no mention was made of the abundance of the species. Hale was particularly taken, as were many other travelers, by the abundance of domesticated fruit plants (1923: 48). “Behind the mountains are large, fertile valleys, where grow delicious fruits—pears, peaches, plums, figs, apricots, cherries, strawberries, and others,—all growing wild, in great abundance, with no one to harvest them.” He was especially impressed with the size and abundance of the peaches (pp. 52, 53). When the ship left Juan Fernández on 9 March, they had stored fifty bushels on board. Still another New England visitor during the gold rush days was Ezekiel I. Barra, but rather than being a typical 49er, he was a member of the crew of the ship Urania under the command of Capt. Buckland. His account of this visit was recorded in his book of 1893 that chronicles his visit to Robinson Crusoe Island during 16–21 March 1850. Barra with three other crew members, plus the chief mate and two passengers, rowed into Cumberland Bay and made shore on 16 March 1850. They saw three small houses “inland” with smoke coming from one of them. Two persons approached Barra and associates: one was a New England whaler, who had elected to stay on the island from a previous ship to recover from scurvy, and the other was the new governor of the island, Eusebio Domingo de Echandea. The governor was there on the island with his family, and this, plus the North American, were the only inhabitants of the island at this time. Barra’s account of the flora and fauna is not very detailed. He mentioned only a few plants in and around San Juan Bautista (1893: 171), especially peaches, quinces, and wild oats. Regarding terrestrial animals, he commented (1893: 172) on: “wild horses, cattle, hogs, goats and dogs.” Barra and party went goat hunting, but the animals were in very inaccessible locations, and if shot, they fell down the cliffs and could not be recovered easily. The impression is given that although goats were

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present, they were not in large numbers and were certainly difficult to hunt. The members of the party who went fishing, however, had great success. After the California Gold Rush diminished in intensity in 1850, and also due to the new transcontinental route of the Panama Railway that opened in 1855, traffic to the Juan Fernández Islands dropped considerably. In 1851 the Chilean government granted a concession to the Soruco Brothers Company for development of Robinson Crusoe Island, including reestablishment of the penal colony. An employee of the company, Juan Antonio Soto, was designated in charge of this project, and he arrived in April of that year with full authority and with the title of subdelegate (Woodward 1969). Livestock and cultivated plants were added for sustainability, which was especially important for maintaining the 120 mostly political prisoners now on the island. Due to conflict among prisoners and general discontent, problems continued until March 1854, at which time the penal colony project on this island was finally abandoned for good (Woodward 1969). The Soruco Company continued to attempt to develop the island, and late in 1854 named an Englishman, Charles Potts, as the subdelegate. At this time 25–30 families were living in San Juan Bautista. Potts left in 1856 and eventually the supervisor of the Soruco project, José Correa, assumed the position of subdelegate himself. The community continued peacefully and survived modestly by selling goat skins, lobsters, dried fish, some sandalwood and chonta, plus a few fur seal skins. This tranquility lasted until 1861 until more unrest led to the government to cancel the contract with the Soruco Brothers Company.

9.5 Philippi During this Early Botanical Period, Rodulfo Amando Philippi (Fig. 9.13) was one of the major contributors to the understanding of the Chilean flora after Claudio Gay. As a natural historian, Philippi made precise observations on the flora of Robinson Crusoe Island but provided much less on human activities. Philippi was born in Charlottenburg near Berlin in 1808. Due to political disturbances in Germany, he followed his brother (Bernardo Eunom) to Chile as an immigrant, arriving 4 December 1851 to Valparaíso. He was soon appointed in 1853 as the Director of the Museo de Historia Natural in Santiago. Philippi’s most noteworthy expedition in Chile was to the Atacama desert in 1853 (Philippi 1860a, b; Muñoz-Schick 2008), but he collected in many other areas of the country as well (Gotschlich 1904). In 1854 Philippi, as director of the Museum, arranged for Filiberto Germain, ornithologist and entomologist and subdirector of the Museum (Porter 1913), to visit the Juan Fernández Archipelago at the end of October 1854, apparently collecting from both major islands. Based on these collections and undoubtedly information passed on by Germain, Philippi wrote up observations and published them in Spanish (May, 1856a) and also in German (September, 1856b). Regarding general aspects of the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island, Philippi commented (1856a: 158) that the western part was relatively low, flat, dry, and without trees, whereas the eastern part, especially the northern slopes, was completely

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Fig. 9.13 Rodulfo Amando Philippi

covered by shady and green forests, within which the elegant palm (Juania australis) was also found. That the low western part of the island was dry and without trees had been mentioned by all previous visitors since the island was discovered in the sixteenth century. Philippi (1856a) provided a remarkably comprehensive list of 139 plants distributed into 42 families. There were 36 species of ferns (27.3%), and the largest families were the Asteraceae (22 species or 16%) and Gramineae (10 species or 7%). He commented on the high number of insular species that were trees or shrubs, about 36% of the listed flora, which is now known as a characteristic typical of oceanic island floras (Carlquist 1974), often in families or genera that are typically herbaceous in the continent (e.g., Robinsonia in Asteraceae, Eryngium in Umbelliferae). He was particularly struck by differences in the island flora from that of the Chilean continent, especially the difference in abundance of different families, such as Leguminosae being common in the continent but relatively scarce in the island. This is the “disharmonic” nature of insular floras (Carlquist 1974; König et al. 2019; Taylor et al. 2019); these develop opportunistically from species that successfully disperse there and become established, and the vegetation that results often has a very different appearance from continental source areas. Philippi did not include the introduced domesticated plants in his list, but he commented (1856a: 160) on the occurrence of apricots, cherries, figs, peaches, and plums, plus lemon balm, radishes and turnips that had multiplied to such an extent

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that they could now be considered indigenous. At this point some of the adventives had become well established in the island. He also indicated weedy species that were common not only in the island but also in continental Chile, such as Aira caryophyllea, Galinsoga parviflora, Rumex acetosella, etc. Philippi (1856a) discussed at some considerable length the existence and relationships of the sandalwood on Robinson Crusoe Island. He was quite frank in admitting that he was uncertain what the island species might be, either a distinct endemic taxon, or possibly the same as other species in Pacific regions. What he did clearly indicate is that no living individuals were located, only logs of different sizes scattered over the island. He was puzzled as to the disappearance of the species and seemed to miss the point of it being overexploited for so many years. Interestingly, in his report on the flora of San Ambrosio and San Felix Islands in the Desventuradas Archipelago (Philippi 1870: 502), he added information that was communicated by Commandant Simpson of the Chilean warship Chacabuco that a live tree of sandalwood with a stem 1.5 feet in diameter had just been found on Juan Fernández Island. A major portion of Philippi’s article on Juan Fernández (1856a) dealt with the description of new taxa, mostly species, but some new varieties and some new genera were also offered, such as Ochagavia (Bromeliaceae) and Podophorus (Gramineae). Overall, Philippi’s observations on the collections from Robinson Crusoe Island were very helpful for providing further understanding of the composition of the vascular flora. Ten years later, Philippi did make a personal short visit to Robinson Crusoe Island. He visited for only four days during November of 1864, having arrived by invitation on the steamship Guayacán owned by the Chilean empresario José Tomás Urmeneta (in cooperation with Maximiano Errázuriz; Nazer 1993). Philippi offered some observations on the vegetation and plants. He (1865a: 520) stated in general that the lower part of the island, up to about 500 m, had mainly grasses, after which followed thicker forest. He also commented on particular taxa, such as the endemic palm (“chonta”) and sandalwood. Regarding the latter, it was completely exterminated with only a few undecayed pieces available in the ground. As for Juania australis, Philippi remarked that he saw only five or six full-grown trees on a completely inaccessible rock wall, all the others being long harvested, because the wood of this palm had been sought after to make canes, umbrellas, and the like; many small plants could be found and his gardener, Mr. Ahrens, brought back a half dozen live plants to Santiago, of which only one survived. In 1862, the Chilean government sent an inspection team to Robinson Crusoe Island to determine the best way to manage the island. The team, headed by Chile’s finance minister, Manuel Rengifo Vial, arrived on 25 March 1862 in Cumberland Bay and stayed four days. Among other recreational activities, they accidentally started a huge forest fire in Puerto Francés (Woodward 1969). The island was subsequently rented to another Englishman, George Eggleston, who lasted about five years. In 1867 the island was again rented, this time to Frederick Flindt, a Chilean of German descent. He had agreed to continue colonization of the island, and toward this end 32 persons arrived in early January 1868 (Woodward 1969). In 1869, however, Flindt gave over responsibility of the island to Miguel Fernández López. Of importance

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regarding vegetation is a letter written by Pascual Jaque on Robinson Crusoe Island on 14 May 1869, in which he mentioned that there were 18 men and 48 women and children on the island. Forest trees were cut for lumber and firewood, and c. 1200 tons were ready for sale to passing ships (Woodward 1969: 206). Fernández worked industriously to harvest trees for sale, such that the region around Cumberland Bay and Puerto Inglés were now completely deforested (Woodward 1969: 206). Adding to these problems was another fire set in February of 1872 by a sailor on the English ship Reindeer, which burned more than a square mile of adjacent woodland (Woodward 1969: 206). These events, plus the complete reduction of sandalwood and stark reduction of the chonta, led the Government of Chile to prohibit further cutting of wood on the island after 13 June 1872.

Chapter 10

Floristic Period (1876–1906)

The contributions of David Douglas, Carlo Bertero, Claudio Gay, and Rodulfo Philippi during the Early Botanical Period in the 19th century set the stage for more detailed floristic investigations in the Juan Fernández Islands toward the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries. In this new phase, major floristic contributions were made by the Englishman Hemsley (and the collector Mosely) as part of the Challenger Expedition, and by the Chilean botanist Federico Johow. In addition to these scientific investigations, general impressions on the vegetation and human activities were chronicled by other visitors to the islands during this period (Table 10.1). Both these scientific and naturalist observations are presented in this chapter. Table 10.1 Historical reports of visits to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Floristic Period (1876–1906) Author of report

Year published

Dates in islands

Henry Nottige Moseley (William Botting Hemsley)

1892 (1884)

13–15 Nov 1875

William James Joseph Spry

1877

13–15 Nov 1875

George Campbell

1876

13–15 Nov 1875

Juan E. López

1876

28–30 Jan 1876

Oscar Viel

1878

Prior to 22 May 1877

Alexander Ermel

1889

3–5 Apr 1885

Eloi T. Caviedez

1885

3–5 Apr 1885

Federico Adalberto Johow Biehler

1896

24 Dec 1891—3 Feb 1892; 7–9 Jul 1892

Joshua Slocum

1900

26 Apr—5 May 1896

Otto Bürger

1909

End of Dec 1900 to beginning of Mar 1901

Cäcilie Von Rodt

1907

24–29 Mar 1905

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_10

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10.1 Challenger Expedition The Challenger Expedition was a major scientific voyage that lasted almost four years from December 1872 to May 1876 (Corfield 2003: xiii). It developed from interest in marine life from Prof. Charles Wyville Thomson of Edinburgh, Scotland and his friend William B. Carpenter of the Royal Society (Linklater 1972). Together they were able to conduct two short dredging voyages in government ships to (1) areas between Shetland and the Faeroes in the summer of 1868, and (2) in 1869 in regions 200–300 miles west of Ushant, which lies off the western coast of France near Brest. Results from these efforts convinced Thomson that a longer and more significant voyage of ocean exploration was needed, and he was successful in persuading the Royal Society of London to request from the government a vessel for this purpose. The government agreed and granted use of the H. M. S. Challenger fully equipped for this scientific enterprise of surveying the world’s oceans. It was a sailing ship, but it was also fitted with a steam engine for dredging work and emergencies (Linklater 1972). The Challenger left Portsmouth, England, on 21 December 1872 with a full crew of about 240 persons and commanded by Capt. George Nares. A junior officer was Sub-Lieutenant William James Joseph Spry, who published a book on his experiences (Spry 1877), as did another Sub-Lieutenant, Lord George Campbell (1876). Six men comprised the civilian staff, which included Wyville Thomson, who was a driving force for the expedition and publication of results from it, writing himself two volumes of his own experiences (Thomson 1878). A very important naturalist was Henry Nottige Moseley (Fig. 10.1a ) from the University of Oxford, who was mostly interested in botanical topics, and who also published a book describing his observations (Moseley 1892). These latter are especially valuable for comments on the vegetation. Although Moseley was the principal botanical collector on the voyage, the scientific botanical results from the expedition were synthesized and published by William Botting Hemsley (1884; Fig. 10.1b) working at the Royal Botanical Gardens at Kew. The Challenger stopped at Robinson Crusoe Island during 13–15 November 1875 and Moseley made collections that contained 105 species of plants, mostly vascular with a few cryptogams. Hemsley (1884: 14–21) synthesized these results with information from previous visitors to the archipelago, which gave a list of 118 flowering plants and 44 species of ferns. He indicated the habit of each species (tree, shrub, herb), gave their distribution on the two major islands of the archipelago, and also gave their world-wide distributions. These data allowed him to provide discussions on the biogeography of the flora. Hemsley also calculated the numbers of indigenous and introduced species, which gave an idea of the status of the flora at that time. Seventy species were categorized as indigenous (59%), 32 as possibly indigenous (27%), and 16 as very doubtfully indigenous (14%). Further discussion of some species led him to conclude that perhaps 75 species total might be considered as indigenous. He also included a discussion (on p. 22) of “very rare or extinct plants,” indicating 18 species that had been reported earlier, especially by Bertero, and that had not been

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Fig. 10.1 Collector and describer of plants from the challenger expedition. a Henry Nottige Moseley. b William Botting Hemsley

reported since or collected by Moseley. The endemic grass genus Podophorus was a particularly good example, and this is still presumed extinct (Baeza et al. 2007; Stuessy et al. 2018b). More impressive was Hemsley’s “enumeration of the plants,” of which the vascular plants were discussed on pp. 26–77. This was essentially a synopsis of the flora, with names and synonyms, distributions, collectors, and discussions of affinities, etc. This was the beginning of detailed documentation of the flora of the archipelago, to be elaborated upon later in this century by Federico Johow and then into the 20th century by Carl Skottsberg. Hemsley also provided a lengthy discussion of the status and affinities of the sandalwood (pp. 11–14). Moseley found no living plants during his short visit, and Hemsley suggested that its disappearance might have been due to goats or perhaps unfavorable climate for successful reproduction. All of this seems tortured, because the historical record emphasizes the enormous harvesting of this tree for sale to oriental markets. The large number of goats surely did not help its survival, but this is a clear case of reduction of population number and size due to human activity (see agreement by Skottsberg 1930: 438). Hemsley also mentioned introduced plants that were collected by Moseley. Some of these were commented upon by previous visitors, such as Rumex acetosella, Geranium robertianum, and Stellaria media; all together, Hemsley listed 19 introduced species, which built upon knowledge of exotic species provided earlier by Bertero

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(1830) and Philippi (1856a). Of great importance was the inclusion of Acaena argentea, common on the Chilean continent, and now reported for Robinson Crusoe Island. This species presently is one of the most aggressive in the modern introduced flora (see Chap. 5). The hooked barbs on the fruits allow for very efficient dispersal by animals, and the species is very tolerant of dry, exposed areas, such as eroded slopes. The most useful observations from the Challenger scientists on the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island was provided by the diligent collector, Moseley. He broadly collected natural history specimens, but our interest is on the botanical materials that he assembled and the observations that he made on the vegetation of the island. His comments are contained in his own book (pp. 466–471), Notes by a Naturalist, that was published in 1892, seven years after visiting Robinson Crusoe Island. In the two days that Moseley was in the island, he collected and observed in the vicinity of the village and also on a climb up to Selkirk’s Lookout (Portezuelo). Regarding general aspects of the vegetation, Moseley observed that (1892: 466, 467): “Everywhere for the first few hundred feet, trees are absent, the wood having been all felled.” He also added: “In ascending the path [from the village to the Portezuelo] the first tree was met with at about 700 feet altitude, all below had been cut down.” These observations coincide with those presented by earlier visitors that indicate removal of trees around the village, such as shown in the plate by Claudio Gay (Fig. 9.7). An appropriate comment by Moseley summarizes the general theme of this present book: “No doubt the general appearance of the vegetation is very different now from what it was when the island was first visited” (p. 467). As for observations on individual species, Moseley’s (1892) comments were not very detailed, but his collections were ample and were reported on by Hemsley (1884). Moseley was struck by the impressive endemic genus, Dendroseris, a series of rosette-trees that are in the same taxonomic tribe as the common herbaceous dandelion. He specifically mentioned a species with leaves similar to the dandelion and with chambered pith (internal storage tissues of the stem), which can only refer to D. pinnata. He also commented on the endemic palm genus, Juania, the chonta. He informed us that (1892: 470): “The endemic palm has been almost exterminated, excepting in nearly inaccessible places, as on a rock above the Monument [Selkirk’s Lookout], where a group of the trees can be seen, but not reached.” This information also coincides with reports from previous visitors in the earlier part of the 19th century. The Monument refers to an iron plaque attached to one of the rocks at the lookout point, which commemorates Alexander Selkirk, having been placed there in 1868 by the Commodore and Officers of the H. M. S. Topaze. As for domesticated and invasive plants, Moseley mentioned (1892: 467–469) apples, cherries, figs, plus abundant strawberries and peaches, and that vegetables were being grown in the village. He commented on invasive species: “Thistle is very abundant and luxuriant, as if eager to remind travelers to what race [i.e., Scotland] the world owes the immortal Selkirk, and a Wild Turnip is rapidly spreading.” And further on (p. 470), he mentioned that the weedy sow-thistle (Sonchus oleraceus) had migrated up the pass as far as Selkirk’s monument. Although mostly interested in the plants and vegetation, Moseley did comment on some of the terrestrial and marine animals. He was very impressed with the quantity

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of hummingbirds (1892: 468), mentioning one endemic species and one found also on the mainland, with the endemic appearing more abundant. He did not comment on the quantity of goats that were on the island, and due to his restricted exploration, he may not have seen many. He also recorded (p. 470) an abundance of pigeons (Columba aenas). As for marine animals, he was amazed, as all other visitors had been, by the quantity of fish and lobsters. Cattle were mentioned, but it is unclear if they were corralled or allowed to run free in the forest and grasslands. Sub-Lieutenant William James Joseph Spry in his book on the Challenger expedition (1877: 341, 342) had fewer detailed comments, but some observations are pertinent to our story. He observed the remains of the fort and a few “tumble-down shanties, in which some forty or fifty people are existing.” The villagers at this time continued to cut the forests for wood, and to provide water, meat, and vegetables for visiting ships. On this point, he added: “At the present time it [the island] is leased to a Chilian merchant, who employs all the settlers in cutting wood, tending cattle, &c., and during the season seal-hunting, both here and at Masafuera, 90 miles distant, when they usually capture some two thousand, the skins of which are at present worth $16 each.” It seems doubtful that so many fur seal pelts could still be obtained from both islands, as certainly on Robinson Crusoe Island, the population had been seriously depleted many decades earlier. At any rate, it does suggest that some hunting continued on an annual basis. Sub-Lieutenant Lord George Campbell also published a book on the Challenger’s voyage around the world (1876), the first to get his account into print. His observations were similar to those of Spry (1877). Campbell mentioned (1876: 393) seeing cattle “dotted about at the foot of the hills,” which suggests that they were not corralled but allowed to roam free within the broad valley surrounding Cumberland Bay. He also said that the Chilean renter of the island, upon coming to the end of his lease, intended to kill all remaining seals as a means of making better income from his enterprise. There is no evidence that this actually happened. He also commented favorably on the abundant fish, lobsters, and conger eels (genus Gnathophis, or perhaps the more common moray eel, Gymnothorax; Dyer and Westneat 2010). As for the vegetation he commented (p. 395) on the rocky or eroded ravine-bottoms that were overgrown by “dock-leaves of enormous size” (Gunnera peltata) and on the sides covered with “dark-leaved myrtle” (Nothomyrcia fernandeziana), “bignonia” (probably Rhaphithamnus venustus), “winter-bark” (Drimys confertifolia), plus “tree-shrubs” (likely the rosette-trees, such as Dendroseris or Robinsonia), tall grass, ferns, and other flowering plants. Some mention is made of the feral goats, which suggests that they were indeed present but at a distance.

10.2 Surveys of Island Resources Another visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island during this period was Juan E. López, Captain of the ship O’Higgins, which was in service with the Chilean Navy. He was ordered to conduct a reconnaissance of the islands off the coast of Chile, extending

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westward to Easter Island and including the Juan Fernández Archipelago. This trip lasted nearly three months from 22 January to 17 April 1876, and López published his report in that same year. His orders involved making numerous soundings, calculations of positions, strengths of currents as well as observations on landscapes, resources, and inhabitants. They were in the Archipelago 28–30 January 1876, arriving first at Robinson Crusoe Island and then sailing west to Alejandro Selkirk Island. Although he was not a trained scientist or naturalist, and even though the stay in the islands was quite short, some of his observations are worth documenting here. López (1876: 66) pointed out that Robinson Crusoe Island (as “Más-a-Tierra”) was covered with a dense cover of trees, among which could be found live examples of the sandalwood, which had been thought to have become extinct. He mentioned that the southwestern portion of the island was low and sterile, extending to Santa Clara Island. The inhabitants of the island consisted of a “Mayordomo,” his wife and five children, the latter of which were engaged with herding the cattle, which numbered about 100 head. There were also horses, burros, and a great number of wild goats. As for plants, he mentioned abundance of peaches, figs, quinces, and cherries (“guindo”) all growing wild. In terms of possible resources in the island to be exploited commercially, López says that he was informed that the island might support 10,000 head of cattle and especially sheep. He also advocated (1876: 66, 67) development of the fishing and lobster industries, as well as harvesting timber and firewood from the forests. López mentioned that ship traffic to the island had dropped in recent years, for example, in 1874 only six ships visited, two war ships and four merchant vessels. López also visited Alejandro Selkirk Island (“Más-a-Fuera”), and there he encountered more wild goats than on Mas-a-Tierra, many pigs and burros, and also a large quantity of dogs that preyed on the young of the other animals. He also said that there were hens and pigeons. He observed two huts made of wood and straw at the mouth of Quebrada Casas, but he did not mention any persons on the island. Regarding the fur seals, López said that they used to be scarce but now were abundant. This correlates with what Spry (1877) wrote from his visit on the Challenger in 1875. It appears, therefore, that after the massive slaughter of this species at the beginning of the century, the population had rebounded to some extent. The American ship Omaha visited Robinson Crusoe Island in March of 1876, and a land survey and map of the island were produced (Fig. 10.2). The map was published by Vicuña Mackenna in 1883 (opposite p. 100). Why this exploration was made is unclear, unless some ideas were being developed to try to annex the island to the U.S.A. for strategic reasons, as had been suggested by some of the California 49ers. The map is a reasonably accurate one, but little can be determined from it regarding the vegetation. What is clearly represented, however, are the numerous shoreline precipices that surround the island (as well as around Santa Clara), which is what makes landing so difficult. The only access points are in Bahía Cumberland, Puerto Inglés, Bahía de la Vaquería, and Puerto Francés, and these are the regions that have been impacted so strongly by human activities over the centuries. Another visitor to the Archipelago was Captain Oscar Viel, Commander of the Chacabuco, also belonging to the Chilean Navy. His responsibility was to inventory

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Fig. 10.2 Map of Robinson Crusoe Island produced by officials of the U.S. warship Omaha during their visit in March of 1876. Published by Vicuña Mackenna (1883: opposite p. 100)

the resources of the islands in more detail and report on potentials for development. This report was published in 1878. His visit must have taken place prior to 22 May 1877, which is the date given on his published article, but the exact dates of his visit in the islands are unclear. From the information provided in the text, he could not have been in the archipelago more than a few days. Because Viel’s interest was in the resources that might be developed commercially, he documented many important points about the inhabitants and domesticated plants and animals, primarily on Robinson Crusoe Island. There were 64 inhabitants, 29 men, 13 women, and 22 children (11 girls, 11 boys) younger than eight years old. All were Chilean except for one Portuguese man. Viel mentioned only the existence of three small houses of mud walls with wood roof, but in poor condition, which makes it difficult to understand where the 64 inhabitants lived in San Juan Bautista. The caves were also in bad shape. He also mentioned seven small straw ranchos scattered in different places on the island, but these would have been temporary quarters. Of the 64 inhabitants, 10 elected to leave with the Chacabuco at the end of its stay, presumably returning to Valparaíso. As with all visitors to Robinson Crusoe Island, Viel mentioned (1878: 19) the wooded appearance of the northeastern portion and also the very low, “casi estéril” (almost sterile) landscape of the southwestern side. In the forests he mentioned the occurrence of other forest trees, including the chonta and the sandalwood. He strongly advocated development of the lumber industry on the island, but for success

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it would have been necessary to construct a road around the island, a suggestion that thankfully was never seriously contemplated. Because the endemic species of trees do not produce the best quality of wood for lumber, he suggested developing plantations of pines. Species of this genus (Pinus) have, in fact, been planted in the island, but thankfully they have not become a serious pest at this point. Viel recommended rescinding the edict of 1872 that prohibited cutting of native trees on the island, so that this resource could be more profitably exploited. Regarding domesticated plants, Viel (1878) said that the island was producing cherries, figs, peaches, pears, quinces, and strawberries, all growing wild (i.e., without deliberate cultivation). He also mentioned that the “zarza parilla i el maqui” are no less abundant. The former is Acaena argentea, the aggressive ground cover that can reproduce by runners as well as through dispersal by hooked fruits. The shrubby maqui (Aristotelia chilensis) is also present now in the island, and it is one of the worst pests, covering many hectares (Swenson et al. 1997; Greimler et al. 2002a; Dirnböck et al. 2003). As for the animals, Viel (1878) mentioned that the rats caused much damage to cultivated potatoes, wheat, and beans, with the result that not much had been done with these crops. He added that 98 head of cattle existed in the island along with 50 horses. There were also feral animals, but he was unable to determine how many. The goats were abundant, not less than 3000, with more than 800 skins being harvested and sent to Valparaíso last year. Viel saw these as one of the principal resources of the island that might be exploited further. Feral pigeons also were reported, with the comment that their number seemed to be increasing. The fish (“bacalao”) and the lobster were both emphasized as valuable resources that could be further commercialized. Viel also commented (1878) on some aspects of the other two islands. Alejandro Selkirk Island was covered with forests. The lobster, bacalao, goats, and fur seals were abundant there, more so than on Robinson Crusoe Island. He also mentioned that an average of 700 skins of the fur seal were harvested, mostly from Alejandro Selkirk Island, which indicated that the species was still surviving. He emphasized the problem of having no suitable harbor on this island, which made landing and departing difficult; this is still the situation today. Santa Clara Island contained a large number of goats at that time, which made it easier to hunt them, but the island also lacked a convenient place to come ashore.

10.3 Economic Development and Other Visitors Viel’s report contributed to the termination on 15 March 1877 of the contract that had been made with Miguel Fernández López (Woodward 1969: 208) for renting the island and developing its potentials. A new contract for management of the islands was signed by the Chilean authorities with Alfred Von Rodt, born in Switzerland and former officer in the Austrian army. An adventurous sort, he participated in the Franco-Prussian War, emigrated to Brazil, and finally arrived in Chile. While living in Viña del Mar in 1877, he became aware of Viel’s positive report on Robinson

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Crusoe Island, and he seized the opportunity to apply for and accept the contract. He was a young man of only 33 years of age. Significant was that one of the conditions of the contract was to rescind the prohibition of cutting wood in the island, as this was emphasized by Viel as one of the economic potentials that should be developed further. Von Rodt came to Robinson Crusoe Island in early May of 1877, along with additional colonists. He worked diligently to develop several commercial efforts, and the results from the first year yielded cutting timber worth 3000 dollars (U.S.), harvesting 700 fur seals from Alejandro Selkirk Island, introducing more cattle, sheep, and hogs, and beginning to export dried fish (Woodward 1969: 209). For a time these efforts resulted in a flourishing village of San Juan Bautista, with the population increasing steadily. At the end of 1877 it stood at 64 persons (29 men, the rest women and children). In 1878 there were 74 inhabitants (22 men), in 1879 the population increased to 141 (51 men), and in 1880 the total was 147 persons (55 men) (data from Woodward 1969: 209). Despite this strong beginning, Von Rodt was losing money, and the colony began to languish in subsequent years. In 1885 the number of inhabitants of the village dropped to 82 (24 men), and in the following year it dropped further down to 61 total (23 men) (Woodward 1969: 209). Von Rodt stayed in the island, however, and his granddaughter still lives in San Juan Bautista today. Another visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island during this period was Alexander Ermel from Chile. He participated in forming a scientific society in Santiago, and one of their initial interests was to travel to the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Two Englishmen chartered the steamer Maipo under Captain Stewart and opened it to persons who wished to know the island (including the journalist Eloi Caviedez; see below). A total of 108 passengers signed on for the trip, among which were members of the society (“Verein”). This was a short trip, leaving Valparaíso on 2 April 1885 (Thursday) in the morning and arriving at Cumberland Bay in the afternoon of 3 April (Friday). They spent the full day on Saturday walking in and around the remnants of the village, with one group making the trek to Selkirk’s Lookout (the Portezuelo). They departed Bahía Cumberland in the morning of the next day, 5 April, which was Easter Sunday, sailing first around the entire island and then heading back to Valparaíso, where they dropped anchor in the afternoon of 6 April 1885. To his credit, Ermel pulled together historical information from Vicuña Mackenna (1883), Philippi (1856a, b), and other sources and published a short book on the islands (Ermel 1889) based on his reading and limited personal experience. He also included a few pages on Alejandro Selkirk Island, based primarily on the report of Sarmiento (1849), even though Ermel had not been there himself. Significant to the themes of this book are several of his photographs (photolithographs). One (Fig. 10.3a ) shows Bahía Cumberland in the background with a vegetable garden of the colonists in the foreground, giving evidence of domesticated plants. This was in the low, flat area that in more recent times was used as a soccer (football) field. A second photo (Fig. 10.3b) shows a view from the west of the central valley looking eastward, where the extensive loss of tree cover is well demonstrated. Furthermore, erosion has set in, especially in the region of the caves of the patriots. The Fort

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Fig. 10.3 Views of the central valley (Valle Colonial) and San Juan Bautista. a Cumberland bay and the anchored steamer Maipo in the background, showing a vegetable garden of the colonists in the foreground. b From the western side looking eastward, showing extensive deforestation and erosion. From Ermel (1889: plate 3, opposite p. 30, and plate 12, opposite p. 116)

Santa Bárbara is in ruins, but part of the walls can be seen to the center right of the photograph. Overall, this last plate gives a very good indication of the extensive deforestation that took place in the central valley over the past centuries. Eloi T. Caviedez was a travelling correspondent for the Chilean newspaper Mercurio de Valparaíso who also made the trip to Robinson Crusoe Island on the ship Maipo with Alexander Ermel and 106 other passengers. They arrived on 3 April

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1885 at 4:30 PM in Bahía Cumberland and stayed until 5 April at 8:30 AM, a total of 40 h (Caviedez 1885: 10). It was designed as a pleasure trip, full of passengers from different countries, but 2/3 were English. Caviedez might have seen Santa Clara, but he could not have had time to visit Alejandro Selkirk Island, presumably taking information about the island from the islanders and Vicuña-Mackenna (1883). Caviedez wrote up his lengthy observations on the islands for publication, which was sent to the newspaper beginning on 7 April 1885 as a set of 19 chapters consisting of 74 pages in 18 parts. This was followed by another correspondence dispatched on 6 July of that same year. All parts, plus a “Post-scriptum” written by the governor of the islands, Alfredo Von Rodt, were printed as a book also in 1885. Because Caviedez was a professional journalist, his book contains much valuable information on the natural history and civic life of the archipelago, but it also contains much literary and figurative description. As a result of his trip being very short, and because he dedicated his book to Vicuña Mackenna (1883), one suspicions that much of the data in Caviedez might have been taken from the former’s book. Caviedez may, in fact, have had a copy with him on board the Maipo. His discussions were dated 7 April 1885, which is approximately the same date that he arrived back in Valparaíso. Hence, he must have worked hard and fast during this trip, essentially writing all the time on ship, except for short visits to San Juan Bautista, the Portezuelo, and Puerto Inglés. The main themes of Caviedez (1885) were the attractiveness of the archipelago and the need for its further development. He offered some comments on conservation of the natural resources, but the bulk of commentary focused on how the islands might be developed for economic profit, civil stability, and national strategic security. He painted a very appealing vision of the islands and their romantic quality instead of dwelling on detailed descriptions of the vegetation. His comments were directed mostly toward Robinson Crusoe Island. Caviedez (1885: 14) did comment on some of the plants. He said that the most common trees were the lumilla (Nothomyrcia fernandeziana), naranjillo (Zanthoxylum externum), and the peralillo (Coprosma pyrifolia), plus also the canelo (Drimys confertifolia). Among the useful trees he noted the “michai” (Berberis corymbosa) as a blood purifier and the “árbol de la resina” (Robinsonia spp.) in compresses for headaches. Caviedez (1885: 15, 16) talked much more about the sandalwood, and pointed out that it was now rare in the islands. He suggested that due to a change in temperature in the islands, other plants had now outcompeted it, which seems an unlikely cause for its decline. He added that the islanders also cut it for sale to ships, even as firewood (also doubtful because of its high value for oriental markets). Canes were made from sandalwood (pieces of the trunks found in ravines) and sold as souvenirs. Villagers also emphasized that sandalwood could be used in lukewarm baths to get rid of aches and pains (might be true, but as there is no hot water, other than warming it over a fire, this would be a very exclusive treatment, indeed!). He further mentioned that the chonta was also used for making canes, as well as for food value of the apices and the edible fruits, but that the species was no longer found in accessible places. As for domesticated plants, Caviedez (1885: 14, 17) mentioned

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cherries, figs, peaches, and quinces. Also in the village were lettuce and beans (arvejas). Regarding the invasives, he commented that the teatina (Avena barbata) had been introduced, known also from the sides of the ravines of Valparaíso, and now forming large pastures of a golden color. Even the goats consuming it did not restrict its distribution in the island. Caviedez (1885: 31–34, 40, 41) offered some commentary on the terrestrial animals, both domesticated and feral. There were dogs, but only domesticated ones, 2–3 per house. There were also domesticated cats in the houses, but none were feral. There were rats in the village, but these were under control by the cats. Some of the goats were captured alive and domesticated in the village. He also saw a small number of horses, oxen, and donkeys. As for feral animals, some goats existed on Robinson Crusoe Island, but they were only in the highest places and very difficult to hunt, even with a rifle. He said that fleas were scarce, in spite of the abundance of rats and mice. Likewise, no flies, mosquitos, or bedbugs were reported. Regarding Santa Clara Island, there were more goats than on Robinson Crusoe Island. He suggested that the reason the island was never populated by people was due to lack of permanent water (might be true). He also mentioned that there were many goats on Alejandro Selkirk Island. As for marine animals, it is unsurprising to learn that Caviedez (1885: 36, 37) saw no fur seals around Bahía Cumberland. He mentioned that they were still being harvested from Alejandro Selkirk Island, and questioned why the government was not controlling this better so that the resource would remain into the future. He pointed out (p. 47) the importance of the lobster, but he was unable to get exact data on its importation to the continent. Caviedez commented (1885: 36, 38) favorably on the variety of fish, but he was most impressed with the potentials of the bacalao (Polyprion oxygeneios; Dyer and Westneat 2010). There were such large quantities available, that the islanders dried this fish and sold it to passing tourist ships. He complained that ships from other countries had been fishing the bacalao, because this runs deep and far off the island coast, and that this should better be controlled by Chile (p. 45). He obtained data from the “oficina de estadística comercial” on the importation of the bacalao to Chile over the years 1875–1884, which ranged from 34,889 to 174,873 kgs (“quilogs”) and totaled 821,896 kgs. If a single fish might weigh c. 200 kgs, then this total would mean 4109 fish, or an average of 411 per year, a little more than one per day. It is not clear if these data are for fresh fish or dried fish, in which case an individual would weigh much less when dried. Little was said by Caviedez on the direct human impact on vegetation and flora, because his interest was more in development of the existing resources rather than protecting them. He mentioned (1885: 20) that in 1885 the village consisted of 15 small houses. He said that this was a reduction of what had been there previously, due in part to a lack of sufficient building after the earthquake of 1835. This is not very probable; it is more likely due to the decline of the Von Rodt industries (see above). Regarding Valle Inglés, he said that there were no houses or trees, or even ruins, but only covered with dark herbs and spiny “cardos” (Silybum marianum), a completely abandoned place.

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Most of Caviedez’s book (1885) dealt with the positive attributes of the islands and the advantages of their further development. He recommended (p. 43) using San Juan Bautista as a place for curing infirmities, diseases, etc., because of the good climate, good water, and clean air. He also suggested that the island would be good for recreation, which could be furthered by constructing baths. He regarded the island as picturesque and romantic, both helping to attract visitors. In proof of this point, he mentioned that some Italians on the Maipo had judged the island as better than any attraction they had seen anywhere in the world (an obvious exaggeration). Caviedez (1885: 39, 40) was critical and negative that the development of the island was not likely to happen under current conditions, because of inefficiencies of the government and islanders. He pointed to what happened to the investments of Von Rodt, who tried hard to make a good profit. Caviedez suggested that it would be better not to rent the island to private persons, and that the state should take over and make the needed investments and maintain control. The villagers earned small money from handicrafts from the chonta, sandalwood, horns, meat, and skins of the goats, plus small quantities of lobster and dried fish, but he believed that if these islands were properly administered, they could be one of the richest regions of the entire country. Caviedez advocated (1885: 48–53) forming a fleet of fishing ships to bring the fish and lobster from the islands to Valparaíso, Iquique and Talcahuano on a daily basis. The crew for these ships would come from a “guardia cívica de marina” stationed in San Juan Bautista. The government should provide a substantial subvention to allow a private company to make a profit, especially in the initial years. Land should be provided to colonists, etc. He was extremely positive about developing the island, and saw it as a patriotic duty to do so. Because Von Rodt’s contract was soon to expire, Caviedez also stressed that time was of the essence to act soon. He added that if all these arguments about the positive aspects of the island did not move government officials to take action, then they should at least consider their importance for strategic value. He stressed how important it was that the islands remain in Chilean hands. In Caviedez’s second article that was submitted to the Mercurio de Valparaíso on 6 July 1885 (also contained in his book, 1885: 55–74), he stressed the rehabilitation of the islands. Early in the article Von Rodt [as “Alfredo de Rodt”] presented (on pp. 57–63) his ideas about development of the fisheries industry in both islands, and Caviedez followed these ideas with discussion in a very positive vein. Von Rodt provided a detailed list of expenses necessary and also the calculated possible gain, leaving a profit of 122,000 pesos annually, to be realized after a few years. For proper development, a “patriotic” (probably meaning a cooperative) society would be necessary for proper management. He stressed the importance of having a dock built at Alejandro Selkirk Island. Caviedez continued with ideas on fund-raising and investments and the need to have ships purchased to transport the fish and lobster catches. He also saw that with proper development the strategic value of Robinson Crusoe Island would greatly increase, transforming it into an unconquerable fortress three times that on the island of Malta in the Mediterranean (another exaggeration!). Much detail was provided and lots of positive arguments, including even advocating an annual trip to arrive on Chilean Independence Day (18 September). At the very

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end of the book, Von Rodt responded with a one page “Post-Scriptum” (unnumbered page) in which he showed agreement with developing the patriotic society to manage the fisheries in the island to better profit.

10.4 Johow It was also during this period that Federico Adalberto Johow Biehler (Fig. 10.4) visited the Juan Fernández Archipelago. He was another of the European natural historians who immigrated to Chile and made major contributions to understanding the flora of their adopted country (Gay and Philippi being two mentioned earlier). Johow was born in 1859 in the city of Kolmar in Pomerania (Prussia; Aguirre de Maino 1981). After receiving his doctorate in Botany and Zoology at the University of Bonn, Germany in 1880, he remained there as Assistant. More importantly, he participated in an expedition to the Antilles and Venezuela in 1883, which expanded his experiences and understanding of tropical plants, eventually leading to his being called as Professor to the University of Bonn in 1886. The Chilean government at that time was interested in contracting German professors to come to Chile and participate in the new Instituto Pedagógico (teacher’s college) that had just been created in Santiago. Johow was one of those who accepted the offer, taking over Fig. 10.4. Federico Adalberto Johow Biehler

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his new duties on 1 August 1889. He proved to be an excellent teacher (Muñoz Pizarro 1974) as well as administrator. More importantly, he was commissioned by the Chilean government at the end of 1891, along with three other persons, to carry out a trip of exploration to the Juan Fernández Archipelago. The other men were Juan Schulze (geologist; who died prematurely on 24 November 1892; Johow 1896: v), Carlos Schönlein (zoologist, head of the expedition and photographer, but who left for Italy before the report was finished), and Bernardo Krüssel (artist). As a substitute for the ill-fated Schulze, Roberto Pöhlmann, working in the Dirección de Obras Públicas, was asked to contribute a brief several pages on the geology of the islands (1896), which he did after making a quick follow-up reconnaissance trip. As a result of these numerous difficulties, the report was pulled together by Johow, and unsurprisingly the major portion dealt with the flora. Dr. F. Neger from Concepción wrote up the part dealing with fungi that Johow collected, and Edwyn C. Reed, from Rancagua, helped with assembling the lists of birds and insects. Prof. Francisco Brdiczka helped with aspects of printing. Johow (1896) thanks Alfredo Von Rodt and Eduardo Schreiber for help with facilities, etc., during their stay. The preface was dated 18 August 1896. The official members of the commission for the project were: Nicolas Anrique R., Federico Johow, Miguel R. Machado, Bernardino Quijada B., Juan Söhrens, Alberto Tapia S., Jerman Wieghardt, and Francisco Zambrano R. The expedition to the Juan Fernández Archipelago by Johow and colleagues left Quinteros (c. 18 miles north of Valparaíso), and sailed to Robinson Crusoe Island on the light craft Huemul, arriving at Cumberland Bay on 24 December 1891. They went ashore to San Juan Bautista in the morning of Christmas day 25 December. Travelling with them was Alfredo Von Rodt, the subdelegado of the islands, and he proved to be instrumental in helping the group organize their activities and complete their objectives, offering guides, horses, and other assistance. Food, clothing, and other necessities had to be brought over on the ship. Because the ship was at their disposal for only 12 days (the trip to the island lasted two days, leaving ten more), they decided to head directly to Alejandro Selkirk Island, after spending three days in San Juan Bautista getting materials protected and organized, as well as beginning to examine the natural history of the central valley. They sailed for the distant island in the evening of 27 December, arriving at Alejandro Selkirk Island on the 28th. Having good luck with a calm sea, they disembarked quickly to Las Casas without delay or any loss of materials. Von Rodt and two other men from San Juan Bautista served as helpers and guides on the island. The survey on this island was quick, lasting only five days, with the observations being confined to the eastern and southern shores, plus penetrations into Quebrada de las Casas, Q. del Blindado, Q. de las Vacas, Q. de Sánchez, up the slope to Plano de la Mona, and also up toward Los Inocentes (Fig. 10.5; for a more detailed list of localities see Johow 1896: 37). They left the island in the evening of 2 January 1892, sailing into Bahía Cumberland on 3 January. On this island, a number of excursions were made to many regions (Fig. 10.6), as well as to Santa Clara Island, finishing on 3 February 1892. The return was on the small warship Abtao to Valparaíso. To gain a better idea of the flora later in the year, Johow returned to Robinson Crusoe Island for three days 7–9 July 1892, during which time he climbed to the Portezuelo and collected around the central valley

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Fig. 10.5 Drawing of the profiles of Alejandro Selkirk Island. Top, profile of island. Bottom, collecting routes by Johow and companions during their visit 28 December 1891 to 1 January 1892. From Johow (1896: plate 20, unnumbered last plate in book)

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Fig. 10.6 Map of Robinson Crusoe Island (Más a Tierra) showing the collecting routes of Johow in 1892. From Johow (1896: plate 19, unnumbered next to last plate in book)

including Salsipuedes. In June of 1895 Juan Söhrens, an accomplished gardener from the botanical garden in Santiago, visited Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands, collecting living plants and some specimens, which were also placed at the disposal of Johow. These formed the basis of his enumeration of the flora, along with the information contained within the extensive literature that he cited (Johow 1896: 39–47). Johow produced two detailed studies after his trips to the Juan Fernández Archipelago and prior to publication of his book in 1896. These dealt with the ferns (1892–93) and the cultivated plants (1893) and served as a basis for inclusion of information on these two themes in his book. As for the ferns, Johow recognized 45 species and dedicated most of the article to discussing their diagnostic morphological features, ecological tolerances, and geographic affinities. He also focused attention on the ferns that inhabited the remaining caves of the patriots. Of the 20 original caves, in 1882 only seven remained accessible; the others had been covered over by external erosion and internal collapse, and hence were no longer visible. Each cave had a different character of humidity and light, and Johow examined the flora found in each of them. This work does not contain information of value regarding human activities in the islands. A work by Johow that is more pertinent to human activities in the archipelago was that on the cultivated plants (1893: 939, 940). He began by commenting that the plants introduced deliberately by humans plus those that arrived inadvertently,

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especially on Robinson Crusoe Island (Masatierra), had flourished in such a way that entire valleys had become inundated by them, and the native flora had been pushed up into the hills. He pointed out correctly that despite the impacts that humans had on the ecosystems of the islands, native forest still existed in the interiors, and that even Santa Clara Island still contained some native grasses. He said that the principal regions of disturbance had been due to past attempts at agriculture in the central valley, Puerto Inglés, Quebrada del Rabanal, Puerto Francés, and the higher slopes of Alejandro Selkirk Island. All these places were now inhabited by a large quantity of introduced plants that had become wild. He added that adventive species had also colonized other areas, such as at the mouths of the large quebradas (ravines) in Alejandro Selkirk Island. A most important summary paragraph was offered by Johow (1893: 941), in which he sketched clearly what had happened to the vegetation over the centuries. He said that the regions of the central valley and the two adjacent ports, that is, Puerto Inglés and Puerto Francés, had been now completely removed of arboreal vegetation that previously occurred there, and this was due not only to the intentional cutting of the forests by workers in the island and by crews from ships, but also by the large fires. The latter were evidenced by the numerous charred remains of trunks of trees on the slopes of the hills. Once the original vegetation was removed, it provided an opportunity for invasion of these regions by adventive species. Johow (1893: 941, 942) provided a detailed overview of the plants that had been introduced as evidenced from the historical record (in a manner as has been done throughout this book). Important was his emphasis on three species that had become especially problematical: the guindo (Prunus cerasus, the sour cherry), the maqui (Aristotelia chilensis), and the trun (or zarzaparilla; Acaena argentea). Johow suggested that Lord Anson introduced the guindo during his visit in 1741, which may have been the case. Despite that this species had done well on Robinson Crusoe Island, it never invaded the native forest and pressured the indigenous species. The second species, however, the maqui, is now extremely problematic and has indeed invaded and outcompeted the native flora in many regions of the island, especially in the bottoms and adjacent slopes of the humid quebradas. Johow documented that this species was brought deliberately to the island by a colonist from Talcahano, Chile, who arrived in 1883 and who planted the species near his house in San Juan Bautista. From this beginning the species spread quickly, no doubt due to the birds (zorzales) eating the fruits and dispersing the seeds over the island. Johow offered a pessimistic view of the future such that if this species were not controlled, in a few decades it would nearly cover the entire island. The third species, the trun, was suggested by Johow as having been introduced with sheep not more than ten years ago from the south of Chile. This would mean introduction to the central valley approximately in the early 1880s. From this humble beginning, the species has become extremely widely distributed on Robinson Crusoe Island in open areas, the fruits with their tenacious hooks being easily attached to fur of animals (such as the sheep or goats) and clothing of people. Although this is a serious plague at the present time, the trun at least covers bare areas and holds the soil from further erosion. Interestingly, none of these three species is cited in the book The world’s worst weeds by Holm et al.

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(1991), indicating that species are regarded as weeds in some places of the world and not in others. The final report authored by Johow (1896) was quite impressive. It was not really a flora in the traditional sense, because it was designed as a report on botanical resources for the government. All species were not described and there were no identification keys. But because Johow’s observations were detailed, and his report was scholarly, there was much useful information regarding the vegetation and conditions on both of the major islands. The earlier reports by Douglas, Bertero, Gay, Philippi, and Hemsley all contributed to understanding the flora of the archipelago, but Johow brought existing information together for a comprehensive presentation of the plants of the islands, their origins, and their different categorizations. This was the basis for Carl Skottsberg’s work in the 20th century. In Johow’s book (1896) were several useful contributions. He included an annotated bibliography of pertinent references on the islands (pp. 39–47). The section on “Análisis evolutivo de la flora” (Johow, 1896, pp. 205–240) was particularly detailed and well done, following the general outline of analysis presented by Hemsley (1884: 14–21), but with more elaboration. Johow also included a section (pp. 267–274) on possibilities of development of the islands, using the format of listing questions (doubtless provided by the government) and then responding to them. His opinions from this section that are pertinent to the themes of this book are integrated below along with his other observations. As for general comments on the vegetation (on pp. 242–257), Johow (1896) pointed out (p. 241) that there were three basic types of plant formations in the islands: always green forests (about half of the territory), a less extensive vegetation of small herbs barely covering the rocks, and a third area covered by ferns. The western part of Robinson Crusoe Island was very dry, and in some areas, such as Santa Clara Island, an introduced annual grass survived but little else. He emphasized the importance of rainfall and wind in the vegetation that formed in each area. In spite of the cutting of the forests, the numerous fires, and pressure from introduced plants, some original forest still existed in numerous areas. Johow (1896: 258–260) also discussed the vegetation of the beaches and rocky areas along the coasts. In these inhospitable areas, many adventive species had colonized. His table on p. 259, which summarized the occurrences of species in this coastal habitat on all three islands, listed 19 indigenous and 15 adventive species. There were fewer adventives registered for Santa Clara but about the same number for Robinson Crusoe and Alejandro Selkirk Islands. As for the western part of Robinson Crusoe Island and Santa Clara Island, Johow provided considerable details (1896: 260–262). He commented on the very dry nature of these western regions, being covered with Avena hirsuta [= A. barbata], which appeared green during the spring rains and beige in the dry summer. On Santa Clara Island he mentioned the occurrence of the endemic species Dendroseris micrantha var. pruinata [= D. pruinata], Dendroseris macrophylla var. marginata [= D. marginata], Chenopodium sanctae-clarae, and Wahlenbergia berteroi, and he opined that these species were earlier probably also distributed in the dry areas of Robinson

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Crusoe Island, but eaten by goats. The same might be said today for Santa Clara, with these species being restricted (or largely so) to Morro Spartan. Because of his comprehensive approach to inventorying the flora, Johow was able to assemble all data (1896: 212) in tabular form, which provided a baseline that has been compared by all subsequent workers. He gave the following totals for the flora (endemic, native, and introduced, but not cultivated), as well as providing numbers for the continental Chilean flora:

Chile

RC

SC

AS

Total in JF 61 (43 indigenous)

Families

142

58

13

36

Genera

922

137

17

66

160 (87 indigenous)

Species

4992

213

23

90

236 (143 indigenous)

In this same analysis, Johow (1896) offered several tables that provided more data on the nature of the vascular flora. On pp. 218–220 he listed the endemic species of flowering plants and ferns (69 in total), their distribution in the archipelago, their “duración” (i.e., habit), and fruit (reproductive) type. On pp. 221–223 he listed 74 native (“autóctonas,” but not endemic) flowering plant and fern species, and on p. 233 he gave a table that compared the levels of endemism in floras of many island systems (Sandwich [= Hawaii], Galápagos, Canaries, etc.). He also included a short table (on p. 236) giving the numbers of native and endemic species that have different morphologies of seeds and fruits, and also presumed agents of dispersal. The results give 76 species arriving by wind, 1 by water currents, and 61 by birds. Five were unknown as to dispersal mechanism. Johow provided (1896: 127–133) a long discussion of the sandalwood, Santalum fernandezianum (Fig. 10.7). He found one living tree on the western slope of Valle Inglés at about 300 m elevation in the middle of the forest surrounded by Nothomyrcia fernandeziana and Coprosma pyrifolia. Actually, this tree was located by Pedro Arredondo and brought to Johow’s attention. It measured 9.5 m tall, with a stem of 134 cm circumference. He also believed that the reason for the decline of the species was due to the incessant cutting for oriental markets, and not natural causes as suggested by Philippi and Hemsley. He thought that the subfossil wood found in the valleys derived from the cutting that took place during the 17th and 18th centuries, which seems likely. He said that if these plants had fallen naturally, large intact trunks would have been found, but instead they are always fragments of stems or roots. Johow also provided (1896: 145–149) a long discussion of the chonta, Juania australis. His observations showed that the species was abundant in the bottom of the quebradas (ravines) as well as on the slopes and ridges of the hills. He said that quite a few could be found in the interior of Puerto Francés, but that only small plants were found in the region of the central valley, estimating a total of 100–150 individuals. At the present time, there are approximately 1000–2000 individuals on the island (Stuessy et al. 1983; Ricci 2006), but these are mostly hidden in difficultof-access valleys that cannot be easily observed from the normal paths or from the

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Fig. 10.7 Herbarium specimen of Santalum fernandezianum (sandalwood), now extinct in the Juan Fernández (Robinson Crusoe) Archipelago. From Skottsberg (1910: 171)

village. Johow supported the prohibition placed on the cutting of this species some ten years earlier, but he added that there was no way to enforce this. Johow listed plants from the cultivated areas in San Juan Bautista (1896: 262– 266), a particularly useful inventory as he provided the common as well as scientific names for each. He stated that the only region of the archipelago that was utilized for cultivation of fruits was the “Vega de Masatierra,” an area of approximately four blocks in size on the western side of Bahía Cumberland at the base of the village of San Juan Bautista. He said that in earlier times there was also cultivation in areas of Puerto Inglés, Puerto Francés, El Rabanal [northeastern side of Bahía Cumberland], the Valle de Villagra, and in some places in the higher areas of the island. He said that these efforts were not very successful, due to competition with European and Chilean weeds, the lack of fencing to keep out browsing animals, and the dry winds during the summer months. Fruit trees, legumes, and pot-herbs were also cultivated, but on a reduced scale sufficient only for the colonists and for limited trade with passing ships. These species were divided into three sections (A, B, C). (A) Arboles i arbustos frutales (fruiting trees and shrubs). This section is basically a list (pp. 263–266) of 21 species of domesticated plants. Of interest is that Rubus idaeus (the red raspberry; el frambueso) was brought to the island by Johow and his group in 1892, and that

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it did well there, without becoming invasive. Its congener, the European blackberry Rubus ulmifolius, which at the present time is one of the worst invasive plagues of the island (Dirnböck et al. 2003; Chap. 4), was not mentioned in Johow’s book, presumably because it had not yet been introduced. (B) Frutos de campo, legumbres, hortalizas, etc. (fruits of the field, legumes, pot herbs, etc.). Here he listed 26 species of garden plants that served as foods, such as artichoke, beans, cabbage, corn, lettuce, onion, and potatoes. (C) Plantas de adorno (decorative plants). Here we have items such as Amaryllis, Calendula, Chrysanthemum, and Narcissus. He also mentioned Eucalyptus globulus, found in a plantation behind the house of the “subdelegación” in the village, having been planted eight years ago (i.e., 1874). They were doing well, and he suggested that this species might be useful for reforesting denuded areas in the central valley. This, in fact, was accomplished in the 20th century. Pinus radiata (= P. insignis) had also been planted near the houses, and these few plants have done well. He recommended that a larger scale plantation might be developed. These suggestions made sense at the time, because of the dramatic denuding of the forest in the central valley and the need for wood for the colonists. The danger, obviously, is that these species are aggressive and can be difficult to control. As for invasive species, Johow listed (1896: 224–226) introduced and naturalized species of flowering plants, 71 of them, most originating from Chile or Europe. These were typical weeds, with 16 species of grasses. Regarding Avena hirsuta (= A. barbata, fide Matthei 1995), Johow mentioned (p. 138) that it is abundant in all places where the forest had been cut. It also occurred on Alejandro Selkirk Island, where it covered all the elevated regions of the island, forming vast areas. This species was introduced from the Mediterranean, the Caucasus, and Crimea and is what doubtless had been reported previously as “wild oats.” Regarding Acaena argentea, one of the most aggressive pests at the present time, Johow (1896: 92) indicated that Philippi collected the plant in 1864, but he believed it was in the island much earlier, probably not so abundant, and hence went unnoticed. Johow also gave a list (on pp. 227–228) of 24 species of flowering plants intentionally introduced and that have become wild (“silvestres”), and when and from where they were introduced. Ugni molinae (“murtilla”) at this time was very common near the path from the ruins of the old village of San Juan Bautista up to the quebrada that extended upward to the Portezuelo (Johow 1896: 94), which suggested to Johow that it might have been introduced from Chile. From this time until the present, it has become much more abundant in this, and other, regions. Regarding the maqui, Aristotelia chilensis, Johow said (1896: 108, 109) that it was already common on Robinson Crusoe Island, and especially in the lower more humid portions of the mouths of the quebradas. Here the plants formed dense thickets that then shaded out native plants underneath. He commented on the grave danger that this species represented for the island. This was certainly prophetic, because the amount of the maqui has now increased and will likely keep expanding if not checked soon (Dirnböck et al. 2003). Johow listed in his book that the maqui was introduced in 1854 (p. 228), but in his earlier article (1893) he suggested 1883 by a colonist from Talcahuano, Chile. In any event, this is the beginning of the expansion of this

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onerous vegetable plague, which now covers many hectares on Robinson Crusoe Island. Although the principal theme of Johow’s report on the natural resources dealt with the plants, he also commented on the wild, feral, and domesticated terrestrial animals (1896: 207–210, in the long “Nota”). As for the goats (Capra hircus domestica), he offered the opinion that the lack of native plant species in the western drier part of Robinson Crusoe Island may have been due to the incessant foraging of the goats, which tend to eat nearly everything, but it is also more likely due originally to subsidence and erosion over the four million years of existence of the island. He estimated that there might be 4000 goats on Alejandro Selkirk Island, 1000 on Robinson Crusoe Island, and 100–200 on Santa Clara Island. He stated that sheep and cattle had been kept in San Juan Bautista, but that they never became feral, preferring to stay close to the village. Sheep, however, would have been great carriers of some introduced plants, such as Acaena argentea, which would have adhered to the wool. On Alejandro Selkirk Island there were numerous herds of wild donkeys, but it was unclear when they were established or by whom. There were some 100 horses in Valle Colonial (the central valley) and Puerto Francés, and on Alejandro Selkirk Island a female was left that crossed with the donkeys, leaving three or four mules, becoming semi-feral. Based on the appearance of the horses, they seemed to be those that occurred in the province of Aconcagua from the Chilean mainland, suggesting a relatively modern introduction. Pigs had occasionally escaped and became feral, but they were not a serious problem for the vegetation, although they were known to eat the fruits of the chonta. There were many rats, not only around the village but also everywhere on the island. There were now only dogs on Alejandro Selkirk Island, but they were timid—not the aggressive massif type that was introduced on Robinson Crusoe Island by the Spanish earlier to eliminate the goats. He suggested that they should all be killed, because they were eating goats and also fur seals, both of which were resources that could be better used by people. He recommended poison and/or hunting to get rid of them. On Robinson Crusoe Island there were few cats, some feral, but there were many more on Alejandro Selkirk Island. Johow (1896) offered some comments on the marine animals. Regarding fur seals, he suggested removal of the prohibition of Chileans hunting them, because since there was no prohibition of other countries making their harvest, Chileans were at a competitive disadvantage. He pointed out that at this time there were abundant lobsters, which would not recommend prohibition, but he advocated not hunting females during the months of reproduction from May to October. As for fishing, he advocated further development of the bacalao industry. Regarding the forest in general, Johow recommended that rules be developed so that wonton cutting would stop, advocating using fallen logs for firewood rather than cutting down living plants. He mentioned under Myrceugenia fernandeziana that (1896: 95) the species grew abundantly during Anson’s time (i.e., 1741) in the vicinity of Bahía Cumberland, but that it now had been cut in this region as well as in Puerto Inglés and Puerto Francés. That is, he recognized, as others had before him, that much of the forest in these areas had been removed.

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Two of the plates in Johow’s report (Fig. 10.8a, b) offered a clear glimpse of the status of the area of San Juan Bautista and the central valley, and these provided a visual summary of the human impacts on this area. In Fig. 10.8a showing “Bahía Cumberland con el Yunque i el Pico Central,” six buildings are seen, one of which may have already fallen down. They do not appear to be in excellent condition. Seven of the caves of the patriots are visible, but they also seem in poor condition.

Fig. 10.8 Views of Valle Colonial (and San Juan Bautista). a Village with the peaks El Yunque (left) and Cordón Central (right center) in the background. b Panorama of area to the west of that seen in (a), showing the rest of the central valley and San Juan Bautista (the Portezuelo, Selkirk’s Lookout, can be seen in the center distance). From Johow (1896: plates 4 and 5)

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The fencing is completely run down. Four horses are in the middle left in an open area, perhaps with some short grasses. What is most conspicuous about the picture is the absence of trees on the slopes at the base of and part of the way up to Cordón Central. Erosion has also occurred in the zone surrounding the caves. There is no evidence of the Fort Santa Bárbara, although there is a flattened platform to the right that might have been where it once stood. Figure 10.8b shows “Valle Colonial (San Juan Bautista) con el Portezuelo de Villagra.” This is essentially a continuation westward (to the right of Fig. 10.8a) in the village. We see one long building, and behind it another smaller one with a flag attached to the pole. On the right side are at minimum two small buildings, perhaps houses. Again, conspicuous is the absence of trees from most of the lower slopes of the valley. One can imagine trees in these areas having being cut and dragged down to the village for use for lumber and firewood. As for education and infrastructure, Johow favored the establishment of a school for the children. At this time there were 54 persons in San Juan Bautista, of which 15 were children who could use education. It should be pointed out, however, that Pöhlmann (1896: 2, note), said that in the census of February 1893, there were 35 persons in San Juan Bautista, almost half being young children, which suggested continuing diminution of the population. As for the manual [domestic] arts, he believed this would be useful for the young ladies. Regarding infrastructure, he didn’t favor the construction of new roads (paths) on Robinson Crusoe Island, but he recommended improvement of the one from the village to the Portezuelo, and the ones that go from the village to Puerto Francés and to Puerto Inglés. He saw no need for new paths on Alejandro Selkirk Island. On this island he advocated a new pier to be constructed, and some years later one was built, but it was destroyed by the sea. Johow’s (1896) study made many valuable contributions to our understanding of the flora and vegetation of the Juan Fernández Islands. First, perhaps the most valuable contribution is that it provided a comprehensive foundation for any further studies on the flora. At this point a full list of existing taxa was available. The earlier studies of Douglas, Bertero, Gay, Philippi, and Hemsley initiated important beginnings to our understanding of the vascular flora, but Johow carried this inventory to a much higher level. Second, he provided numerous insights on the numbers of inhabitants and domesticated animals occurring in San Juan Bautista in 1882. The colony at this point was very small and with modest resources. Third, in his figures (Fig. 10.8a, b) he presented clearly the degree of deforestation that had taken place in the central valley (Valle Colonial), which confirmed the earlier observations by Claudio Gay in 1832 (see Fig. 9.7). Essentially at this time the entire central valley had been deforested, as well as much of Puerto Inglés and Puerto Francés.

10.5 Additional Travelers A most unusual visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was Joshua Slocum, who sailed alone in his small 34-foot boat, the Spray out of Boston, on a three-year roundthe-world voyage from 24 April 1895 to 27 June 1898. He was the first person to

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achieve this solo circumnavigation, and he documented his experiences in a book published shortly after his return to the United States (Slocum 1900). After surviving the passage through the Straits of Magellan, he sailed for Robinson Crusoe Island and into Bahía Cumberland in the evening of 26 April 1896; he went ashore the following day. As he had done at other ports, Slocum prepared donuts, buns, and coffee and offered these to the islanders in exchange for coins of different sorts. At this time there were about 45 persons on the island (Slocum 1900: 140), and the commander of the village, Manuel Carroza (the “King”), treated Slocum most cordially. As for comments about the animals, he only said that (1900: 139): “There are no serpents on the island, and no wild beasts other than pigs and goats, of which I saw a number, with possibly a dog or two.” He spent a pleasant day with children of the village gathering fruits for his continuing voyage, and Slocum mentioned quinces, peaches, and figs. He sailed from Robinson Crusoe Island in the morning of 5 May 1896 heading north toward San Felix Island in the Desventuradas. Slocum valued his stop in Robinson Crusoe Island in part because he felt an affinity with the solitary Alexander Selkirk, who had lived isolated there from 1704–1709 (Teller 1958: 212). After Slocum’s enormously successful solo voyage around the world, he made other trips to the West Indies. On 14 November 1909 he set off once again from his home at West Tisbury on Martha’s Vineyard for the West Indies, but this time neither he nor the Spray were ever seen or heard from again (Mott-Smith 1956). Forever optimistic for possible economic gain from the Juan Fernández islands, another group of investors, a consortium of Germans, opened a canning company in 1893 to harvest the lobsters. By the turn of the century they were producing approximately 40,000 cans annually (Woodward 1969: 215). In addition to the lobster, some sales to the continent in goat skins and beef also occurred. Despite some success, the company was not profitable, and they closed their doors in 1900. In 1901 the Chilean president, Germán Riesco Errázuriz visited Robinson Crusoe Island for another look at possibilities for development. At this time, only 15 persons remained in San Juan Bautista (Woodward 1969: 215). Another group of German investors were encouraged to take over the cannery, which they did for a brief period, but this enterprise also quickly failed. Another interesting report on Robinson Crusoe Island was published as a book by Prof. Dr. Otto Bürger (1909), which resulted from his two-month visit from the end of December 1900 to the beginning of March 1901. He was well informed from the history of the archipelago by Vicuña Mackenna (1883) and the studies on the flora by Johow (1896). Much of his book provided an historical summary of early explorations and visits to the islands, taken doubtless from Vicuña Mackenna, the importance of which Bürger clearly acknowledged in the “Vorwort.” His text was somewhat poetic, with gushing descriptions of the plants, landscapes, and birds. Very useful, however, were two photographs of the central valley (Fig. 10.9a, b), both showing aspects of San Juan Bautista and the surrounding ridges. In Fig. 10.9a, the background has Damajuana to the left, El Yunque in the center, and the Cordón Central to the right. In the foreground is the plain leading from the shore toward the caves of the patriots, of which only a few can be seen clearly. The ruins of Fort Santa Bárbara can also be seen to the center right of the photograph. What is important to note are the weeds

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Fig. 10.9 Views of Valle Colonial in 1901. a Central view with El Yunque in background center, flanked by Damajuana (left) and Cordón Central (right), showing approximately ten buildings, with weed vegetation (Silybum marianum) in the foreground and larger trees behind the buildings. b Panorama taken from the western side (the notch in the distant ridge is the Portezuelo with Selkirk’s Lookout; vegetation is becoming denser in the area around the village due to domesticated and invasive plant species). From Bürger (1909: opposite pp. 14 and 64)

that cover most of the plain, and the introduced trees behind the ten or so buildings. The second photograph (Fig. 10.9b) is taken from the western side of the valley looking southward. The Portezuelo (Selkirk’s Lookout) is seen clearly in the center background (the notch). Abundant weeds, presumably of Silybum marianum, can be seen in the lower left. Some low vegetation was developing in the village, but the lower slopes beyond were still largely denuded of trees and shrubs.

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Another description of the Juan Fernández Archipelago was done by Cäcilie Von Rodt, a cousin of Alfred Von Rodt who colonized in the islands in May of 1877 and attempted to develop it economically. Cäcilie was also Swiss and wished to learn more about the New World, and accordingly she sailed from Lisbon, Portugal, and travelled to Brazil, then Argentina and Chile, with a visit to the Robinson Crusoe Islands to visit her cousin. From there she travelled northward along the western coast of South America, then to Central America and Mexico, and finally to St. Louis in the U.S.A. Her experiences on this trip were chronicled in a book published in 1907, which included two chapters (17 and 18; pp. 219–248) dealing with the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Her visit to Robinson Crusoe Island was aboard the ship Sirene that left from Valparaíso, Chile. She arrived in Cumberland Bay on 24 March 1905 and she left on 29 March, allowing a visit of five days on the island. Her cousin, Alfred Von Rodt was the governor (“King”) of the island at this time, a position he had held for about nine years. It is fortunate that she visited him on this occasion, because he passed away three months after she departed from the island (Von Rodt 1907: 219). At this time, the village of San Juan Bautista contained 122 persons (Von Rodt 1907: 244) in 22 families that originated from the following countries: Chile (13 families), Italy (2), Germany (2), Portugal (1), England (1), France (1), Russia (1), and Switzerland (1). Cäcilie Von Rodt’s comments (1907: 237, 238, 244) focused mainly on the activities of the tourists and on the nature of the village, with very little on the vegetation. She did comment on the chonta, mentioning that it was no longer permitted to cut these down for any purpose. As for introduced animals, the rats were the major plague of the island. On a trip upward into the hills surrounding the central valley, she observed thick groves of the maqui that drove away the native vegetation. By this time, it appears that this invasive species had become well established in the moister quebrada bottoms. Perhaps the most important contributions from Von Rodt’s book derived from the included photographs. Two images show conditions in the central valley (Fig. 10.10a, b), sweeping from left to right (east to west). The photo in Fig. 10.10a was taken from the western side of the central valley looking toward the eastern side. The ridge in the background goes upward from left to right toward the northern sector of Corrales de Molina. Deforestation has occurred on the lower slopes to the left of the photo, and in the lower regions of the adjacent central valley toward the center of the photo. The remains of Fort Santa Bárbara can be seen to the middle right (with flagpole). Some shrubs and trees have revegetated this region. The photo in Fig. 10.10b gives a good view of the new house of the governor (left side, with cupola) with additional buildings. More important is the degree of deforestation on Salsipuedes ridge in the background. Trees have been removed a good part of the way up the ridge. Von Rodt (1907) also included a photograph of Valle Inglés (Fig. 10.11), taken from the eastern side looking westward toward Cerro Alto. The lack of trees can be seen clearly up to about one-half of the slopes, indicating the degree of deforestation in this region.

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(a)

(b)

Fig. 10.10 Central valley with the houses of San Juan Bautista. a View of the central valley from the western side, showing the walls of Fort Santa Bárbara to the center (with flagpole). b Western side showing the new house of the governor (Alfred Von Rodt) and associated buildings, with Salsipuedes ridge in the background. From Von Rodt (1907: 228, 229)

184 Fig. 10.11 View from the landing spot at Puerto Inglés, with a view toward Cerro Alto. From Von Rodt (1907: 235)

10 Floristic Period (1876–1906)

Chapter 11

Skottsberg (1907–1917)

Of all the persons who have contributed to the understanding of the natural history of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, no one has contributed more than the Swedish botanist, Carl Johan Fredrik Skottsberg (Fig. 11.1). Although there had been major achievements in understanding the flora and vegetation of the islands by other workers, especially Douglas, Hemsley, Bertero, Gay, Philippi, and Johow during the nineteenth century, it was Skottsberg who, based on two trips to the archipelago in 1907–08 and 1916–17, built upon the earlier foundations and provided a much more detailed inventory and interpretation of the flora. He also clearly understood the threats to these remarkable plants and offered numerous arguments for their conservation. His botanical contributions on Juan Fernández and many other regions and plants of the Southern Hemisphere are such that he is regarded as one of Sweden’s most distinguished botanists (Peterson 1964). As this list also includes Carl Linnaeus, Skottsberg is placed in very good company. Skottsberg was born on 1 December 1880 in Karlshamn, in southern Sweden. From his early education he entered the University of Uppsala, graduating with a degree in 1901 (Peterson 1964). His interest in natural history led to his being named to join the Swedish Antarctic Expedition of 1901–1903 under the leadership of Otto Nordenskjöld (Peterson 1964), but that expedition did not stop in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. The enthusiasm and experience from that trip, however, led Skottsberg to plan and execute another exploring voyage to southern South America in collaboration with Percy D. Quensel also from the university of Uppsala and Thore G. Halle from Stockholm. In the meantime, Skottsberg completed his Ph.D. degree at the University of Uppsala and graduated in 1907, being appointed as lecturer in that same year (Salisbury 1964).

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_11

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Fig. 11.1 Self-portrait of Carl Johan Fredrik Skottsberg at age 37 taken on his expedition to the Juan Fernández Archipelago of 1916–17

11.1 Expedition of 1907–1908 Skottsberg and colleagues began their trip on 10 September 1907 on the steamship Princess Ingeborg sailing from Gothenburg (Skottsberg 1911: 1). Their travels encompassed sailing along the eastern coast of South America to Brazil and then the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands, exploring Tierra del Fuego, followed by sailing north along the Chilean coast to Valparaíso. From this port city they made a short trip from 20–31 August 1908 to the Juan Fernández Islands on the Chilean Navy vessel Casma under command of Capt. F. Dublé. After the island experience, they returned to the continent and travelled by land south along the Andes to Punta Arenas. From there they explored the Beagle Channel, South Georgia Island, and then headed home to Sweden arriving on 21 June 1909. Of pertinence to our theme is their visit to the Juan Fernández Islands, which formed chap. 9 of his resultant book The Wilds of Patagonia (Skottsberg 1911: 134–148). Skottsberg and colleagues spent eight days in the Juan Fernández Archipelago, four days on Robinson Crusoe Island and two days on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and a brief commentary on their itinerary helps provide context for their excursions. They arrived at Robinson Crusoe Island on 22 August 1908. They spent three days (23–25 August) exploring different areas of the island, principally the environs of

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the central valley, up to Portezuelo, and across to Valle Inglés. Early in the morning on 26 August they navigated along the northern coast of the island, stopping at Bahía del Padre, followed by continuing westward to Alejandro Selkirk Island, arriving the next morning, August 27. This day was spent making a collecting trip from Las Casas, where there were some houses, up into the high elevations of the island, climbing probably along the northern ridge. After passing through some forest, they arrived to the “plateau” (1911: 144), which is up near Los Inocentes, and here they shot a male goat. “Wild goats were numerous here”. They got as far as being able to look down on the sea along the western escarpment. On 28 August Skottsberg explored several of the deep quebradas on the eastern side of the island, and his companion Quensel hiked along the southern shore. They departed for Robinson Crusoe Island that same evening, arriving in Cumberland Bay early on 29 August. After a few short excursions in the central valley on that same day, they left the island and sailed toward the continent, reaching the port of Valparaíso on 31 August. When Skottsberg first arrived at the village of San Juan Bautista on Robinson Crusoe Island, he saw “a cluster of small wooden huts, here and there with a piece of garden” (1911: 135). At this time the population of the village was very small, with a few families and a fishing company (with stations on both islands). In his book he commented very little on the people, nor did he include a photograph of the village area. He was understandably more interested in the plants. As for the flora, Skottsberg commented on the tree-Compositae and a few other plants, including the chonta (Juania australis) and the sandalwood (Santalum fernandezianum; Fig. 11.2a). He mentioned that the chonta still existed, as did the prohibition against cutting it down, but no one appeared to pay attention. More significantly, they sought the last living tree of the sandalwood up the western side of Valle Inglés (1911: 142, 143). As his comments are pertinent and poignant, they are provided here in full. “We walked up the valley and made an ascent of the western side; the place is so steep that one is forced to grasp the trees and shrubs to get a foothold. Or guide stopped, looked round for a minute, down a few hundred yards, and we had reached our destination. The last sandal-tree. Absolutely the last descendant of Santalum fernandezianum. It is so queer to stand at the death-bed of a species; probably we were the last scientists who saw it living. We look at the old tree with a religious respect, touch the stem and the firm, dark green leaves—it is not only an individual, it is a species that is dying. It cannot last very long. There is only one little branch left fresh and green; the others are dead. We cut a piece to get specimens of the peculiar red, strongly scented wood. A photo was taken, I made some observations on the place, and we said good-bye. Should I happen to go there once more I shall not see the sandal-tree; it will be dead and its body cut up into precious pieces—curiosities taken away by every stranger”. This made such an impression on him that he reported finding this last plant in a separate publication (Skottsberg, 1910: 169), which included a photo of this last tree (Fig. 11.2b). The wood specimen (Fig. 11.2c) was deposited in the Herbarium of the Swedish Museum of Natural History in Stockholm (S), where it still resides today. Regarding invasive plants, Skottsberg made special mention of the shrub, the maqui (1911: 137): “this

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Fig. 11.2 Santalum fernandezianum (sandalwood). a As illustrated by B. Krüssel from the one remaining plant discovered in 1892 in Valle Inglés, Robinson Crusoe Island; from Johow (1896: plate 14). b Photograph taken in August of 1908 of the last plant of the sandalwood; from Skottsberg (1910: 169). c Wood sample from the last living plant of Santalum fernandezianum, collected by P. Quensel and C. Skottsberg in late August of 1908, now in the Stockholm Herbarium (S); from Stuessy et al. (2018a: 155); original photo provided by Ulf Swenson. The species is now extinct

disagreeable tree is now spreading rapidly, threatening the original vegetation with annihilation”. Skottsberg made only a few comments about the animals and human activities. He said that the lobster and fishing company was not doing very well, apparently due to poor management, but he felt that with improved efficiencies, it could help provide better income for the colonists. He also mentioned that (1911: 146): “ Sheep, cattle, and horses ran about, greatly to the damage of the vegetation”. He described the impact that people were having on the vegetation, especially by his fellow travelers from the continent (1911: 139). Many voyagers on the Casma enjoyed harvesting the ferns, including the tree ferns, and taking them on board for transfer to their gardens in the conitnent. “It hurt me to see one boat-load after the other of precious plants taken on board the steamer, most of them only to be wasted”. In his report from the expedition, Skottsberg (1914: 29–35) listed the vascular plants, indicating on which island they were found, from where they might have come, and their relatives. This followed the format set by Johow (1896), and it was a preliminary to Skottsberg’s other lists in later publications. He gave 105 as the number of wild-growing flowering plants, of which 72 were endemic (68.5%). He

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listed 11 genera as being endemic (15% of the total of 74). Regarding ferns, he gave 43 species, of which 12 were endemic (28%); these were contained within 19 genera, with only 1 being endemic. This yielded a total of 148 species of vascular plants, of which 84 were endemic (57%), and 93 genera, of which 12 were endemic (13%). He analyzed the origins of the endemic flora, indicating strong South American and Chilean connections, but also recognizing some Pacific elements. He included a long biogeographical discussion (pp. 36–51) that assessed the dispersal possibilities and associations of the flora with other regions. He later also presented a classification of the vegetation on the islands. Overall, this was a most impressive summary of his intensive work during only eight days in the islands. There were photos included, but they did not show the disturbed areas—only forest and some of the endemic plants. Skottsberg was quite bothered by the human disturbance he found on both islands, but especially recent developments on Alejandro Selkirk Island. The Chilean government was considering establishment of another penal colony on the island, with one of the tasks for the convicts being that of “forest-cutting” (1911: 147). He added (1911: 148) that recent news had indicated that the penal colony was not very successful and would be abandoned, but that there was consideration of another scheme 1911: 148) “of breeding sheep and cattle for the wants of the army—a most noble pasturage they will get. Is it possible? After what I have seen, anything is possible”. In his earlier overview of the results from the Swedish Magellanic Expedition, he also expressed similar views (1909: 293) regarding the need for conservation of the endemic flora of the islands, indicating that he had communicated his impressions to the “Chilean authorities”.

11.2 Expedition of 1916–1917 Based on preliminary results from the 1907–08 trip, and realizing that so much more needed to be investigated in the Chilean Pacific islands, especially in Juan Fernández, Skottsberg dedicated himself to organizing a new expedition. This trip was called the Swedish Pacific Expedition of 1916–17, and it focused on the Juan Fernández and Easter Islands. His team consisted of his wife, Inga Skottsberg, who was a botanical assistant at the University of Uppsala, and K. Bäckström, an advanced zoology student (Skottsberg 1917). After obtaining support from numerous patrons, companies, and agencies, they departed Sweden on 5 October 1916 on the ship Suecia headed toward the Panama Canal (Skottsberg, 1918b). Passing through the canal, they continued southward along the western coast of South America, arriving first at Talcahuano, Chile in November. From there they sailed north to Valparaíso and then westward to Robinson Crusoe Island, arriving at Bahía Cumberland on 1 December 1916. The investigations in the Juan Fernández Archipelago lasted five months, covering late spring, summer, and early fall, which would have been the appropriate time for understanding the flora and vegetation. Skottsberg (1953a: 802–805), in his chapter on the vegetation of the islands, provided an itinerary of routes during their stay in the archipelago. The first excursion

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started in Robinson Crusoe Island on 3 December up to the Portezuelo, and other excursions in this island continued until 31 January 1917. They left for Alejandro Selkirk Island on 1 February 2017, arriving to Las Casas on 2 February and staying in this island until 17 March. They left the island that evening and returned to Bahía Cumberland the next day (18 March). Skottsberg’s very useful itinerary gave the dates, the locations of work on those days, and also the number of hours dedicated to each excursion. Days not listed were presumably specimen preparation days and rest days. In addition, Skottsberg (1953a: 793) mentioned that K. Bäckström, who was with the 1916–17 expedition, returned in August of 1917 only to Robinson Crusoe Island to collect more material, to observe the condition of the trees and shrubs in winter condition, and also to take more photos. On 30 April 1917, the expedition left Bahía Cumberland and sailed back to Valparaíso. Afterward, they sailed north along the coast of Chile and Peru, stopping at points of interest along the way, and then swinging westward to Easter Island, arriving on 15 June. After a month in Easter Island, they returned 19 July to Talcahuano, Chile, and then north once again along the western coast of South America, through the Panama Canal, and then to New York, Halifax, and finally Sweden, arriving at Uppsala on 8 December 1917. This was an extremely productive expedition, and Skottsberg took full advantage of publishing the results. Collections of all types of algal, plant, fungal, and animal materials were made, as well as rocks and minerals. The botanical materials were mostly studied by Skottsberg himself, but other collections were offered to colleagues for their study and evaluation. Publication of the results was coordinated by Skottsberg, and it was somewhat complex, because not all workers completed their studies at the same time. Hence, when a fascicle was completed, Skottsberg published this as a separate, distributed to some extent, but most printing was done with final sequential pagination and binding together when all reports were available. The final work appeared in three volumes, vols. 1 and 2 dedicated to the geology and botany, and vol. 3 zoology. The date on the title page of vols. 1 and 2 is “1920–1956”, because this covers the dates of actual publication of the separates bound together. The zoology in volume 3 was handled the same way, being bound together with the inclusive dates “1921–1940”. This method leads to bibliographic confusion, because there are articles published in vol. 1, that have dates later than some articles in vols. 2 or 3. Each volume has its own time series of published reports. It is not necessary here to detail contents of all articles published in the three volumes on the natural history of Juan Fernández and Easter Islands. What is important is the information contained in the articles written by Skottsberg on the vegetation and human impact on it, and these would be Skottsberg 1921, 1951, 1953a, and 1954, dealing with the phanerogams (seed plants, which means flowering plants in context of these islands, because there are no native gymnosperms), supplement to the phanerogams, vegetation, and geographical sketch of the islands, respectively. In addition, Skottsberg published a full book on the expedition (1918a, in Swedish), and many articles in different journals, those pertinent to our book being Skottsberg 1918b, 1929b, 1935, 1945, and 1953b. Some of the discussions in these articles use information from his expedition of 1907–08, but since that trip to the islands was

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only 12 days, most of the impressions obviously derive from the longer five months in 1916–17. Most of these publications are in English, but he also wrote in German, French, Spanish, and Swedish. The discussion below provides a synthesis of information from these many sources, all organized into the same framework used for the other chapters. The information here is detailed, and numerous photographs exist to explain more fully the conditions described. For convenience, his comments will be organized by island, beginning with Robinson Crusoe Island. Robinson Crusoe Island. Vegetation.—As for general comments on vegetation, Skottsberg (1918b: 375) mentioned the obvious point about the “barren western parts” where weeds from Chile or Europe had dominated the area. Along this same line, he mentioned (Skottsberg 1953b: 521) that the lower limit of vegetation in Valle Villagra (west down from the Portezuelo) is probably due to the scarcity of water. This is the beginning of the lower and drier region that extends westward on the island. Even more interesting is a general comment that Skottsberg made (1953b: 517) that provides an overview of the impacts that have occurred in the archipelago. His perspective is entirely in line with the main theme of this book. He says [translated by me from the Spanish]: “It is probable that before the arrival of humans toward the end of the sixteenth century—there were no indigenous peoples—the forest extended to the sea in the large valleys on the north side, but since the end of the seventeenth century this region of the coast and the low slopes remained naked and presented a sad panorama of open fields, exposed to the force of erosion and full of weeds introduced by human traffic; the adventitious species are more numerous than the indigenous ones. The forest is limited to the interior of the valleys, but before arriving to this true fernandezian forest, we have to pass through a thick band of introduced shrubs, the maqui, Aristotelia maqui [= A. chilensis], which little by little is replacing the forest with its vigorous reproduction”. By 1917, the valley of Puerto Inglés and Puerto Francés were seriously denuded of vegetation. Native plants.—Skottsberg made continuing efforts to provide statistics on the vascular plant flora of the islands. This is always important, because these statistics are used to calculate percentages for endemism, types of dispersal mechanisms, countries of origin, life forms, etc. It is also somewhat difficult to be entirely precise because of changing taxonomic perspectives and the addition of new taxa through more collecting, especially of the introduced species. He began with listing 142 indigenous (i.e., endemic and native) flowering plant species in the archipelago (Skottsberg, 1921: 210), which included 24 new species and one new subspecies. In 1945, Skottsberg (1945: 151) revised this total number of indigenous vascular plants to 195, of which 143 were flowering plants (98 endemic), and the ferns numbered 52 species (18 endemic). In 1953b (p. 525) he listed 146 indigenous flowering plants (100 endemic). He also included a biogeographic analysis of the composition of the flora. As with many previous visitors, Skottsberg commented on the status of the endemic palm, the chonta (Juania australis), pointing out (Skottsberg 1918b) that it was rare in accessible places. Despite the existence of a prohibition against cutting it down, this law was not rigidly enforced, and many visitors carried away wood as

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souvenirs. He added that (1921: 108) it was “not seen by us at a lower altitude than 190 m but reaching the highest crests”. Skottsberg also commented in some detail on the sandalwood (Santalum fernandezianum). As he was the last person to record this species alive, a full quote from him on the subject is useful. In 1921 (p. 117) he said: “In 1882 D. Sepúlveda rediscovered the sandalwood, long thought extinct, in Pto Inglés, where, according to what he told me, he cut two trees at a low altitude above sea level. Shortly afterwards another person is said to have found one tree near Portezuelo. I do not know who destroyed this. Later (1892?) P. Arredondo found another tree in Pto Inglés about 300 m above sea level, and in January or February 1892 he brought Johow to the spot. There are specimens in his herbarium from the same tree gathered by Söhrens 1895. In August, 1908, Arrendondo’s son Guillermo accompanied me to the locality. From 1892 to 1908 no second specimen had been discovered…. When we arrived in Masatierra in 1916, we were met by the sad news that the tree had died and become cut up, so that nothing remained. Numerous pieces of the wood were offered for sale”. There have been verbal reports of fossil wood of sandalwood on Alejandro Selkirk Island, but it is not known if this really was sandalwood, or if it were, then whether it would have been the same, or a different, species. Since no specimens are available, S. fernandezianum has been registered only from Robinson Crusoe Island (e.g., Stuessy et al. 2018b). Introduced plants.—Skottsberg (1921: 214–227) presented a list of 130 introduced species in the archipelago, and he offered comments about some of them such as Acaena argentea, Amblyopappus pusillus, Anthoxanthum odoratum, Aristotelia maqui [= A. chilensis], Avena barbata, Gnaphalium cheiranthifolium, Rumex acetosella, and Silybum marianum. He added that Santa Clara Island and the western half of Robinson Crusoe Island were covered with weeds. On Alejandro Selkirk Island Avena barbata was common along the shore and Anthoxanthum and Rumex acetosella were abundant in the subalpine and “alpine” zones. He felt that the establishment of the penal colony in 1909 contributed to the increase in weeds. In a supplement to the floras of Juan Fernández and Easter Island (1951: 788–790), Skottsberg added seven new introduced species, yielding a total of 137 (only flowering plants). Also of interest are the plants that have now invaded the caves of the patriots, which were carved for living quarters during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Skottsberg (1935) showed a nice photo of the caves (Fig. 11.3), of which he inventoried those ten remaining. He pointed out that previously there were two tiers of caves (see Fig. 9.7), but the lower tier had long been covered over by soil erosion. The flora inside the caves consisted mostly of ferns, but also some mosses and algae. Of the flowering plants, there were Aira caryophyllea, Aristotelia chilensis, Cyperus vegetus, Erigeron fernandezia, Rumex acetosella, Rumex sp., and Verbena litoralis. Most were weeds, with Erigeron endemic and Cyperus possibly indigenous. This shows the strong dispersal capability of the ferns and the more aggressive tendencies of the invasive flowering plants in colonizing this new habitat. Of the specific invasive plant species, the trun, Acaena argentea, is one clear example. Skottsberg (1918b: 369) related that in the valleys near the sea, “The soil lies bare, the forest has been destroyed, erosion is very active. There one of the

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Fig. 11.3 Caves of the patriots in 1917. From Skottsberg (1918a: 35); republished in Skottsberg (1935: 364)

introduced Chilean weeds has won a considerable victory, thanks to its most efficient means of dispersal; it is a burnet, Acaena argentea. Cattle and sheep become covered with its fruits and carry them everywhere”. Having an aggressive invasive species covering large areas of the soil is not particularly desirable, but on the other hand, at least for the moment, this species does hold the soil in the affected areas. These plants continue to disperse to other areas, due to their hooked fruits that so efficiently attach to animals and people. A worse plague than the trun in Robinson Crusoe Island is now the maqui. Skottsberg (1918b: 369) had a graphic description of the menace that this species represented: “It is able to germinate and grow in the deepest shadow, it sprouts from the base of its stem with amazing speed, and it has entered and conquered all the lower parts of the valleys. The berries are the staple food of the thrush, which sows it in thousands every year. To the native flora it has become a serious menace. Its vanguard has already reached the highest ridges. If nothing is done to check the formidable invader, much of the precious native flora is doomed”. He reiterated these same sentiments in 1953a (p. 840) and pointed out that native plants could not well survive under the maqui. These thickets are so dense that it is virtually impossible to walk through them. The villagers cut stems to use as firewood and for the lobster traps, but the species sprouts from the cut base and easily keeps ahead of the harvesting efforts. Another serious invasive species, the very aggressive blackberry Rubus ulmifolius, was introduced to San Juan Bautista in the mid-nineteenth century. In 1954, Skottsberg (1954: 186) mentioned that “he has been told” that the Plazoleta del Yunque had now been overrun with Rubus ulmifolius, and this is still the case. At the present time, this species forms impenetrable thickets in different areas of the island (e.g., Fig. 5.1a), and its removal remains one of the greatest conservation challenges. Regarding domesticated plants, Skottsberg (1954: 179, 181) said that the following exotic trees were seen in 1916–17: araucarias, eucalypts, poplars, pines,

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Albizia, and Eriobotrya. He added that figs and quinces produced good fruit; the other fruit trees produced only “indifferent fruits”. He said that “wheat-fields were few”, and there was also a “shortage of potatoes”. Domesticated animals.—Regarding domesticated animals that Skottsberg observed in 1916–17 (Skottsberg 1954: 181), he stated that milk cows were few, but that “Herds of cattle roamed through all the valleys from Pto Francés to Vaquería on the north and from the foot of Mt. Yunque to Puente on the south side of the island”. Figure 11.4 shows a cattle round-up being held in the low flat area of San Juan Bautista. He added that there were horses in some valleys, but he saw no sheep. This situation changed in 1945, and Skottsberg (1954: 186) offered a blunt assessment of the new situation: “The statistics tell us that Masatierra [Robinson Crusoe Island] is being transformed into a cattle and sheep farm, a new and strange type of National Park [so designated in 1935]. In 1945 the island had 5000 sheep, 600 head of cattle, 500 tame (?) goats and 300 horses, and even if the horses and cows mostly graze the open country with grasses and herbs, mainly introduced weeds, they do not despise the light forest which, and this was easy to observe already in 1917, suffers”. Marine animals.—Skottsberg made little reference to the marine mammals, but a few comments are pertinent to our discussion. All of them come from his 1954 article. As for the lobster fishing, Skottsberg mentioned (p. 178) that a new company, Recart y Doniez, took over the industry on Robinson Crusoe Island in 1914, and they provided him with some space for investigations during the expedition. They also held the license to fish at Alejandro Selkirk Island. Skottsberg included (p. 184) a table of the lobster catch from 1940 (109,250 animals) to 1946 (56,431 animals), having

Fig. 11.4 Cattle round-up in San Juan Bautista. Photograph by K. Bäckström in 1917. From Skottsberg (1954: 181)

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taken these data from Guzmán P. (c. 1950), which indicates clearly the declining yearly harvest. Graf Marin (1944) gave the annual lobster catch in 1943 as 84,000 instead of 62,287 from Guzmán, but the declining trend is still evident. Human activities.—Nearly all of Skottsberg’s articles dealt with specific scientific interests, but he frequently added a commentary on human activities. A good example of this was his presentation of the vegetation types in the archipelago (1945), which contained a final section “Influence of man” on pp. 152–153. His comments are very pertinent to the theme of this book, and his summary provides a suitable overview of human impact up to this point: “Human traffic has altered the flora profoundly; unintentionally introduced weeds are as many as the indigenous species, and several garden plants have become naturalized. The early introduction of goats has been disastrous, here as elsewhere, and they are still plentiful in Masafuera [Alejandro Selkirk Island]. Cattle were brought to Masatierra [Robinson Crusoe Island] with the settlers, most of the open western country is grazed, much of the priceless forest has been cut for fuel and lumber, and there has been trade in palm wood and living tree-ferns. The sandalwood was almost extinct before 1800. The convict settlements in Masafuera, which now remain uninhabited, have been fatal to the plant world. Some years ago the islands were declared a national park, but little has been done to enforce the regulations”. Skottsberg made little specific mention of fire on Robinson Crusoe Island, but he did offer one example from the area called El Rabanal, which is between Bahía Cumberland and Puerto Francés, an area that now is seriously eroded. He commented that (Skottsberg, 1954: 108): “in Johow’s time it was densely wooded, but in 1905 it was ravaged by fire, and the forest never came back”. The number of inhabitants in San Juan Bautista during the first half of the twentieth century was provided by Skottsberg in his article of 1954 (pp. 179, 181, 185, 186), being supplemented by information from Graf Marin (1944) and Guzmán P. (c. 1950). The data were: 1914, c. 200 persons; 1917, 298 (155 men and boys); 1940, 434 (225 men and boys); 1943, 771 (198 men, 123 women, 450 children); 1944, 653; 1948, 600. In any event, the population was increasing, based on more economic activities, and as Skottsberg summarized (1954: 185): “More people meant more houses, more gardens, more timber and fuel used, etc”. As for buildings, Skottsberg did not discuss these in any detail, but his photographs revealed aspects of building construction in San Juan Bautista in the central valley. In Fig. 11.5, which shows the eastern side of the valley, fencing can be seen, suggesting that domesticated animals (perhaps sheep) were kept at this time. Bare slopes and soil erosion are also seen. Figure 11.6 shows a view of the village, San Juan Bautista, taken from the trail that winds from the village to the Salsipuedes ridge. The photo shows the existing buildings, with the governor’s residence in the middle (with cupola). There are approximately 19 structures, which is a definite increase from earlier photos at the beginning of the twentieth century. This perhaps has resulted from the attempts at commercial activities. The trees that had been planted earlier are now growing larger. The rest of the valley is still quite barren (Fig. 11.7a), and a view looking westward towards Salsipuedes ridge shows the eroded lower slopes in that sector (Fig. 11.7b).

196 Fig. 11.5 The central valley, with Damajuana in the background. Note the fencing, cultivated trees, and soil erosion. Photograph 25 December 1916 by Skottsberg. From Skottsberg (1954: 115)

Fig. 11.6 Village of San Juan Bautista, from the trail up to Salsipuedes ridge and looking eastward. The building with the cupola is the governor’s residence. From Skottsberg (1918a: opposite p. 24); republished by Skottsberg (1954: 178)

11 Skottsberg (1907–1917)

11.2 Expedition of 1916–1917 Fig. 11.7 Valle Colonial and San Juan Bautista. a Central part of the valley, showing badly eroded slopes and caves of the patriots; in the background, El Yunque left, Cordón Central center, and La Pirámide right; photograph 30 March 1917 by Skottsberg. b Western portion of San Juan Bautista just below the eroded SE slopes of Salsipuedes ridge; photograph by Skottsberg 30 December 1916. From Skottsberg (1953a: 820 and plate 90, 1)

197

(a)

(b)

Conservation.—Despite the deep scientific interests of Skottsberg, he harbored a very sincere concern about conservation of the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, and this can be seen in many of his publications. Generally these comments come toward the end of a scientific report, calling attention to the fragile nature of the flora and the many needs for its conservation. It has to be admitted that when working in the islands, and being surrounded by so many unusual endemic species of plants, and realizing that these small land masses are the only places that these species call home, it would be a callous scientist, indeed, who would not be moved by the need for conservation in the archipelago. Certainly this has always been the case with our research (e.g., Sanders et al. 1982; Swenson et al. 1997; Stuessy et al. 1998c, d, 2018c). Skottsberg’s article on the phanerogams of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, published in 1921, shows his conservation ethic very clearly (pp. 212–213). He directed a plea for conservation to the Chilean government. He pointed out that there was really no way that money could be made from the land, but that the fishing (including lobster) could be done without destroying the flora. He indicated that some

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persons suggested the construction of hotels, etc., an idea that periodically surfaces, but that this would have devastating consequences for the plant life. He advocated the giving of a “license” to collect scientific specimens (i.e., a permit process), and that the colonists should be controlled, not removed, but regulated. The wild goats should be all killed, unless a small herd might be maintained for historical purposes. He suggested that no more permanent settlements should be allowed, and that a government representative with scientific training should be installed in the village and also be given resources to fight the maqui and other weeds. In his 1954 article on the geographic sketch of the island, Skottsberg created a section entitled “Human influence on Juan Fernandez” (p. 168–190), which is completely pertinent to the theme of our present book. He lays out very clearly his recommendations (p. 188): “to limit plantations and fields to the waste-land on the north side of Masatierra [Robinson Crusoe Island]; to encourage gardening for local consumption; to declare war on the introduced noxious weeds, goats and rabbits; greatly to reduce the number of domestic animals and to keep them out of the native forest; to reduce the number of wild goats on Masafuera [Alejandro Selkirk Island] and keep it on a minimum or, which would be the best, to exterminate them; to teach the inhabitants not to disturb Nature’s equilibrium”. He also recommended enforcement of the Law of 31 January 1935 that created a national park. In fact, two island residents, Hugo Weber and Carlos Bock, were appointed forest inspectors, but Bock died shortly thereafter and Weber after a few years left the islands (Skottsberg, 1954: 184). Skottsberg also commented (1954: 188) on the possibility of construction of an airport in the flat area near the sea in San Juan Bautista, which was actually considered more seriously years later. Another suggestion was a runway on the flat areas on the top of Alejandro Selkirk Island, but this was never considered seriously due to its isolation. Plans for a possible landing strip near Bahía Padre on the western side of Robinson Crusoe Island, its present location, were developed later. Skottsberg (p. 184) also advocated the economic development of fishing, especially the bacalao, particularly in consideration of the decline in the lobster harvest. He also encouraged establishment of a biological station in the area of Cumberland Bay. The report of Johow (1896) was also discussed by Skottsberg (1954), who had his own set of conservation recommendations. While in agreement with many of the points, Skottsberg stressed that few of the recommendations had been implemented. For example, the chonta was still being taken, along with other floral souvenirs (such as tree ferns) by the tourists. He sadly concluded (1954: 188) that: “Human influence has cut its mark deep and it has changed the natural scenery greatly without adding to its beauty”. Santa Clara Island. As has been remarked by nearly all visitors to the archipelago, Skottsberg (1918a; 369) likewise pointed out that Santa Clara Island “is and has always been destitute of trees”. The only traveler who showed trees on this island was the normally very precise Lord Anson (Fig. 7.11), but this must be explained by a draftsman’s error. Because of the virtual devastation of Santa Clara now and in Skottsberg’s day, it is possible that the original vegetation was more like what can be seen on the isolated islet, Morro Spartan (Johow 1896; Skottsberg 1954: 139),

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Fig. 11.8 Morro Spartan, a small islet on the north side of Santa Clara, showing many individuals of Dendroseris pruinata and D. litoralis. Person is Inga Skottsberg. Photograph by Skottsberg on 26 January 1917. From Skottsberg (1918a: 80); also published in Skottsberg (1953a: plate 103)

separated from the north coast of Santa Clara by a narrow water channel. Although this water barrier is not very broad, it has been sufficient to prohibit animals (especially goats) from arriving to the islet; the vegetation, therefore, has been preserved (Fig. 11.8). One can see the many plants of Dendroseris (apparently D. pruinata and D. litoralis). When we visited in 1980, there were fewer of these plants (Stuessy et al. 1984b), but it still harbored native flora. Alejandro Selkirk Island. Skottsberg (1953a: 926, 927) commented on the forests of Alejandro Selkirk Island, making comparisons between what he had observed in 1908 and again in 1917. “Some forest had been burnt or cut by the inmates of the penal colony, huts of native timber had been built in some of the valleys …, and in some sites abandoned potato fields and garden plots, where a new weed flora was well established, were seen”. Skottsberg (1953a: 932, 933) continued with comments on the upland forest. “It is hard to imagine what the upland country looked like before the arrival of these intruders [i.e., Anthoxanthun odoratum and Rumex acetosella, two of the most invasive species]. If we could exterminate them, the result would be extensive desert-like areas, and I do not think that these were ever covered by either Lophosoria [large fern] or Gunnera, because I fail to see how the weeds ever managed to germinate in the deep shade of the fern fronds or pangue leaves, much less being able to crowd them out unless the country was burnt over. Possibly this is what happened. I should add that the goats do not seem to touch either the ferns or the pangue leaves. Perhaps some of the cespitose native grasses and sedges and mat-forming herbs were more widely spread; other species, more palatable to the goats, may have become extinct”.

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As for descriptions of animals on Alejandro Selkirk Island, Skottsberg (1954: 157, 170) said that Weber (1940) mentioned numerous goats after the penal colony closed in 1930, extending even to the beach. Skottsberg only saw two domesticated horses when he visited the island in 1917. He observed some fur seals at Lobería Vieja, but the sea lion (elephant seal) was no longer present in the archipelago. The buildings and inhabitants of Alejandro Selkirk Island in the early twentieth century resulted largely from re-establishment of the penal colony in 1909. Skottsberg (1954) recounts the history of the new penal colony based on some measure from information in Guzmán P. (c. 1950). In April of 1909 the new penal colony, “Carcel Pedro Montt” was created on the island, and through two shipments, 170 convicts arrived and lived in Las Casas. Wives or relatives were allowed to come and live with the convicts, which increased the population eventually to 350 persons. This experiment didn’t last long, however, and the colony was closed in 1913. Many buildings were constructed during this period, which could be seen (and used) by Skottsberg during his visit in 1917 (Fig. 11.9a); there were no inhabitants of Las Casas at this time, and many introduced plants were observed (Fig. 11.9b). A new penal colony was opened again in 1927 on Alejandro Selkirk Island, now called “Prisión Carlos Ibañez”, this time for political prisoners as well as ordinary criminals. This Fig. 11.9 Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island. a Abandoned settlement, photograph by K. Bäckström in 1917; from Skottsberg (1918a: 118). b The mouth of Quebrada de Las Casas, showing abandoned house and weedy vegetation; photograph by K. Bäckström in 1917; from Skottsberg (1954: 148)

(a)

(b)

11.2 Expedition of 1916–1917

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renewed activity resulted in more trees being cut down and more seeds of cultivated plants being sown. The project likewise didn’t last long, being abandoned finally in 1930. Guzmán P. (c. 1950) said that there had been seven penal colony attempts on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and this represented a substantial human presence on the island. These efforts, combined with the sealing activities at the beginning of the nineteenth century, have been the sources for the major human impacts on the vegetation of the island. Skottsberg in 1954 (p. 186) said that “some years ago” 17 colonists (with families totaling 72 persons) settled on Alejandro Selkirk Island with the objective of lobster fishing. Now about 20 families go there only for the fishing season, which lasts about eight months; the rest of the year (15 May to 30 September) is the lobster reproductive season, which is protected by law.

Chapter 12

Touristic Period (1918–1959)

The contributions made to understanding the flora and vegetation of the Juan Fernández Archipelago by Carl Skottsberg in his first two trips cannot be overestimated. As was discussed in detail in Chap. 11, he dedicated a large portion of his botanical research efforts toward providing a comprehensive inventory of the endemic, native, and introduced species of vascular plants of the islands. In addition, he collected other natural history materials, such as animals, lower plants, and rocks and minerals, which he offered for study to collaborators throughout the world. These investigations were then published in a series of papers, which provided a comprehensive insight to the natural world of these fascinating islands. But in addition to these scientific contributions, Skottsberg was also sincerely concerned about conservation of the natural resources of the archipelago. In many of his articles, he added a plea for attention to the needs of preserving endangered species, and he spoke from experience, having personally witnessed the extinction of the sandalwood (Santalum fernandezianum). With this foundation for understanding the natural riches of the Juan Fernández archipelago, additional visitors came to the islands during the remainder of the first half of the twentieth century (Table 12.1). They came for different reasons. Some were beguiled by the serenity of the village, others by the simplicity of the lifestyle, a few in search of economic gain or specific scientific objectives, and many just came out of touristic curiosity. A constant attraction for visitors was to see the environment from Defoe’s famous novel (1719), in which Robinson Crusoe, based on the truelife experiences of Alexander Selkirk, learned about spiritual fulfilment and selfsufficiency. Some visitors stayed and tried to make a new life in the islands, but most visited and returned to their homelands. Another event that attracted attention to the archipelago took place during World War I. The overall conflict began with the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie of Austria-Hungary by the Bosnian Serb nationalist, Gavrilo Princip, in Sarajevo, Serbia, on 28 June 1914. In response, the Austrian-Hungarian

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_12

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Table 12.1 Historical reports of visits to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Touristic Period (1918–1959) Author of report

Year published

Dates in islands

Eugenio Camillo Branchi

1922

Nov 1921; Jan 1922

Otto Tenz

1924

24 Dec 1921; 10–11 Feb 1922

Gualterio Looser

1927

24–28 Dec 1925; 11–15 Feb, Dec 1927

Filomena Ramírez B.

1935

Before 17 Apr 1935

Hugo Weber Frechinger

1940

1930–1940

Thomas Harper Goodspeed (John L. Morrison)

1941

Late Feb–early Mar 1939

Jorge Guzmán Parada

c. 1950

c. 1948

Carl Skottsberg

1962

21 Dec 1954–27 Mar 1955

Günther W. H. Kunkel

1968

Apr 1954–Mar 1957

dual monarchy placed demands on Serbia that were viewed by them as too controlling, and which they rejected. The monarchy responded by declaring war on Serbia on 28 July 1914. Due to existing treaties and alliances, on 10 August 1914 Germany joined with Austria-Hungary against Serbia (allied with Russia), France declared war on Austria-Hungary, and Britain declared war on Germany. After this rapid beginning, the conflict deepened and spread globally. Of importance to the Juan Fernández Islands was that a German warship, Dresden, low on fuel, visited Cumberland Bay on 8 March 1915. As Chile had declared as a neutral country, the port commander allowed the German ship to anchor in the bay (Parker de Bassi 1987). Tracking the Dresden were three English warships (Kent, Glasgow, Orama), which approached Cumberland Bay on 14 March (Arana 2010). Believing that the German ship was attempting to flee from the bay, they opened fire and seriously damaged it. As the Dresden foundered, the captain and most of the crew escaped, followed by an explosive scuttling, which caused the boat to sink into the bay where it still rests at a depth of about 60 m (Woodward 1969). In 1922 the German community in Valparaíso erected in the cemetery of San Juan Bautista a small monument with plaque in memory of the fallen crewmen, but this was damaged during the tsunami of 27 February 2010 (Arana 2010).

12.1 1920s The Italian traveler and author Eugenio Camillo Branchi visited Chile and sailed to the Robinson Crusoe Archipelago on the ship Gaviota in November 1921, and again on the steamship Ebro in January of 1922. His book (Branchi 1922) is a poetic impression of these voyages, sailing from Valparaíso with well-off passengers. The book also contains excerpts from the previous authors Hemsley and Johow, as well as his own observations. It is unclear if the Gaviota actually disembarked at either

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Fig. 12.1 View of San Juan Bautista in 1922, showing development of the village and growth of introduced trees. From Branchi (1922: opposite p. 18)

island, but it is clear that the Ebro did because Branchi has original photographs from both islands. Branchi (1922: 165–178) offered a number of comments on the archipelago that are pertinent to the theme of this book. For example, he commented on the langosta (lobster), saying that the law specified that fishing was prohibited during the months of reproduction and that 90,000 lobsters were caught annually. San Juan Bautista had 217 inhabitants, and the packing company Recart y Doniez dominated the buildings of the village (Fig. 12.1; the large white building on the left), along with many other smaller buildings and the increasingly large cultivated trees in the village. Forests were cut to make firewood, and in La Vaquería, there were numerous cattle in the valley in a wild condition. On Santa Clara Island, wild goats were seen, plus only one fur seal. There were c. 5000 feral goats on Alejandro Selkirk Island. An interesting visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was Dr. Otto Tenz from the Institut für allgemeine Botanik in Hamburg, Germany (Skottsberg 1929a). Tenz made a trip to Robinson Crusoe Island along with his colleague (“H.”), staying approximately one and one-half months in the island. His experiences were published in four installments in 1924 in the journal Andina (Zeitschrift für Naturfreunde und Wanderer) managed by the Deutschen Ausflug Vereins zu Valparaíso, which was a group of German-immigrant travel enthusiasts who enjoyed exploring new regions, especially in the Southern Cone. Tenz left Valparaíso on the sailing ship Gaviota on 20 December 1921 at 3:00 PM, arriving in Cumberland Bay on the fifth day, i.e., at 5:30 PM on Christmas Eve, December 24. He stayed until after 8 February 1922. As for the plants, he said quite a bit about the interesting endemic and native species found, but he did not comment on their abundance. He mentioned the invasive maqui, but again he did not comment on how extensive this had become. The chonta was still available in the island, and Tenz revealed a fascination with its appearance, especially the smooth, green stem.

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He suggested that there might be more sandalwood trees in the valleys of Valle Inglés, but after Skottsberg’s inventorying in the region, this seems highly unlikely. Regarding the animals, Tenz mentioned having seen wild goats, but he offered no detail on number. He also commented on the presence of wild donkeys, rats and mice on the island. The most notable aspect of Tenz’s visit on Robinson Crusoe Island was that he climbed the highest peak, El Yunque, guided by the islander Uberlindo Andauer, and made the first plant collection from this inaccessible location. Tenz was aware of the case of the two convicts who gained their freedom back in 1795. He also mentioned that several years before, Andauer scaled the peak himself, and then his two brothers-in-law successfully made the climb. Another visitor, Capitán Alberto Hozven (Branchi 1922: 172), from the torpedo-hunter Admiral Uribe, along with the seaman Silva, made the climb. Andauer offered to escort Tenz to the top, and they attempted the climb on 7 February 1922. They headed up in the early morning darkness, arriving at El Camote at 6:00 AM, which is just at the base of the peak (Fig. 12.2). They climbed up, made observations, took photos, made a small collection of plants, and stayed the night, making a small fire to cook dinner. On the next day, 8 February, they started down at noon, arriving back at the Plazoleta by 4:30 PM. The collections made by Tenz on the top of El Yunque were studied by Skottsberg and published in 1929a. Most fascinating was the new genus and species that Skottsberg described, Yunquea tenzii, which was based only on two leaves without any floral or fruiting parts. Because of the limited material available, Skottsberg was only able to refer Yunquea to the family Asteraceae, and possibly with a connection to the genus Centaurodendron, but he emphasized the importance of obtaining flowering and/or fruiting specimens to make a more precise referral. During Skottsberg’s last trip to the Juan Fernández Islands in 1955, the young German writer Günther Kunkel, accompanied by the local resident Jorge Charpentier, again made a successful ascent of El Yunque, and this time brought back old inflorescences with fruits. Skottsberg was able to germinate some of these fruits in the Bergius Botanical Garden in Stockholm, but they did not survive to flowering stage. Nonetheless, based on analysis of the fruits and old flowering heads, the close relationship to Centaurodendron was confirmed (Skottsberg 1958a). The only other collector to have visited El Yunque has been Philippe Danton on 15 February 1999 (Danton 2000), who made the ascent with the CONAF guides Ramón Schiller, his son Rodrigo, Alfonso Andauer, and Oscar Chamorro. In his report, Danton (2000: plate I) presented a photograph showing an entire plant of Yunquea, but again without reproductive parts. A list of the species observed was included in his publication, but the only collections made were those of uncertain grasses and rushes for further study and identification. Recently a new ascent of El Yunque by CONAF park guides has been made (Alarcón 2015), and a photograph of Yunquea tenzii was taken, but this plant also lacked flowers or fruits. During the time that Tenz was on Robinson Crusoe Island, two pleasure steamships with tourists also made short visits. On 5 January 1922 a luxury steamer, the Ebro, stopped at Robinson Crusoe Island with “einigen Hundert Vernügungsreisenden” [a few hundred pleasure-travelers] (1924, 4: 11). These were well-off passengers, with

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207

Fig. 12.2 Photograph of El Camote taken in 1939. This location is a few hours climb up from La Plazoleta del Yunque and just below the only route up to the top of El Yunque, the highest point on Robinson Crusoe Island. From Goodspeed (1941: opposite p. 272)

fashionable clothes, and they sought lobsters, canes made from palm wood, pieces of sandalwood, goat horns and pelts, and small plants of palms and ferns. Near the end of Tenz’s stay, another ship with tourists came to visit, the Essequibo, and they again wanted to take back souvenirs (1924, 4: 10). Tenz pointed out that recent articles from the continental press about the island contained recommendations on how to develop the island more, rather than how to preserve it as it was. He left the island after 8 February (probably 10–11 February), with the trip back to Valparaíso lasting three days. Gualterio Looser (Fig. 12.3) was a Chilean businessman who showed a deep interest in the natural history of his country (Martínez 1983). Over his lifetime (1898-1982), he investigated and published on many aspects of the flora of Chile, but especially on the ferns (e.g., Looser 1931), which led him to receiving an honorary doctorate from the University of Zürich, Switzerland. During his career he was also an honorary helper of the Anthropology Section of the National Museum of

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Fig. 12.3 Gualterio looser

Natural History in Santiago, Chile, an Honorary Professor of the Faculty of Biological Sciences of the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, and a member of the Academia Chilena de Ciencias Naturales. Looser visited Robinson Crusoe Island 24–28 December 1925 and again 11–15 February and in December of 1927 (Looser 1927b; Martínez 1983), and he provided a summary of these excursions (1927b). Appropriate to the theme of tourism of this chapter, when Looser arrived in the first visit on the steamship Orcona, after the ship had anchored in Bahía Cumberland, the first islander to come aboard the ship was a person dressed as Robinson Crusoe, with a parrot, a goat, and accompanied by his man Friday. Looser collected plants in and around the village, up to the Portezuelo, and in Valle Inglés, and he provided a list of species in his paper of 1927b. These specimens were examined by Skottsberg and briefly discussed by him (1929a). More importantly, Looser was very much taken by the need for conservation in the islands, and he supported appeals to the Chilean government for protection of the wildlife of the archipelago. Despite Looser’s very short stays in the islands, he

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209

made contributions by reporting on the invasive zarzamora (Rubus ulmifolius) and the touristic objects for sale in Robinson Crusoe Island. The zarzamora is an introduction from Europe that already had become widely distributed in Chile. It produces edible berries, and it can form hedges that restrain domesticated animals, two valuable qualities. When it gets into the natural environment, however, this species can take over and crowd out the native plants. Looser was well aware of this danger when he saw and collected the species in the Plazoleta del Yunque on Robinson Crusoe Island (Looser 1927a). He surmised that it must have arrived, presumably inadvertently, during the past 10 years, because Skottsberg did not report it in his assessment of the flora in 1921 that resulted from his expedition of 1916–17. Looser was cognizant of the potential danger (1927a: 84), stressing that the situation was “profundamente lamentable.” His fears were well justified, as this species has become one of the worst invasives on the island (Dirnböck et al. 2003; Greimler et al. 2018a). Looser (1927b) also saw other introduced species on his excursions around the island. He mentioned the trun (Acaena argentea), which completely covered various hectares, and he also reported the maqui (Aristotelia chilensis) that was already well established. Ugni molinae was amply distributed in the lower elevations. He also mentioned (p. 391) that in the Plazoleta del Yunque he saw large Eucalyptus trees that had been planted earlier by Alfredo Von Rodt. In this same location, Looser mentioned seeing Lardizabala biternata, which still exists there today and has apparently not dispersed elsewhere on the island. Looser was also disturbed by the diversity of touristic objects that he saw on sale in San Juan Bautista (Looser 1927c). He pointed out that on his trip of 11– 15 February 1927 on the ship Orduña, there were 700 passengers, at a time when the village contained approximately 300 inhabitants and about 50 dispersed houses (Looser 1927b). Most conspicuous, and in the most variety, were canes made from the chonta. The handle was made from Nothomyrcia fernandeziana or sometimes Berberis corymbosa, as those were more resistant woods. The tip of the cane was of whale bone. Some canes were also made completely of N. fernandeziana, and there were also canes made from sandalwood, by this time already extinct, and hence, commanding much higher prices. Also for sale were unfinished pieces of wood suitable for making canes, and wooden tablets for similar (or other) woodworking purposes. Further items available from the chonta were writing pens and rectangular boxes with lids. Due to the large number of tourists, mostly of adequate financial means and with differing personal tastes, other natural history objects were for sale in Robinson Crusoe Island. Dried and dissected hummingbirds, both native and endemic species, were available. One could also purchase cleaned and dried lobsters, although they were less popular with the normal tourists. For sale were framed pictures composed of moss, hummingbirds, shells, and other items, representing mountainous or aquatic scenes. Clothes hangers made from the horns of the feral goats, or items from their skins, were scarce, as the animals were now not common in the island. Through it all, Looser concluded (1927c: 244) that this excessive exploitation was putting various species in danger.

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12.2 1930s Filomena Ramírez B. visited Robinson Crusoe Island aboard the ship Reina del Pacífico in 1935, sometime prior to 17 April, which is the date when she read a report of her trip to the general session of the Sociedad Chilena de Historia Natural in Santiago. On this visit she was struck by the numerous handicrafts for sale that were made from chonta (Juania australis), such as small boxes, canes, etc. She was also struck by the quantity of ferns that were for sale to the tourists, including the endemic tree ferns. As with other travelers, she made in her report an appeal to the authorities for better protection of these natural resources. Hugo Weber Frechinger was a German “Signal Mate” aboard the ill-fated Dresden, which was attacked by the English during World War I and sunk in Cumberland Bay in March of 1915. After four and one-half years of internment on Quiriquina Island off the Chilean coast, Weber returned to Germany and worked there until 1930 when he decided to return to Robinson Crusoe Island and establish his home. He obtained a concession for a plot of land situated on the level ground of the Plazoleta del Yunque, which is southeast from the village center, and in 1932 he married a German lady, Johanna Stade Graf, bringing her to live with him in the island. During his first ten years there, Weber wrote a book on experiences that was published in 1940. By all evidences, Weber was an industrious colonist who built two small houses on his land, clearing an area around the houses to provide room for plant cultivation, and constructing fencing for the domesticated animals. The main area of San Juan Bautista was still quite barren of vegetation during this time (Fig. 12.4a), with some cultivated trees growing larger in and around the village (Fig. 12.4b). The penal colony on Alejandro Selkirk Island had been abandoned in 1930, but during the decade, houses could still be seen at the mouth of Quebrada Casas, being used as needed by fishermen working in the island (Fig. 12.5). Thomas Harper Goodspeed (Fig. 12.6) was a Professor of Botany at the University of California, Berkeley, with research interests in the genetics and evolution of the tobacco genus Nicotiana (e.g., Goodspeed 1954). He was also associated with the university’s Botanical Garden, beginning as Curator in 1926 and Director from 1934 to 1957. In his capacity as Director of the Garden, Goodspeed organized two substantial expeditions to South America seeking new plants, the first in 1935–36 and the second in 1938–39. A particular focus of these trips was to obtain materials for his research program on Nicotiana, but many other plants were collected and dried for the Herbarium or obtained as seeds or bulbs for planting in the university garden, especially those from the Mediterranean region of Chile, which has a climate similar to that of Berkeley. Not only an excellent researcher, Goodspeed was also a good writer of science for the general public, and toward this end, he published in 1941 a book on his two expeditions to South America as Plant Hunters in the Andes. He, himself, never visited the Juan Fernández Archipelago, but he sent instead a doctoral student, John L. Morrison, during the second Andean expedition of 1938– 39. Goodspeed wrote up observations from the notes taken by Morrison, and this formed Chap. 10 (pp. 273–309) from his book.

12.2 1930s

211

(a)

(b)

Fig. 12.4 San Juan Bautista on Robinson Crusoe Island. a Fishermen’s boats and the lobster canning factory; note the caves of the patriots in center right. b Panoramic view of the village; the barren landscape is still seen, but cultivated trees are growing larger and cover more of the area. From Weber (1940: opposite pp. 128 and 33)

The main objective of Morrison was to travel to Alejandro Selkirk Island and collect specimens (including seeds) of the endemic Nicotiana cordifolia, so this species could be grown and integrated into the experimental crossing program in the Berkeley botanical garden. From Valparaíso, two schooners involved with the lobster trade, the Gaviota and the Iris, sailed irregularly to the islands. Morrison sailed on the Iris in late February of 1939, and after a very rough 60 h voyage, arrived in Bahía Cumberland. He spent a day collecting plants on the trail to El Camote (Fig. 12.2), and also botanized near the village. On the evening of his second day in the islands, the Iris made plans to continue to Alejandro Selkirk Island. After anchor was weighed, the diesel motor did not start properly, and the ship drifted toward shore and became wedged between rocks. The ship remained imprisoned until the following evening, when a concerted effort by crew and fishermen finally succeeded in freeing it. The other ship, the Gaviota, arrived on the next day, and it had an extra cylinder of compressed air that allowed the diesel motor on the Iris to function again. It was

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Fig. 12.5 Refurbished buildings remaining from the penal colony at the mouth of Quebrada Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island. From Weber (1940: opposite p. 129) Fig. 12.6 Thomas Harper Goodspeed

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now possible for either ship to proceed to Alejandro Selkirk Island. Resolution of this question took an additional two days, but finally the Iris departed in the evening and arrived in the morning of the next day. Morrison managed to get ashore, but because the Iris had decided to return to Robinson Crusoe Island after loading up the lobster catch, he had only the rest of that day and the morning of the following day to botanize. He explored Quebrada de Casas and Quebrada de Vacas for Nicotiana cordifolia, but without success. He finally returned to Robinson Crusoe Island and then on to Valparaíso, a full nineteen days since his departure. Because Morrison’s visit to the islands was highly focused on finding the elusive tobacco species, the information available from his notes gives only some impression of the ecological conditions at that time. A number of observations were made on the native flora, particularly the tree-Compositae and selected other species. As for the endemic palm, Juania australis, Goodspeed (1941: 288) said: “The chonta is, fortunately, still quite abundant in less accessible portions of the island.” He added, however, that: “Polished sections of the trunk made attractive souvenirs to sell to the ship load of English tourists which came once a year to Robinson Crusoe’s Island; but recently the Chilean Government, anticipating its extinction, made unlawful the cutting of the chonta.” A few comments were offered by Goodspeed (1941: 284, 285, 295) on the village and on the animals, noting the scarcity of feral goats on Robinson Crusoe Island: “Constant hunting, particularly by the people of the village, which for two hundred years has intermittently existed on the shores of Cumberland Bay, has been responsible for such a reduction of the goat population that today the bagging of one is a sporting proposition.” Many more feral goats were observed on Alejandro Selkirk Island. Goodspeed (1941) contributed the already well-known facts that harvesting of lobsters was declining around Robinson Crusoe Island and that more emphasis was being directed to Alejandro Selkirk Island. As for San Juan Bautista, Goodspeed reported about 50 houses, a radio station, and sheds filled with lobster fishing boats. By this time the cypress had grown more abundant in San Juan Bautista. Upward from the village toward the hills were simple trails that penetrated into deep quebradas where the inhabitants cut wood for lumber and firewood. Goodspeed concluded with an appropriate general conservation perspective (1941: 306): “Man, the universal despoiler, has been most largely responsible for those alterations in the composition of the Juan Fernandez flora that are known or are suspected to have occurred during the past four hundred years. He brought goats, rats, cats, and finally rabbits, each one undesirable and each having a larger or smaller share in destroying or restricting the perpetuation of a series of plant species.”

12.3 1940s Jorge Guzmán Parada was a writer who made at least two trips to the Juan Fernández Archipelago in the late 1940s. He published a useful book on the islands, approximately in the year 1950 (no year of publication is indicated in his book; libraries

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have catalogued it as c. 1950). The book is a combination of historical data (quite detailed), well documented bibliographically, plus much poetic, literary, and philosophical impressions of the people and landscapes. In general, his book is well done, with mostly accurate historical facts. He gave considerable geographic information in his book, names of the quebradas, etc., and he takes the reader on a sailing trip around Robinson Crusoe Island, giving data on the size of the islands, their perimeters, and their elevation. Guzmán (c. 1950) is a good general overview of the islands and their history (in Spanish), but the more recent Woodward (1969) is scholarly and more deeply historical. Guzmán talked about the plants and vegetation (pp. 140–151), based on data from Skottsberg, but he decided not to review all the flora, as this had been done in detail by botanists; he offered some examples of the endemic species with comments. Regarding the western portion of Robinson Crusoe Island, this area was a “pequeño desierto” (small desert; p. 32) that occupied about one-fourth of the total surface of the island and also included Santa Clara Island. In the village he observed (p. 154) numerous domesticated plants, such as apricots, chestnuts, figs, grapes, lemons, olives, papayas, peaches, pears, plums, and quinces, all cultivated in small gardens. In his opinion the slopes were suitable for plantations of Pinus insignis (= P. radiata) and Acacia melanoxylon. He was enthusiastic (p. 164) about developing the island for agriculture, for forest plantations, new artificial grasslands, the development of gardens of fruit trees, the planting of olive trees, cultivation of cereal crops, and other crops that the villagers might require. He believed that this would make the island not only a botanical garden, but also a happy island garden for visiting tourists, somewhat of an overly enthusiastic evaluation. He calculated (table on p. 153) that there were 110 hectares of flat land that could be cultivated, taking into account all the suitable areas on the northeast side of Robinson Crusoe Island, and perhaps 20 for Santa Clara and 50 for Alejandro Selkirk Island; on the slopes 70 hectares additionally might be available on Robinson Crusoe Island and 50 for Alejandro Selkirk Island. These sum to 300 ha that would be potentially arable, in his view. Also catching the attention of Guzmán (p. 147) were some of the invasive plant species. The introduced species, Avena hirsuta (“teatina” = Avena barbata; Fig. 9.4), had covered the dry western part of Robinson Crusoe Island as well as Santa Clara Island. The worst vegetable plague on the island was the zarzamora (p. 159; Rubus ulmifolius), which had been introduced around 1920 by Desiderio Charpentier (“Carpentier”), a French farmer, who brought it to the village to make a living fence. The previous careful studies of Hemsley, Johow, and Skottsberg had made no mention of the species. Regarding terrestrial animals, Guzmán said very little with the exception of mentioning (pp. 179–180) abundance of the two hummingbirds. The Juan Fernández Firecrown (Sephanoides fernandensis) is endemic and the most distinctive, because the male is crimson and the female is green, which is why they were sought after by tourists. The native Green-backed Firecrown is also present (Sephanoides sephanoides), but the sexes are not dimorphic. Guzmán commented (pp. 168–178) on the domesticated animals, indicating that sheep were the most numerous in

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Fig. 12.7 View of a sheep round-up on Santa Clara Island in the late 1940s. From Guzmán (c. 1950: 161)

the archipelago. The other animals included goats, horses, mules, cattle, and pigs. According to him, the goats came from Spain in the Pyrenees, the cattle from Holland, and the horses from Chile. He estimated 5000 sheep (as of 1948) in the archipelago, mutton being used for the islanders and for sale to passing ships, and wool (some 10,000 kg annually) being sent to the Chilean mainland for sale. The sheep were not enclosed by fencing (nor were the other domesticated animals), and they roamed over all the three islands; brands on the animals indicated ownership. Each year a round-up (Fig. 12.7) took place to check the animals, brand the new ones, segregate those for slaughter, etc. Guzmán estimated that in 1948 there were 300 domesticated goats, 500 cattle, 200 horses, 20 mules, and 50 pigs. Guzmán said much more about the feral animals in the archipelago (pp. 165–175). He made the interesting point that since no animals of any size ever evolved in the islands, the endemic flora was particularly susceptible to the herbivores that had been introduced. It was difficult to estimate the number of feral goats in the archipelago, and that the number was probably less than that estimated by Johow, which was 5200 total, with 1000 on Robinson Crusoe Island and 4000 on Alejandro Selkirk Island. Feral cats were very scarce on Robinson Crusoe Island, but they were abundant on Alejandro Selkirk Island, where they came to the settlement of Las Casas looking for food. Guzman opined that the coati had been introduced to Robinson Crusoe Island by Don Otto Rieggel in 1935, and it was now more abundant in Puerto Francés; this is, in fact, where we saw a mother and her young in 1980 (Stuessy et al. 2018a: 123). The coati eats rats and mice, which makes it valuable, but it also burrows and loosens the soil and eats small birds and eggs. Guzmán also said that Rieggel introduced six pairs of rabbits (no date of introduction given, but presumably at the same time). Regarding Santa Clara, there were 600 wild goats and 500 domestic sheep, all of

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which would provide quite an herbivore pressure in an area of only 2.2 km2 , but there were also plenty of introduced grasses. As for marine animals, Guzmán confined his comments mainly to the lobsters and fish. In 1937 there were five companies harvesting lobster, but at the end of the 1940s there were only three. He mentioned (p. 209) that the first lobster canning company Fonck y Cia., established in 1893, lasted until 1899, during which time they preserved 118,500 lobsters into 240,000 cans. The next company, Arturo Yañez y Farrejón, was established in 1900. In 1914, Recart y Doniez was established, and this was replaced by Santa Sofía. The total lobster catch had been declining with 228,244 animals sent to the continent in 1938 and only 56,431 in 1946 (p. 189); hence, he made recommendations for careful management so that the harvest could continue. Guzmán was particularly enthusiastic about development of the fishing industry in the islands, because of the “inagotables recursos” (inexhaustible resources) of the marine life (p. 210), which could convert the archipelago into “el emporio ictiológico de nuestro pais” (the ichthyological emporium of our country). As an example of the relatively low level of harvest, from January to August of 1944, 1395 kg of bacalao from Robinson Crusoe Island were shipped to the Chilean continent. Smaller quantities were shipped (p. 202) of the anguila (eel; probably Gymnothorax porphyreus), breca (Nemadactylus gayi), jurel (Pseudocaranx chilensis), lenguado (sole; Paralichthys fernandezianus), and jerguilla (Girella albostriata; scientific names from Dyer and Westneat 2010). As for the number of inhabitants in the archipelago, Guzmán provided a table (p. 37) showing the changes in population size from 1769 to 1944, ranging from a low of 35 (1893) to a high of 771 (1943). The number of persons living in San Juan Bautista in 1944 was 653. Guzmán did not specifically discuss the buildings during his visits to the archipelago, but one gets an idea of their number by looking at San Juan Bautista (Fig. 12.8), where in the late 1940s we can see approximately 20 structures in this view alone. It is clear that there was considerable human activity during this decade, and the village still had many desolate areas. On Alejandro Selkirk Island in Las Casas at this time there were 17 colonists with their families totaling 72 personas, the men engaged with lobster and other fishing plus hunting the fur seals. Guzmán offered considerable comments about the need for conservation in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. In his chapter “Riquezas en Fuga” (Escaping Riches, pp. 212–223), he discussed the species in the archipelago that had suffered most, such as the sandalwood, the chonta, and the fur seal. His discussion covered “La tragedia del sándalo,” and then moved to the “Agonía de la chonta,” with indication that this species still lived in inaccessible places. He also commented on the sad wide-scale killing of the fur seal (“El lobo de dos pelajes”). On the positive side, as mentioned previously, to provide protection of the flora and fauna, the islands were made a national park on 16 Jan 1935, under the Decreto del Ministerio de Tierras No. 103 (text of this decree provided in Guzman’s Anexo No. 2, pp. 235–236). After this point, people who wanted to have a commercial enterprise of some kind in the island needed to obtain a concession, basically to rent or use space, etc. As an interesting aside, Guzmán provided a useful list (p. 30) of the seven different times that El Yunque had been scaled: (1) 1795, the prisoners Ramon Negrete and

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Fig. 12.8 View of San Juan Bautista in the late 1940s. From Guzmán (c. 1950: 17)

Francisco Clavel; (2) 1795, Negrete, Clavel, and the soldiers Pedro José Gutiérrez and Marcelo Boza; (3) 1923, the islander Uberlindo Andauer; (4) toward the end of 1923, Uberlindo Andauer again; (5) 1923, Cap. Alberto Hozven, with the crewman Silva; (6) 1924, Dr. Otto Tenz, with islanders; (7) 1934, Agusto Grosse with Max Yunge, tourists from the continent. A very important ascent on 6 March 1955 was made by the botanist, G. Kunkel, in company of the islander Jorge Charpentier, who made a very detailed inventory of the ascent route and top of El Yunque (Kunkel 1957a). Subsequently, the botanist Philippe Danton made the climb in 1999 (Danton 2000), and more recently also CONAF park guides (Alarcón 2015).

12.4 1950s Skottsberg. From 21 December 1954 to 27 March 1955 Carl Skottsberg and his wife Inga returned to the Juan Fernández Archipelago, he at the age of 74. This was his third, and final, trip to the islands. As always, he published a report of this visit, contained within his articles of 1958b and 1962. In the latter, he compared the ecological state of the islands from 1917 (his first major trip) with what he observed in this final expedition in 1954–55, providing a 38-year comparison. The focus in this article was on conservation rather than attempting to chronicle the native vegetation, which Skottsberg himself already accomplished in detail (1953a). The comments below are separated by island. Robinson Crusoe Island.—As a prelude and overview of the changes to be documented below, Skottsberg (1962: 37) commented on one area, the Pangal Canyon, which is on the southeastern side of Cumberland Bay. In 1917 this was an area with

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native forest, but in 1955 “the outer slopes are naked, full of weeds and grazed by cattle; the interior, a jungle of maqui; the waterfall is reached using the tunnels made by the cows.” In our own expedition of 1984, we attempted to get into the valley, but the zarzamora and maqui were too thick; we finally gave up after several hours of trying to chop a trail through the thicket. Skottsberg (1962) offered few observations on the native plants, as this was not the focus of his conservation report, but he did mention the chonta (Juania australis). This species had always been hunted as a food source in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries and in the twentieth century for curios made from the black color and interesting patterns of the vascular traces in the stems. The species (p. 37) “has almost entirely disappeared from the accessible parts of the forest belt, but freshly manufactured curios of it were still offered for sale.” Skottsberg offered more comments on three of the worst invasive plants. He again talked about the maqui (Aristotelia chilensis), reviewing that it was introduced before 1854, and then comparing the situation from his own two trips (1962: 37). “In 1917, it filled all the valley bottoms and lower slopes above the everywhere denuded coastal belt, penetrating the native forest and preventing, by its deep shadow, the endemic trees—all native trees are endemic—from germinating, so that their disappearance from the lower forest belt was foreseen already by Johow in the 90s [1890s]. The maqui had continued its progress [by 1955] and advanced into the upper forest belt, reaching the ridges in 500–600 m in many places.” Another of the serious vegetable plagues has been the zarzamora (Rubus ulmifolius). Skottsberg (1962: 38) mentioned that after introduction by a colonist in the 1920s it “spread like wild-fire up the valley.” In the Plazoleta del Yunque in 1955 the zarzamora formed “an impenetrable thicket” (e.g., Fig. 5.1a), and we also found it that way in 1980. He says that it could be found on the high ridges above 500 m, and “If nothing is done to stop it, it will invade the island.” This prognosis has, in fact, been reiterated more precisely by Dirnböck et al. (2003) based on climatic modelling. A third species that has invaded with a vengeance has been the continental Chilean shrub, Ugni molinae. Skottsberg (1962: 37) commented: “locally known as murtilla, introduced on purpose because of the aromatic berries during the latter half of the nineteenth century, was, in 1917, practically confined to the barren slopes above the Colony. It had increased [in 1955] tremendously and invaded the native shrub along the steep ridges, the home of many of the rare endemic genera and species of plants, some of them now on the verge of extinction.” This species, although not appearing out of place in the overall landscape (Fig. 5.2b), has taken over many open areas even on the highest ridges and out-competed native vegetation, especially the endemic congener Ugni selkirkii. It is so extensive that attempting to eliminate it from the island now would be an extremely challenging undertaking. Skottsberg (1962: 37) was particularly worried about the extensive number of domesticated animals that he observed in 1954–55. The number of cattle was about the same, c. 250, but “there was almost no pasture left, and we shall see the reason. Sheep had been introduced and allowed to increase without any restriction at all.” They had invaded the drier forest and extended even to the higher ridges, in effect, turning the entire island into a sheep farm. Officially, there were 3750 sheep; 3100

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were grazing in the lower treeless part on the SW side of Robinson Crusoe Island, and the rest on the denuded slopes of Valle Francés. Skottsberg also saw sheep in other valleys and ridges, so he estimated c. 4000 total. “Certain areas had been turned into a desert, and the valley systems of Frances, Ingles, and Villagra offered a horrible sight.” The lower region of Villagra valley in 1917 had been covered by native grassland, but it since had been used as a rodeo area that resulted in considerable damage. The other valley, La Vaquería, was also deforested at this time. As for the typical original goats on Robinson Crusoe Island, Skottsberg in 1955 found them “scarce and not seen by us” (1962: 37). However, “a small herd of angora goats” had been introduced to the village more recently (he didn’t say when), and they then went into the mountains and reproduced; he saw 60 of them in one day. Furthermore, the coati (Nasua rufa) had been introduced to help keep the rats and rabbits in check, but this species also eats the eggs of the native birds. As for specific observations on human activities, Skottsberg (1962) commented briefly on fires and the number of human inhabitants in San Juan Bautista. Regarding the deforestation he saw in 1954–55, he said (p. 38): “Whether fires have played any important role I cannot tell, but I was told that in 1930, a fire swept Ingles valley, and very likely this is true. It is, anyhow, ruined; the pasture is gone, and sheep and cattle left to starve to death. They cannot get out.” The number of people living in the village was c. 200 in 1917 but in 1955 it had increased to c. 600 along with more buildings. Skottsberg (1954) stressed that with more people have come more agricultural activities (pp. 185, 186): “In 1917 the lower slopes of Q. del Minero were barren, in 1952 there were plantations; Anson’s valley, where few people lived in 1917, bears sign of much activity, and the aspect of the settlement in the Colonial valley has changed a great deal from 1917 to 1952 [Fig. 12.9a]. Everybody welcomes that the devastated slopes near the sea, where erosion is a serious problem, have been planted, nobody objects to the growth of the population as long as fishing provides a

(a)

(b)

Fig. 12.9 Village of San Juan Bautista. a In 1955, showing increased number of buildings; photograph probably taken by Skottsberg on his last trip; image provided by Oscar Chamorro, CONAF guide. b In 1952, showing increased growth of the introduced trees in the village; from Skottsberg (1954: 120)

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decent livelihood for the majority. This, however, is not the case.” Along these same lines, reports by Guzmán P. (c. 1950) and Graf Marin (1944) earlier recommended introduction of Acacia melanoxylon and Pinus radiata, and by 1952, these introduced trees could be seen conspicuously in the vicinity of San Juan Bautista (Fig. 12.9b). Santa Clara Island—Skottsberg (1962: 38) mentioned that previously this island had been covered by grassland “sprinkled” with a few plants of “Rea and Dendroseris” (most probably D. pruinata and D. litoralis). The island was now “overstocked with sheep and looks like a desert; in 1955 the sheep numbered about 500, but we saw no goats.” He mentioned that on Morro Spartan, the plants had survived because the animals could not cross the channel separating the islet from Santa Clara Island. He surmised that this was perhaps what Santa Clara looked like before the animals were introduced centuries ago. He touched on the problem of how animals could survive on Santa Clara since there was no water there. Perhaps during the rainy season some pools develop around the island and the animals drink from these during drier times. Alejandro Selkirk Island—Skottsberg (1962: 38) said that the penal colony was abandoned in 1930 but that a fishing colony, mainly for lobsters, was established at Las Casas in 1940. He saw no plant cultivation at this time (in 1955). He observed “about thirty head of tame cattle, a few horses, and twenty sheep, so that the damage done was negligible.” He said that “In 1917, the marks of the first penal settlement were very conspicuous; the accessible forest patches had been logged and grazed; huts had been built in the uplands; potatoes and vegetables were grown,” but he continued that the rest of the island was in good shape. Goats, however, were “plentiful” at that time. He then compared this with 1955: “And now, in 1955, this wonderful island offered a very sad sight. The forests had been logged and were full of maqui; the first brambleberry shrubs [Rubus] had made their appearance. We had difficulty in recognizing places we used to know so well and now found utterly ruined, a result of a series of devastating grass and bush fires. The dates given were 1939, 1942 or 1943, and 1944, and one of them, which swept the Inocentes ridge to the highest summit of the island was not accidental. Another fire had run over the Barril ridge across to the gorges on the western side. The fern savanna was gone; charred Dicksonia trunks told the story.” He added that the “upland is overrun by Anthoxanthum odoratum and Rumex acetosella, just as it was in 1917, and the native Alpine species are scarce except close to the edge of the west wall in 1100–1400 m.” Kunkel. Another visitor to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the touristic period was Günther W. H. Kunkel (Fig. 12.10). Born in Mittenwalde, Germany, in 1928, he travelled widely, observed nature carefully, and became a self-educated botanist of considerable reputation. After a brief period as technical assistant in the Universidad de Concepción, Chile, in his mid-twenties Kunkel moved in April of 1954 (Skottsberg 1955; Kunkel 1957b) to Robinson Crusoe Island. He found lodging in the former house of Weber in the Plazoleta del Yunque, and he pursued research on the vegetation and flora. He was in the island, in fact, when Skottsberg made his last visit to the archipelago in 1954–55, and they botanized together. Kunkel stayed in the island until March of 1957 when he moved to Valdivia on the Chilean continent

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Fig. 12.10 Günther W. H. Kunkel

as a scientific assistant. He continued his travels and employment to Perú, Liberia, the Canary Islands, Ghana, and Spain. While in the Canaries, he made substantial contributions to understanding the flora and its biogeography (Kunkel 1976). He published many papers and books, including his Geography through Botany in 1990. While in Robinson Crusoe Island, Kunkel published a number of papers on the vegetation and flora (Kunkel 1956, 1957a, b, c), and he also gathered air temperatures around the Plazoleta del Yunque during January–March of 1955 (Kunkel 1956: 131). After leaving the island, he continued to publish on the flora of the islands, including a catalogue of the ferns of the archipelago (Kunkel 1965) and a useful overview of the islands (Kunkel 1968). Kunkel has the distinction of being one of the approximately dozen persons who have scaled the highest peak on Robinson Crusoe Island (on 6 March 1955). As Kunkel was a botanist, he made important observations on the plants on the ascent and top of El Yunque, and this he published in 1957a. Kunkel was very concerned about the invasive plant species and domesticated animals, and he summarized this in his article published in 1968 (p. 5) based on his stay in the island in the 1950s. The flora was supposedly protected under the

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Decree of 1935 that made the islands a national park, but little enforcement had been done. The endemic chonta palm was “alarmingly on the decrease.” The maqui “has developed into a typical secondary element, forming dense bushlands where no native species is able to germinate any longer.” He also warned of the danger from the zarzamora, the introduced blackberry, and he was also very troubled (1956: 5) by the: “great number of domestic animals penetrating daily in the bush and forest zones.”

Chapter 13

Modern Period (1960–Present)

The last four decades of the twentieth century and early years of the twenty-first century have witnessed changes in environmental ethics throughout the world that have impacted the Juan Fernández Islands. Since the first Earth Day in 1970, an awareness of the importance of ecology has resulted in governmental measures to protect air, water, and natural areas. Biodiversity emerged as a new concept in the late 1980s (e.g., Wilson 1988), becoming politically significant when connected to the importance of biological heritage of countries. This has led to international agreements, such as the first Convention on Biological Diversity signed in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, and more recently the Paris Climate Agreement of 2015 to mitigate impacts of climate change on our environment. To monitor the natural resources of Chile, the Corporación de Reforestación (COREF) was established on 13 May 1970, changed to the Corporación Nacional Forestal (CONAF) in 1972. It is a private, not-for-profit organization that receives its funding from the Ministerio de Agricultura of the Chilean government. Its mission is to administer forestry policies with emphasis on sustainable management, and all of Chile’s national parks fall under its jurisdiction regardless of the nature of the vegetation within the park. As a result of this increasing concern for environmental protection and sustainability, the Modern Period of human impact in the Juan Fernández archipelago has become more environmentally positive, especially since the early 1980s, and has definitely resulted in numerous welcome measures for understanding and protecting the native plants of the archipelago. At the same time, in part due to declining income from the lobster fishing industry, more attention has been placed on conservation of the flora for development of ecotourism as an alternative income source. Several major botanical expeditions were mounted during the past 50 years that have provided substantial additional information on the biology, vegetation, evolution, biogeography, and conservation of the vascular flora. Much scientific data have been gathered and many interpretations of these and other data have resulted from

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_13

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three major expeditions: the Chilean-U.S. expedition of 1965 under leadership of Carlos Muñoz Pizarro in collaboration with Otto Solbrig and other colleagues from the U.S.A.; the Ohio State University, University of Vienna, and Universidad de Concepción collaboration involving 12 trips from 1980 to 2011 under initial leadership of Tod Stuessy and Mario Silva; and the French expeditions under leadership of Philippe Danton and Christophe Perrier involving also 12 visits from 1998 to 2013. Many other travelers and scientists have made shorter trips to the archipelago, and some of these will also be discussed below. The results from these modern scientific expeditions have been substantial in terms of solidifying the inventory of endemic, native and introduced plant species, plotting vegetational patterns, determining the biology of many of the endemic species, examining the evolutionary patterns and processes involved with diversity within the islands, and interpreting the biogeography of the flora. Much more attention has also been placed on the categorization of conservation status for all species of the flora and measures to protect them. Invasive plant species have also come under intense scrutiny.

13.1 Major Botanical Research Expeditions An important modern expedition to the Juan Fernández Archipelago was organized in 1965 by Carlos Muñoz Pizarro, head of the botany section of the Museo de Historia Natural in Santiago, Chile. This was a U.S.-Chile cooperative endeavor, with Otto Solbrig from Harvard University being the leader of the U.S. contingent (Fig. 13.1). The four Chilean participants were all from the Museo (Meyer 1966): Muñoz (vascular plants); Nibaldo Bahamonde N. (marine biology); Fernando Saravía B. (forestry); and Eugenio Sierra R. (botanical illustration). The eight U.S. participants were: Raymond Hatcher (bryophytes) and his assistant John Engel, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee; Henry A. Imshaugh (lichens and fungi), assisted by Dennis Jackson (fresh-water algae), both from Michigan State University; Frederick G. Meyer (ferns and introduced flowering plants), U.S. National Arboretum; Harold E. Moore, Jr. (palms), from the Bailey Hortorium, Cornell University; and Solbrig and his graduate student assistant, James Walker (flowering plants), both from Harvard University. For its time, this was the largest and most elaborate botanical expedition ever mounted to the archipelago. Skottsberg earlier spent many months in the islands, and he distributed collections to many collaborators, but the size of his expeditions were small in terms of personnel. The Muñoz-Solbrig expedition sailed from Valparaíso on 23 November 1965 on the ship Eltanin, sighting Robinson Crusoe Island on 26 November, and immediately continuing on to Alejandro Selkirk Island and anchoring there later that same day. The party went on shore and botanized for ten days, during which time they collected in different quebradas as well as in the highlands including Los Inocentes, the highest point on the island. The expedition departed for Robinson Crusoe Island on 6 December 1965 on another ship, a local fishing schooner the Falken, which arrived in Bahía Cumberland

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Fig. 13.1 Representative participants of the Chile-U.S. expedition in 1965 to the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Left to right: Henry A. Imshaugh, Raymond Hatcher, Otto Solbrig (with cap), Fernando Saravía B., Nibaldo Bahamonde N. (squatting), Dennis Jackson, Carlos Muñoz Pizarro (pointing), Eugenio Serra R.

on 7 December at midday. After arrival, the group spent 11 days collecting in the island. Because of the large number of participants, they were able to divide up and in that manner obtain maximum collections within the short time available. The collections totaled 228 fresh water algae, 166 marine algae, 1624 lichens, 800 mosses and hepatics, and c. 150 ferns (Meyer 1966). Of the flowering plants, Solbrig, Moore and Walker collected 320 numbers, Meyer obtained 350, and Muñoz Pizarro collected a separate independent series. Solbrig et al. and Meyer also each made 50 wood samples. The main group of participants left the island on 19 December on the ship Casma, which arrived at Valparaíso on 21 December. Meyer and Walker elected to remain longer in the island, and they finally left on 27 December aboard the Falken, reaching Valparaíso on 30 December. This proved fruitful, as in this extended period they located the endemic genus Lactoris. The collections were extremely valuable and were distributed to different institutions, with some materials offered to collaborators for further study. Also important were the results of analysis of the endemic genus of palms, Juania australis. Moore (1969) provided a detailed analysis of the morphology, with comments on possible relationships, Uhl (1969) studied the floral anatomy, and Tomlinson (1969) examined the vegetative anatomy. At this time, the domesticated trees in Valle Colonial were growing still larger, but a considerable portion of San Juan Bautista still remained devoid of vegetation. One of the most comprehensive sets of expeditions to the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Modern Period took place between 1980 and 2011. These

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twelve trips were initially coordinated by Tod Stuessy of The Ohio State University, U.S.A. (later of the University of Vienna, Austria), and Mario Silva of the Universidad de Concepción, Chile, over the decades involving many collaborators from institutions in the U.S.A., Chile, and Europe (Fig. 13.2; for a detailed list of participants, see Stuessy et al. 2018a: 23–25). More than 4000 botanical collections were made. The principal objective was to understand the evolution and biogeography of the endemic and native flora, but many additional studies on invasive plants and vegetation were also pursued. Many of these results will be summarized below in this chapter, and they have been presented more comprehensively in a recent book (Stuessy et al. 2018a). Because of the broad time-frame of the trips spanning more than 30 years, these alone provide an overview of changes to the vegetation in a critical period of transformation toward more conservation initiatives by CONAF. Another important set of expeditions to the Juan Fernández Archipelago was conducted by Philippe Danton and Christophe Perrier, from Grenoble, France, plus other collaborators (Fig. 13.2; for a list of these trips and personnel, see Stuessy et al. 2018a: 27–28). These began in 1997 and have continued to the present time, with twelve trips having been accomplished by 2013. For a nice introduction to the reasons for their fascination and involvement with the flora of the islands, see Danton (2017). The focus of these many excursions has been to document the flora of the islands with special emphasis on its conservation. They have published several useful books on the general natural history of the islands (Danton et al. 1999), the more conspicuous endemic and native plants (Danton 2004), and a new catalogue of the flora (Danton et al. 2006). A full flora has long been in advanced stages of preparation and has just appeared (Danton and Perrier 2020).

Fig. 13.2 Meeting in November of 2008 in Vienna, Austria, to discuss research in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Left to right: Tod Stuessy, Philippe Danton, Josef Greimler, Christoph Perrier

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13.2 Other Visitors to the Archipelago In addition to the three major series of research expeditions detailed above, many other visitors came to the archipelago during the Modern Period. A very significant visitor to Robinson Crusoe Island was Ralph Lee Woodward. He is an historian, now emeritus professor at Tulane University, who at that time was an Assistant Professor at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He was spending a year and one-half in Chile on a Fulbright Lectureship and had the opportunity to visit the island with five young North American students aboard the lobster ship Falken. There was no airstrip on the island and, apart from an occasional sea plane that landed in Bahía Cumberland, all traffic came and left by boat. This was a very short trip, arriving to the island on 9 November 1965 and leaving approximately on 16 November, only about one week total (Woodward in litt.). Despite this short experience with the island and its people, upon returning to the continent Woodward decided to write an article on the archipelago, which became larger and more complex until finally being published as a book (Woodward 1969). It is, in fact, the most recent, one of the most authoritative, and certainly the most readable history of the archipelago. In the introduction to his book, Woodward (1969) offered comments regarding his voyage to Robinson Crusoe Island, and a few points are worth mentioning. San Juan Bautista at this time had 580 persons (of which c. 50 were stationed for lobster fishing on Alejandro Selkirk Island). They saw on Robinson Crusoe Island (pp. xxv, xxvi) “… large herds of sheep here which feed on the grassy meadows below the dense woods that rise steeply to the barren heights on the island,” and where in Valle Colonial “much of that land has been stripped of all vegetation and has eroded badly.” The group made a short trip by lobster boat to Valle Inglés, and here Woodward commented (1969, p. xxii): “Most of the valley is occupied by the ranch of don Carlos Vesti, who has a couple of stone huts and a corral near the beach. Cattle, sheep, and goats graze over the rest of the green valley. Although there is a stream running through this valley, in general it has a drier, more barren appearance than the valley descending to the settlement, for it is devoid of trees or other large vegetation.” At this point, the valley was continuing to be used as a pasture for domesticated animals. Later during their stay, the group visited Puerto Francés, where sheep were also grazing. Many zoologists have visited the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Modern Period. One who has spent considerable time there has been Ingo Hahn, now of the Hochschule für angewandte Wissenschaften in Munich, Germany. He received his Ph.D. from the Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Munster, Germany in 1998, for studies on the ecology and distribution of the land birds of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. In a series of trips to both islands of the archipelago, he has continued to study the birds, particularly their population numbers and conservation status (Hahn and Römer 2002; Hahn et al. 2005, 2006, 2009). He has also completed specific studies on hummingbirds (Sephanoides fernandensis; Hahn 2006a), the rayadito (Aphrastura masafuerae; Hahn and Römer 1996; Hahn and Mattes 2000; Hahn et al.

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2004), and the tit-tyrant (Anairetes fernandezianus; Hahn 2006b). These investigations are very important for advancing our biological understanding of these species to allow for more effective conservation measures. Two Chilean students visited the Juan Fernández Archipelago with the objective of investigating the geological history of the islands. Morales van de Wyngard travelled to Robinson Crusoe (and Santa Clara) Island on three separate trips totaling 150 days: January–February 1982 (45 days), February–March 1983 (95 days), and September 1986 (10 days). The results were published as a “Memoria” (thesis; Morales van de Wyngard 1987) in support of the title of geologist at the Universidad del Norte, Antofagasta, Chile. Another geology student, Valentina Astudillo, visited Robinson Crusoe Island in May and September of 2013 along with the geologist Javier Reyes, and another student, Oliver Cooper, all from the Department of Geology of the Universidad de Chile, Santiago. From these investigations Astudillo (2014) also prepared a Memoria for achieving the title of geologist. These two studies provide much new data on the volcanic formations, geomorphology, and rocks of the islands.

13.3 Refined Floristic Studies Refined floristic studies have resulted in new basic inventories of the flora of the archipelago. Such studies had been well advanced during previous periods, but additions to the inventory have also now been done, particularly involving introduced species. Only a few new species have been described (Rodríguez-Ríos 1990; Danton 2006a, 2014; Danton et al. 2015), which attests to the relative completeness of the previous floristic investigations. A new catalogue of the entire vascular plant flora was produced by Marticorena et al. (1998), and a revised catalogue appeared eight years later (Danton et al. 2006). A separate more detailed focus has been placed on the grasses (Baeza et al. 2002, 2007), ferns (Kunkel 1965; Gunckel 1984; Ricci 1996; Barrera 1997), and adventive species (Matthei et al. 1993). Recently, in context of investigations on the evolution and biogeography of the archipelago (Stuessy et al. 2018b), an updated list has again been published. A complete flora of the vascular plants has also just been published (Danton and Perrier 2020). Although a number of the lower plants (i.e., algae, fungi, lichens, mosses, liverworts) have been collected during the Modern Period, few new detailed studies have been published on these groups (for a conspicuous exception, see a comprehensive treatment of the mosses by Robinson 1975). A very important contributor to the floristic inventory of the Juan Fernández Archipelago was Marcia Ricci, from the Jardín Botánico Nacional in Viña del Mar, Chile, who worked with CONAF in the islands during March 1988–February 1992. Most of the time was spent on Robinson Crusoe Island, but she made three trips to Alejandro Selkirk Island: 1989 (30 days, in autumn; 5 days, in spring), and 1991 (3 months, end of summer and autumn). Her task was principally to help further inventory the flora, especially seeking populations of the endemic species, so that their conservation status could more accurately be determined. These observations

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were published in a series of articles on the ferns (Ricci 1996), the entire flora (Ricci 2006), and on the rare Lactoris fernandeziana (Ricci 2001). Her work provided positive stimulation for further inventory studies by CONAF personnel, thus having had a major impact toward conservation of the flora. Another botanist who visited Robinson Crusoe Island and added to floristic understanding was Georg Zizka from the Palmengarten, Frankfurt, Germany. Zizka’s objective was to investigate the current status of the endemic palm Juania australis (Zizka 1991) as well as Ochagavia elegans and other endemic members of the flora. He joined the group of Stuessy et al. in January of 1991 and made collections and observations for a week or more. He also published a general article on the history and flora of the archipelago (Zizka 1992). A useful additional floristic contribution has been published recently in digital form (pdf) by Penneckamp (2018), who is associated with the Universidad Austral in Valdivia, Chile. After visiting the archipelago several years ago, he realized the need for a manual in Spanish of the endemic and native species of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. This would be especially useful in the island for CONAF guides as well as for environmentally oriented tourists. The book is well illustrated with color photographs of the plants, which assist for identification of the flora. Because the text is in Spanish, the book also will be useful for education in the schools on Robinson Crusoe Island. The volume, however, is only available as a pdf by request from the author.

13.4 Studies on the Vegetation One of the missing pieces of valuable information about the archipelago has been the lack of workable maps of the vegetation of both islands. Skottsberg (1953a) did an excellent job with describing many vegetational patterns on both major islands, but no accurate detailed map was produced. During the Modern Period, several papers dealt with aspects of vegetation (Schwaar 1979; Nishida and Nishida 1981), and a detailed effort with new maps was done by Ortiz (1982). These maps, however, were based on a dissected classification system for the vegetation, such that the results were complex and hard to use. New maps in color with a consolidated approach based on field work, relevé sampling, and aerial photographs were published by Greimler et al. (2002a) for Robinson Crusoe Island and 2013 for Alejandro Selkirk Island. These new maps, both based on the same sampling techniques, now make it possible to compare more precisely the patterns of vegetation on the two islands. They also provide a new view of the present state of the vegetation (see Chap. 6; Figs. 6.1, 6.2), which has resulted from impacts by natural and human influences. Without these new data, in fact, it would have been difficult to produce this present book. The endangered aspects of the native vegetation have also again been emphasized (Stuessy et al. 1998c, d; Vargas et al. 2011).

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13.5 Biological Investigations on the Flora One of the emphases during the Modern Period has been to obtain biological data from the endemic plant species of the archipelago as an aid to understanding their relationships, evolution, and biogeography. To consider evolutionary hypotheses requires knowing what the closely related species are, and this can only be done by analyzing data from these taxa. To understand biogeography also requires having a good grasp of relationships among species not only within the archipelago but also with progenitors in continental source areas. Fundamental for such comparisons is morphology, but also important have been new studies on chromosome numbers, reproductive biology, secondary products chemistry (flavonoids), and genetic marker variation within and among populations, for which brief summaries are provided below. A series of chromosome reports have been published (Sanders et al. 1983; Spooner et al. 1987; Sun et al. 1990) from the endemic and native flora of the islands to help understand the role of chromosomal change during evolution. Results have shown no evidence of speciation by polyploidy within the archipelago and also no gain or loss of chromosomes within endemic island groups (Stuessy and Crawford 1998; Stuessy and Baeza 2018). Many species exist at polyploid levels, but these are older lineages from continental progenitors that have immigrated as polyploids to the islands. Significant for understanding isolating mechanisms and gene flow among populations is determination of reproductive biology of endemic species of the islands. Studies by Gregory Anderson and Gabriel Bernardello and collaborators (Anderson et al. 2001, 2013; Bernardello et al. 2001; Anderson and Bernardello 2018) have revealed considerable about the breeding and pollination systems of species within the endemic flora. The most important results show that the prevalent mode of pollination in the endemic flora is by wind, even though the morphology of the flowers may still reflect insect pollination that was present in ancestors from continental regions. An important question is what happens to secondary products when plants immigrate and speciate in oceanic islands? Because these chemicals are part of the plants’ defense systems, when they disperse to new ecosystems far removed from associations with mainland herbivores, changes in the chemistry might be expected to occur, with compounds becoming less diverse or less concentrated. Secondary plant metabolites may also reflect evolutionary relationships and can help with constructing classifications. Toward these ends, flavonoid chemistry has been investigated in several of the endemic species groups of the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Crawford et al. 2018c). In the endemic genera, Dendroseris and Robinsonia (both Asteraceae; Pacheco et al. 1985, 1991), significant differences among species in different sections have been documented. In Erigeron (also Asteraceae; Valdebenito et al. 1992), flavonoids were not able to differentiate among the endemic species. The former two genera evolved primarily on the older Robinson Crusoe Island, and species of the latter evolved on the younger Alejandro Selkirk Island. It may be that these secondary metabolites are responding to ecological pressures within the new

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island environments, but that considerable time is required for such differences to accumulate. A number of different types of molecular markers have been used to investigate patterns of genetic variation within and among populations of endemic species in the archipelago (Crawford et al. 2018a). These began with isozymes (Crawford et al. 2001a), then RAPDs (Brauner et al. 1992; Esselman et al. 2000), ISSRs (Crawford et al. 2001b), and more recently simple sequence repeats (SSRs), amplified fragment-length polymorphisms (AFLPs) (López-Sepúlveda et al. 2015; Takayama et al. 2015b), and microsatellites (Takayama et al. 2015b). Results from these numerous studies were helpful for interpretations of genetic variation in context of modes of speciation (to be discussed below), but they also have relevance for conservation. Some species harbor high levels of genetic diversity (e.g., Nothomyrcia fernandeziana) but others are much less diverse genetically (e.g., Lactoris fernandeziana) and hence more vulnerable to environmental disruption. These genetic data are also important for any plan for reintroducing garden plants back into the wild, so as not to disrupt existing patterns of genetic variation within natural populations. All data have been marshalled to examine evolutionary questions within the endemic flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Important are isolating mechanisms, which provide barriers to gene exchange. Between closely related species within the archipelago, geographic and ecological isolation have been very significant (Stuessy et al. 1998e; Crawford et al. 2018b). The simplicity of the archipelago with only two major islands has allowed inferences on modes of speciation into two basic types: cladogenesis and anagenesis (Takayama et al. 2015a, 2018; Stuessy et al. 2018d). The former is where from an original colonizer, two or more species evolve over time, often adapting to different island environments. The founding gene pool is split such that each new derivative lineage (species) contains a reduced amount of genetic variation. Such a process can be seen as having occurred in the larger genera Dendroseris and Robinsonia. Anagenesis is transformational speciation in which an original immigrant population survives, enlarges, and accumulates genetic variation through time, in the process becoming regarded as a new species because it becomes morphologically and genetically distinct from its progenitor in the source area either from the continent or from the older island. For example, from out of a population of Robinsonia evenia on Robinson Crusoe Island has come the closely related endemic R. masafuerae on Alejandro Selkirk Island (Sang et al. 1995). These two processes have been of approximately equal importance in speciation of the endemic flora of the Juan Fernández islands. Another dimension of evolutionary studies has been focus on plant groups of special interest, such as Lactoris, which is an ancient family of flowering plants containing only one endemic species. Once distributed more broadly in the Southern Hemisphere (Zavada and Benson 1987; MacPhail et al. 1999), including in southern South America (Gamero and Barreda 2008; Quattrocchio 2017), it now survives refugially only on Robinson Crusoe Island. Studies on nucleotide relationships with other ancient families (summarized in Stuessy et al. 1998a) have revealed close ties to Aristolochiaceae of Piperales. Investigations on pollination mechanisms (Bernardello et al. 1999), embryology (Tobe et al. 1993), and genetic diversity (Brauner et al.

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1992; Crawford et al. 1994, 2001b) have also added to our understanding of this rare endemic taxon. Once relationships among species have been established, it is possible to examine the origins of a flora, i.e., the biogeography. In the Juan Fernández Islands, many ancestors have come from southern South America, followed by immigration from other areas of the continent and also from the western Pacific (Bernardello and Anderson 2018). The results suggest that a high percentage of colonists have dispersed to the islands by birds, either ingested or attached to feathers or feet. The ferns, which reproduce by microscopic spores, have been dispersed by wind. This help explain why an endemic fern species occurring on Robinson Crusoe Island is often found also on Alejandro Selkirk Island. Other aspects of biogeographic investigations have been attempts to explain species diversity within the archipelago (Stuessy et al. 1998b; Sontag et al. 2018). Because of the simplicity of the island system with only two major islands of approximately the same size in an east–west line from the major source area and with the closer island being also the older (four million years vs. one million), the biogeographic probability of a species arriving first to Robinson Crusoe Island is vastly higher than to Alejandro Selkirk Island. Using measures of probability of colonization and considering modifications to island size over the past four million years for the two islands, it has been possible to develop a formula that explains the levels of endemic diversity now seen in the archipelago.

13.6 Surveys of Physical and Human Resources In addition to numerous investigations on the flora and vegetation of the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Modern Period, a number of surveys have been done on the physical and human resources of the islands. The physical resources pertain to both islands, but most of the human resources apply to Robinson Crusoe Island, which has the only permanent settlement. A number of earlier studies had assessed the economic potentials of the islands (e.g., Agurto 1943; Bahamonde 1966), but the shift during the Modern Period has been toward accepting the potentials of the unique biological resources of the archipelago, especially the endemic plants, and focusing on this aspect in context of ecotourism and national pride, and letting go of the seductive hope of profiting from the islands. The most comprehensive study of the physical resources of the archipelago was completed by Ortiz (1982). This was a massive analysis of the geology, geomorphology, drainage patterns, soils, erosion, vegetation, plus touching on health, education and domestic animal concerns. Most relevant to our present book were the vegetation analyses and maps. These were very detailed and based on considerable field observations, as well as examination of aerial photographs. As mentioned above, despite the detail on vegetation provided, the synthesis is too dissected for ease of interpretation and comparison between the two islands. There is no doubt, however, that the Ortiz study represented a major effort to understand the physical resources of the archipelago, which provided strong support for the developing conservation

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initiatives from CONAF. Other studies have added additional data to our understanding of the physical parameters of the environment in the archipelago (Neshyba and Silva 1985; Hajek and Espinoza 1987; Cereceda et al. 1994). In the Modern Period, there have also been reports on the human resources of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. A number of workers have examined the families in San Juan Bautista, showing their close relatedness (e.g., Hernández and Monleon 1975; Orellana 1975a; Ruh 1975; Brinck 2005). It has become clear over the centuries that there is a natural limit to the number of persons who can comfortably live in San Juan Bautista. With the available land for houses, quantity of food, and generation of income possible from the lobster fishing and other side industries, only about 600–900 people can comfortably be maintained in the community. Because Bahía Cumberland is the only safe harbor for large ships, this becomes the natural port and only community for arrival of materials to the islands. Alejandro Selkirk Island has no protected bay or dock, which makes it unsuitable for any permanent settlement to be successful. Furthermore, it is much further away from the continent, increasing costs of shipping, and making communications even more difficult; health facilities also are lacking.

13.7 Conservation Initiatives The success story of the Modern Period has really been the establishment of a conservation ethic in the archipelago. When we arrived in San Juan Bautista in January of 1980, we began to learn about the relationship of CONAF personnel to the villagers. Although the employees of CONAF were townspeople, they were few among more than 500 citizens. In long discussions with the park chief, Sr. Bernardo Ackermann, we learned that considerable tension existed between CONAF and the villagers. The problem was simply that for many generations, families had lived in the island (Hernández and Monleón 1975; Ortiz 1982), and they had become accustomed to viewing the island as theirs. A strong sense of community cohesion prevailed. Furthermore, at that time there were no telephones, so that all communication had to be done personally. This resulted in very healthy chatting and conversing on the streets to spread information. CONAF was now telling the people that there were rules as to what could be done with domestic animals, what trees could be cut down, etc. As an indication of the sensitivity on these issues, CONAF had also a small office down next to that of the Captain of the Port, and in front of the office had been planted a small Dendroseris litoralis, endemic to the island. On the day prior to the Festival de la Langosta (Lobster Festival), an annual popular community event, someone had cut down this plant (prohibited by the new rules) and used it as part of the floral display for the festival, as a protest against what they saw as CONAF overreach. Over the decades from this shaky beginning, the relationship has become positive for mutual benefit. It has been realized that with the plateauing of the lobster and fishing industries on the islands, to keep a strong economy requires development of ecotourism. This objective blends the interests of the villagers with those of CONAF.

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After CONAF was created, administrative plans were drawn up for management of the national parks and other areas under its jurisdiction. This was particularly significant in the Juan Fernández Islands. The first Plan de Manejo was published by CONAF in 1976 and served as an excellent vision of the conservation needs for the archipelago. The plan began with a survey of the natural resources, with descriptions of the vegetation and mention of some of the endemic species based on Skottsberg (1953a). The threats posed by the maqui, trun, and zarzamora were well outlined. As for the fur seal, the report listed approximately 500 animals around Robinson Crusoe Island and 1000 around Alejandro Selkirk Island. Numbers of introduced mammals were also estimated: goats (3500–5500 on Alejandro Selkirk Island, 150– 500 on Robinson Crusoe Island, and c. 50 on Santa Clara Island); coati (2500–5000 on Robinson Crusoe Island); rabbit (abundant on Robinson Crusoe and Santa Clara Islands); and feral cats (c. 250 on Robinson Crusoe Island). The islands were divided into zones based on conservation needs, and programs for development were clearly outlined. The plan was comprehensive and realistic for the needs of the islands. A set of new draft plans was produced decades later (Biodiversa 2009a, b), followed shortly thereafter by a completely new version (Cavieres et al. 2011). A specific report dealing with problems created by the invasive species has also been published recently (Saunders et al. 2011). Furthermore, in addition to published plans, bulletins, and websites, CONAF has also held interviews on conservation in the archipelago with the press (Fig. 13.3). In general, there is great clarity on what needs to be done for improved conservation in the archipelago, but what continues to be missing are the funds for implementation. Progress is being made, but it comes slowly. Considerable advances during the Modern Period have been made toward conservation of the plants of the archipelago. At a very broad level, the trees that had been planted earlier around the village had matured and established groves of offspring, such that most of the seriously eroded spaces had been filled with plant cover, although from introduced plants. This had the beneficial effect of holding the Fig. 13.3 Interview of Iván Leiva (left), Chief of the Robinson Crusoe Islands National Park, by CNN Chile on 25 February 2011

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soil as well as serving for firewood and lumber for village needs, thus reducing the harvesting of native species. One of the major advances during the Modern Period has been determining the conservation status of the native and endemic flora. Sanders et al. (1982) early showed by comparisons between the relevés of the vegetation made by Skottsberg in 1916– 17 and observations from the expeditions of 1980 that considerable alterations to the flora had taken place. As CONAF continued to grow in staff and conservation knowledge (e.g., Silva 2016), a better understanding of the rarity of the endemic species was obtained, particularly through the efforts of Marcia Ricci (2001, 2006), Cuevas (2002), Danton et al. (2006), and Leiva and the park guides (2013). In addition, studies were mounted on different aspects of the vegetation, such as recovery after feral animal exclusion (Cuevas and Le Quesne 2006) and forest regeneration (Vargas et al. 2010, 2013). A serious challenge facing conservation in the archipelago, as well as in all oceanic archipelagos (Kueffer et al. 2010), is the containment and elimination of invasive plants. These are especially aggressive in establishing in newly opened gaps after tree-fall (Arellano-Cataldo and Smith-Ramírez 2016). A number of inventories of these and other introduced species in the Juan Fernández Archipelago have been produced during the Modern Period (Matthei et al. 1993; Swenson et al. 1997; Greimler et al. 2002b; Cuevas et al. 2004; Danton et al. 2006; Arellano 2012). The worst invasive species are Rubus ulmifolius (zarzamora), Aristotelia chilensis (maqui), Acaena argentea (trun), and Ugni molinae (murtilla). These four vegetable plagues cover many hectares on Robinson Crusoe Island. The zarzamora (Rubus ulmifolius) is especially dense around the village and up into nearby open areas. This species sprouts well from a root stock, which means that simply cutting off the stems will not eliminate the plants. Studies have been done on using the basidiomycota fungus Phragmidium violaceum to parasitize and destroy the zarzamora, and some success has been demonstrated (Oehrens and González 1974; Oehrens and Garrido 1986). The fungus appears to have distinct races, some with high infestation potential and others much less so. More studies are needed, including assessment of possible injury to native and endemic species, before field trials might be attempted. Mann (1975) has suggested the possibility of using microlepidoptera larva as a control measure, but the same cautions prevail. Santa Clara has not become a site for these invaders yet, but instead the introduced Avena barbata (teatina) has taken hold. Alejandro Selkirk Island has likewise been spared from the worst of the invaders, but Anthoxanthum odoratum and Rumex acetosella have become particularly abundant (López-Sepúlveda et al. 2013a). Smith-Ramírez and Arellano-Cataldo (2013) have suggested that the armed forces of Chile might be used to attack these plant invaders, but it is doubtful that such a major environmental project would be authorized by the military. As with the plants, during the Modern Period investigations have been carried out on the terrestrial animals with considerable increase of knowledge. Because of their visibility and interest to naturalists, general surveys have been done on the birds (Brooke 1987a; Hahn 1998; Hahn et al. 2009; Shirihai et al. 2015), as well as more focused studies specifically on hummingbirds (Colwell 1989; Roy et al. 1998; Hahn

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2006a), the rayadito (Aphrastura masafuerae; Hahn 1996; Hahn and Römer 1996; Hahn and Mattes 2000; Hahn et al. 2004), and petrels (Brooke 1987b). There have also been studies on the Psocoptera (booklice; Thornton and New 1981) and acarids (mites; Zeiss and Hermosilla 1970). Much effort has also been placed on understanding the feral terrestrial animals, as these have been the greatest threat to conservation of the flora. Perhaps more than 4000 goats are feral on Alejandro Selkirk Island (Biodiversa 2009a). These animals are very difficult to eliminate, living in inaccessible and dangerous habitats. The most problematical pest on Robinson Crusoe Island is the European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus; Fig. 13.4). Francisco Saiz G. coordinated a project from the Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, at the request of CONAF, to develop a method of control of these rabbits. Fieldwork was carried out during 17–27 November 1981 and again from 23–31 January 1982. Results were first reported in Saiz et al. (1982) and then in condensed form in Saiz and Ojeda (1988). Estimates suggested a range of 30–52 rabbits per hectare and a total rabbit population of between 20,000 and 84,000 (see similar estimates by Bourne et al. 1992). Several methods for control of the rabbits were proposed, including trapping and hunting, reduction of cattle (which disturb the landscape and encourage the rabbits to burrow in these areas), and biological control using viruses. So far CONAF has attempted to hunt the rabbits down, but their reproductive capacity keeps apace with these efforts at population reduction. Fig. 13.4 Rabbits (Oryctolagus cuniculus) hunted on Robinson Crusoe Island

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Invasive ants have also recently been documented, which could become problematic in the future (Ingram et al. 2006). Because of their conspicuous nature and economic value, marine animals have always been important in the lives of the inhabitants of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. The elephant seals were early extirpated from both islands, but the fur seal has survived despite the heavy harvesting of individuals at the beginning of the nineteenth century, especially on Alejandro Selkirk Island. For a time the species was regarded as extinct (Hubbs and Norris 1971), but some animals persisted (Bahamonde 1966; Torres 1987). The good news is that breeding populations have been protected now on both islands, and the numbers of individuals have increased, which also serve as a useful ecotourism attraction. Of great concern to the village of San Juan Bautista is the sustainability of the lobster industry. With attempts at industrialization of the process of capture and preservation of the lobster meat during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which led to initial larger harvests, the yearly catch declined to the point where sustainability was threatened (Yañez et al. 1985; Arana 1987). Strict regulations have now been instituted to protect young individuals under a specific size and prohibit capture during four months of the reproductive cycle (Arana 1985), which now seem to have yielded positive effects (Ernst et al. 2013).

13.8 Damages to the Ecosystem Although much greater attention has been given to preserving the ecosystems in the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the Modern Period, and therefore less damage has occurred, some alterations of the landscape have continued to take place. Perhaps the most disruptive events to the ecosystem of Robinson Crusoe Island during the Modern Period resulted from efforts to develop a small settlement at the bottom of the Quebrada de Villagra during 1966–68. This was an effort that eventually tied into the substantial developmental project of a new airport and road toward Quebrada de Villagra (Rivadeneira and Santos 2017). A spot was cleared and houses were built at the lower end of the valley, which lies down from Selkirk’s Lookout (Portezuelo), at the point where the forest ends and introduced grassland begins (Fig. 13.5a). This activity by itself did not significantly impact the native vegetation. At about the same time, interest was high to construct a landing strip on the island to allow improved air traffic with the continent, especially in cases of medical emergency. Previously, the only airplanes that could approach the island were those with pontoons that could land on the water in Cumberland Bay. To survey these possibilities, the President of Chile, Frei Montalva, visited the island in 1967 along with a commission to study the plan and with the owner of the small airline, Taxpa. The plan was approved and a simple runway was bulldozed in that same year at the western end of the island, just up from Bahía Padre (Fig. 13.5b). Because this part of the island has mostly introduced grasses and invasive plants, there was no disturbance to the native vegetation. It was decided, however, to create a road from

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Fig. 13.5 Views of the central and western parts of Robinson Crusoe Island. a Lower part of Quebrada de Villagra, showing cleared area and modest buildings. b Airport at the western end of the island (1996)

the air strip to Villagra and then up and over the Portezuelo and down into San Juan Bautista. The idea was to stimulate tourism by making the trip from the airport easier, which even now inconveniently relies on a small boat from Bahía Padre around to Cumberland Bay on the northern side of the island, a trip that takes 1.5 h. The work on the bulldozed road was successful and connected the airport to the small settlement at the base of Villagra (Fig. 13.6). In fact, it then continued upward into the valley. Here is where the opposition became strong from environmentalists. It became obvious that to bulldoze a road all the way up this valley, one of the loveliest and most representative of the island, would do serious harm to the ecosystem. Even today, there is the footpath up to the Mirador de Selkirk from the village, and then it winds narrowly down into the valley until it suddenly opens up into a much wider road. Because the bulldozed road was never paved or opened to vehicular traffic, over time it has suffered the effects of rain and encroaching vegetation. Still, it offers hikers a broader avenue to continue downward into the valley and to explore the western part of the island. A remarkable disturbance to Robinson Crusoe Island was the tsunami of 27 February 2010 (Hahn et al. 2014a). Although disruption to the vegetation was minimal, the destruction to the village of San Juan Bautista was substantial, as had been the

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239

Fig. 13.6 Bulldozed road from the airport toward Valle Villagra, on Robinson Crusoe Island

case with a similar event in 1835 (Sutcliffe 1839; Fig. 9.8). Eleven persons died and six more were never located. The entire set of buildings next to the waterfront was destroyed, reduced to floating rubble in the bay. The plants affected were those cultivated in the village, among which were a number of endemic species (e.g., Dendroseris litoralis; Hahn et al. 2014b). The only trees that survived were the very large cultivated ones. A comparison of the main street (Fig. 13.7a) before the tidal wave in early February of 2010 contrasts with that a year later in February of 2011 (Fig. 13.7b). Rebuilding began in earnest, however, but the quaint historical character of the village has been altered forever, with much damage also to the cemetery, including to the monument of the crewmen who perished with the German ship Dresden during World War I (Fig. 13.7c, d; for details of the battle, see Chap. 12). The tidal wave passed by Alejandro Selkirk Island without incident. In San Juan Bautista in the 1960s through the 1980s, domesticated animals roamed the forest. These were rounded up at periodic intervals, but in the meantime they had full run of the native forest in their search for food. This has now been largely controlled by fencing. Changes in increase of the cover of domesticated trees can be seen in San Juan Bautista and on the adjacent slopes (Fig. 13.8a), the tree cover now being very dense, except for around the caves of the patriots. This reforestation has been very successful as a means to hold the soil and halt erosion, as well as providing wood for lumber or firewood. One fortunate aspect of wood usage is that the lobster

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Fig. 13.7 Impacts from the tsunami of February 2010 on San Juan Bautista. a, b Main street (Calle Larrain Alcalde) before the tidal wave, and one year later. c, d Monument to the fallen crew members of the German ship Dresden, who perished in the sinking of the ship by British warships during World War I, with Roger Sanders in 1980, and after the tidal wave in 2011, with Josef Greimler

traps, so important for maintaining the economy of the village, are constructed of stems of the very invasive maqui (Fig. 13.8b). Unfortunately, the rate of reproduction of this invasive species is far greater than the amount needed to replenish or repair the lobster traps each year. Puerto Francés, Puerto Inglés, and La Vaquería by 1980 had all been seriously damaged by removal of trees and introduction of domesticated animals. Reduction of vegetation and patterns of erosion in these valleys can be seen in Fig. 13.9a–d. In 1984 cattle were openly grazing in Quebrada Laura near Puerto Francés (Fig. 13.9d). These valleys are still used as pastures for some animals, and some fencing has been installed to keep them from getting into the native forest. The areas are large, however, and funds have never been sufficient for fencing to be completed. Despite the awareness by CONAF of the ecological disturbances in these valleys, it is not realistic at this time to attempt reforestation over such large areas of the island. They remain as testimony to the lack of ecological awareness over the past four centuries. Santa Clara Island has changed little during the past sixty years. It continues to be covered by introduced grasses, with only some endemic species restricted to steep slopes. Although goats and rabbits were abundant on Santa Clara Island during the early part of the twentieth century, they have now been eliminated by CONAF, which has allowed some of the native flora to recover. The small islet on the north

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241

Fig. 13.8 Views of village and lobster fishermen, Robinson Crusoe Island. a San Juan Bautista, early February of 2010, with El Yunque in background and cave of the patriots on the right. b Lobster fishermen and trap made from stems of the maqui (Aristotelia chilensis)

side of Santa Clara, Morro Spartan (Fig. 13.10a, b), continues to be a sanctuary for endemic species, most notable among them being Chenopodium sanctae-clarae, found nowhere else in the world. This islet also has many individuals of Dendroseris pruinata, and some of Dendroseris litoralis, Wahlenbergia tuberosa, etc. Compare with Fig. 11.8 from 1917. Alejandro Selkirk Island has changed much less than Robinson Crusoe Island during the 60 years from 1960 to the present. The reason is simply that it is more complicated to visit this more distant island, and there are very few attractions. There are no hotels, sandy beaches, stores, health clinics, restaurants–only small houses for the fishermen and their families. It is necessary to bring every needed item, including food. Hence, most of the visitors are adventurers or scientists, coming to experience the wild terrain or to investigate some aspect of the fauna or flora. Because the largest colony of the fur seal is on the western side of this island, a number of zoologists have come to study behavior and other features of this rare species, thankfully now completely protected by CONAF. Compared with the very run-down appearance of Las Casas in 1965 (Fig. 13.11a), the settlement has now a much improved condition with more than 30 small buildings (Fig. 13.11b). A diesel generator also provides electricity during much of the day,

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Fig. 13.9 Patterns of erosion on Robinson Crusoe Island. a Puerto Francés in 1984; b Valle Inglés in 1980; c La Vaquería in 1990; d Quebrada Laura in 1984

(a)

(b)

Fig. 13.10 Morro Spartan. a This small islet (arrow) is separated from Santa Clara Island by a water channel. b Endemic vegetation, with (left to right) Ana María Humaña, Patricia Stuessy, Patricio Peñailillo. The vegetation here is a combination of introduced and endemic plant species, including Chenopodium sanctae-clarae, found nowhere else in the world

which allows modern appliances to be used. There is also now satellite contact with the outside world and this brings in television news information as well as entertainment. CONAF has built a very serviceable house for visiting scientists (Fig. 13.12a), and this was used during our expedition of 2011. A detailed description of this expedition has been published by one of the participants (Novoa 2015). Remnants of the old penal colony can still be seen along the bottom of Quebrada Las Casas. As might be imagined, many invasive species have become established in and around the settlement (López-Sepúlveda et al., 2013a), including large Eucalyptus trees.

13.8 Damages to the Ecosystem

243

Fig. 13.11 Settlement of Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island. a 1965, taken by O. T. Solbrig. b 2011; the foreground is covered with introduced grasses, especially Anthoxanthum odoratum

Fig. 13.12 Settlement of Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island. a The CONAF house for visiting scientists in 2011. b Large trunk of Eucalyptus globulus (with Josef Greimler) in 2011, showing stem girdled by CONAF to eliminate this invasive species from spreading elsewhere on the islands

CONAF has made it a priority to eliminate these invaders (Fig. 13.12b), to avoid their dispersing elsewhere on the island and providing competition with the native flora. In February of 1992 a fire occurred on the western side of Alejandro Selkirk Island, resulting from a fisherman’s campfire, which moved up into the vegetation and burned nearly 72 ha (Barría 1996).

13.9 New Books and Articles In the Modern Period several symposium volumes have been published on aspects of the archipelago. In Orellana (1975b), contributions were dedicated to the early occupants of San Juan Bautista, the history and natural history of the islands, restoration of the Fort Santa Bárbara, biography of Alfredo Von Rodt, and the community of fishermen in the village. In the book by Arana (1985), chapters are grouped into the general sections dealing with the marine environment, marine resources, lobster

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fishing, and bacalao fishing. In Castilla (1987), chapters relevant to Juan Fernández treat the vegetation, geology, meteorology and climate, marine invertebrates, birds, and fur seals. Taking the information contained in these volumes, one finds much new data and useful summaries of existing data. In addition to considerable literature regarding the natural history of the islands, in the Modern Period a number of general touristic books have been published. Some have been largely historical, detailing the discovery of the islands, the trials of the real Robinson Crusoe, Alexander Selkirk, and interesting aspects of life on the islands (Souhami 2001; De Val 2004; Lambert 2016). Others have involved general travel impressions in the islands (Castillo 1989) or about islands in out-of-the way places, with a chapter on the Robinson Crusoe Archipelago (Clarke 2001; Severin 2002). Excellent overviews of the islands, their history and natural history, along with beautiful illustrations and photographs are found in Arana (2010) and Danton et al. (1999). A much smaller, yet attractive volume, is that of Couve and Vidal (2007). In addition to books on the islands, newspaper and magazine articles continue to appear, in part due to the lure of the locality from reading the Robinson Crusoe novel. Some articles deal with the islands as an out-of-the-way vacation opportunity (Strouhal 2001; Delgado 2003; Lee 2004), and others discuss the relationship of Selkirk to Robinson Crusoe (Bruce and Bruce 1993; Wessel 1998; Kraske 2005; Selcraig 2005; Wilson 2009). There have also been articles highlighting interesting aspects of the flora and vegetation (Kunkel 1968), or analyzing the loss of diversity in the archipelago, following the theme of this book (Perry 1984; Lourdes 1990; Callejas 2017). An odd event attracted general interest to Robinson Crusoe Island in 2010 due to the desire to excavate a presumed ancient treasure buried in Valle Inglés (e.g., Figueroa 2005). This was thought to be an Incan treasure of gold that had been obtained by the Spaniards and mysteriously buried on the island in 1715. The multimillionaire, Bernard Keiser, financed this effort, but it resulted in nothing being found. He has not given up, however, now requesting to use heavier equipment to excavate more thoroughly (Cabrera 2019). A book authored under the pseudonym “Róbinson Isla Fernández” (2007) chronicles some aspects of this treasure hunt. In addition, a fictional book dealing with presumed buried Nazi treasure had also been published (De Val 2004).

Part IV

Summaries of Impacts on Vegetation

We must not forget that the impacts on the vegetation of the Juan Fernández archipelago have resulted not only from human activities but also from natural changes in the islands over the past four million years. Oceanic islands are very dynamic ecosystems that change constantly and are quickly modified by the effects of subsidence and erosion by water and wind. The life of an oceanic island is limited, perhaps six million years on average, depending upon the size of the island. With these changes, plant populations are modified accordingly, as they adjust to the changing conditions of reduction of surface area, loss of habitat, lowering of elevation, increasing exposure, changing precipitation (associated with elevation), and erosion of soil. These natural influences have been stronger on the older Robinson Crusoe Island and much less so on the younger Alejandro Selkirk Island, simply because of more geological time. Chapter 14 sketches out the basic changes that have taken place during the existence of both islands, hypotheses based on available evidence, with comments on how this might have affected the natural vegetation. Having documented in Chaps. 7–13 the details of the many human activities on the Juan Fernández Archipelago during the past 450 years, it is now possible to synthesize in Chap. 15 these observations into a summary of the impacts from people. Once again, this is particularly appropriate because no indigenous people ever lived in the islands, and hence the islands were immune from human disturbance until discovered by Europeans in 1574. The chronicles, therefore, really do represent the documentation of what has happened recently to the vegetation over the past centuries. As is usually the case with people in oceanic islands, their impact on the natural vegetation and marine resources has been negative, with some species having gone extinct, and many others now having been pushed to threatened or endangered status. It becomes obvious, then, that to really understand the reasons for the present state of the vegetation of the Juan Fernández Archipelago requires synthesizing known facts from historical records and also from inferring geomorphological and environmental change over the life of the islands. It is the combination of understanding natural and human impacts that allows realistic interpretations of the vegetation now seen in the archipelago. These interpretations then provide an ecological and

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geographical context in which to hypothesize with higher levels of precision the processes of evolution that may have taken place. More importantly, this combination also provides a firm basis for successful conservation programs into the future.

Chapter 14

Natural Factors

Because of the enormous impact that humans have had on ecosystems of oceanic islands, especially in recent times with building of resorts, condominiums, beaches, shopping malls, roads, and cultivated fields, it is easy to assume that human activities have been the most important challenges to island environments. But in older islands, much of the original volcanic island has been modified by subsidence and erosion, so much so that the island is now much smaller in size and modified in shape from its origin. To understand the historical ecology of any oceanic island archipelago requires a careful examination not only of the historical record of human activities, but also an assessment of probable geomorphological change and its likely impact on patterns of vegetation. The Juan Fernández Archipelago is a good system to examine these natural factors because there are two major islands of very different geological ages, four million years versus one million. This allows comparisons of vegetation and flora between the islands in context of natural impacts from subsidence and erosion from wind and water prior to the arrival of humans in the archipelago.

14.1 Subsidence and Erosion One of the most significant impacts to an oceanic island results from subsidence. Oceanic islands are often formed from a hotspot that occurs on the ocean crust below a tectonic plate. In the case of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, both major islands were formed from a hotspot beneath the Nazca Plate, which is moving eastward toward the South American continent at approximately six cm/year (Minster and Jordan 1978). As the plate moves forward it goes deeper and deeper, eventually subducting under the South American continental plate (Fig. 2.3). The islands on the Nazca plate, therefore, are pulled downward and subside in relation to the level of the ocean. As time progresses, the islands eventually will disappear altogether, becoming submarine seamounts. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_14

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Another important impact on oceanic islands is erosion. Erosion ensues immediately around the newly formed island due to wave action, which when combined with effects of subsidence, are jointly responsible for reduction of island perimeter. Although subsidence is very important for limiting overall island size, it is erosion from wind and water that impacts the geomorphology of the landscape. The sequence of changes that occurs over millions of years has been worked thoroughly in the Hawaiian Islands (Stearns 1966), which can serve as a model for interpreting events on other islands. In the first million years, deep amphitheater-headed valleys originate due to effects of water erosion. After the second million years, these deep valleys coalesce and form broader and larger valleys. Further erosion and subsidence in subsequent millions of years result in major loss of surface area, with the perimeter of the island now much smaller and the remaining valleys all being mostly wide and shallow. It is instructive to examine the impacts of subsidence and erosion on each of the islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. The present position of the hot spot is now about 100 km west of Alejandro Selkirk Island where are located two seamounts, Friday and Domingo (Farley et al. 1993; Devey et al. 2000). Alejandro Selkirk Island is approximately one million years of age, as assessed by several radiometric datings (Booker et al. 1967; Ferrara et al. 1969; Stuessy et al. 1984; Lara et al. in preparation, cited in Astudillo 2014; see Table 2.1). Changes to an island will take place within a million years, but the modifications might be expected to be small, at least in comparison to older islands. One can only hypothesize what the size of the original island might have been, but a useful method is to look for a submarine erosional platform, the outline of which might suggest the original perimeter of the volcanic island as it arose from the sea. For Alejandro Selkirk Island, this submarine platform at −200 m is still quite near the present coast (Fig. 14.1a), which suggests a limited amount of subsidence (and erosion). We can hypothesize that the original island shape and size might have been somewhat larger as seen in Fig. 14.1b, representing a loss of surface area of approximately 28% (Sanders et al. 1987; Stuessy et al. 1998). Figure 14.1a shows in diagrammatic form the present appearance of the island, indicating the narrow and deep amphitheater-headed valleys that are characteristic of early island erosion due primarily to effects of water (see analogous changes in the youthful islands of the Hawaiian Archipelago; Stearns 1966). The level of subsidence on the older Robinson Crusoe Island has been much greater because four million years have transpired. Again, we have hypothesized that the original size of the island might be reconstructed from observing the significant submarine erosional platforms beneath the ocean (Fig. 14.2a), perhaps −500 m or more. The original configuration of the island would have been substantially larger than at present (Fig. 14.2b), with elevation reaching possibly 3000 m (present elevation is 915 m). If this reconstruction is at all reasonable, it suggests that the present island has lost 95% of the original surface (Sanders et al. 1987; Stuessy et al. 1998b), that is, a very major reduction in area. Such a dramatic reduction over four million years would have had a substantial impact on the habitats of the island and on corresponding flora and vegetation. Figure 14.2c shows the effects of subsidence and development of deep amphitheater-headed valleys after one million

14.1 Subsidence and Erosion

(a)

249

(b)

Fig. 14.1 Reconstruction of geological history of Alejandro Selkirk Island. a Present shape of the island with bathymetric contours to −2000 m (from Armada de Chile 1965; Mammerickx and Smith 1978; Prince et al. 1980). b Hypothesized original shape of the island at 1 mybp; dotted line indicates outline of the present island. Diagram after Sanders et al. (1987)

years, and Fig. 14.2d indicates further subsidence and shrinking of island profile, plus joining of adjacent valleys after two million years due principally to erosion. After three million years, subsidence and coastal erosion have resulted in a much smaller island (Fig. 14.2e), which was reversed slightly with sea level drop during Pleistocene glaciation (Weigelt et al. 2016; Fig. 14.2f). The present size of the island indicates that the vegetation would have had to adapt to loss of surface area, and it would doubtless have resulted in reduction of different vegetational zones, if not elimination of some of them altogether. If the island were originally at 3000 m elevation, where a much cooler climate would have prevailed, the species adapted to this zone would not likely find a home on the present island that is only 915 m high.

14.2 Impacts on Vegetation Armed with an understanding of likely geomorphological change in the two islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, it is possible to relate these modifications with the present patterns of vegetation. Figures 6.1 and 6.2 show the two recent vegetation maps prepared by Greimler et al. (2002a, 2013), in both instances using the same techniques of aerial photographs, ground surveillance and photography, and relevés

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(a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

(e)

(f)

Fig. 14.2 Reconstruction of geological history of Robinson Crusoe Island, including Santa Clara Island. a Present shape of the island with bathymetric contours to −1000 m (from Armada de Chile 1965; Mammerickx and Smith 1978; Prince et al. 1980); dashed lines here indicate interpolated levels between known data points. b Shape of the original island at 4 mybp; dotted lines here and in c–f indicate present island outline. c Erosional patterns with amphitheater-headed valleys, 3 mybp. d Further erosion showing coalescence of adjacent valleys, 2 mybp. e Further subsidence of island and erosion by wave action, 1 mybp. f Lowering of sea level during Pleistocene glaciation, 10,000 ybp. After Sanders et al. (1987)

(Braun-Blanquet 1928, 1964). Alejandro Selkirk Island at one million years of age is still in an early formative stage of its geomorphological ontogeny, and it still has a shape more similar to the cone appearance from the original volcanic formations, although it is now dissected by deep amphitheater-headed ravines (quebradas). On this island are a series of distinct and mostly extensive vegetation zones (Fig. 6.1). Forest, tall fern, and grassland vegetation zones are still visible over the landscape

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251

that may reflect a semblance of the original patterns. This makes sense because vegetation develops mainly from the factors of temperature and precipitation, and these intersecting parameters would have been effective over large areas of the island when young. There are also restricted coastal habitats, but most of the zones are grasslands, tree fern forests, slopes of the deep quebradas (=ravines), and open grasslands with ferns. The deep ravines have been cut by water erosion, and these dark and humid habitats have opened up more recently, now especially suited for native ferns. Invasive plants have now also been introduced during historical times to this younger island. Although the pattern of vegetation on Alejandro Selkirk Island is clear, it raises the question of when and how the original forests were developed. Two important studies have demonstrated the patterns of development of vegetation in islands in their very early stages. One of the most famous was the origin of the new Krakatau islands in Sumatra in 1883. The original islands exploded violently, two-thirds of the islands were destroyed, and all macroscopic life vanished (Thornton 1996). Investigators inventoried the development of the new vegetation, and successful colonization and establishment occurred within several decades (Ernst 1908). In this situation, source areas of Java and Sumatra were only about 40 km distant, as well as closer small islands. It is not surprising, therefore, that development of new vegetation was rapid. The second important study was the origin of the new island of Surtsey, which rose from the ocean off the southern coast of Iceland in 1963 (Fridriksson 1975). Although the new island was only c. 40 km from the mainland, and only 5 km from a near small island ( Geirfuglasker), colonization has been rapid but establishment has been slow apparently due to the harsh conditions of the new lava and general northern environment (Fridriksson 1975; Thornton 2007). The take-home message from these and other studies of succession in new habitats on islands is that the process moves along well, and after a century or more, considerable vegetation becomes established. Alejandro Selkirk Island is very isolated, and when it formed, the closest land would have been Robinson Crusoe Island, 181 km eastward. Within several centuries, however, the new island would have been covered by vegetation, and after a millennium stable communities of vegetation would have been in place. In attempting to interpret the nature of the original vegetation on Alejandro Selkirk Island, because the original island might have been somewhat higher than at present, perhaps up to 2000 m elevation, it is possible that some additional vegetational zones might have existed. These might have been lost as erosion continued for the first million years. Determination of such original vegetation is nearly impossible in the absence of fossil pollen from depositional sites that do not exist from such an early time period on the island. The only known pollen profile has covered only the past 10,000 years (Haberle 2003). One can speculate that the present dispersed nature of the Myrceugenia schulzei forest may have originally been more of a band along the eastern side of the island. As erosion ensued over the million years, quebradas (ravines) resulted from water channeling, and these interrupted the vegetation into the pattern now seen (Fig. 6.1). This new moist habitat offered new sites for colonization by ferns and other plants that need cool, humid, conditions. Trees that were once in a broad band now colonized into the upper reaches of these deep valleys, resulting in the present more fragmented arrangement of this vegetational zone. It is also likely that

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much of this vegetation on the lower slopes was cut for use in lumber and firewood, which resulted from human activities, especially during times of the penal colony. In summary, the natural impacts on Alejandro Selkirk Island have been relatively minor, at least in comparison to the older island. The impact on the vegetation from natural influences on Robinson Crusoe Island after four million years has been substantial. If we consider the hypothesized extent of the original island (Fig. 14.2b), then it becomes obvious that major changes have taken place. The outline of the island now is much more irregular, due to subsidence and erosion over four million years, with perhaps a loss of up to 95% of the surface area (Stuessy et al. 1998b). The vegetation zones here are narrow and restricted to irregular small bands surrounding the remaining basaltic ridges in the center of the eastern side of the island. We can also see many eroded areas, especially in valleys on the northeastern side. These reflect substantial impacts from human activities that will be summarized in the next chapter. The southwestern part of Robinson Crusoe Island contains no trees, being covered by short grass and some herbs. Due to the absence of water, this area becomes partially green only during the spring rains (September–November), and then it dries out completely during the summer months (December–February). This region is virtually devoid of native plants (Fig. 14.3a) with introduced grasses predominating, such as Anthoxanthum odoratum and Avena barbata, plus other weeds, e.g., Rumex acetosella. The early visitors to the southwestern side of Robinson Crusoe Island commented on the low and dry original landscape without trees (Table 14.1). Ringrose (1685: 394) started the observations with the sweeping statement that “not one stick of wood nor tuft of grass was to be found.” Cooke (1712: 110) referred to this part of the island as “the barrenest Part.” Anson et al. (1748) and Saumarez (in Heaps 1973) described this region as flat, low, dry, stony, and without trees. The importance of these comments, plus what was illustrated by visitors (e.g., Figs. 7.4, 7.8, 7.11, and 7.16), indicates that the southwestern portion of the island was without trees prior to discovery by humans. The scarcity of native plants in this dry and low western portion of the island, therefore, is due to natural causes over geological time.

Fig. 14.3 Dry landscapes on the a southwestern side of Robinson Crusoe Island (near Bahía Padre), and b Santa Clara Island (in 1990)

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Table 14.1 Historical evidence for lack of vegetation on the southwestern portion of Robinson Crusoe Island and Santa Clara Island Voyager (reference)

Year visited

Comments

Ringrose (in Esquemeling, 1685: 394)

1680

“and not one stick of wood nor tuft of grass was to be found.” His map of the island (Fig. 7.4) shows no tree symbols on the western portion

Dampier (1697: 87)

1684

“The West-end of this island is all high Champion Ground without any Valley, …there is neither Wood nor any Fresh Water, and the Grass short and dry”

Cooke (1712: 110)

1709

“this End of the island is the barrenest Part of it”

Anson et al. (1748: 117)

1741

“being dry, stony, and destitute of trees, but very flat and low” (see also Fig. 7.11)

Saumarez (in Heaps, 1973: 118)

1741

“it is flat and barren and being extremely dry and stony and entirely destitute of trees”

Juan and Ulloa (1748: 218, 219)

1742

“but few or none [trees] are seen on those [mountains] of the S. part, except in the breaches and valleys… every part is cover’d with tall grass or straw”

Schouten (1619: 27)

1616

“a very dry bare island with nothing on it, but bare hilles and cliffs”

Ringrose (in Esquemeling, 1685: map)

1680

His rough map (Fig. 7.4) shows no tree symbols on “Great Key” island

Anson et al. (1748: map)

1741

The map shows tree symbols on “Goat Island” (Fig. 7.11)

Juan and Ulloa (1748; map)

1742

Santa Clara is shown, unnamed, as being without trees (Fig. 7.16)

Robinson Crusoe Island

Santa Clara Island

The evidence also suggests that Santa Clara Island, located southwest from Robinson Crusoe Island, was originally low and dry (Table 14.1). Schouten in 1619 described it as being dry, bare, with virtually no vegetation on it. Oddly, more than a century later, Anson et al. (1748) showed tree symbols on this island (called “Goat Island;” Fig. 7.11). Juan and Ulloa (1748; Fig. 7.16) indicated that Santa Clara Island had no trees. At the present time, the island is completely covered by grasses and herbs, largely introduced (Fig. 14.3b), with no trees or shrubs. It is likely that Santa Clara Island was originally connected to Robinson Crusoe Island but became separated over the millions of years of subsidence and erosion. The lack of water and low profile resulted in a treeless vegetation similar to what happened on the southwestern portion of Robinson Crusoe Island.

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On the eastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island, the two principal vegetation zones at present are the upper and lower montane forests (Greimler et al. 2002a). The total number of different zones is more than on Alejandro Selkirk Island, but most of these contain mixtures of introduced species. When the island originated and perhaps was 3000 m elevation, a number of vegetation bands must have occurred because of the strong temperature and precipitation gradients. As the years wore on, the island became smaller (Fig. 14.2c–e), and the vegetation adapted to the reduced space with more limited temperature and precipitation requirements. Some zones would have been lost entirely. The overall appearance of the vegetation on the eastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island, therefore, is a pattern due to compaction of the flora. This means that after four million years, major natural impacts have resulted in loss of vegetation zones and doubtless individual species. It has been estimated that 25% of the species were lost during these transitions (Sontag et al. 2018), but this is only a wild guess. Some loss, however, would have been extremely likely. The remaining bands of original forest have now come under extreme pressure from the numerous species introduced through human activities during the past 400 years. Pleistocene glaciation surely also affected sea level on both of the islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Weigelt et al. (2016) have emphasized that such sea level changes, perhaps 100 m or more, could have affected species diversity on many oceanic islands. Although this may have been the case in particular islands, it is doubtful that such changes would have had a major impact on patterns of vegetation or survival of individual species in either Alejandro Selkirk or Robinson Crusoe Islands. Sea level would have lowered (e.g., Fig. 14.2f), due to water being taken up in polar ice, exposing more of the submarine sediments for plant occupation. On Robinson Crusoe Island, the previously separated Santa Clara Island approximately one million years ago was probably rejoined to the main island. The impact on vegetation would have been to provide more space for coastal plants, but these would have had to adjust upward again in post-glacial times. Another natural impact on the Juan Fernández Archipelago has been from tsunamis. Two major tidal waves have been recorded for Robinson Crusoe Island. The first was in 1835, which caused damage to the village of San Juan Bautista and resulted in many deaths of villagers (Sutcliffe 1839). The second was recent, in February of 2010. This was caused by a submarine earthquake off the Chilean coast, leading to serious damage on the mainland and producing a destructive tidal wave that arrived in Cumberland Bay and destroyed most of the village on the lower level. This included the municipality, school, a church, restaurants, souvenir shops, villas, post office, port captain’s office, and fisherman’s lockers. Although these events have been traumatic on the human population, there is no evidence that they caused any significant damage to the natural vegetation. There was, however, a loss of cultivated plants of endemic species in the village (e.g., Dendroseris litoralis; Hahn et al. 2014a).

Chapter 15

Human Influences

This chapter pulls together information regarding human activities and their influence on the vegetation and marine resources of the Juan Fernández archipelago from 1574 to 1959. This historical information was presented in detail in Chaps. 7–12, having been derived from reports from 70 visitors to the archipelago (exclusive of the Modern Period). Some of these reports were short and others were substantial books, but taken together, they provide numerous insights on conditions in the islands of the archipelago and the activities that took place during nearly four centuries. Although the overall impact from people on the Juan Fernández ecosystems has been hugely negative, there is really nothing surprising about these documentations. The early explorers were discovering new lands and faced enormous physical and psychological challenges. Sensitivity to preservation of the environment was not high on anyone’s list of priorities: survival and a path to fortune were the driving factors.

15.1 Impacts of Settlements People often cause disturbances to ecosystems, and such has been the case in the Juan Fernández Archipelago from 1574 to the present. The number of people in the archipelago from 1574 to 1750 (Fig. 15.1) varied depending upon which ships had just arrived, and how many persons decided to try to make a living by providing services for these ships in the form of firewood, fish, fresh water, goat meat, lobster, lumber, and vegetables. At times these islands were completely uninhabited, but this was not often the case. During the period of discovery and early exploration, Robinson Crusoe Island was desperately needed as a place to rest, rebuild ships, consume vegetables to cure scurvy, load up on fresh water, and get ready for the continuation of the voyage westward into the Pacific. Enterprising persons clearly saw the possibility of profiting from this need. It was also a physically alluring

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_15

255

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15 Human Influences

Fig. 15.1 Levels of human population in the village of San Juan Bautista, Robinson Crusoe Island. From Stuessy et al. (2018a: 120) based on data in Woodward (1969). Squares indicate presence of colonists but of uncertain number

location, with plenty of food and other resources, for those individuals who could tolerate the isolation. Due to the frequent use of Robinson Crusoe Island as a lair to attack Spanish ships and colonies on the mainland, Spain took control in 1750. A fort, Santa Bárbara, was constructed with large numbers of canon, which effectively controlled access to Cumberland Bay, the only really secure anchorage on either island. The number of persons who occupied the village of San Juan Bautista was initially small, especially during the Floristic Period (Fig. 15.2), but it surged to nearly 600 persons at different times during the 20th century; the recent census of 2017 lists 926 persons (INE 2017). With a permanent settlement, the impact of persons on the environment surrounding the village was substantial. Any tree that could conveniently be cut was taken for construction and firewood. Wood was also harvested and accumulated for sale to passing ships, and mention of this was made on several occasions. Shocking was the recording in 1869 (Woodward 1969: 206) that 1200 tons of wood had been assembled near the shore for sale. Because Robinson Crusoe Island and Alejandro Selkirk Island were very isolated from mainland Chile, they were used as penal colonies starting in 1750 when the first colonists arrived. This concept was maintained off and on until 1930, when the last of the prisoners were removed from the younger island (Table 15.1). The idea was simple: escape from such isolated islands was nearly impossible, which meant that confinement in jails was really unnecessary. Only order must be maintained and work must be done. Occasionally convicts managed to seize an arriving ship and head toward South America to freedom, but this was not frequent. Maintaining discipline

15.1 Impacts of Settlements

257

Fig. 15.2 Fluctuation in numbers of inhabitants in the village of San Juan Bautista, Robinson Crusoe Island, during the Floristic Period. Data from Woodward (1969) and original sources

Table 15.1 Data on penal colonies in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. From Guzmán (c. 1950: 81) Years

Government

Island

Type of prisoners

Number of prisoners

1750–1814

Colonial

Robinson Crusoe

Common

65

1814–1817

Del Pont

Robinson Crusoe

Political

240

1821–1822

O’Higgins

Robinson Crusoe

Political

300

1829–1837

Portales

Robinson Crusoe

Political and common

230

1851–1854

Bulnes

Robinson Crusoe

Political

150

1909–1913

P. Montt

Alejandro Selkirk

Common

190

1927–1930

C. Ibáñez

Alejandro Selkirk

Political and common

180

among prisoners was always difficult, and they often included a mixture of common criminals as well as political prisoners, some from very influential Chilean families, who were temporarily on the wrong side of the political scene on the continent. Prisoners on the islands were made to work, and their activities resulted in considerable pressure on the environment. The numbers of convicts ranged from 65 to 300 at different periods (Table 15.1), and often one of their tasks was to cut trees for firewood, for construction of buildings and for lumber for sale to arriving ships. From 1750 to 1854, these activities took place on Robinson Crusoe Island, but this colony was finally closed when it was realized that trying to maintain a community of legitimate colonists (with families) mixed with hardened criminals was simply unrealistic. When the need again arose, another penal colony was developed on Alejandro Selkirk Island in 1909 (Fig. 15.3), but this also failed miserably, because it was very expensive to keep these convicts supplied with needed food, clothing, and tools so that they could survive on the island. Normal institutional discipline was nearly impossible, especially because this very isolated group of prisoners was maintained at a high

258

15 Human Influences

Fig. 15.3 Ruins of the penal colony that was abandoned in 1930, Quebrada Casas, Alejandro Selkirk Island. Photograph taken in 2011

level of between 180 and 190 men, which naturally led to inter-group squabbles and problems. Although data are lacking on exactly what these convicts did and where on both islands, it is safe to say that they exerted a substantial pressure on the native forests, especially around the settlement of San Juan Bautista on Robinson Crusoe Island and Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island.

15.2 Cutting of Forests on the Northeastern Side of Robinson Crusoe Island Perhaps the clearest documentation of human impact on the vegetation has been the removal of trees from the four valleys on the northeastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island. The early reports indicated that this region was heavily forested to the ocean (Table 15.2). The impact that permanent colonists had on the region of the central valley surrounding San Juan Bautista was already discussed above. Even before colonization of the island, a considerable pressure for harvesting forest trees existed, and numerous reports indicated that this was taking place. As the centuries rolled on, the trees toward the shore and up to about 350 m in Puerto Francés, Valle Colonial, Valle Inglés, and La Vaquería, were all felled. In Valle Inglés the open

15.2 Cutting of Forests on the Northeastern Side of Robinson Crusoe Island

259

Table 15.2 Historical evidence during the discovery and early exploration period for extensive forests on the northeastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island. Modified from Stuessy et al. (2018: 130) Voyager (reference)

Year(s) visited

Comments

Schouten (1619: 27)

1616

“hath many trees”

Ovalle (1649, from Pinkerton 1813: 91)

1646

“has a great variety of trees, and much grass”

Ringrose (in Esquemeling 1685:396) 1680

“great multitudes of trees”

Dampier (1697: 87)

1684

“The sides of the mountains, are part savannahs, part woodland”

Funnell (1707: 18)

1704

“The woods afforded several sorts of Trees.” See also his map (Fig. 7.6)

Shelvocke (1726: 250)

1720

“the woods which cover the island”

Anson et al. (1748: 117, 119)

1741

“The northern part of this island is… generally covered with trees,” and “the woods which covered most of the steepest hills.” See also his maps (Figs. 7.11 and 7.13) and sketches (Figs. 7.12 and 7.14)

Saumarez (in Heaps 1973: 121)

1741

“The island is entirely overspread with woods on the north amongst which are several aromatic trees”

Juan and Ulloa (1748: 218)

1742

“the sides of those [mountains] towards the N are covered with trees of good timber”

Sobrecasas (in Medina 1923a: 465)

1750–51

“Los cerros, y muchas faldas de ellos, se hallan cubiertos de árboles de cinco a seis especies.” (The hills, and many of their slopes, were covered by five or six species of trees)

areas were invaded by introduced herbs, but in La Vaquería, serious erosion lead to broad areas of the valley having no vegetation at all. In Puerto Francés, large areas were also denuded of vegetation, and introduced grasses and herbs proliferated. The lumbering activities by people in these four valleys have created one of the greatest environmental perturbations to the ecosystem, along with introduction of goats and rabbits, and massive animal husbandry with sheep and cattle. As trees were removed, introduced grasses invaded, especially Avena barbata and Anthoxanthum odoratum. These grasses were also cut for thatching of roofs, but not enough to diminish the burgeoning invasive populations.

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15 Human Influences

Table 15.3 Historical records of fire on Robinson Crusoe Island, based on Woodward (1969) and other sources. From Stuessy et al. (1998d: 251) Date

Circumstance

Location

26 Nov 1795

Ramón Negrete, Francisco Clavel, Summit of El Yunque; burned for Pedro José Gutiérrez, and Marcel Boza 8 days set fire after climbing peak

5 Jan 1816

Apparently an accidental fire set in Chaplain’s huts

Began in Chaplain’s huts and spread over “the entire island”

18 Nov 1837

Peruvians set fire

Burned down town of San Juan Bautista

19 May 1849 20 Californians set fires

Whole valley behind Puerto Inglés

25 Mar 1862

Huge forest fire in Puerto Francés

Accidental fire set by Rengifo party

18 May 1869 Lumberjacks of Fernández López

“Frequent” forest fires in unspecified locations

Feb 1872

Sailor carelessly sets fire

1 mi2 (2.6 km2 ) of good timber burned in unspecified location

1905

Circumstance unknown. Cited by Skottsberg (1954: 108)

El Rabinal (between Valle Colonial and Puerto Francés)

1930

Circumstance unknown. Cited by Skottsberg (1962: 38)

Valle Inglés

15.3 Fire Fire also created environmental disturbances on both islands, but mostly on Robinson Crusoe Island where more human activities took place (Table 15.3). Most of these fires were either deliberately set, or were accidents from campfires. One of the largest fires occurred in Valle Inglés, where twenty Californian 49ers set fire apparently without any good reason, and it burned much of the valley. Another large fire occurred accidentally in 1862 in Puerto Francés and destroyed vegetation in that region. One of the problems with these large disturbances was that the recovery of the area was usually mostly from invasive species that were well adapted to the open conditions. No detailed records of fire exist for Alejandro Selkirk Island, but Skottsberg (1962) was told that fire did occur in the island in 1939, 1942 (or 1943), and 1944. In February of 1996 a fisherman’s campfire escaped to the vegetation and burned 72 ha (Barría 1996). Charcoaled areas were still evident during our expedition to the island in 2011 (pers. observ.).

15.4 Harvesting of Individual Plant Species The larger trees on both islands were selectively cut for firewood and lumber. On Robinson Crusoe Island the tree diversity consists of 14 species, but only Drimys confertifolia, Nothomyrcia fernandeziana, Santalum fernandezianum, and

15.4 Harvesting of Individual Plant Species

261

Zanthoxylum mayu would have been massive enough to provide lumber. Nothomyrcia fernandeziana was one of the trees easily harvested, as it was (and still is) the dominant tree on the island. The wood is hard and resistant (Rodríguez et al. 1983), which makes the species suitable for construction needs, especially repairing ships and also for building simple houses. The largest tree, Zanthoxylum mayu, is much larger, and it was sought for repairs of ships. Drimys confertifolia is also large and suitable for lumber. It is difficult to know how abundant these two larger trees might have been originally, but at present they are both regarded as vulnerable (Stuessy et al. 2018b). Six tree species exist on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and only three are sizeable: Drimys confertifolia, Myrceugenia schulzei, and Zanthoxylum externum. A comparison with the extent of forest in 1741 (Anson et al. 1748; Fig. 7.10a) with the recent vegetation map (Greimler et al. 2013; Fig. 6.1) suggests that the extent of the dominant tree, Myrceugenia schulzei, has also been reduced over time. One of the species that has been harvested has been the palm, Juania australis (“chonta”), endemic to Robinson Crusoe Island. This is an attractive plant with smooth green stems and bright orange fruits. Although the fruits are edible and provide some food value, the species was primarily sought for the edible shoot apex, which is large enough to provide about two kgs of vegetable, tasting not unlike cabbage–hence the common name, “ cabbage tree.” This was most desirable to help cure scurvy, and combined with roasted goat, made a very delicious meal for sailors who had been surviving on hard bread and dried meat. The problem is that to harvest the shoot apex requires felling the entire tree. Historical reports suggest that the species was relatively abundant originally (Table 15.4), perhaps 5000–10,000 plants, but it now is confined to the high ridges and secluded high valleys of the island, and the number of surviving individuals is estimated to be 1000–2000 (Stuessy et al. 1983; Table 15.4 Historical documentation for cutting of Juania australis and forest trees in general on Robinson Crusoe Island during the discovery and early exploration period. Modified from Stuessy et al. (1998d: 249) Voyager (reference)

Year visited

Zamora, Ulloa and Álvarez (from Woodward 1969: 13)

1599

X

Le Hermite (in Callander 1768: 311)

1624

X

Ringrose (in Esquemeling 1685: 396)

1680

Dampier (1697: 87)

1684

X

Funnell (1707: 18)

1704

X

Rogers (1712: 97) and Cooke (1712: 110)

1709

X

X

Clipperton (in Kerr 1824: 408)

1719

X

X

Shelvocke (1726: 213)

1720

X

X

X

X

Roggeveen (1838: 81)

1722

Anson et al. (1748: 118, 131)

1741

Juan and Ulloa (1748: 225)

1742

Sobrecasas (in Medina 1923a: 465)

1751

Juania

Forest trees

X X

X X X

262

15 Human Influences

Ricci 2006). Seedlings are frequently seen in the native forest (pers. observ.), which means that the species is not in serious conservation trouble (regarded as endangered, however; Stuessy et al. 2018b). During the Touristic Period (1918–1959), many trees were cut for making handicraft objects. The vascular strands in the stem are black, which contrasts with the whitish background parenchyma tissue. When the stem is worked into objects, such as boxes, walking canes, etc., the direction of the cut creates attractive patterns of white and black areas. Some fossil pollen data bear on the question of original population size of the chonta. Prebble and Dowe (2008) analyzed a peat core from the region of La Piña at Puerto Francés, which is an area of native upper montane forest at the back of the valley. The pollen profile extended for 145 cm, which represents a time period of the past c. 1500 years. Although the sampling of the core is not very dense, especially prior to human arrival, some conclusions may be drawn. During 1500– 1200 years ago, the pollen of Juania australis was in the highest concentration, dropping off substantially after human intervention. Correlated with this drop has been an increase in fern spores, especially from Blechnum and Histiopteris, and a concomitant decrease in pollen from trees and shrubs. Charcoal has also been found in four samples, two before 1574 and two afterward, with the highest concentration occurring more recently. The data suggest that the forest was disturbed after human arrival, with a loss of trees, including the chonta, and an increase in ferns more adapted to open spaces. Fire also occurred in the valley, a fact also substantiated by historical records. A species of great interest is the endemic sandalwood, Santalum fernandezianum, known only from Robinson Crusoe Island. It is not impossible that either the same species or another related species grew originally on Alejandro Selkirk Island, but no specimens exist. There is a long history of sandalwood being harvested in Pacific Islands (see Chap. 8), and the attention given to S. fernandezianum was in context of that rather large industry. The wood of species of the genus is very aromatic, and it was highly regarded in China for use as incense, for household objects, and as pieces to be buried with the dead. Pressure was very strong, therefore, on obtaining wood for sale as voyagers arrived in Robinson Crusoe Island and continued westward toward the Orient. The species was apparently relatively common on the island, with harvesting in the 19th century leading to reduction of populations and individuals until only one tree was left in Valle Inglés. Skottsberg visited this tree in 1908, collected a wood sample, and published the photo in 1910 (Fig. 11.2b). Upon returning to this spot in 1916, the tree was gone, the wood having been harvested by the villagers (Skottsberg 1921). This was the last individual plant of this species on the island and on the planet. The sandalwood had now been lost.

15.5 Establishment of Domesticated Plants

263

15.5 Establishment of Domesticated Plants As might be expected, domesticated plants (Table 15.5) would have been brought to the Juan Fernández Archipelago by numerous visitors, especially those arriving as colonists to Robinson Crusoe Island. The tradition of early voyagers to isolated islands was to plant seeds of useful plants in hopes of being able to harvest them at some future date. The earliest report of plants (vegetables) actually being cultivated in Robinson Crusoe Island was by Zamora, Ulloa and Álvarez in 1599 (Woodward 1969: 13; Table 15.5). During the 17th century the number of different cultivated plants increased to include cabbage, clover, corn, pumpkins, turnips, and many others. When colonists arrived in 1750, other plants also arrived with them, especially medicinal herbs and ornamentals. Because most of these plants had been in domestication for centuries, they were ill-adapted to escaping and becoming invasive on the landscape. Most remained in the village and flourished or not depending upon the care provided them. The terrain dramatically slopes upward from the sea to the highest ridges, making large-scale agriculture nearly impossible. When people inhabited the islands in San Juan Bautista or Las Casas, there must have always been some garden plants cultivated for food, but these controlled domesticated plants would not have created pressure on the native and endemic species of the archipelago. More recently Guzmán (c. 1950: 154) provided the most comprehensive list of species that he observed in Table 15.5 Domesticated and introduced plants reported on Robinson Cruse Island from historical accounts 1599–1751. Modified from Stuessy et al. (2018a: 126) Voyager (reference)

Year(s) visited Plants mentioned

Zamora, Ulloa and Álvarez (from Woodward 1969: 13)

1599

Cultivating vegetables

Le Hermite (in Kerr 1824: 202 and Callander 1768: 312)

1624

Clover, quince

Diego de Rosales (in Vicuña Mackenna 1662–65 1877: xlvi)

Seeds sown of trees and European legumes

Wafer (1699: 192)

1687

Maiz (corn) planted

Cooke (1712: 108)

1709

Turnip

Rogers (1712: 99)

1709

Fever-few, parsley, purslane, sithes, turnip, watercress

Shelvocke (1726: 250)

1720

Pumpkin, turnip, watercress, wild sorrel

Roggeveen (1838: 81)

1722

Maygrass, cabbage

Anson et al. (1748: 118) and Saumarez 1741 (in Heaps 1973: 119)

Clover, oats, Sicilian radish, turnip, watercresses, purslane, wild sorrel

Sobrecasas (in Medina 1923a: 465)

Grasses: cortadera, enea, teatina Medicinal herbs: anthemisa, berros, cardo santo, chicoria silvestre, malva, mastuerzo, moreta, mostaza, nabo silvestre, romasa, trifolio, vinagrillo

1751

264

15 Human Influences

cultivation: apricots, chestnuts, figs, grapes, guindos (sour cherries; Prunus cerasus), lemons, olives, oranges, papayas, peaches, pears, plums, and quinces. To help stem the loss of soil due to erosion and to provide for substitutes for lumber, domesticated trees were planted around San Juan Bautista starting in the early 20th century. These plants have survived and proliferated so that at the present time, a good green zone of Eucalyptus globulus, Cupressus goveniana, and Pinus radiata exists around the village. Although these are aggressive introduced species, they do fulfill a needed role of holding the soil and providing wood for construction projects in the village, such as the building of houses and new lobster boats. An active effort by CONAF in Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk has been to destroy the Eucalyptus grove that had been established there (Fig. 13.13b), as this species can become a serious pest. There is no need to maintain such a resource for the temporary fishing community that is active only eight months a year.

15.6 Competition from Invasive Plants Huge competitive pressures on the native vegetation of both major islands have come from invasive plant species (Greimler et al. 2018a). Plants are rarely introduced to an ecosystem for the expressed purpose of becoming invasive; most are introduced inadvertently often as seeds or viable fragments along with domesticated plants. Skottsberg was very alert to the large number of introduced plants in the flora of the archipelago. Because of his broad floristic work in Europe and South America, he was able to distinguish in most cases between native and introduced status. From his second trip in 1916–1917, he tabulated 130 introduced angiosperm species (Skottsberg 1921: 214–227), only slightly fewer than his tally of the number of natives and endemics (146). With further study to the present day, this relationship has shifted to fewer native-endemic to introduced species (4:5 ratio; Stuessy et al. 2018b). Having an absolute list of the introduced species is nearly impossible, because new introduced species constantly keep arriving, and some of them are observed or collected during one point in time, and they may not survive very long. Other species may become well established, horribly invasive, and destructive to the native vegetation. Of the hundreds of introduced plants to the archipelago, by far the most destructive to the native vegetation have been Rubus ulmifolius, Aristotelia chilensis, Ugni molinae, and Acaena argentea, and these principally on Robinson Crusoe Island (see Chap. 5). These four plagues now cover 7, 14, 4.6, and 11.9% of the surface of Robinson Crusoe Island, respectively (Dirnböck et al. 2003), or collectively 37.5% of the surface. These species were introduced during the 19th and 20th centuries, all of them except A. argentea as potentials for foods from the edible berries, and with R. ulmifolius also as a living fence to constrain domesticated animals. Acaena argentea, having no particular food value and being endowed with fruits with hooks that attach very easily to fur or clothing, likely arrived inadvertently to the island. Alejandro Selkirk Island has suffered much less from massive species invasions of shrubs, but it has been covered by introduced grasses, especially Anthoxanthum

15.6 Competition from Invasive Plants

265

odoratum and Aira caryophyllea, among others (Greimler et al. 2018a). It is suspicioned that the upper regions invaded by these grasses might originally have been covered by native grass species. Other herbaceous invasive species, such as Rumex acetosella and Hypochaeris radicata, have also become successful on this island.

15.7 Introduction of Domesticated Animals When domesticated animals are introduced to a village for production of wool, leather, or meat, and they are kept in a corral, little damage to the native vegetation occurs. The problem ensues when the animals are allowed to run freely through the native forests, and if their numbers are substantial, this can cause extensive damage to the ecosystem. In the Juan Fernández Archipelago, most of the domesticated animals were kept on Robinson Crusoe Island, initially in Valle Colonial and subsequently in the other three valleys on the northeastern side of the island (Puerto Francés, Puerto Inglés, and La Vaquería). These valleys are suitable for maintaining cattle and sheep, because they are delimited by steep walls and tall ridges, essentially natural pens in which the animals can graze and survive easily, with fresh water also being available. The height of animal husbandry on Robinson Crusoe Island occurred in the mid-twentieth century, when approximately 5000 sheep, 600 cattle, 500 goats, and 300 horses were kept in the four major valleys (Skottsberg 1954: 186). This pressure virtually eliminated native and endemic herbaceous plants from the seashore to c. 350 m elevation in these areas. As the domesticated animals continued to reduce the native flora, the invasive species became more common in Valle Inglés, and strong erosion resulted in La Vaquería, Puerto Francés, and in areas around San Juan Bautista in Valle Colonial.

15.8 Damage from Feral Animals Animals brought to the archipelago have sometimes become feral, establishing themselves permanently on the island (Fig. 15.4). This is the case with the goat, Capra aegagrus f. hircus, which proliferated on Robinson Crusoe Island during the 17th century, but was brought under control on that island by pursuit from fierce dogs. On Alejandro Selkirk Island, with lots of inaccessible cliffs and quebradas, the goats have flourished with some 4000 present at this time (Biodiversa 2009a). Animals are hunted occasionally, but their rate of reproduction far outstrips any existing population control effort. The other major feral animal that places great pressure on the vegetation of Robinson Crusoe Island is the European rabbit, Oryctolagus cuniculus (Camus et al. 2008), introduced in the 1930s (Saiz and Ojeda 1988). Saumarez (in Heaps 1973) commented on rabbits on Robinson Crusoe Island in 1741, but no other early traveler mentioned them. This species burrows in the soil and accelerates erosion, plus

266

15 Human Influences

Fig. 15.4 Historical evidence for occurrence of domesticated and/or feral animals on Robinson Crusoe Island during the discovery and early exploration period. Timeline is when the voyagers visited the island. Long bar = many; short bar = few; dot = present but unquantified. 1—Funnell 1707; 2—Rogers (A) and Cooke (B) 1709; 3—Shelvocke 1720; 4—Anson (A) and Saumarez (B) 1741; 5—John Scutten, late 16th or early 17th century, as reported by Ovalle (1649); 6— Juan and Ulloa 1742; 7—Sobrecasas 1751; 8—García 1591; 9—Schouten 1616; 10—Le Hermite 1624; 11—Diego de Rosales 1662–65; 12—Ringrose 1680; 13—Dampier 1684; 14—Wafer 1687; 15—Roggeveen 1722; 16—Frézier 1714

they eat an enormous quantity of herbaceous plants, both introduced and native. The rabbit, as with the goat, has little taxonomic discrimination in what it eats. Studies have been done on possible control of rabbits through poisoning or using the myxoma virus (involving fleas as a means of transmission within the rabbit population; Saiz et al. 1982), but there are ecological risks to these alternatives. Other feral animals occur on Robinson Crusoe Island at this time, including rats, some coati mundis, and an occasional cat. After dogs were used to reduce the goat population in the 17th century, remaining dogs formed ferocious packs, but these were soon brought under control by the villagers. We have only seen one coati and one feral cat during ten different expeditions to this island. Rats are present, most likely abundant, but we only observed several of them in the forest during our trips.

15.9 Loss of Marine Animals

267

15.9 Loss of Marine Animals The huge quantities of fish that used to occur in Cumberland Bay alongside Robinson Crusoe Island and also just off the coast of Las Casas on Alejandro Selkirk Island no longer exist. Fish are still available (Dyer and Westneat 2010), but not in the quantities nor diversity as was the case during the 17th and 18th centuries. The lobster (Jasus frontalis) had also maintained a decent level of population size, but the stock has been declining during the 20th century. As a result, strict rules of returning undersize individuals (carapace less than 115 mm) and prohibition of fishing during the reproductive period (15 May–30 September) were instituted to allow this resource to be sustainable. The marine mammals have fared much worse. The very large southern elephant seal (Mirounga leonina) was hunted for its huge amount of oil and extirpated from both islands. The tragedy of the islands, however, has been the Juan Fernández fur seal (Arctocephalus philippii). This is a species that literally covered the low areas near the shore in Cumberland Bay when the visitors first started arriving in the island. The same situation prevailed on the low areas of Alejandro Selkirk Island. Because their fur was desirable in oriental markets, literally millions of animals were slaughtered from both islands, with the greatest harvest taking place on Alejandro Selkirk Island at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries. From 1792 to 1807, more than 3,000,000 animals were killed, skinned, and the skins dried for sale to oriental markets (Torres 1987). This was truly a sad example of wonton destruction of another species solely for economic gain. This massive killing reached such a point that the species was considered extinct by the middle of the 20th century. Fortunately, a small population was discovered on Alejandro Selkirk Island in the 1960s (Hubbs and Norris 1971), and the species has now recovered (under strict protection from CONAF), also now becoming re-established on Robinson Crusoe Island.

Part V

Conservation

Although the Juan Fernández Archipelago commands attention for the fascinating biogeographic and evolutionary aspects of the flora, it has to be remembered that more than three-fours of the native and endemic species are vulnerable, endangered, critically endangered, or already extinct (Stuessy et al. 2018b). In a practical sense, unless these species are conserved for the future, the ability to investigate other dimensions of their biogeography and evolution will diminish proportionally. Even worse is that when species disappear, they can no longer be compared in new ways to their relatives in the archipelago or in the continent. An information gap results from this disappearance that can never be repaired, and the loss interferes with seeking a deeper understanding of the flora of the islands. In this context, conservation must be the ultimate goal of all studies in the Juan Fernández Archipelago. Workers in the Juan Fernández Islands have for more than a century made the appeal for conservation of the natural resources of the ecosystem. Johow (1896), who prepared a large report on the resources of the archipelago for the Chilean government, made many comments on the fragile status of a number of native and endemic species. Skottsberg (1911, 1921, 1953a, 1954) echoed the sentiments of Johow, as have many other visitors to the islands extending to the present day. During the Modern Period and after creation of CONAF, numerous reports have stressed the importance of conservation initiatives in the archipelago. These documents have been a strong stimulus for initial conservation efforts, especially on Robinson Crusoe Island, and they are outlined in Chap. 16. It is most appropriate to emphasize the many positive steps that have been taken toward conservation in the archipelago. Chapter 17 extends these considerations on conservation by offering recommendations for further improvements. Johow (1896) early offered a series of suggestions for conservation, as did Skottsberg, and many other authors. There has been no lack of commentary about the need for conservation in the archipelago. There are many obvious solutions, such as elimination of the feral goats and rabbits, reduction of invasive plants (especially the zarzamora and maqui), stemming of further soil erosion, phytosanitation of all incoming materials, education of the villagers for developing ecotourism, and so forth. None of these suggestions is new; all of them have been mentioned by other persons previously. What has been lacking in

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conservation initiatives in the archipelago have been the resources to carry projects through to successful completion. As always with academic efforts, it is easy to demonstrate problems and offer solutions, but it is extremely difficult to translate these into successfully funded initiatives and efficacious results.

Chapter 16

Existing Conservation Efforts

The detailed documentation of negative impacts from natural and human causes may leave the impression that little has been done in the Juan Fernández Archipelago to conserve the native and endemic flora and vegetation. This is not the case. It is true that in the early part of the 20th century very little action was taken regarding the threatened status of many of the island species. Botanists, particularly Carl Skottsberg (1911, 1954) and Carlos Muñoz Pizarro (1974), frequently mentioned the fragile state of populations of some of the endemic species, but these calls for conservation were not met with enthusiasm from the Chilean government at that time. A very important accomplishment was the designation of the archipelago as a Chilean National Park in 1935. Although this was a major step forward, there was no strong administrative structure or funding to ensure that rules regarding the conservation of vegetation and marine mammals were followed. The decree stipulated, for example, that no more Juania australis or tree ferns could be cut down, but enforcement was lacking. The real turning point for future conservation in the archipelago was the creation in 1972 of the Corporación Nacional Forestal (CONAF), which was a new agency dedicated to sustainable management of the national parks and reserves throughout the country. It had been preceded by the Corporación de Reforestación ( COREF) in 1970. The need for management of forest resources was very obvious in southern Chile, where thousands of hectares of native Magellanic forest were being clear-cut for cattle pasture or to be reseeded with plantations of fast-growing timber trees. Although the Juan Fernández Archipelago was not a large area suitable for forest management, all national parks of whatever nature were also entrusted to the care of CONAF. This jurisdiction now required that all researchers obtain permits for work in the archipelago, which helped to restrict inappropriate activities in the native forests. Further recognition of the value of the archipelago was its recognition in 1977 by UNESCO as a World Biosphere Reserve.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_16

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16.1 Conservation Status of the Native and Endemic Species of the Flora One of the important steps to developing a sound conservation program for the Juan Fernández Archipelago requires having a clear understanding of the conservation status of the native and endemic species of the flora. Without this information, it is impossible to order priorities with any meaningful sense of direction. Botanists in previous decades have commented on scarcity of different species (e.g., Johow 1896), but the first comprehensive catalogue of the vascular flora with conservation status indicated for each species was done by Danton et al. (2006). Based on application of IUCN categories, the following statistics for the flora were obtained for native species: extirpated, 3.7%; extirpated in the wild (i.e., surviving in gardens) 0.5%; critically endangered, 13.2%; endangered, 37.1%, vulnerable, 30.5%; least concern, 11.7%, data deficient, 3.3%. For the endemic species, the results were similar: extinct, 4.4%; extinct in the wild, 0.7%; critically endangered, 18.2%; endangered, 46.7%; vulnerable, 28.5%; least concern, 0%; data deficient, 1.5%. These data showed clearly that nearly all (98.5%) of the endemic species fell into categories of vulnerable to extinct, and for the native species in these categories they sum to 85%, slightly lower. That is, the vascular flora was shown to be very fragile and in need of conservation attention. The recent assessment of these categories (Stuessy et al. 2018c) for the native and endemic species combined provide slightly different values, but similar overall results: extinct, 4%; critically endangered, 10%; endangered, 40%; vulnerable, 33%, which sum to 87% for vulnerable to extinct status. In other words, more than 4/5 of the native and endemic species are in need of conservation at the present time. The vascular flora is in a fragile state due to natural and human impacts on the landscape.

16.2 CONAF Conservation Initiatives As with the development of all institutions, it took CONAF a few years after its founding in 1972 to begin to have an impact on protecting the ecosystem of the Juan Fernández Islands. Our first expedition to the Archipelago took place 27 January to 21 February 1980, which was only eight years after CONAF was established. At that time there were three buildings on CONAF property, which sits on the southeastern side of Valle Colonial, near the foot of the slope up toward Damajuana, one of the surrounding peaks. There was an administrative building and warehouse (Fig. 16.1), and a small guest house with kitchen, bathroom, living room, and bunk beds for six persons. At that time, Sr. Bernardo Ackermann was in charge of the facility, and several guides had been employed from the villagers, such as Ramón Schiller and Bernardo López, among others. Furthermore, a detailed plan for development of the island park (Plan de Manejo) had been published (CONAF 1976). This was a comprehensive document that clearly spelled out the needs of the villagers as well as requirements for preserving the native and endemic flora. One dubious suggestion

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Fig. 16.1 CONAF property on Robinson Crusoe Island in 1980, showing the warehouse and administrative building

was to use Santa Clara Island as a goat reserve, to serve as meat for the villagers, and on a temporary basis, to do the same for Alejandro Selkirk Island, both of which were negated in subsequent plans. The main point is that by 1976 the objectives for development of the park were extremely clear. From these beginnings have come numerous accomplishments by CONAF in the islands. Two major collaborative international projects provided resources for these developments. From 1988 to 1991 an important project entitled “Program for the conservation and recovery of endangered plants of Juan Fernández” was supported by CONAF and the World Wildlife Fund U.S. (Ricci 1996). This led to a detailed new inventory of the endemic species (Ricci, 1996, 2001, 2006), plus efforts to obtain data on population size and seed germination. The CONAF park rangers have continued to keep an eye open for new individuals and populations of the rare and endemic species (Leiva et al. 2013). Through the years, they have gained detailed floristic knowledge and have become more expert in conservation efforts. The second significant conservation initiative was developed between CONAF and the government of The Netherlands, beginning in 1997 and running for five years, with a budget of over two million dollars (U.S.). The scope of this project was very broad, covering “Conservation, restauration and development of the Juan Fernández Islands” (Cuevas and Van Leersum 2001). Because of the length of the project and the substantial funding for it, many objectives were achieved, particularly infrastructure and also focus on community development. The important difference with this project is that it sketched out conservation priorities and then moved directly

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Fig. 16.2 CONAF facilities in San Juan Bautista on Robinson Crusoe Island in 2010–2011. a New administrative building. b Propagation beds for growing endemic plant species

toward their implementation. The plan was to develop and execute three different programs (Cuevas and Van Leersum 2001): (1) socio-economics, involving development for the women of the island (Robinson Crusoe), ecotourism, and environmental education; (2) management of natural resources, dealing with management of exotic tree plantations around the village, protection of the native forests, control of rabbits, goats, and plant invaders, and restoration of degraded areas; and (3) research and conservation (both in situ and ex situ approaches). Much progress was made on all aspects of this cooperative project with The Netherlands, especially in erecting needed buildings for CONAF, for developing better outreach on environmental education for the villagers, and for developing ecotourism (Cuevas and Van Leersum 2001). Regarding buildings, a new administrative center was constructed (Fig. 16.2a) that contained a seminar room, more offices, space for exhibits, and a room for showing videos. A visitor information kiosk was also constructed on the main street near the dock, unfortunately destroyed during the tsunami of February 2010. On Alejandro Selkirk Island, a house for visiting researchers was built (Fig. 13.12a), which contained a propane gas-fired kitchen and indoor plumbing. As for control of the rabbits and goats, a valiant effort was made with professional hunters and both animal populations were greatly reduced, but without continued hunting after termination of the project (in 2003), these populations have doubtless rebounded. Seeds were collected from native plants, germinated in the CONAF garden (Fig. 16.2b), and approximately 1800 young plants were restored into populations from which the seeds originally came. This project can only be described as highly successful, but the lack of continuing funds to carry on these initiatives invariably results in some backsliding in following years. Another important development on CONAF property on Robinson Crusoe Island has been the botanical garden. In 1990 it contained (Fig. 16.3) some of the typical endemic plants, such as Dendroseris litoralis, D. pruinata, Pernettya rigida, Escallonia calcottiae, and Chenopodium sanctae-clarae. The garden also served as a location for growing seedlings of endemic species to be planted throughout the village to help educate the townspeople and tourists. Since that time, herbarium specimens

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Fig. 16.3 Portion of CONAF botanical garden on Robinson Crusoe Island

have been prepared, with help from visiting botanists, and now a new seed germination laboratory has also been inaugurated (CONAF 2018). Seed germination studies have been published (Cuevas and Figueroa 2007) from 25 taxa, mostly endemic, but more investigations are needed. Very encouraging is the recent establishment within CONAF of the new center of investigation “ Carl Johan Fredrik Skottsberg” containing a seed bank and laboratory for seed germination of the native flora of the islands (Piñera 2018). From this seed bank can come germination trials and eventual growing of more seedlings in the greenhouses. These, when mature, can be set out in the botanical garden (Danton et al. 2013). One objective is to establish some of these endemic species in the village, to serve as an educational opportunity for the citizens, as well as to provide information to visiting tourists. A further objective is to re-introduce populations of some of these endemics back into natural habitats, preferably away from the normal touristic traffic.

16.3 Other Initiatives Despite the very useful priorities established in the Plan de Manejo from CONAF in 1976, a more modern study and setting of new priorities was sought in 2009. An international meeting with 73 participants was held in Viña del Mar, Chile, 5– 6 November of that year. An assessment of the status of the biodiversity of the archipelago was prepared (Biodiversa, 2009a) as well as a draft conservation action

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plan (Biodiversa 2009b), both as materials for discussion at the meeting. This led to a new Plan de Conservación (Cavieres et al. 2011), under auspices of CONAF, with a total price tag of more than seven million dollars (U.S.). It represented an important new vision of the current status of the environment in the archipelago with recommendations for implementation. As always, the challenge would be to obtain the funding to allow the program to be accomplished. Individual scientists have also contributed to a better understanding of the conservation needs in the archipelago. A series of botanical expeditions were conducted by Tod Stuessy and collaborators beginning in 1980 and extending until 2011 (see complete list of trips and participants in Stuessy et al. 2018a). Although the main focus of these expeditions was to understand the evolutionary and biogeographic patterns and processes in the origin and development of the native and endemic flora, several papers also focused on the endangered nature of many of the species and the need for more effective conservation (Sanders et al. 1982; Stuessy et al. 1992, 1998c, d; Swenson et al. 1997). These studies mentioned the increasing number of invasive plant species, the large number of goats and rabbits that eat the vegetation, the numerous eroded areas, and the resultant endangered nature of the native and endemic plant species. Other important publications on the flora of the islands with a conservation emphasis have been published by Philippe Danton and Christophe Perrier from Grenoble, France. These industrious workers first published a book on the natural history of the islands (Danton et al. 1999), followed by another book on selected endemic species (Danton 2004), and then a catalogue of the entire flora (Danton et al. 2006). A preliminary book toward a complete flora of the archipelago has also been published (Danton and Perrier 2011), and the flora itself has finally been published (Danton and Perrier 2020). Their publications have emphasized the fragile nature of the endemic and native flora, drawing attention to the many species that are threatened or endangered, largely due to human activities (e.g., Danton et al. 2013). In their revision of a catalogue of the species of the archipelago (Danton et al. 2006), they again reemphasized (pp. 580–584) the delicate condition of the native plants of the islands. They were concerned about the plantations of exotic trees around the village, suggesting that these should be monitored very carefully so that none of them would spread over the island. They pointed to the increased visitor traffic to Robinson Crusoe Island in recent decades, which has resulted in the introduction of many new weeds. They stressed the need to develop an effective phytosanitary control mechanism for materials arriving from the continent to the island (also emphasized by Cuevas et al. 2004). All of these points are well taken. Another very attractive and informative book with considerable conservation messages is Arana (2010). In addition to conservation perspectives on the flora, a number of conservationoriented studies have been published on the birds (e.g., Hahn et al. 2009). Two hummingbird species occur on Robinson Crusoe Island, one is endemic (Sephanoides fernandensis) and the other is native (Sephanoides sephanoides; also on continental Chile). The endemic species is presently endangered, apparently being outcompeted by the native species, which seems more tolerant of the perturbations to the environment due to human activities (Colwell 1989). Another threatened bird is Aphrastura

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masafuerae (“Masafuera Rayadito”), which is an endangered species on Alejandro Selkirk Island (Hahn and Römer 2002; Tomasevic et al. 2010). The main pressures on birds in the archipelago have come from the introduced rats, cats, coatis, and dogs. Although the birds have received considerable study to this point, their conservation relies on protection from feral animals and survival of their food sources (endemic plants), which are also under threat. Conservation attention has also been directed at the Juan Fernández fur seal, which is endemic to the Juan Fernández and Las Desventuradas Islands. The species was brutally harvested in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, especially on Alejandro Selkirk Island, and it was believed to have become extinct by the early 1960s, but individuals were discovered shortly thereafter (Bahamonde 1966; Hubbs and Norris 1971). The populations have recovered on both islands of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, with some 100,000 individuals now known (Goldsworthy et al. 2000; CONAF 2013). Initial studies have been done on their behaviors and physiology (Francis and Boness 1991; Acuña and Francis 1995), but more studies need to be done to insure survival.

Chapter 17

Recommendations for the Future

There is virtually nothing new that can be said about recommendations for conservation in the Juan Fernández Archipelago—it has already been said loudly and clearly by many persons. Even a casual visitor to the islands, especially to Robinson Crusoe Island, easily sees the eroded areas, the introduced trees, and the abundance of invasive species. The good news is that the native forest is mostly difficult of access for casual tourists, which helps protect the endemic flora. In this chapter many of the pertinent suggestions for conservation in the archipelago are summarized. The chapter begins with reviews of some of the major previous contributions and concludes with a discussion of my own recommendations.

17.1 Previous Recommendations Federico Johow (1896: 267), in his report to the Chilean government on the natural resources of the islands, focused on listing the endemic, native, and introduced species of plants of the archipelago. He had also been asked to respond to specific questions regarding development of San Juan Bautista and its citizens, which included aspects of raising horses, building a dock, restricting alcoholic beverages (hard spirits, not beer or wine), etc. His principal contribution toward conservation was to list carefully the numerous adventive species, which started awareness of the threats posed by these invaders. In the beginning of the 20th century, Skottsberg was struck by the need for conservation measures to stem the tide of negative impact on the islands from the colonists and convicts, as well as from invasive plant species, and this he expressed in several publications (e.g., Skottsberg 1911, 1935). In his “geographical sketch of the islands” (Skottsberg 1954: 188), he listed the initiatives that he felt would be necessary for progress with conservation of the flora: “to limit plantations and fields to the waste-land on the north side of Masatierra [Robinson Crusoe Island]; to encourage © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1_17

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gardening for local consumption; to declare war on the introduced noxious weeds, goats and rabbits; greatly to reduce the number of domestic animals and to keep them out of the native forest; to reduce the number of wild goats on Masafuera [Alejandro Selkirk Island] and keep it on a minimum or, which would be the best, to exterminate them; to teach the inhabitants not to disturb Nature’s equilibrium; to enforce the Law of Jan. 31, 1935 [making the islands a Chilean national park], by appointing a sufficient number of salaried supervisors and guardians.” There are no surprises with these recommendations–all common sense suggestions derived from his observations in the archipelago. The first Plan de Manejo (Management Plan) of CONAF for the Juan Fernández National Park was published in 1976. This was a very comprehensive attempt to inventory the natural resources of the archipelago and to recommend improvements for conservation. One negative measure was a program to maintain the “ecotipos locales” of feral goats. It had been suggested that because the goat had been isolated for more than 400 years and developed a distinctive coat appearance, that it would be worthwhile to maintain this variant in the archipelago, despite the damage that it was doing to the native vegetation. This objective was later discarded in favor of trying to eliminate this species from the islands and place more emphasis on preserving the native and endemic flora. In the Plan de Manejo a sequence of stages was recommended within all of the following priorities (pp. 57–59): “Protección del Recurso;” “Edificaciones;” “Caminos y Senderos;” “Varios;” “Acción fuera de los límites del Parque Nacional;” and “Personal.” Under “Protección del Recurso” (resource protection), there was a priority given to the need for CONAF to obtain legal control over the area for the administration and projected gardens, the 50 m ocean depth around the islands, and the control of zoning and limits of the village, plus control of the cattle. This reflected the importance of gaining control of the biotic resources by CONAF in the face of opposition from the villagers. It was also recommended to control the plant and animal “plagas,” mainly introduced species that threaten the native vegetation. Steps were to be taken to halt erosion in some areas and to attempt reproduction and restoration of native plants in areas of recuperation. Attempts were also recommended to work with the Consejo de Monumentos Nacionales to consolidate and protect historical objects, including those held by private persons. As for the “Edificaciones” (buildings) in the Plan de Manejo, it was suggested to develop a control house down by the wharf, and a temporary visitor center (later to be replaced by something more permanent). For the CONAF area at the base of Damajuana, it was recommended to build an administrative office, two small houses for the guides, a warehouse-workshop, and corrals. Other recommendations dealt with areas such as a camping and picnic spot up from the sea toward CONAF headquarters (called Area Lord Anson). Near the airport it was suggested to establish a small control house, a toilet facility, and also a wharf in nearby Bahía del Padre. At that time, the only way for passengers to reach the boat for the trip to the village was by climbing into a small dinghy just off the shore, often requiring some wading, and then rowing to the boat. This was especially difficult when numerous supplies were

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involved. As for Alejandro Selkirk Island, a house for the CONAF guide stationed there was proposed. Under the category of “Caminos y Senderos” (roads and trails), it was advocated to improve the path from the village to Selkirk’s Lookout, and to improve the connection with the path to the airport at the western end of the island. Other trail improvements were recommended for Valle de Lord Anson, the Plazoleta del Yunque, and from the airfield down to Bahía Padre, where the boats were waiting to take passengers to the village. A new trail was proposed from the village to Puerto Inglés, presumably up and over Salsipuedes. Rustic trails were to be developed on Alejandro Selkirk Island. Regarding “Varios” (various points) in the Plan de Manejo, an appeal was made for a small boat with motor to be used by the guides in getting around the island, plus also another small boat to be used for tourists. Small items of equipment for the guides were also requested. Another important recommendation was for the development of maps and informative material (brochures and the like) on different aspects of the islands. The Plan de Manejo also recommended actions to be taken outside the park itself, that is, those dealing with needs within the village. This would include regulations governing garbage disposal and drinking water, plus ideas on general landscape design for the village. The need for more information and its distribution was also noted, plus development of regulations for visitors during their stay in the archipelago. As for “Personal” (personnel) in the Plan de Manejo, it was recommended that there should be an administrator, an administrative assistant, interpretive guides (increasing from 2 to 7), a person responsible for construction and maintenance, and finally manual workers (starting with 15 and reducing to a stable level of eight). This was a reasonable request consistent with the nature of the challenges that existed in the islands. In fact, if anything, it was a very modest proposal. With the exception of the approach recommended for the goats in the islands, it is hard to argue against any of the suggestions in the Plan de Manejo. This was a very reasonable document for beginning to control the ecosystem and to provide improvements for conservation. The very good news is that when we arrived for our first expedition to Robinson Crusoe Island in January of 1980, many of these objectives had been completed. In fact, we stayed in the one house that was originally constructed for the park guides, who logically preferred to stay in the village with their own families. An administrative building with attached workshop had been built, as had a warehouse and the start of a botanical garden of native species. The remarkable dimension is that very many of the recommendations that had been made in 1976 were actually accomplished during a four-year period, which suggests that funding did materialize to allow these goals to be achieved. An unusual study was prepared by Binimelis (1995) who attempted to assess the relationship of the villagers of San Juan Bautista with the objectives of CONAF as outlined in the Plan de Manejo of 1976. The investigation sought information on how the changes in the park administration had resulted in their attitudes of living in the islands, their view of the future, and correlations with tourism. The approach was based on a series of 18 interviews involving three persons working in

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CONAF, three seniors having lived a long time in the island, six public servants (of the municipality), five islanders not connected to CONAF, and a youngster less than 18 years old. Thirteen of the participants were men and five were women; 15 were originally from the island and three came originally from the continent. The results were presented in the form of discussions, the islanders offering their opinions on topics presented by the author. The results from the Binimelis (1995) study revealed clearly that the way of life of the islanders after CONAF took control of the national park had changed. In previous years, the atmosphere was more in the nature of a rural community with many men dedicated to lobster harvesting, cattle production, or even earlier in the 20th century to sheep farming. This very open life-style and close community ties had to change after the regulations of CONAF were imposed, and this did cause friction between the villagers and the park administration. Credit must be given to one of the first park administrators, Bernardo Ackermann, who maintained resolve in the face of considerable opposition. As the lobster fishing quotas began to drop due to overfishing, it became obvious that ecotourism would be the salvation of the community, which led to a joining of the objectives of the villagers and CONAF that continues to this day. There are legitimate concerns that encouraging tourism may bring unwanted visitors, with possible negative health or social problems (drugs, disease, etc.), and this emphasizes the need for proper management. In the exhaustive study of the physical resources of the Juan Fernández Archipelago by Ortiz (1982), a series of recommendations were included regarding the native vegetation (pp. 230, 231): protect those areas containing a high concentration of endemic species of scientific importance; contain the advance of introduced invasive plant species, particularly Acaena argentea, Silybum marianum and Aristotelia chilensis; eliminate the introduced mammals that cause harm to the vegetation, especially the rabbits; reduce the excessive number of cattle in the national park, and place them under a rational management, which will permit the recuperation of the flora; and take proper care of the horses and mules in the island (at that time, there were no vehicles at all in the archipelago). None of these recommendations were surprising, and they coincided with those suggested in the Plan de Manejo of 1976. This study by Ortiz and collaborators also stressed the need to stem erosion, especially in various sectors of Robinson Crusoe Island. Considerable effort was also expended on examining the social dimensions of the village and villagers, with suggestions for improvements in health, fishing, education, etc. The most recent and most detailed plan for conservation in the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Cavieres et al. 2011) has been published under sponsorship of CONAF and seven other major Chilean agencies (e.g., Comisión Nacional de Medio Ambiente, Fundación Biodiversa, Municipalidad de Juan Fernández, etc.). This report emanated from an international workshop with 73 participants that convened for several days in Viña del Mar, Chile, 4–10 November 2009. Prior to the meeting, two detailed working documents were prepared as materials for discussion by the group, one an analysis of the present conservation situation, and the other a definition of objectives with their suggested prioritization. Following the workshop, a final report was published two years later (Cavieres et al. 2011).

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This new conservation plan (Cavieres et al. 2011) presented many specific projects, each provided with cost figures for their implementation, and with the overarching goal of lowering the risk of extinction of the species most critically threatened. The plan contained five different areas of focus: management of endemic species; management of invasive species; biosecurity; educational efforts within the village; and research and monitoring of the native species. The total cost of this proposed program was estimated to be US$7,225,053 over five years, a not inconsiderable sum. Although the project was conceived for a five-year period, the report admitted that the concepts recommended would probably have to continue for nearly 25 years until all aspects could be brought to satisfactory conclusion. Considering the depth of challenges in achieving all goals (e.g., insuring that all native plants are no longer in danger of extinction), the quarter-century perspective seems realistic. The difficulty will be to find the funds not only to complete the five-year project but also to sustain the initiatives until all goals are achieved.

17.2 Personal Recommendations With so much already having been said regarding recommendations for conservation of the flora of the Juan Fernández Archipelago (Sanders et al. 1982; Stuessy et al. 1992; 1998c, d; Danton et al. 1999; 2006; Cuevas et al. 2004; Danton 2004), it hardly seems necessary to repeat any of these suggestions. Nonetheless, in the hopes that still another statement of conservation conviction might be helpful, the following observations are offered based on personal experiences in the islands through expeditions from 1980 to 2011, totaling more than six months. Comments are divided into administrative needs, animal and plant control including phytosanitation, erosion control, educational efforts, and research on the endemic and native flora.

17.2.1 Administrative Needs The present physical condition of CONAF in the islands seems adequate to meet needs for the near future. The huge investment from the Dutch government made construction of a new central administrative building possible in San Juan Bautista, which has just begun to provide further outreach to villagers and tourists. What needs to be developed are resources within this facility to allow it to function more efficaciously. A top priority would be to further develop the herbarium, which is the collection of dried and pressed plants. This is very much needed as a means of documenting the presence of plants, endemic, native, and introduced, within the archipelago and to communicate about these to the townspeople and visitors. Displays from the collection can be presented within the administrative center as a means of educating about the flora. Some specimens have already been prepared and donated

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by visiting scientists, which provides a start for organizing these materials better and adding to them. A second administrative priority must be continued development of the botanical garden. Living plants communicate to people more effectively than do dried specimens, and therefore having an attractive garden with labelled plants will be a very effective means of education about the flora of the archipelago. A garden was started back in 1980 and continues to the present day, but it is recommended that this be expanded for greater impact. The third administrative need is for two laboratories, one a storage facility for seeds (seed bank), including germination areas, and the second a laboratory for genetic and evolutionary studies. The initiative for development of the seed laboratory has been promoted by CONAF and Philippe Danton, but this needs to be developed further. A genetics laboratory is needed to allow genetic variation to be assessed within and among populations of endemic species. Having these data will allow more informed decisions on conservation priorities including decisions on what plants should be moved to which areas on the islands. If space is not available for these laboratories within the existing administrative center, a structural addition would be required.

17.2.2 Animal Control The problems with animals in the archipelago derive from both domestic and feral species. Much better control of the domesticated animals has been achieved over the past thirty years, due to enforcement of rules established by CONAF. Earlier, cattle and sheep wandered around the village and also up into the forests. Sheep were pastured commonly in Puerto Francés. Many fences have now been constructed in different areas, but they are not yet sufficient to completely contain the domesticated animals. More fencing needs to be completed and older fences maintained. The need for privately owned work horses in the village has been superceded by available vehicles from the municipality, CONAF, and private individuals. Still, the cowboy (huaso) culture that flourished on Robinson Crusoe Island during the early part of the 20th century survives in the imagination of the islanders and is, for some, still the main reason for maintaining horses. Serious pressure on the native flora derives from the feral animals, i.e., goats, rabbits, rats, cats, and the coati. Cats are more problematical for the native and endemic birds, and the coatis and rats cause damage to plants and soil (hastening erosion), but they are much less a threat to the native flora than the rabbits and goats. There are many thousands of rabbits on Robinson Crusoe Island; Cuevas and Van Leersum (2001) estimated that c. 50,000 individuals might exist there. From 1998 to 2001 professional hunters were employed to harvest these animals, and some 34,000 were captured. However, after the termination of this valuable Dutchsupported project, it is likely that the rabbit populations have rebounded. Trapping, poisoning, and biological control (using myxomavirus or calicivirus; Priddel et al.

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2000) are the alternatives for removal of the rabbits, and each has associated problems. It is recommended that a panel of experts be convened to suggest a detailed program for elimination of this destructive species. An idea worth considering might be the development of a genetically engineered sterile male rabbit line that could be introduced to breed with the females, leading to no offspring. The feral goats in the archipelago are equally serious pests. Cuevas and Van Leersum (2001) have estimated that 200–500 goats exist on Robinson Crusoe Island, which is much less serious than on Alejandro Selkirk Island with several thousand animals. During the impressive Dutch-CONAF conservation cooperative project, 3100 goats were killed by professional hunters on the younger island, but it was estimated that by 2001 still some 1900 remained. Since the termination of the project, doubtless the numbers have again been increasing. Because of the very rugged and dissected terrain on Alejandro Selkirk Island, attempting eradication of all goats on this island by hunting almost seems like a hopeless and never-ending task. Again, biological control would seem to be the only realistic solution to this problem.

17.2.3 Plant Control At first glance, the invasive plants may not seem as much of a threat to the native vegetation as the rabbits and goats, but the reality is that a few of these introductions have covered large areas of both islands, especially on Robinson Crusoe Island. Some invasive plant species, such as Rumex acetosella, are extremely abundant, well documented on Alejandro Selkirk Island (e.g., López-Sepúlveda et al. 2013), but the species is a small herb and not easily noticed. The larger and more problematical species are found on Robinson Crusoe Island: Acaena argentea (Rosaceae), Aristotelia chilensis (Elaeocarpaceae), Rubus ulmifolius (Rosaceae), and Ugni molinae (Myrtaceae). Acaena argentea (“trun”) is a low perennial herb that reproduces asexually by runners, and its fruits have hooks that easily attach to fur or clothing. As a result of these reproductive qualities, the species has covered many acres of the island. The problem with eradication deals not with practical aspects of actually achieving the goal, but rather that the species prefers open areas, including eroded zones, where other species are unable to survive. The trun therefore is able to hold the soil in these regions, despite that it occupies space that could be vegetated by native species. The challenge would be to remove the invasive and replant with some native species, but this would require much monitoring, perhaps watering, protection from rabbits, etc. In short, from a practical standpoint, it makes sense to relegate elimination of Acaena argentea to a much lower priority at this time. One of the major vegetable plagues on Robinson Crusoe Island is the zarzamora, Rubus ulmifolius. Originally from the Mediterranean region, it was introduced to Chile and subsequently to the islands in 1935 as a suitable garden plant. It has edible fruits, and it can also serve as a living fence row to contain livestock. Unfortunately, the birds on the island found the edible fruits irresistible, and they have assured distribution over the entire island. The worst patches of this species occur around the

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village and nearby regions. The area of the Plazoleta del Yunque is covered by a vast population that is simply impenetrable, except by hacking a trail with a machete; the species grows so densely that no native species is able to survive underneath it. Getting rid of this species, or at least greatly reducing its numbers, must be a priority for conservation management on the island. Plants can be cut to the ground, but they sprout again from the base very quickly, which means some poison must be applied to the base of the plant. Studies would need to be done on the possible impact of such poison application, especially its persistence in the ecosystem of the island and effects on native species. Protecting the freshwater resource for the village that comes from the upper regions of the island must always be in the forefront of any such efforts. Another major plant invader has been the maqui, Aristotelia chilensis. This species is native to continental Chile, where it exists well but never in large populations. In Robinson Crusoe Island, the species grows in great profusion, preferring the moist bottoms of the quebradas where it forms dense thickets up to three meters tall, providing a dark environment where other species cannot grow (not even ferns). This species can be cut at the base, but it also sprouts again, making the challenge of eradication similar to that of the zarzamora. The plants also produce edible fruits of pleasant taste, which the birds have also discovered and dispersed over the island. Perhaps the most insidious plant invader has been the murtilla, Ugni molinae. This species is a shrub 1–2 m tall, and it also possesses edible fruits. Its main habitat is on ridges in open areas, even extending to near 500 m. It can grow in dense thickets, making it difficult to walk through and requiring considerable physical effort. The positive aspect of this species is that it blends in well with the landscape, appearing to be a part of the native flora, but it is slowly replacing the scarce endemic, Ugni selkirkii, which is now confined to around 700 m. Ugni molinae would be so challenging to eliminate that this may be one introduced species better simply left alone, at least for the near future. A useful interim approach might be studies on cutting out patches of Ugni molinae and seeing what might be able to regenerate in these newly open areas. Recent studies (Alarcón et al. 2019) have revealed that 16 native species grow in and around populations of the murtilla, suggesting potentials for recuperation of the flora. The introduction of new garden plants by the villagers must be monitored carefully. No home owner wants to be told what can or cannot be grown around the house, but in view of potential dangers to the native flora, which can impact ecotourism and the economy of the village, it makes sense for CONAF to produce a list of prohibited garden plants and to monitor this carefully. Today’s attractive garden plant can become tomorrow’s destructive pest. An example is the attractive and versatile Lantana camara, widely cultivated in tropical and subtropical environments, but which is extremely aggressive (Holm et al. 1991; Taylor et al. 2012). This species has been recorded for the village in 1996 (Swenson et al. 1997) and mentioned also by Danton et al. (2006), and so far has not escaped, but this is an example of a species that should be prohibited from being cultivated in the islands. Some efforts should be expended toward replanting of native species into badly eroded areas. The challenge here is maintenance after planting. In view of the high

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costs of monitoring and protecting such new plantings, these should be done in regions near to the village that would make constant checking possible. Asking for help from the villagers might be one avenue, seeking volunteers to “adopt” a small region, planting young plants produced in the CONAF gardens, and then caring for them until successfully surviving on their own. A point mentioned by several previous authors is the need for phytosanitation of all materials arriving to the islands. It is usually obvious if any animals are being brought to the village, as these will arrive by boat and all people and materials must be off-loaded onto the wharf in San Juan Bautista where they can be evaluated. Plant materials, as seeds, seedlings, or bulbs are difficult to see without a means of inspection. What is needed is a small house at the end of the wharf, whereby all incoming persons and bundles must be inspected for possible plant materials. This is no different than is normally done when arriving to another country and having inspections by agricultural authorities. Because many tourists, and some villagers, arrive by airplane to Robinson Crusoe Island, another inspection station must be constructed there at the western end of the island, probably adjacent to the small airport building. This station must be open for arrival of all incoming planes. The persons doing the inspections, CONAF employees, must be versed in what plants are acceptable and which are not. The limiting factor at this time would be the need for instruction of CONAF personnel, but this can be overcome by having a workshop with experts from the continent, or by sending CONAF guides to the continent for training (and certification).

17.2.4 Erosion Control Some areas of the island, particularly in the Puerto Francés and La Vaquería regions on the northeastern side of Robinson Crusoe Island, have been very seriously eroded. A careful study of water and wind erosion patterns would need to be done, followed by the building of barriers to hold the soil from washing away further. This might be an endless task in some regions of the island, and in those cases, a decision might be made to just let the area alone. Which areas to remedy must be determined by examining the threats to the ecosystem if left alone, and then deciding where to direct control efforts. It would make sense to combine installation of such barriers for soil conservation with replanting in the same areas.

17.2.5 Educational Efforts CONAF has made great strides in helping to provide educational materials for the villagers, especially in the primary school. Information has also been made available for persons who intend to develop ecotourism by guiding tourists to interesting locations of the island. Brochures have been developed, and these have been distributed

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near the wharf where the boats arrive from the continent or the launches arrive from Bahía Padre. The new CONAF administrative center buildings also invite persons to visit, and available there are brochures and information about the natural history of the island. CONAF should continue these activities and funding should be directed toward them. It is especially important to continue to educate the next generation of islanders, who will be the caretakers of the environment. More signage should be developed on the main trails, particularly from the village to the Mirador de Selkirk (Portezuelo). More workshops for the villagers should also be convened, perhaps involving invited experts from the continent (Santiago, Concepción, etc.).

17.2.6 Research on the Endemic and Native Flora Any conservation program requires that research on the native and endemic flora be conducted along with all other efforts. Most significant are studies on genetic variation within and among populations of endangered species. A species that is uniform genetically is much more susceptible to attack from predators or environmental change, whereas a species with broad genetic variation is much less likely to become extinct. As many of the endemic flowering plant species are threatened or endangered, this provides a challenge to examine them for patterns of genetic variation. Molecular markers such as microsatellites, chloroplast and nuclear nucleotide sequences, and Next Generation Sequencing (NGS) techniques should be used, probably in collaboration with laboratories on the mainland. Material could be collected by CONAF personnel in silica gel and sent by plane to the proper continental laboratory. More investigations on the reproductive biology of the endemic flora, especially breeding systems, are also needed. Species that are inbreeding tend to have lower levels of genetic variation than those that are outcrossing. Other scientific investigations should be continued on the vegetation and its potential for recuperation as conservation measures are initiated. It is unknown, for example, what might happen if a large patch of zarzamora in an area is completely destroyed and a new open habitat provided (along lines of Vargas et al. 2013). The rabbits and goats are eating introduced plant species as well as native ones, so it will be important to have a better understanding of how the vegetation might recuperate when these herbivores are removed from a region (following Cuevas and Le Quesne 2006). Numerous studies are needed on germination of seeds (such as done by Cuevas and Figueroa 2007), requirements of seedlings, and water regimes necessary for endemic species. In a general sense, any additional studies on the endemic, native, and introduced species of the islands will contribute to their understanding and better conservation. A useful discussion on conservation must take into account different aspects of the organisms involved and what really needs to be conserved. One point of view might emphasize conservation priorities that focus on evolutionary or phylogenetic information content (Faith 1994; Purvis et al. 2005). In this context, those taxa that are particularly divergent, such as Lactoridaceae, might be accorded higher priority.

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Another point of view might emphasize conservation based on known genetic diversity within and among populations. One might take the position that a genetically depauperate species would be in higher need for immediate attention (Kahilainen et al. 2014), or that areas of an island that harbor species with high levels of genetic variation should receive preferential conservation protection. To make informed decisions on using scarce resources for conservation requires having good information on the biology of the organisms involved and all factors that might impact their survival. Basic research is therefore always needed. In summary, what is lacking for proper conservation in the Juan Fernández Archipelago is not more recommendations on what needs to be done, but instead more money to allow projects to be completed. The focus of the work needs to be placed on Robinson Crusoe Island, because this is where the people are living and where historically the greatest impact on the vegetation has occurred. Eradication of the feral goats on Alejandro Selkirk Island is also a priority. Locating funding for any conservation effort requires a long and hard effort of making contacts, knocking on numerous doors of international foundations, and working with governmental agencies. This latter involves getting into some of the political aspects of the region, which takes time to learn and to build alliances, trust, and understanding. The world of politics is different from that of science and conservation, but for success in saving the valuable ecosystem of the Juan Fernández Archipelago, these interests must come together in a productive fashion.

Epilogue

There is something very special about the Juan Fernández Archipelago. For the scientist, the islands and their flora simply beckon to be further understood. When one stands next to an endemic tree on Robinson Crusoe Island on one of the highest peaks and sees water all around, it raises the question of how the progenitor of this tree species arrived to this island at some point in the past and how it changed after arrival. Perhaps its parent or close cousin still survives somewhere in the continent. The endemic species in the islands are siren calls for scientists, tempting them to come and solve these biogeographic and evolutionary mysteries. Because the flora of these particular islands is small, understanding at some level is possible after several decades of effort, hence providing a realistic longer-term research agenda. The Juan Fernández islands also provide an excellent case study of the influences that have affected the vegetation and flora of an oceanic island. There are many fascinating island archipelagos of the world, such as the Galápagos Islands, the Hawaiian Islands, the Canary Islands, and many more. But these are complex island systems with large and diverse floras, and in the case of Hawaii and the Canaries, with very long histories of major human interventions. The Juan Fernández Archipelago is a simple biogeographic system with two major islands that lie in an east-west line from the major source area of South America and with a small vascular flora. This facilitates the development of hypotheses to explain the origin of the flora and its evolution after arriving in the archipelago. Furthermore, there never were indigenous peoples in the islands. The historical documentation available, which is especially rich due to the geographic position of the archipelago, provides a clear view of human activities that impacted the natural resources over four centuries. The Juan Fernández islands are still one of the few isolated places on the planet that have not yet been converted to massive tourist mills; being there allows one to relax into the realities of human experience without glittering distractions. Ecotourism is becoming very important now in the economy of San Juan Bautista, and this is due to a more sophisticated view of the need for conservation fostered by CONAF, and also for additional income as the lobster fishing industry has stopped growing.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1

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But there still are no international hotels, no high-rise condominiums, no gambling casinos, and no top-end restaurants. There are no broad white beaches with surfers, lounge chairs, beach-side bars with smartly dressed waiters, only the ocean, lapis lazuli blue, and capped by the star-filled heavens at night with so many bright stars they almost seem to be falling down around one. There is just a village with about 900 persons, most of whom know each other, and many of whom have lived there their entire lives. They are curious about visitors and they enjoy new contacts. Crime virtually does not exist. They are a happy and prosperous people, with no poverty. Everyone has shelter, food, and community entertainment with family values and religious security. This is, in most ways, an island paradise. There is not just one highlight that attracts people to the Juan Fernández Archipelago, but a constellation of realities and sensations that intrigue and beguile. In my own case, from the first visit in January of 1980, when I became acquainted with the endemic plant species and developed a hope to understand their evolution, it was clear that this was a part of the world in which I wanted to dedicate a considerable portion of my scientific career. It was just that simple. Totally unplanned was meeting in 1986 a lovely young Chilean lady aboard the ship Río Baker on route from Valparaíso to Robinson Crusoe Island, who two years later became my wife. My tie to the islands at that point became even more personal. We must also remind ourselves that the natural resources of these islands have suffered greatly, especially over the past four centuries due to human interventions. More than four-fifths of the endemic flora is now threatened or endangered, and some species have disappeared altogether: sandalwood is indeed lost. We now must accept heightened stewardship of these valuable natural resources and work with CONAF to resist further encroachment into the native vegetation, to eliminate the feral animals that cause so much damage to the herbaceous flora, and to greatly reduce the invasive plant populations that are pressuring the native plants. As with most human endeavors, achieving these goals takes money, simply stated. There is a lot of money in the world but getting access to it requires delving into the world of influence, power, and politics, and scientists are not well trained to provide this sort of initiative. It all takes time and effort, but there is no alternative. If we hope to keep the Juan Fernández Archipelago safe for research and enjoyment in future generations, we have to work together toward that goal.

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Index

A Abtao, 169 Abundance, 57 Acacia (Racosperma) dealbata, 49 Acacia (Racosperma) melanoxylon, 49, 214, 220 Academia Chilena de Ciencias Naturales, 208 Acaena, 51, 60 Acaena argentea, 49–52, 54, 60–62, 158, 172, 176, 177, 192, 193, 235, 264, 282, 285 Acapulco, 95 Acarids, 236 Ackermann, Bernardo, 233, 272, 282 Aconcagua, San Felipe de (Chile), 177 Adaptive radiation, 26 Adiantum chilense, 77, 95, 123 Adventive flora, 46 Adventive species, 228, 279 Africa, 5, 37 Agavaceae, 50 Agriculture, 214 Ahrends, A., 52, 53, 152 Ailanthus altissima, 49, 50 Aira caryophyllea, 51, 152, 192, 265 Aira praecox, 51 Airport, 60, 198, 238, 287 Aizoaceae, 50 Albizia, 194 Albizia lophantha, 49 Alejandro Selkirk Island, 11, 24, 26, 28, 34, 36, 40, 46, 48, 54, 57, 58, 62, 63, 68, 73, 88–90, 96, 102, 104, 108, 114– 117, 119, 121, 128, 129, 142, 143, 160, 162, 163, 166, 169, 170, 172,

176, 177, 179, 186, 187, 189, 190, 194, 199–201, 205, 211, 213, 214, 216, 220, 224, 228–230, 232–234, 236, 241, 243, 248, 250, 251, 256, 260, 264, 265, 267, 273, 274, 277, 281, 285 Alert, 138 Algae, 132, 133, 192, 224, 225, 228 Alien plants, 60 Aliens, 45, 46 Alpine species, 220 Alpine zone, 192 Alsop, Richard, 106 Amaryllis, 176 Amat y Juniet, Manuel de, 106 Amaya, Fernando Amador de, 110, 136 Amblyopappus pusillus, 192 Ammi visnaga, 136 Amphitheater-headed valleys, 248 Amplified Fragment-Length Polymorphisms (AFLPs), 25, 231 Amsterdam, 72 Ana Pink, 88 Anagenesis, 25, 26, 36, 40, 231 Anairetes fernandezianus, 228 Anatomy, 34, 37, 121, 122 Andauer, Alfonso, 206 Andauer, Uberlindo, 206, 217 Andean expedition, 210 Andina, 205 Angiosperms, 16, 39, 41, 47 Anguilas, 100 Anna, 89, 95 Annawan, 134 Anrique R., Nicolás, 169

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 T. F. Stuessy, Environmental History of Oceanic Islands, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47871-1

323

324 Anson, George, 71, 88, 89, 92–95, 98, 99, 101, 126, 148, 172, 177, 198, 253, 259, 261, 263 Anson’s Dale, 140 Anteus, 146, 148 Anthoxanthum, 17, 51, 58, 61, 192 Anthoxanthum odoratum, 49–51, 54, 192, 199, 220, 235, 243, 252, 259, 264 Anthropocene, 3 Antofagasta, 22, 228 Aphrastura masafuerae, 227, 236, 277 Apiaceae, 42 Apium petroselinum, 134 Apples, 126, 128, 130, 131, 158 Apremont, 84 Apricots, 93, 126, 128, 149, 151, 214, 264 Araucarias, 193 Archaeangiospermae, 39 Arctocephalus philippii, 115, 118, 267 Argentina, 22, 53, 113, 143, 182 Arica (Chile), 22 Aristolochia, 37 Aristolochiaceae, 37, 231 Aristotelia, 51, 58 Aristotelia chilensis, 49–51, 53, 54, 61, 86, 92, 145, 162, 172, 176, 191, 192, 209, 218, 235, 241, 264, 282, 285, 286 Aristotelia maqui, 191, 192 Arquén, 52 Arredondo, Pedro, 174, 192 Artemisia sp., 99 Arthemisa, 99 Artichoke, 176 Arundo donax, 49 Asia, 82 Asplenium, 77 Asplenium dareiodes, 123 Asteraceae, 15, 17, 42, 47, 50, 151, 206, 230 Astrolabe, 143 Astudillo, Valentina, 228 Atacama (Chile), 150 Athens, 1 Atrevida, 108 Australia, 37, 40, 48, 53, 120, 122, 148 Austria-Hungary, 203, 204 Austrian Netherlands, 85 Autochthonous speciation, 35 Avena barbata, 49, 99, 131, 132, 147, 148, 166, 173, 176, 192, 214, 235, 252, 259 Avena fatua, 99 Avena hirsuta, 173, 176, 214 Avena sativa, 134

Index B Bacalao, 77, 94, 98, 126, 162, 166, 177, 198, 216, 244 Bachelor’s Delight, 77 Bäckström, K., 189, 190 Baeza, Carlos M., 76 Bahamonde, Fernando Álvarez de, 68 Bahamonde N., Nibaldo, 119, 224, 225 Bahía Cumberland, 18, 22, 93, 106, 131, 134, 136, 138, 160, 163, 165, 169, 175, 177, 180, 189, 190, 195, 208, 211, 224, 227, 233 Bahía de la Vaquería, 160 Bahía del Padre, 187, 198, 237, 238, 280, 281, 288 Bailey Hortorium, 224 Barra, Ezekiel I., 125, 149 Basal angiosperms, 39, 41, 42 Basaltic ridges, 17, 62 Basalts, 15 Basidiomycota, 235 Bathymetry, 14 Beagle Channel, 22, 186 Beans, 109, 162, 166, 176 Bedbugs, 166 Beets, 148 Benavides, Vicente, 113 Berberis corymbosa, 107, 165, 209 Bergius Botanical Garden, 206 Berros, 99 Berrugate, 98, 100 Bertero, Carlo Luigi Giuseppi, 125, 131– 134, 144, 155, 173, 179, 185 Betsey, 115 Binimelis S., A., 281, 282 Biodiversity, 223, 275 Biogeography, 191, 221, 224, 226, 230, 232 Birds, 40, 51, 54, 80, 97, 99, 109, 122, 169, 227, 232, 235, 244, 284 Blackberry, 52, 86, 175, 193 Blackbirds, 94, 95 Blaeu, Willem, 68 Blanco, Manuel Castel, 102 Blechnum, 32, 262 Blechnum cycadifolium, 32, 95 Blechnum longicauda, 32 Blechnum magellanicum, 32 Blechnum mochaenum var. fernandezianum, 32 Blechnum schottii, 32 Blepharocalyx, 34 Boars, 73 Bock, Carlos, 198

Index Boehmeria excelsa, 135 Bolivia, 22 Bologna (Italy), 106 Bombax, 82 Bonaparte, William, 143 Bonin Islands, 121 Boston, 114, 116, 138, 179 Botanical collections, 226 Botanical expeditions, 223, 276 Botanical garden, 42, 55, 211, 214, 274, 275, 284 Botanische Reiseverein, 132 Botany Bay, 118 Boza, Marcel, 111, 217 Branchi, Eugenio Camillo, 204 Brassica napus, 99 Braun-Blanquet, Josias, 57 Brazil, 124, 162, 182, 186 Brdiczka, Francisco, 169 Breams, 80, 94 Breca, 216 Britain, 110, 204 British Museum, 77, 109, 124 Briza minor, 51 Bromelia, 135 Bromeliaceae, 152 Browne, J. Ross, 125, 146, 147, 148 Bryophytes, 224 Buckland, Captain, 149 Buddhism, 121 Buenos Aires, 108 Bürger, Otto, 155, 180 Burros, 160 Byron, John, 102, 103

C Cabbage, 88, 109, 148, 176, 263 Cabbage palm, 145, 149 Cabbage tree, 34, 76, 78, 79, 82, 83, 85, 87, 92, 95, 128, 261 Calendula, 176 Calicivirus, 284 California, 102, 146 California 49ers, 160 California Gold Rush, 123, 146, 150 Callao (Peru), 67, 72, 108 Calle Larraín Alcalde, 240 Calvo de la Cantera, Juan, 114 Campanula, 135 Campbell, George, 155, 156, 159 Campos, Andrés, 142 Canary Islands, 85, 174, 221, 291

325 Candía, José María, 141 Candolle, Alphonse de, 133 Canelo, 107, 134, 165 Canna indica, 49 Cannibalism, 120 Canton (China), 116, 118 Cape gooseberries, 145 Cape Horn, 11, 69, 72, 80, 88, 90, 101, 114–116, 119, 123, 124, 138, 146, 149 Cape Verde Islands, 85, 115 Capra aegagrus f. hircus, 265 Capra hircus domestica, 177 Capsella bursa-pastoris, 99 Cap’t Sharps Bay, 74 Capulíes, 144 Carcel Pedro Montt, 200 Cardos, 166 Cardo santo, 99 Carduus, 130 Carduus pycnocephalus, 49 Carpenter, William B., 156 Carpobrotus aequilaterus/edulis, 49, 50 Carrera, José Miguel, 113 Carreto, Sebastian García, 68 Carrots, 93 Carroza, Manuel, 180 Carteret, Philip, 103, 104 Casma, 186, 188, 225 Catalogue, 31, 226, 228, 272, 276 Cats, 80, 82, 87, 94, 113, 117, 144, 145, 166, 177, 213, 215, 234, 266, 277, 284 Cattails, 99 Cattle, 70, 73, 104, 112–114, 116, 125, 126, 130, 131, 134, 136, 137, 139, 144, 148, 149, 159, 160, 162, 163, 177, 188, 193–195, 205, 215, 218, 220, 227, 236, 259, 265, 280, 282, 284 Caucasus, 176 Cavallies, 94 Cavallos, 82 Caves, 19, 111, 136 Caves of the patriots, 112, 143, 163, 171, 178, 180, 192, 193, 197, 211, 239, 241 Caviedez, Eloi T., 155, 164, 165–167 Centaurea melitensis, 49 Centaurodendron, 39, 206 Central America, 182 Centurion, 88, 91, 94, 95 Cereal crops, 214 Cernícalos, 99 Ceroxyleae, 34

326 Ceroxylon, 34 Cerro Alto, 182, 184 Cerro Guido, 33 Cestrum parqui, 134, 136 Cestrum vespertianum, 136 Chacabuco, 152, 160, 161 Challenger, 156, 158, 160 Challenger expedition, 155, 156, 159 Chamorro, Oscar, 206 Charcoal, 86, 262 Charlottenburg, 150 Charpentier, Desiderio, 52, 214 Charpentier, Jorge, 206, 217 Chasmanthe aethiopica, 49 Chenopodium anthelminthicum, 134 Chenopodium sanctae-clarae, 25, 134, 149, 173, 241, 242, 274 Cherries, 126, 128, 131, 138, 145, 149, 151, 158, 160, 162, 165 Chestnuts, 214, 264 Chiapa, 97 Chickens, 102, 144 Chicoreáceas, 136 Chicoria silvestre, 99 Chicxulub crater, 3 Chile, 22, 32, 35, 40, 48, 53, 54, 67, 73, 74, 81, 84, 88, 95, 105, 107, 113, 122, 124, 129, 130, 132, 142, 159, 162, 168, 172, 176, 182, 190, 207, 209, 210, 215, 220, 223, 227, 271 Chilean Air Force, 57 Chilean-U.S. expedition, 224 China, 37, 120, 121, 262 Chloroplast genome, 122 Chonta, 107, 109, 134, 150, 152, 153, 161, 165, 167, 174, 177, 182, 187, 191, 198, 205, 209, 210, 213, 216, 218, 222, 261, 262 Chorro Doña María, 14 Chromosome numbers, 230 Chrysanthemum, 176 Chusquea culeou, 49 Cichorium intybum, 99 Cinchona, 86 Cinque Ports, 12, 80, 81 Circumnavigation, 179 Cladistic classification, 32 Cladogenesis, 25, 26, 40, 231 Clark, William, 130 Clavel, Francisco, 110, 217 Climate change, 4 Climatic modelling, 218 Clipperton, John, 71, 85, 262

Index Clover, 95, 263 CNN Chile, 234 Coati mundi, 215, 219, 234, 266, 277, 284 Cochrane, Thomas, 124 Cod, 148 Coffin, Mr., 114 Colegio de Santiago, 135 Colla, Luigi, 133 Collections, 47, 225 Collingwood, 144 Colo-Colo, 135 Colonists, 98, 232 Colonization, 28, 46, 73 Columba aenas, 159 Columba livia, 134 Community cohesion, 233 Compaction (of flora), 63, 254 Compositae, 35 CONAF, 23, 42, 111, 206, 217, 223, 226, 228, 229, 233–236, 240–243, 264, 267, 272–276, 280–284, 286–288, 291 CONAF garden, 42 CONAF guides, 36 Concepción (Chile), 67, 98, 108, 169 Conger eels, 94, 145, 159 Connecticut, 115 Conservation, 24, 38, 42, 52, 189, 197, 198, 208, 216, 217, 223, 226, 227, 229, 234, 274–276, 279, 283, 286, 291 Conservation ethic, 233 Conservation plan, 283 Conservation priorities, 284 Conservation status, 40, 42, 224, 228, 235, 272 Constellation, 114 Continental progenitors, 40 Convention on Biological Diversity, 223 Convicts, 63, 106, 139, 257 Cooke, Edward, 71, 81, 82, 84, 253, 261, 263 Cooke, John, 75 Cooper, Oliver, 228 Coprosma, 27, 134 Coprosma pyrifolia, 107, 165, 174 Cordón Central, 73, 93, 137, 139, 178, 180, 181, 197 Cordón Chifladores, 62 COREF, 223, 271 Corkwood, 148 Corn, 109, 144, 176, 263 Cornell University, 224 Coronel Allen, 124 Coronopus didymus, 99

Index Corporación de Reforestación (COREF), 223, 271 Corporación Nacional Forestal (CONAF), 23, 223, 271 Corrales de Molina, 182 Correa, José, 150 Cortadera, 99 Cortaderia selloana, 49, 99 Corvina, 109 Cowley, William Ambrosia (Ambrose), 75, 82 Cows, 102, 112, 194 Cox, Ross, 103, 119 Crawfish, 80, 83 Cretaceous, 3, 33 Cretaceous, Upper, 33 Crimea, 176 Criminals, 19, 98, 113 Critically endangered, 42 Cross, Capt., 114 Crusoe’s Island, 84 Cuevas, Jaime, 235, 285 Cullet, 148 Cultivated plants, 171 Cultivated trees, 211 Cumberland Bay, 18, 73, 74, 78, 80, 81, 86– 92, 96, 98, 101, 102, 104, 108, 110, 111, 114, 115, 123, 126, 137, 140, 142, 143, 147–149, 152, 153, 159, 163, 169, 182, 187, 198, 204, 205, 210, 213, 217, 238, 254, 256, 267 Cumberland County (England), 88 Cuminia, 39, 134 Cupressus, 60 Cupressus goveniana, 49, 264 Cupressus macnabiana, 49 Cupressus macrocarpa, 49 Cupressus sempervirens, 48 Cutting trees, 63 Cyperaceae, 17 Cyperus, 192 Cyperus vegetus, 192 Cytissus scoparius, 50

D Damajuana, 73, 93, 126, 127, 140, 180, 181, 196, 272, 280 Dampier, William, 71, 74–78, 80, 81, 82, 253, 259, 261 Dana, Richard Henry, Jr., 125, 138 Danton, Philippe, 31, 46, 111, 206, 217, 224, 226, 235, 276, 284

327 Davis, Captain, 77 De Africaansche Galey, 88 De Bry, Theodore and John, 73 Decker, Adolph, 72 Defoe, Daniel, 12, 77, 83, 146, 203 Deforestation, 182, 219 Delairea odorata, 49, 50 Delano, Amasa, 103, 116, 117 Délano, Guillermo, 52 Delessert, Benjamin, 132 Den Arend, 88 Dendroseris, 15, 35, 36, 39, 130, 134, 158, 159, 199, 220, 230, 231 Dendroseris litoralis, 35, 36, 79, 80, 199, 220, 233, 239, 241, 254, 274 Dendroseris macrophylla var. marginata, 173 Dendroseris marginata, 173 Dendroseris micrantha var. pruinata, 173 Dendroseris pinnata, 158 Dendroseris pruinata, 173, 199, 220, 241, 274 Dendroseris spp., 136 Dentones, 100 Descubierta, 108 Desventuradas, Islas, 180 Deutschen Ausflug Vereins zu Valparaíso, 205 Dicksonia, 220 Dicksonia berteroana, 95 Dicksoniaceae, 32 Dicksonia externa, 17, 58, 61, 144 Dicots, 39, 41, 42 Dikes (volcanic), 15 Dioecy, 36 Disharmonic, 17, 151 Dispersal, 27, 35, 40, 51–53, 122, 174, 192, 193 DNA, chloroplast restriction, 36 Dogfish, 100 Dogs, 74, 80, 87, 90, 93, 95, 97, 99, 109, 112, 131, 136, 139, 144, 148, 149, 160, 166, 177, 180, 265, 266, 277 Dolphin, 102, 104 Domesticated animals, 198, 214, 218, 221, 265, 266, 280 Domesticated plants, 82, 193, 263 Domesticated trees, 239 Domingo (seamount), 248 Don, David, 133, 136 Donkeys, 166, 177, 206 Donuts, 180

328 Douglas, David, 125, 128, 129, 155, 173, 179, 185 Dresden, 204, 210, 239, 240 Drimys andina, 35 Drimys confertifolia, 34, 35, 58, 87, 95, 107, 111, 134, 135, 144, 145, 159, 165, 260, 261 Drimys fernandeziana, 135 Drimys winteri, 35, 87 Dublé, F., 186 Duboisia, 148 Duchess, 81, 83 Duke, 81, 83 D’Urville, Jules S.-C. Dumont, 143 Dutch West India Company, 88

E Earl of Oxford, 84 Earth Day, 223 Earthquake, 102, 114, 139, 142, 166, 254 East Bay, 90–92 Easter Island, 4, 47, 88, 160, 189, 190, 192 East India Company, 72 Ebro, 204–206 Echandea, Eusebio Domingo de, 149 Ecotourism, 42, 223, 232, 233, 237, 274, 282, 286, 287, 291 Edinburgh (Scotland), 156 Edwards, Agustín, 109 Eel, 216 Eendracht, 69 Egaña Risco, Juan, 103, 113 Eggleston, George, 152 Elaeocarpaceae, 285 El Águila, 108 El Camote, 111, 206, 207, 211 Elephant seals, 72, 74, 77, 80, 82, 87, 88, 90, 94, 98, 99, 109, 145, 200, 237, 267 Eliza, 115 El Pangal, 139 El Rabanal, 175, 195 Eltanin, 224 El Verdugo, 90 El Yunque (Yunque), 36, 60, 73, 79, 91, 93, 110, 126, 127, 178, 180, 181, 194, 197, 206, 207, 217, 221, 241 Embryology, 37, 231 Empetrum rubrum, 42 Endemic families, 33, 39 Endemic flora, 189, 231, 288 Endemic genus, 37, 39, 78, 92, 225 Endemic plants, 32, 40, 42, 218, 226, 230

Index Endemic species, 27, 31, 35, 36, 38, 63, 174, 197, 228, 230, 231, 282 Endemism, 23, 24, 36, 39, 191 Endozoochory, 51 Enea, 99 Engel, John, 224 England, 12, 71, 85, 87, 95, 120, 121, 124, 129, 142, 182 English box, 75 English haws, 79 Enriqueta, 143 Entrepreneurs, 18 Environmental education, 274 Environmental ethics, 223 Eocene, 14 Epizoochory, 51 Ericaceae, 42 Erigeron, 15, 192, 230 Erigeron fernandezia, 192 Erigeron karvinskianus, 50 Eriobotrya, 194 Ermel, Alexander, 155, 163 Erosion, 15, 48, 60, 62, 171, 179, 192, 195, 219, 232, 242, 247, 248, 251, 280, 282 Errázuriz, Germán Riesco, 180 Errázuriz, Maximiano, 152 Eryngium, 151 Eryngium sarcophyllum, 42 Escallonia calcottiae, 274 Espejo, Francisco, 102 Espinillo, 107 Essequibo, 207 Estrella, 138 Eucalyptus, 60, 193, 209, 242, 264 Eucalyptus globulus, 48, 49, 176, 243, 264 Euphorbia, 130 Eurasia, 48, 54 Europe, 5, 52, 54, 87, 92, 176 Evolution, 25, 226, 230 Evolutionary patterns, 224 Evolutionary relationships, 230 Exotic species, 45, 46, 276 Extinction, 33, 42 Extirpation, 42

F Fabaceae, 50 Faeroes, 156 Falken, 224, 225, 227 Falkland (Malvinas) Islands, 116, 186 False Bay, 74

Index False Wild harbor, 74 Fanning, Edmund, 103, 116, 120 Fardelas, 77, 87 Farinha de pão, 86 Ferdinand VII, 19 Fernandes, John, 84 Fernández, Juan, 46, 67, 86 Fernández López, Antonio, 18 Fernando VI, 96 Fern community, 58 Fern-grassland mosaic, 17, 58 Ferns, 32, 39–42, 47, 95, 111, 132, 134, 136, 151, 171, 173, 189, 192, 207, 221, 224, 225, 228, 229, 232, 251 Fern spores, 262 Festival de la Langosta, 233 Ficus carica, 49 Figs (fruit), 126, 128, 130, 131, 145, 148, 149, 151, 158, 160, 162, 166, 180, 194, 214, 264 Fijian Islands, 120 Filmy ferns, 17, 130 Fire, 58, 111, 113, 118, 148, 153, 172, 173, 195, 219, 220, 243, 260 Firewood, 105, 116, 139, 145, 165, 179, 193, 205, 235, 239, 251, 255–257, 260 Fish, 109, 117, 119, 145, 150, 159, 163, 166, 167, 216, 255, 267 Flavonoid chemistry, 230 Fleas, 113, 166, 266 Flies, 113, 166 Flindt, Frederick, 152 Flora, 31, 179, 191, 221, 226, 228, 276 Floral anatomy, 225 Floristic composition, 57 Floristic studies, 228 Flühmann, G. Gustavo, 122 Fonck y Cia., 216 Forest inspectors, 198 Forest regeneration, 235 Forest resources, 271 Forests, 34, 58, 90, 162, 172, 173, 177, 198, 199, 220, 223, 253 Fort Santa Bárbara, 111, 136, 163, 179, 180, 182, 183, 243 Forty-niners (49ers), 146, 148, 149, 260 Fossil pollen, 262 Fowl, 116, 117 Foxes, 144 Fragaria chiloensis, 134 France, 71, 136, 182, 204, 226, 276 Franco-Prussian War, 162 Frankfurt, 229

329 Franz Ferdinand, Archduke, 203 Frei Montalva, Eduardo, 237 Frézier, Amédée Franðois, 71, 84, 86 Friday (companion), 208 Friday Seamount, 13, 248 Fruiting trees, 134, 175 Fruits, 174 Fuchsia magellanica, 50, 126 Fulbright Lectureship, 227 Fungi, 133, 169, 224, 228 Funnell, William, 71, 78, 79, 80, 82, 259, 261 Fur seals, 74, 77, 82, 87, 88, 90, 94, 98, 99, 105, 109, 115–119, 128, 130, 139, 144, 145, 150, 159, 160, 162, 163, 166, 177, 200, 205, 216, 234, 237, 241, 244, 267, 277

G Galápagos Islands, 47, 130, 174, 291 Galinsoga parviflora, 152 Galium aparine, 49 Garden plants, 286 Garlic, 109 Gavilea insularis, 42 Gaviota, 204, 205, 211 Gay, Claudio, 110, 125, 135, 140, 144, 150, 155, 158, 168, 173, 179, 185 Geirfuglasker (Iceland), 251 Gene pool, 231 Genera, 39, 40 Genetic and evolutionary studies, 284 Genetic diversity, 231, 289 Genetic marker, 230 Genetics laboratory, 284 Genetic variation, 25, 231, 288 Geneva (Switzerland), 133 Genus, 34, 36, 53 Geographic and ecological isolation, 26, 231 Geographic origins, 27, 40, 48 Geological ages, 23, 62, 63 Geological history, 228, 249, 250 Geology, 169, 190, 232, 244 Geomorphology, 60, 228, 232, 248 Geranium robertianum, 157 Germain, Filiberto, 54, 150 Germany, 150, 182, 204, 210, 220, 227 Germination trials, 43, 275 Ghana, 221 Girella albostriata, 94, 216 Glasgow, 204 Glasgow Botanical Garden, 128

330 Global warming, 7 Gloucester, 89, 95 Gnaphalium cheiranthifolium, 192 Gnathophis, 159 Goat Island, 90, 91, 108, 253 Goats, 71–77, 79, 82–85, 87, 88, 93, 94, 99, 102, 104, 109, 116–119, 126, 128– 131, 134, 136, 144, 145, 148, 149, 159, 160, 162, 166, 167, 172, 173, 177, 180, 187, 194, 198, 199, 205, 206, 209, 213, 215, 219, 220, 227, 234, 236, 255, 259, 261, 265, 266, 273, 274, 276, 280, 284, 285, 288, 289 Godoy, Manuel, 109 Gómez de la Torre, José, 106 González, Col. Blas, 106 Goodspeed, Thomas Harper, 204, 210, 212, 213 Gothenburg (Sweden), 186 Graf, Johanna Stade, 210 Graf Marin, A., 195, 220 Graham, Mary (Lady Callcott), 46, 77, 108, 124, 125, 128, 130 Graham, Thomas, 124 Gramineae, 151, 152 Grand Canary Island, 85 Grapes, 130, 138, 148, 214, 264 Grasses, 144, 178, 228, 253, 263 Grassland, 17, 58, 60, 76, 90, 219, 237, 251 Gravesend (England), 129 Great Bay, 78 Great Britain, 85 Great Key, 75 Green-backed firecrown, 214 Greimler, Josef, 57, 226, 229, 240, 249 Grenoble (France), 226, 276 Groopers, 80, 94 Grosse, Agusto, 217 Guajardo, José, 54 Guayacán, 98, 109, 152 Guillemin, Jean Baptiste Antoine, 132 Guindo, 172, 264 Gunnera, 36, 199 Gunnera bracteata, 36, 111 Gunnera masafuerae, 36, 144 Gunnera peltata, 36, 37, 125, 145, 159 Gunnera tinctoria, 36 Gutiérrez, Pedro José, 111, 217 Guyots, 14 Guyot (seamount) O’Higgins, 13 Guzmán Parada, Jorge, 195, 204, 213, 214, 216, 217, 220, 263

Index Gymnosperms, 16, 39, 41, 47, 190 Gymnothorax, 159 Gymnothorax porphyreus, 216

H Habit, 174 Haenke, Thaddaeus (Tadeo), 103, 108, 109 Hahn, Ingo, 227 Hale, Richard L., 125, 149 Hale Russ, Carolyn, 149 Halifax (Nova Scotia), 190 Halle, Thore G., 185 Haloragis, 27 Hamburg (Germany), 205 Handicraft objects, 262 Handisyd, George, 77, 123 Hanwell, Henry, 129 Harvard University, 138, 224 Hatcher, Raymond, 224, 225 Hawaiian Islands, 4, 11, 47, 120, 121, 129, 174, 248, 291 Hawaiian silverswords, 26 Hawaiites, 15 Hawks, 94, 95 Hedychium flavescens, 49 Hemsley, William Botting, 57, 133, 155– 157, 173, 174, 179, 185, 214 Hens, 160 Hepatics, 133, 225 Herbarium specimens, 47, 132, 274, 283 Herbs, 39, 253 Herodotus, 1 Hinduism, 121 Hippotis triflora, 134 Histiopteris, 262 Historical ecology, 3, 247 History, 227 Hochschule für angewandte Wissenschaften, 227 Hogs, 71, 73, 84, 117, 131, 134, 149, 163 Holcus lanatus, 50, 51 Holland (Netherlands), 72, 120, 215 Holophyly, 32 Honduras, 77 Honeycreepers, 4 Hooker, William Jackson, 128 Hoorn (Netherlands), 69 Horses, 116, 126, 144, 145, 148, 149, 160, 162, 166, 178, 188, 194, 200, 215, 220, 265, 282, 284 Horticultural Society of London, 128 Hotspot (tectonic), 13, 15

Index Howe, George, 118 Hozven, Alberto, 206, 217 Huaso, 284 Huemul, 169 Humaña, Ana María, 242 Human resources, 233 Humboldt Current, 67, 108 Hummingbirds, 36, 80, 82, 94, 95, 99, 109, 145, 159, 209, 214, 227, 235, 276 Hurtado, Antonio, 138 Hybridization, 26, 42, 43 Hydrangea macrophylla, 48 Hymenophyllaceae, 17 Hymenophyllum, 130 Hypochaeris radicata, 51, 265

I Iceland, 251 Identifications, 47 Immigration, 40 Imshaugh, Henry A., 224, 225 Incense, 262 Independence, 112, 113, 123 Indigenous peoples, 6, 24, 291 Industry, 88 Inhabitants, 195, 216 Insect pollinated, 27 Insects, 169 In situ speciation, 28 Institut für allgemeine Botanik, 205 Instituto Pedagógico, 168 Inter-Simple Sequence Repeats (ISSRs), 25 Introduced grasses, 252, 264 Introduced plants, 38, 39, 50, 224, 264 Introduced species, 40, 45–48, 50, 54, 61, 157, 192, 209, 254 Invasive ants, 237 Invasive plants, 49, 192, 214, 218, 221, 224, 235, 251, 264, 279, 282, 285 Invasive species, 17, 39, 45, 47, 50–55, 61, 63, 158, 176, 193, 199, 234 Inventory, 46, 47, 228, 235, 273 Inventorying, 31 Iquique (Chile), 167 Iris (ship), 211, 213 Isla Alejandro Selkirk, 80 Isla de los Conejos, 108 Isla Fuera, 68 Islam, 121 Isla Marinero Alejandro Selkirk, 12 Island endemics, 40 Isla Piloto Robinson Crusoe, 11

331 Islas Desventuradas, 67, 68, 105, 114, 115, 119 Isle of Pines, 120 Îsles infortunées, 67 Isolating mechanisms, 231 Isozymes, 25, 38, 231 ISSRs, 38, 231 Italy, 106, 132, 182 ITS DNA sequences, 36 IUCN, 41 IUCN categories, 272 J Jackson, Dennis, 224, 225 Japan, 121 Jaque, Pascual, 153 Jardín Botánico Nacional, 228 Jasus frontalis, 267 Jefferson, 114 Jerguilla, 216 Jesuits, 106 Jesuit’s bark, 86 John Paul II, 23 Johow, Federico, 46, 52, 57, 122, 155, 157, 168–177, 179, 180, 185, 188, 198, 214, 218, 279 Juan and Ulloa, 71, 97, 98, 101, 253, 259, 261 Juan Fernández Archipelago, 11, 24, 31, 47, 54, 77, 80, 85, 88, 96, 168, 169, 181, 185, 197, 213, 217, 227, 248, 249, 271 Juan Fernández firecrown, 214 Juan Fernández fur seal, 118 Juan Fernández Islands, 142, 152, 186, 232 Juania, 34, 39, 149, 158, 261 Juania australis, 33, 72, 76, 78, 79, 82, 83, 87, 92, 98, 107, 128, 134, 137, 149, 151, 152, 174, 187, 191, 210, 213, 218, 225, 229, 261, 262, 271 Juan, Jorge, 96 Jufré, Juan, 68 Jurel, 98, 100, 216 K Kamehameha, King, 120 Karlshamn (Sweden), 185 K-Ar radiometric methods, 14 Kay, John, 140 Kay’s Town, 140 Keiser, Bernard, 244 Kent, 204

332 Kentucky, 143 Kew Gardens (England), 132 King, Capt. P. Parker, 125, 131 Kinsale (Ireland), 80 Kolmar (Prussia), 168 Korea, 26 Krakatau, 251 Krüssel, Bernardo, 169, 188 Kunkel, Günther W. H., 57, 204, 206, 217, 220, 221

L Lactoridaceae, 14, 37, 39, 288 Lactoripollenites, 37 Lactoris, 37–39, 225, 231 Lactoris fernandeziana, 37, 229, 231 Lamprey-eels, 148 Landscape, 62, 83, 91, 93, 94 Landscape ecology, 3 Langostas, 100 Lantana camara, 48–50, 286 La Piña, 62, 262 La Pirámide, 197 Lardizabala biternata, 49, 209 Largo (Scotland), 80 La Rosa, 96 Larraín, José Joaquín, 130, 137 Las Casas, 24, 48, 63, 169, 187, 190, 200, 215, 216, 220, 241, 243, 258, 263, 264 La Serena (Chile), 74 Las Taldas, 98 Latappiat, Francisco de Paula, 138 Laurel, 86 La Vaquería, 34, 90, 92, 194, 205, 219, 240, 242, 258, 265, 287 Lechuzas, 99 Legumes, 176 Leguminosae, 151 Le Hermite, Jacques, 72–73, 261, 263 Leiva, Iván, 234, 235 Le Maire, Jacque (Jacob), 69 Lemon balm, 151 Lemons, 214, 264 Lenguado, 98, 100, 216 Lennox (island), 22 Lettuce, 93, 109, 166, 176 Libertia chilensis, 60 Lichens, 130, 132, 133, 224, 225, 228 Lima (Peru), 67 Linares (Chile), 52, 105 Linnaeus, Carl, 185

Index Lircay (Chile), 134 Lisbon (Portugal), 182 Little Bay, 78 Liverwort, 17, 95, 132, 228 Lobeliads, 4 Lobelia tupa, 49 Lobería Vieja, 200 Lobos de Aceyte, 98 Lobster, 94, 98, 100, 109, 119, 126, 128, 139, 145, 148, 150, 159, 162, 166, 167, 180, 194, 198, 201, 205, 207, 209, 211, 213, 216, 220, 223, 227, 233, 237, 241, 243, 255, 267, 282 Lobster traps, 53, 193, 239 Lockerby, William, 120 Lonicera japonica, 48, 49 Looser, Gualterio, 52, 204, 207, 208 López, Bernardo, 272 López, Juan E., 155, 159 López, Miguel Fernández, 152, 162 López-Sepúlveda, Patricio, 112 Lophosoria, 199 Lophosoria quadripinnata, 17, 58, 61 Loranthaceae, 42 Los Inocentes, 61, 169, 187, 224 Louis XIV, 84 Lower montane forests, 58 Loyalty Islands (France), 120 Luma, 134 Lumber, 119, 139, 161, 179, 195, 235, 239, 251, 255, 257, 260 Lumilla, 165

M Machado, Miguel R., 169 Magee, Bernard, 103, 114 Magee, William, 85 Magellan, Ferdinand, 67 Magellanic forests, 271 Magellan Straits, 22 Maiden hair, 95 Maipo, 163–165, 167 Maiz, 77 Malaspina, Alejandro, 103, 107, 108, 109 Malta, 167 Malva, 99 Malva neglecta, 99 Malva nicaensis, 99 Malva parviflora, 99 Malva prostrata, 136 Malvinas (Falkland Islands), 22 Manila galleon, 98

Index Manzano silvestre, 135 Maqui, 53, 54, 86, 92, 162, 172, 176, 182, 191, 193, 198, 205, 209, 218, 220, 222, 234, 235, 240, 286 Marchantia, 95 ×Margyracaena, 39 ×Margyracaena skottsbergii, 42 Marquesas Islands, 120 Martha’s Vineyard, 180 Marticorena, Clodomiro, 31 Martínez, Manuel Tomás, 142 Más a Fuera (Más Afuera, Masa-Fuero), 11, 12, 68, 89, 195, 198, 280 Masafuerite, 15 Más-a-Tierra, 11, 160, 171, 194, 195 Mastuerzo, 99 Maurelio, Francisco Javier, 143, 145 Mayo (mayu), 107, 134, 135 Medicago, 134 Medicinal herbs, 263 Mediterranean, 176 Megalachne, 39 Megalachne berteroniana, 97 Melanesia, 120 Melissa officinalis, 134 Melons, 126, 138 Mercury, 85 Meteorology, 244 Mexico, 182 Meyer, Frederick G., 224 Mice, 166, 206, 215 Michai (michay), 107, 165 Michigan State University, 224 Microlepidoptera larva, 235 Microsatellites, 25, 231, 288 Ministerio de Agricultura, 223 Mint, 126, 131, 145 Mirador de Selkirk, 238, 288 Mirounga leonina, 118, 267 Miskito Indian, 74, 77 Mitchel, Matthew, 89 Molecular clock, 34 Molecular divergence, 35 Molecular markers, 231, 288 Molecular phylogenetic studies, 36 Molina, Juan Ignacio, 103, 105 Monkey Key, 90 Monocots, 39, 41, 42 Monophyly, 32 Montane forests, 32, 54, 60 Montevideo (Uruguay), 108 Montt, Manuel, 143 Moore, Harold E. Jr., 224

333 Moray eel, 159 Moreta, 99 Morphology, 34, 36, 37, 225, 230 Morrell, Capt. Benjamin, 125, 127, 128 Morrison, John L., 204, 210 Morro Spartan, 25, 149, 199, 220, 241, 242 Moseley, Henry Nottige, 57, 155–157 Mosquitos, 166 Mosses, 130, 132, 133, 192, 225, 228 Mostaza, 99 Moulton, William, 103, 118 Mules, 102, 215, 282 Munich (Germany), 227 Muñoz Pizarro, Carlos, 224, 225, 271 Murtilla, 176, 218, 235, 286 Museo Nacional de Historia Natural, 132, 135, 150, 207, 224 Museo Naval, 109 Mutiny, 74, 87 Mutualistic relationship, 36 Myrceugenia fernandeziana, 34, 177 Myrceugenia schulzei, 17, 34, 58, 61, 63, 119, 144, 251, 261 Myrtaceae, 50, 97, 285 Myrtle trees, 93, 95, 126, 128, 148 Myxoma virus, 266, 284

N Nabos silvestres, 99 Napoleon Bonaparte, 112 Naranjillo, 165 Narciso de Santa María, Antonio, 102 Narcissus, 176 Nares, George, 156 Nassella, 17, 58, 60, 61, 76 Nasturtium officinale, 82 Nasturtiums, 145 Nasua rufa, 219 National park, 23, 195, 198, 216, 223, 234, 271, 280, 282 Native plants, 38, 39, 40, 223 Naturalized, 46 Natural resources, 234 Nazca Plate, 13, 14, 27, 28, 62, 247 Neé, Luis, 108 Neger, F., 169 Negrete, Ramón, 110, 217 Nemadactylus gayi, 216 Neotropics, 40 Netherlands, 71, 88, 273 Newbury (Massachusetts), 149 Newburyport (Massachusetts), 149

334 New Caledonia, 120, 148 New England, 115 New Hebrides, 120 New World, 5, 32 New York, 116, 190 New Zealand, 40, 48, 53 Next Generation Sequencing (NGS), 288 Nicaragua, 77 Nicotiana, 210 Nicotiana cordifolia, 211, 213 Nordenskjöld, Otto, 185 Nostoc, 36 Notanthera heterophylla, 42 Nothomyrcia, 39, 130 Nothomyrcia fernandeziana, 34, 73, 75, 78, 82, 86, 92, 93, 95, 97, 107, 111, 126, 128, 134, 135, 148, 159, 165, 174, 209, 231, 260, 261 Nucleotide sequences, 288 Nuestra Señora de Belén, 96 Nuestra Señora de Cobadonga, 95 Nuestra Señora del Monte Carmelo, 90

O Oahu, 120 Oats, 95, 97 Oceanic islands, 11 Ochagavia, 152 Ochagavia elegans, 135, 229 O’Higgins, Bernardo, 113, 159 O’Higgins, Thomas, 116 Ohio State University, 31, 224, 226 Oil wolves, 98 Oldwives, 82 Olive trees, 214, 264 Omaha (Nebraska), 160, 161 Onagraceae, 50 Onico, 118 Onions, 109, 148, 176 Online floristic manual, 32 Ontogeny, 250 Orama, 204 Oranges, 264 Orcona, 208 Orduña, 209 Orient, 262 Oriental markets, 42 Ortelius, Abraham, 68 Ortiz R., A., 57, 232, 282 Oryctolagus cuniculus, 236, 265 Osborne, Archibald, 143 Ovalle, Alonso de, 73, 82, 259

Index Owls, 94, 95, 99 Oxalidaceae, 50 Oxalis, 87 Oxalis micrantha, 99 Oxalis pes-caprae, 50 Oxen, 166

P Pacific Northwest, 129 Pacific Ocean, 4, 11, 16, 21, 95, 108, 121 Pacific (region), 6, 27, 40, 67, 71, 102, 120, 121, 144, 149, 152, 189, 232, 255 Palacios, Mariano, 114 Palm, 72, 78, 92, 98, 134, 137, 151, 158, 195, 207, 213, 224, 225, 229 Palmengarten, 229 Palo colorado, 107 Pampanitos, 100 Panamá, 74, 77, 81 Panama Canal, 189, 190 Panama Railway, 146, 150 Pangal, 111, 136, 217 Pangue (panke), 111, 125 Pantropics, 48 Papaver somniferum, 49 Papayas, 214, 264 Paralichthys fernandezianus, 216 Paraserianthes (Albizia) lophantha, 50 Pardelas, 95, 99 Paris, 132, 135, 136 Paris Climate Agreement, 223 Parsley, 82, 126, 128 Patagonia, 22, 115 Patriots, 113 Peaches, 93, 126, 128, 130, 131, 136, 144, 148, 149, 151, 158, 160, 162, 166, 180, 214, 264 Pearce, William, 145, 147, 149 Pears, 126, 128, 130, 149, 162, 214, 264 Peat core, 262 Peloponnesian War, 1 Peñailillo, Patricio, 242 Penal colony, 63, 112, 114, 130, 137, 142, 150, 189, 192, 199, 200, 210, 212, 220, 242, 251, 256–258 Peninsular War, 19 Penneckamp, Diego, 229 Peralillo, 107, 165 Perennials, 39 Permits, 198 Pernettya rigida, 126, 274 Perrier, Christophe, 31, 224, 226, 276

Index Perseverance, 116 Persia, 114, 120 Perú, 53, 67, 72, 74, 81, 86, 95, 96, 108, 113, 124, 142, 190 Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation, 142 Petrels, 236 Petroselinum crispum, 82 Phanerogams, 190 Philippi, Federico, 122 Philippine Islands, 95, 108 Philippi, Rodulfo Amando, 52, 53, 57, 125, 150, 151, 155, 168, 173, 174, 176, 179, 185 Phormium tenax, 49, 50 Phragmidium violaceum, 235 Phylogenetic information, 288 Phylogenetic relationships, 25, 27, 40 Phylogenetic studies, 36 Physalis peruviana, 134, 136 Phytosanitation, 283, 287 Piamonte (Italy), 132 Picaflores, 99 Pickering, Charles, 80 Pico Central, 178 Picton (island), 22 Pigafetta, Antonio, 67 Pigeons, 134, 159, 160, 162 Pigs, 102, 112, 126, 136, 144, 160, 177, 180, 215 Pilgrim, 138, 139 Pimenta dioica, 97 Pimiento (piemento, pimento), 75, 82, 86, 95, 94, 135, 148 Pines, 193 Pinus, 60, 162 Pinus insignis, 176, 214 Pinus pinaster, 49 Pinus radiata, 48, 49, 176, 214, 220, 264 Piperales, 37, 231 Pittospermum crassifolium, 49 Pittosporum eugenioides, 49 Pittosporum tenuifolium, 49 Pizarro, José, 88 Plan de Conservación, 276 Plan de Manejo, 234, 275, 280–282 Plano de La Mona, 61, 169 Plantago lanceolata, 51 Playa Buque Varado, 118 Playa Larga, 118 Plazoleta del Yunque, 52, 193, 209, 210, 218, 220, 221, 281, 286 Pleistocene, 3, 11 Pleistocene glaciation, 249, 254

335 Plums, 93, 128, 149, 151, 214, 264 Plymouth, 85 Poaceae, 17, 42, 47, 50, 99 Poder Ejecutivo, 113 Podophorus, 39, 152, 157 Podophorus bromoides, 42 Pöhlmann, Roberto, 169, 179 Poisoning program, 61 Pollen, 37, 262 Pollination, 27, 230, 231 Pollock, 82 Polynesia, 4, 120, 121 Polyploidy, 230 Polypodium intermedium, 95 Polyprion oxygeneios, 84, 166 Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 208 Poplars, 145, 193 Population genetic markers, 25 Populations, 231 Portezuelo (de Villagra; Selkirk’s Lookout), 54, 126, 158, 163, 165, 169, 176, 178–181, 187, 190–192, 208, 237, 238, 288 Portsmouth (England), 88, 156 Portugal, 120, 124, 182 Portulaca oleracea, 82 Potatoes, 109, 114, 144, 148, 162, 176, 199, 220 Potts, Charles, 150 Precipitation, 16 Princess Ingeborg, 186 Princip, Gavrilo, 203 Prinz Eugene, 85 Prisión Carlos Ibañez, 200 Prisoners, 139, 141, 257 Privateers, 67, 85 Probability of colonization, 232 Progenitor-derivative speciation, 26 Prunus cerasus, 172, 264 Prunus salicifolia, 144 Prussia, 168 Pseudocaranx chilensis, 216 Psidium cattleianum, 50 Psocoptera, 236 Pterodroma externa, 77 Puerto Francés, 34, 62, 63, 74, 90, 92, 101, 110, 111, 136, 139, 152, 160, 172, 174, 175, 177, 179, 191, 194, 195, 215, 227, 240, 242, 258, 260, 262, 265, 284, 287 Puerto Inglés, 74, 78, 90, 92, 101, 102, 110, 111, 134, 136, 139, 140, 147, 153,

336 160, 165, 172, 175, 177, 179, 184, 191, 192, 240, 265, 281 Pumpkins, 114, 126, 263 Punta Arenas, 186 Punto San Carlos, 111 Purslane (Purslain), 82, 93, 128 Pyrenees, 215 Q Quebrada de Las Casas, 19, 52, 116, 119, 143, 169, 200, 210, 212, 213, 242, 258 Quebrada de Las Vacas, 61, 169, 213 Quebrada del Blindado, 169 Quebrada del Minero, 219 Quebrada del Rabanal, 172 Quebrada del Sándalo, 121 Quebrada de Sánchez, 169 Quebrada de Villagra, 62, 237, 238 Quebrada Laura, 240, 242 Quebrada Sándalo, 61 Queen Catharine’s Island, 74 Quensel, Percy D., 185, 187, 188 Quesada y Silva Barrio-Nuevo y Quiñones, Francisco de, 111 Quijada B., Bernardino, 169 Quinces, 72, 126, 130, 149, 160, 162, 166, 180, 194, 214, 264 Quinine, 86 Quinteros (Chile), 169 Quiriquina Island, 210 R Rábano, 136 Rabbits, 198, 213, 215, 234, 236, 259, 265, 274, 276, 282, 284, 285, 288 Radiometric dating, 14, 27, 248 Radishes, 114, 126, 128, 130, 131, 145, 148, 151 Ramírez B., Filomena, 204 Rancagua (Chile), 169 Random Amplified Polymorphic DNA (RAPDs), 25, 231 Rapa Nui, 4 Raspberry (red), 175 Rats, 82, 94, 99, 109, 113, 134, 136, 145, 162, 166, 177, 182, 206, 213, 215, 266, 277, 284 Rayadito, 277, 236 Rea, 220 Rebellion, 142 Recart y Doniez, 194, 205, 216

Index Reed, Edwyn C., 54, 169 Refugium, 38, 62 Reina del Pacífico, 210 Reindeer, 153 Relevés, 50, 51, 54, 57, 58, 235, 249 Removal of trees, 258 Reproductive biology, 230 Resina (Resino), 107, 136, 165 Reyes, Javier, 228 Reyes, Judas Tadeo de, 107 Rhaphanus sativus, 136 Rhaphithamnus venustus, 80, 107, 126, 145, 159 Rhubarb, 145 Ricci, Marcia, 228, 235 Rieggel, Otto, 215 Ringrose, Basil, 71, 74, 75, 253, 259, 261 Río Baker, 292 Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 80, 129 Rivera, Francisco de, 102 Roberts, Josiah, 114 Robinia pseudoacacia, 49 Robins, Benjamin, 94 Robinson Crusoe, 12, 203, 208, 244 Robinson Crusoe Island, 11, 24, 26, 28, 32, 34, 36, 38, 40, 42, 46, 48, 52–54, 57, 62, 68, 70–75, 77, 78, 81, 83, 84, 87– 91, 94, 96–98, 101, 102, 104, 106, 108–110, 113, 114, 116, 121–123, 126–128, 130, 132, 134–136, 138– 140, 143, 146, 149, 150, 158, 159, 161, 163, 166, 169, 171–173, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 186, 189, 191, 192, 194, 195, 206, 209, 210, 213, 214, 216, 217, 219–221, 224, 227– 232, 234, 248, 251, 253, 254, 256, 264, 265, 279, 281, 282, 284–286 Robinsonia, 15, 35, 36, 39, 134, 151, 159, 230, 231 Robinsonia berteroi, 36, 42 Robinsonia evenia, 231 Robinsonia gayana, 35, 36, 107 Robinsonia gracilis, 36 Robinsonia macrocephala, 42 Robinsonia masafuerae, 36, 231 Robinsonia megacephala, 36 Robinsonia spp., 136, 165 Robles, Juan Lillo, 141 Rock-Fish, 77, 82, 148 Rodaballos, 98, 100 Rogers, Woodes, 71, 81, 84, 261, 263 Roggeveen, Jacob, 5, 71, 88, 261, 263 Romasa, 99

Index Rorippa nasturtium-aquaticum, 99 Rosaceae, 42, 285 Rosales, 73 Rosales, Diego de, 71, 73, 263 Rosas, Juan Manuel, 143 Rosette trees, 35, 36, 39, 158 Royal Botanical Gardens (Kew), 156 Royalists (in Chile), 113 Rubus, 51, 58, 220 Rubus idaeus, 175, 52 Rubus ulmifolius, 49–52, 54, 61, 86, 92, 145, 175, 193, 209, 214, 218, 235, 264, 285 Ruderals, 60 Rumex, 51, 99, 130, 192 Rumex acetosa, 87 Rumex acetosella, 50, 51, 54, 87, 152, 157, 192, 199, 220, 235, 252, 265, 285 Rumex crispus, 99 Runway (airport), 237 Russia, 182, 204 Ruta, 130 Rutaceae, 95 Ruta graveolens, 95

S Saiz G., Francisco, 236 Saldes, Nicolás, 141 Salsipuedes, 73, 140, 169, 182, 183, 196, 197, 281 San Ambrosio (San Ambor), 67, 114, 152 San Carlos, 84 Sandalwood (sándalo), 42, 73, 98, 107, 109, 114, 120, 121, 128, 131, 134, 138, 142, 145, 148, 150, 152, 153, 160, 161, 165, 167, 174, 175, 187, 188, 192, 195, 207, 209, 216, 262 Sanders, Roger, 240 San Felix Island, 67, 152, 180 San Juan Bautista (St. John the Baptist), 18, 21, 42, 48, 54, 102, 104, 106, 109, 111–113, 116, 123, 125, 130, 134, 136–138, 140, 142, 145, 147, 149, 150, 163–165, 167, 169, 172, 175– 180, 182, 183, 187, 194, 195, 197, 198, 205, 209–211, 213, 216, 217, 219, 227, 233, 237–239, 256–258, 263, 265, 281, 283, 291 San Martín, José de, 113 Santa Bárbara (fort), 18, 22, 102, 106, 111, 256 Santa Cecilia, 11, 68

337 Santa Clara Island, 11, 25, 26, 40, 46, 48, 68, 71, 74, 88, 90, 108, 110, 116, 134, 141, 148, 160, 162, 165, 166, 169, 172, 173, 177, 192, 198, 199, 205, 214, 215, 220, 240, 242, 252–254, 273 Santaella, Juan Navarro, 102 Santalaceae, 42 Santalum, 121 Santalum acuminatum, 122 Santalum album, 50, 121, 122 Santalum fernandezianum, 42, 107, 121, 122, 174, 175, 187, 188, 192, 203, 260, 262 Santalum freycinetianum, 120 Santa María, 97 Santa María y Escobedo, Manuel, 112 Santa Sofía, 216 Santa Vittoria d’Alba (Italy), 132 Santiago (Chile), 21, 143, 163, 168, 169, 224 Sarajevo (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 203 Saravía B., Fernando, 224, 225 Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, 68 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, 125, 143, 144 Saruma, 37 Saumarez, Philip, 71, 94, 259, 263 Saunders, 89 Savannah, 76, 77 Schiller, Ramón, 206, 272 Schönlein, Carlos, 169 Schouten, Willem Cornelisz, 69, 70–72, 82, 253, 259 Schreiber, Eduardo, 169 Schulze, Juan, 169 Scotland, 12, 80, 128 Scurvy, 67, 255, 261 Scutten, John, 71, 73 Sea lions, 74, 77, 80, 94, 200 Seamounts, 14 Sea wolves, 98 Secondary plant metabolites, 230 Seed bank, 55, 275, 284 Seed germination laboratory, 275, 284 Seeds, 174, 274, 275 Selkirkia, 39 Selkirk’s cave, 147, 148 Selkirk’s Dale, 140 Selkirk (Selcraig), Alexander, 12, 52, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84, 158, 180, 203, 244 Selkirk’s Lookout (Portezuelo), 54, 126, 158, 163, 178, 180, 181, 237, 281 Senecio, 36 Sephanoides fernandensis, 214, 227, 276

338 Sephanoides sephanoides, 214, 276 Sepúlveda, D., 192 Serbia, 203, 204 Sharp, Capt. Bartholomew, 71, 74, 75, 77 Sheep, 102, 116, 117, 131, 144, 163, 172, 177, 188, 193, 194, 215, 219, 220, 227, 259, 265, 282, 284 Sheep round-up, 215 Shelvocke, George, 71, 85, 87, 88, 259, 261, 263 Shetland, 156 Shoot apex, 34 Sicilian radishes, 93 Sierra R., Eugenio, 224, 225 Silica gel, 288 Silva, Mario, 224, 226 Silver-fish, 80, 82, 94 Silybum marianum, 99, 166, 181, 192, 282 Simaroubaceae, 50 Simple sequence repeats (SSRs), 25, 231 Sirene, 182 Sisymbrium officinale, 99 Skottsberg, Carl, 46, 52, 57, 157, 173, 185, 186, 188–190, 192–195, 197–200, 203, 204, 206, 208, 209, 214, 217– 220, 224, 229, 234, 235, 262, 264, 271, 275, 279 Skottsberg, Inga, 189, 199 Sloane, Hans, 77 Slocum, Joshua, 155, 179 Smallanthus sonchifolius, 138 Snapper, 77 Snow, 16 Sobrecasas, Juan Francisco de, 71, 98, 99, 259, 261, 263 Sociedad Chilena de Historia Natural, 210 Söhrens, Juan, 169, 192 Soils, 232 Solanaceae, 148 Solar radiation, 54 Solbrig, Otto, 224, 225 Sonchus, 36 Sonchus asper/oleraceus, 51, 158 Sophora fernandeziana, 98, 109, 135 Sorghum halepense, 50 Soruco Brothers Company, 150 Soto, Juan Antonio, 150 South America, 17, 19, 22, 27, 32, 34, 36, 40, 71, 88, 101, 108, 116, 182, 185, 186, 210, 231, 291 Southern Cone, 205 Southern Continent, 88 Southern Elephant Seal, 118

Index Southern Hemisphere, 38, 52, 185, 231 South Georgia Island, 186 South Sea, 72, 85, 88 South Shetland Islands, 116 Souvenirs, 34 Spain, 71, 85, 112, 215, 221 Spanish West Indies, 84 Sparrow-hawks, 99 Sparta, 1 Speciation, 16, 26, 37, 231 Species, 38, 39 Species diversity, 28, 232 Speedwell, 85 Spice Islands, 5 Spontoon, 80 Spores, 39, 232 Sporobolus indicus, 50 Spray, 179, 180 Spry, William James Joseph, 155, 156, 159 Squash, 109, 144 Staremberg, 85 Statistics, 38 Steele, Richard, 81, 83, 84 Stellaria media, 157 Sterile male rabbit, 285 Stewart, Captain, 163 Stewart, W. R., 115 St. George, 78, 80, 81 Stillman, Jacob David Babcock, 125, 148 St. Joseph, 81 St. Louis (U.S.A.), 182 Stockholm (Sweden), 185, 206 Stonington (Connecticut), 115 Stradling, Thomas, 12, 80, 81 Straits of Magellan, 102, 103, 129, 179 Strawberries, 126, 128, 130, 131, 134, 138, 145, 149, 158, 162 Strong, John, 77 Stuessy, Patricia, 242 Stuessy, Tod, 224, 226, 276 Submarine explosion, 139 Subsidence, 60, 247, 248 Subspecies, 38, 39 Subtropical, 16 Success, 85 Suecia, 189 Sugar-loaf Bay, 90–92 Sumatra, 251 Sunflower family, 35, 79 Surtsey, 251 Sutcliffe, Thomas, 84, 125, 138, 139, 140 Swain, Reuben, 114 Swallow, 104

Index Sweden, 185, 186, 189, 190 Swedish Antarctic Expedition, 185 Swedish Magellanic Expedition, 189 Swedish Museum of Natural History, 187 Swedish Pacific Expedition, 189 Swine, 73, 84 Switzerland, 162, 182

T Tahiti, 11, 132 Talcahuano (Chile), 108, 131, 143, 167, 172, 176, 189, 190 Tapia S., Alberto, 169 Tarapacá (Chile), 22 Taxpa (airline), 237 Teatina (theatina), 166, 214 Teline monspessulana, 50 Temperature, 16, 221 Temu, 107 Tenorio, Domingo, 134 Tenz, Otto, 204–206, 217 Theatina (teatina), 99 Thienhoven, 88 Thistle, 158 Tholeiites, 15 Thomson, Charles Wyville, 156 Thucydides, 1 Thyme, 145 Thyrsopteridaceae, 14, 32, 39 Thyrsopteris, 33, 39, 130 Thyrsopteris elegans, 32, 95 Thyrsopterorachis, 33 Tidal wave, 139, 239 Tierra del Fuego, 186 Timber, 76, 127, 128, 137, 163 Tit-tyrant, 228 Tocopilla (Chile), 22 Tollo, 100 Topaze, 158 Topographic similarity index, 54 Tourism, 238 Touristic books, 244 Tourists, 182, 198, 229 Transformational speciation, 231 Treasure, 244 Tree-Compositae, 187, 213 Tree-fall, 235 Tree ferns, 17, 32, 39, 58, 95, 144, 188, 198, 210 Trees, 34, 39, 78, 178, 179, 252 Trifolio, 99 Trifolium sp., 99

339 Trun, 52, 172, 192, 209, 234, 235, 285 Tsunami, 204, 238, 240, 254 Tucuma trees, 111 Tulane University, 227 Turdus sp., 99 Turin (Italy), 132 Turkeys, 144 Turner, William, 126 Turnips, 82, 93, 95, 128, 148, 151, 263 Typha, 99 Typha angustifolia, 99 Typhaceae, 99 Tyral, 89, 95 U Ugni, 51 Ugni molinae, 50, 51, 53–55, 58, 61, 176, 209, 218, 235, 264, 285, 286 Ugni selkirkii, 54, 218, 286 Ulloa, Antonio de, 96 Ulloa, Diego de, 68 Ullung Island (Korea), 26 Umbelliferae, 151 Umbrina reedi, 109 UNESCO Biosphere Reserve, 23 UNESCO World Heritage Site, 23 United States, 110, 119, 120 Universidad Austral, 229 Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, 236 Universidad de Chile, 228 Universidad de Concepción, 31, 57, 122, 220, 224, 226 Universidad del Norte, 228 University of Bonn, 168 University of California, 210 University of North Carolina, 227 University of Oxford, 156 University of Uppsala, 185, 189 University of Vienna, 31, 57, 224, 226 University of Wisconsin, 224 University of Zürich, 207 Upper montane forests, 58 Uppsala, 190 Urania, 149 Uribe, Admiral, 206 Urmeneta, José Tomás, 152 Urtica, 135 Urzúa, Manuel Muñoz, 114 U.S. National Arboretum, 224 V Valdivia, 88, 220, 229

340 Valle Colonial, 34, 164, 177–179, 181, 197, 227, 258, 265, 272 Valle de Villagra, 175, 191, 219, 239 Valle Francés, 219 Valle Inglés, 34, 62, 73, 121, 147, 148, 166, 174, 182, 187, 206, 208, 227, 242, 244, 258, 260, 262 Valparaíso (Chile), 21, 67, 84, 108, 109, 114, 135, 136, 138, 142, 143, 145, 161– 163, 165–167, 169, 182, 186, 187, 189, 190, 204, 207, 211, 213, 224, 225 Van de Wyngard, Morales, 228 Varieties, 38, 39 Vascular plants, 38, 39, 41, 157, 188 Vea, Antonio de, 68, 71, 74 Vega de Masatierra, 175 Vegetables, 73, 117, 128, 158, 220, 255 Vegetation, 17, 24, 50, 57, 60–63, 75, 106, 117, 137, 152, 173, 179, 188–191, 214, 221, 229, 232, 249, 251, 254, 282, 288 Vegetational patterns, 224 Vegetation analyses, 232 Vegetation map, 57, 59, 60 Vegetation zones, 58, 60 Vegetative anatomy, 225 Verbal reports, 47 Verbenaceae, 50 Verbena litoralis, 192 Vesti, Carlos, 227 Vial, Manuel Rengifo, 152 Viceroy of Peru, 131 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamin, 68, 73, 160, 165, 180 Viel, Oscar, 155, 160–162 Vigías, 136 Villa Alegre (Chile), 105 Villagarcía, Viceroy, 96 Viña del Mar (Chile), 162, 228, 275, 282 Vinagrillo, 54, 99 Vinca major, 50 Vinters bark tree, 95 Von Rodt, Alfred (Alfredo), 18, 162, 163, 165, 167, 169, 181–183, 209, 243 Von Rodt, Cäcilie, 155, 181, 182 Vowell, Richard Longeville, 125, 126 Vulnerable (plant species), 42

W Wafer, Lionel, 71, 74, 77, 263 Wahlenbergia berteroi, 173

Index Wahlenbergia sp., 135 Wahlenbergia tuberosa, 241 Walker, James, 224 Wallis, Samuel, 104 Walpole, Frederick, 125, 144 Walter, Richard, 94 Walton, Samuel, 149 War of the Pacific, 22 Washington, 114 Wasp, 127 Watercress, 82, 87, 93, 95, 125, 128 Watling, John, 74 Watsonia borbonica, 50 Watsonia meriana, 50 Weber Frechinger, Hugo, 198, 204, 210 Weed assemblages, 60 Weed flora, 199 Weeds, 6, 45, 54, 60, 175, 176, 180, 192–195, 198, 252, 276 Welfare, 77, 123 West Bay, 74, 90–92 Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Munster, 227 West Indies, 180 Wheat, 109, 162 Wieghardt, Jerman, 169 Wild oats, 132, 145, 147–149 Wild sorrel, 87, 93, 95 William and Ann, 129 Will (Miskito Indian), 77 Wind, 51, 232 Wind pollination, 27, 38 Windy Bay, 74 Wood (lumber), 86, 119, 159, 163, 256 Wood samples, 225 Woodward, Ralph Lee, 227 Woodworth, Samuel, 127 World Biosphere Reserve, 271 World War I, 203, 210, 240 World Wildlife Fund, 273 Worth, General, 149 Wyville Thomson, Charles, 156

X Xerguillas, 100

Y Yañez y Farrejón, Arturo, 216 Yunge, Max, 217 Yunquea, 39, 206 Yunquea tenzii, 206

Index Z Zambrano R., Francisco, 169 Zamora, Martin de, 68 Zamora, Ulloa, and Álvarez, 261, 263 Zantedeschia aethiopica, 50 Zanthoxylon, 135 Zanthoxylum externum, 63, 165, 261 Zanthoxylum mayu, 35, 82, 86, 95, 107, 134, 135, 261

341 Zarzamora, 52, 54, 86, 92, 209, 214, 218, 222, 234, 235, 285, 286, 288 Zarzaparilla, 172 Zizka, Georg, 229 Zoology, 190 Zopetti, Giuseppe, 130 Zorzales, 99, 172