Engendering the Early Household 9788125032328

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Engendering the Early Household

Engende .

y. Household: Brahmanical Precepts ~n the Early Grhyasutras, Middle of the First Millenium B. C.E.

the

Jaya Tyagi

"

Orient Longman

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· /9 3 I ;) (1)0

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ORIENT LONGMAN PRIVATE LIMITED

Registered Office 3-6-752 Himayamagar, Hyderabad 500 029 (A.P.), India email: [email protected] OtMr Offices Bangalore, Bhopal, Bhubaneshwar, Chennai, Emakulam, Guwahati, Hyderabad, Jaipur, Kolkata, Lucknow, Mumbai, New Delhi, Patna 0 Orient Lonpnan Private Limited 2008 Fust Published 2008 ISBN 13: 978 81 250 32328 ISBB 10: 81 250 32 320

Typeset in 10/12 pt. Nalanda Times Typeset by lnoSoft Systems NOIDA Printed in India at Glorious Printers Delhi Published by Orient Longman Private Limited 1/24, Aw Ali Road New Delhi 110 002 e-mail: [email protected]

For my father, B. K. Sinha (1937-2001)'

Contents .

Transliteration Abbreviations

IX X

.. Xll

Glossary

.

Preface

XXVI

I

Introduction

The Ideological Context of the F.arly Gr#rya8utras • The Social Implications of Ritual Practices • The Homebold' u a Function of Social Dynamics • Changing Perceptions on Omder 1

1. The Emergence of the GJha as a Sacred 'Space' 62 The Meaning of 'Grba' • The GJba: The Spatial and Sacral Context • Constituents of the GJba: Members bonded through Rituals • The Deification of the Householder • Grlayasilras on the Wife • Comparitive Significance of the Ritual Roles of the Householder and his Wife

2. The 'Sacred' Activity of Procreation: Marriage, Conception and Birth Rites 119 Marriage Rites and Women• Brahmanical Notions of the ldeal' Wife • The Significance of Marria1e Rites in Delineating Women's Roles • Brabmaoit:al Forays into ~minine Spaces 1

• Patriarchal Conttol of the Wife's Sexuality• Conception and Birth Rites: The Brabrnanical Preoccupation with the Birth of Sons • The Sipificance of the Birth of a Son • The Role of the

vm ComHl's Mother in Pregnancy Rites • The Role of the Father in Birth Rituals

3. Gender Segregation in the Household: Early Socialisation of Boys and the Separation of Girls from 'Formal Leaming' 177 Child Rearing Rituals in the Grltyasitras • Upanayana • The Overlooking of Young Girls • Upanayana vis-l-vis Maniage: Hierarchies and the Economics of Labour Acquisition • The Social Context of Upanayana: Segregation and Assimilation • Vedic Studies after the Upanayana

4. The Qrha as a Viable Unit for Production, Distribution 239 and Transmission of Resources The Householder as Generator of Wealth and Notions of Wealth • Production Activities and Resource Acquisition in the Household • 1be Significance of F~ its Management and Distribution in the Gfhya Rituals

5. Creating Social Hierarchies and Channeling Linkages 291 through Rituals Conceptualisation of Social Groups in the Grhyasitras • Social Relations and Role of Rites in Forging Linkages • The Kula and the Role of Women in it • Social Relations • Social Ostracism• The Role of Rituals in 'Cloaking Conflicts' • The presence of the State in the Grhyasilras • The Gfba and the Grima

6. Conclusion

346

'libliography

355

'ndex

367

Transliteration

31

=a

31T

=i

-.=r

~=e

• = ka

ll

11

= ca

= kha

u = cha =

th&

t=i

= ai

~ 'If

= ga

\Jr

=ja

~

=

4a

t=i

~=u

'5

•=o

3ft = au

3i =

l1

= gba .. = il

• =jha

cJha

~

= ii

wr=

na

~=ta

tJ

ff= ta

If= tha

~= da

If= dha ~= oa

• = ba

1t

= bha 11= ma

= la

1f

= va

W=

q

= pa

•= fa

11

= ya

l

=ra

W= ja

1'

=.. ll =sa '= ha

•= qa

~

=tta

socio-political set-up. Thus, 'Vedic Studies' has always spurred scholastic interest in the subcontinent (and beyond). This began during the compilation of the Vedas itself, continued in the early and medieval period when 'commentators' recorded their interpretations of the texts, and it continues in contemporary times. Also, a word of caution when trying to analyse interpretations of texts and offering one's own interpretations is essential here. While reading texts, one must not only scan the intention of the compilers, but also explore for whom the texts were meant and what was the intention behind compiling these texts. 5 Although postmodern perceptions of the 'open' text focus on the infinite, abstract and limitless possibilities and interpretations of a text, the present work tries to draw on evidence from within the text to build a coherent idea of the psyche of the Grhyasutra authors and the society they lived in. In this book, I have focussed on the Grhyasutras, which are part of the Sutra corpus and detail the rites and rituals that must be performed in a household. The choice of the Grhyasutra texts as a resource base to work on is not arbitrary, but is an attempt to identify how Brahmanical thought on the grha. the household, evolved and how roles were crafted for men and women in the domestic realm. In contemporary society, the study of the household has assumed significance, especially because of the variety of households that exist as well as the functions they perform in their socio-political environment. 1be role of women in the household and the significance of their contribution to the household economy is also increasingly being recognised. 1be Grhyasutras serve as valuable source material for an intensive study of how norms related to household activities arc constructed. The contemporary significance of the G,-hyasitras can be

' Scholars like Umbeno Eco have referred to the danger of over-inte1p1eting texts. He specifies that while dealing with texts, often, the interpreter's intention coloun the study so much that be 'simply beats the text into a shape which will serve for his purpose'. Eco suggests that there is another need-to explore the 'intention oft~ tut' (Eco's emphasis). Sec Collini, Stefan (ed.), lnterpntalion and Overlnlerpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992): 25.

INTRODUCI'ION

5

seen in the daily activities, maniqe rites and other customs still practiced in Hindu households. 6 I have chosen the early Grhyasiitras for this work because, in these texts, the transmission, consolidation and innovation of Vedic (and non-Vedic) traditions for reinforcing the sbUcture of the household is most apparent. The compilers of the texts seem to have carefully sifted through the vast amount of data available in the Vedas, BrahmalJ,QS and other texts, and selectively 're-presented' it while cloaking it in the garb of Vedic continuity. so as to project the household u crucial for the consbUction of social order. That this representation is one that is successfully replicated in society as well as in ideological domains can be seen from the popularity of grhya rituals till today as well as from the repeated attempts to work on the Grhyasiilras from the time of their compilation. Successive stages in the compilation of the later Grhyasutras such as Hirm,yalcelin, Vadhula, Vailchanasa, Agnivelya, Khiulira, Varaha, Kau1itaki and many others, shows that the early texts had a resounding impact in terms of their social relevance. Medieval commentators on the Grhyasiitras-Karka (earlier than AD 1000), Harihara (earlier than AD 1250), Jayarima, Gadidhara (AD 1500), Niriy~ (sixteenth century)-also elaborated on the rites of the Sutras, showing their continuing relevance in consolidating the sb'Ucture of the household. 7 It can be said that the Siitras, of which the Grhyasiitras are a part, are devoted to the performance of rituals and concentrate only on threading toJetber relevant Vedic mantras, which are hardly of any

6

7

1be practice of Vedic ritual in different forms is still popular. Brian Smith refen to scholars like KAshikar, Slall, Smith, Parpola. Witzel, and Knipe wbo maintain that there are a surprisin1ly large DUJDber of living traditions of Vedic ritualiata. On the other band, Hillebrandt, Levi and Caland have pronounced Vedic ritual dead. a kind of a necrophiliac theater performed by ~ See Smi~ Brian, Refkctions on Reumblance, Ritual and Religion (New York: Oxford Univeraity Presa, 1989): 202. For further information on the autbon and commentators of these texts. see Gonda. J., The Rilllal Simu, A History of Indian Uteratun, Vol. 1, Puc. 2 (Wieabadeo: oao Harreuowitz. 1977).

6 ENca!NDBuNo 1111! FAILY HouslHJu>

'historical value'.• On the contrary, I feel that the Sillras are filled with information u they refer to the anxieties of the compilen, anxieties that they project on the 'protagonist' of the texts, the person performiq rituals. The language, words and social terms used in these texts reveal these anxieties, and this work attempts to unravel these issues by focussing on the points of emphasis, u well u on the silences in the texts. We will also attempt to see how the compilen sought to organise society, as this reveals the coocems that they had with reganl to their society. Thus, in order to understand the G,-hyasilras, we have to understand the 'psyche' of the Brahmanical authors as well as the 'language' they used. This can be somewhat facilitated by understanding the linguistic backdrop against which these texts were written. 1bese texts contain many nuances of local traditions that, in tum, shows a deep understanding of the geographical areas in which the traditions originated and the schools in which they flourished. 9

• 1be G,-hyasitras that have been chosen for this work are the early Grhyasutras of the Ahaliyana, Baudhiyana, Gobhila, Aputamba, ~81}kbiyana. Minava and Kait,aka schools. For more information, see the following texts: Pandey, U. C., Apastamba Grltyasitra (Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1971); Sastri, A. C., (ed.), A,,astantba Gfhya.sitra (Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1928); Buhler, G., (ed.), Apa.stambiya Dlaannasitram (Bombay: Bombay Sanskrit Series, 1932); Buhler, G., The Sacred Law of tM A,yas, Put I, A,,astamba and Galltama (New Delhi: Molilal Banarasidass, 1879); Shanna., N. N., (ed.), Afvalayana Gr'ya.ritra (Delhi: Eastern Boot Linkers, 1976); Caland. W., (ed.), Baudhayana $nuua.siitra, Vols. I-m, Bibliotheca lndica No.163 (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1904); Sastri, A. C., (ed.), Baudltayana Dllanna.rutra (Benaras: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1934); Sbama Sastri, R., (ed.), Baudhilyana Grlaya.riitra (Mysore: Mysore Sanskrit Series Nos. 32. 55, 1920); Cwldrakanta. Gobldla G,lrya.,itra (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1908); Jha. Mukund, Gobhilagrh,tui,tra (Benaras: Chowthamba Sanskrit Series, 1936); Knauer, F., Manava Grltya Sitra, English Translation by M. J. Dresden (Batavia Groningen,: 1897); Stenzler, Panuk.ara Grhya Sitra (Leipzig: Kuhi Sllllkrit Series, 1876); Sehgal. S. R., ~ Gf'l,ya Siitra (Delhi: Munsbiram Manoharlal, 1960); Oldeobeq, H., (ed.), TM Grltyasutrtu, Pana I & D, F.nglisb Translation. 1964 (Delhi: Motilal BIDll'lidus, 1888, 1892). ' 1be linguistic map of the Indian subcontinent can be drawn oaly from the late RV period. Witzel shows bow languqes contain 'bidden histories'

1be texts also reveal a degree of comfort with regud to their contemporary socio-political mili~ revealing that they were not merely didactic, prescriptive texts being imposed by an aloof brabOMoical Bite, but tbal they were rooted in their surroundings. Since. our study of the Grlayasitras depends on die interpmatioa of these complex texts, it is necessary to underline the method dw will be adopted in the treatment of the texts in the present wort. This work will focus on the social content of the rituals. The particular selection of words, the Vedic hymns chosen for recitation and the participants prescribed for rituals all ~veal information on Brabmanical thought p1ocesses. The compilers of the G,-ltytuitras bad knowledge of the preceding Vedic literature, from which they selected certain rituals and embellished them with matching Vedic mantras. These selections reveal a lot about the knowledge and interpretation of Vedic manttas u well u about the significance attributed to particular grbya rituals. •0 The use of language is a dyruunic process. The choice of words, phrases and the stress on particular terminology reveal a lot about social changes. In fact, studies tracing changes in language in relation to social changes have really helped in understanding the language of texts and also the 'language' of rituals. The language, symbols and messages communicated in rituals are reflective of social attitudes and norms, and have a further impact on society by legitimising cenain practices that are brought into focus through

10

and be stresses the application of linguistic palaeontology for undentanding bow language developed in the subcontinent. For further ddails, see Witzel, M. 'Early locUan History: Linguistic and Textual Parameters,' in TM J,ulo Aryans of Ancient South Asia, Indian PhilolI)' and South Asian Studies, Vol. 1, edited by G. Erdosy (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1995): 108. Staal refers to the significance of mantras in rituals. The etymology of the word 'mantta• is 'instrument to think' (man-tra), yet, Staal claims that the meening of a word is determined by its usage and not by its etymology. Although the four V~das refer to mantru--rr (verse), saman (chant), and yaju.r (formula)--mantras are not recited on their own but are accompanied with ritual acts. Staal refers to the ApSS XXIV .2.1, which states that one sbould let the beginning of acts coincide wilb the end of tbe mantru. See Staal, Prill, Rldu Witltout M«uaillg: Ritual, Mt1111ras and 8111111111 Seine~, (New Y art: Peter Laq, 1990): 191-95.

8 E'.NcENDeRINo 1HE EARLY Housetol.D

social repetition. Staal states that the~"""" rituals' structure is similar to the syntax of a natural language u described by Choimky, i.e., it displays phrase sttucture rules, transformations, recursiveness and alternation. Thus, the structure of rituals seem.1 to resemble the structure of language.11 Io fact, a study of the Sutra's style shows that some constructions are made deliberately so that they can have multiple symbolic interpretations, thus conveying a wealth of meaning on the same subject. It would be relevant at the very outset to explain what the term 'grha' indicates. 1be grha in the G,-layasr.tras is construed u a spatial setting in which members who are bound to each other through rituals live together, performing activities related to production, reproduction and social linkaging. The closest English term for the grha is the household. However, this term does not convey that the G,-ltyasitra authors envisaged the grha as a sacral arena with specific physical dimensions, having a cosmic presence that can influence larger events in the life of the members of the grha and of the community in which it exists. Although the term 'household' will be used in this wor~ it must be understood that it bas a broader connotation in this work.

The Ideological Context of the Early Grlayasitras In the context of Brahmaoical literature, the Kalpasfuras (of which the Grhyasutras are a part), are placed after the Vedas, the Samhitas and most of the early Brahnuuµis. Since the compilation of the Grlayasiitras was a phase in the development of Vedic ideology in Brahmanical ,ikhis dedicated to Vedic learning, it is relevant to study Ute manner in which Vedic schools of thought evolved. It is interesting to note that a continuum of literary traditions led up to the development of the Sitra style. Vedic literature is divided into two

11

According to Staal, language could have borrowed from rituals and he states that recuniveness, a characteristic of syntax, bas a ritual origin, and that synaax is older than semantics. Both these hypotheses have been contested. See Frits Staal, Ruks Witlaot,t Meaning: 108, 188.

INTRODUCTION

9

broad categories, the tint of which includes the Vedas and the Brahmanas, the Sruti-'that which is heard', or that which is pronounced only by the Gods. Then, there are the Smrti, which were compiled later. The Sm,ri, not as sacrosanct as the Vedas, but based on i~ have a derivative authority. 12 Witzel identifies several evolutionary layen in the vast corpus of Vedic literature. He suggests that once the lf.g Veda (RV) began to be compiled in the Vedic '8khis, the next stage in the development of the Vedic canon was the 'mantra' period. The developments in the 'mantra' period are significant as they laid the buis for the development of the Sitra style of literature with which we are concerned in this wort. The texts of this 'mantra' period are, according to Witzel, 'linguistically distinct' and crucial for us as we find specific attention paid to grbya rituals for the tint time. Gfhya-bued books are found in the AV 13-18 and PS 18, although, according to Witzel, their chronology is unclear. 1be next stage in the 'development of the canon' began when early collections of mantras were transmitted in the extant Samhitas and when theological explanations in the Bral,,ma,µJ style began to be compiled. Further, Wittel states that the manttas precede the Braluna,µJ sections linguistically and on grounds of internal chronology. 13 It was only after these developments that the Sitras began to be compiled. 12

13

Brian Smith refers to the complex relationship between the $ruti and the Smrti and shows how although all practices are based on the Smrti, they derive their legitimacy from the $rutl. Smith refen to the 'sttategies' available for constituting post-Vedic texts as 'Vedic'. This is done through reflection (this is the Veda), restatement (this is based on the Veda), reduction (this is the simplified Veda), reproduction (this enlarges the Veda), recapitulation (this is the condensed essence of the Veda) and even reversal (the Veda is based on this). This is the attempt seen in Sitra literature, where norms are laid out for social coheaiveneH, but with the Vedas being constantly cited. See Brian Smith, Reflections on Resemblance: 21-29. Witzel, M., 'The Vedic Canon' in lnsitk tM Texts, Beyond the Texts: New ApproacMs to tM Study of tM Vedas. Procedings of the International Vedic Workshop, Harvard University, ]UM 1989, Harvard Oriental Series, Opera, Minora, Vol. 2 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, 1997): 299.

10 &«emlatlNo nlE EARLY HousmloLD

Stylistically, the Silras follow the paaem of the B ~ but without the elaborate descriptions. Ideally, a complete 'ialpa' compilation would have a Srautasutra, a Grhyasutra and a Dharma.rutra. The Sra11ttu11tras (SS) include the 'solemn' rites conducted by an ahitagni, a 'ritually-evolved' penon who bu set up and maintains three fires instead of only one household fire. The Grhyasutras deal with the domestic rites of an ordinary householder, while the Dhannasutras refer to the various social norms that a person bas to adhere to. Very few Vedic schools seem to have compiled all three sections in their kalpa (Mvaliyana, Baudhiyana and Aputamba are those who did) and most have either one or two of the sections. The authors who compiled the Grhyasutras were also already acquainted with the ideological developments of their respective schools, the highly complex forays into questions of cosmology, mythology, human actions and their repercussions, and the classificatory systems of the Brahnuu}as. Linkages between these early Vedic texts and the Grhyasitras can be traced from references to different texts in the Grhyasilras in which the compilers, the sutrakaras, reveal that they are aware of the Vedic texts and also recommend their study. The relationship between the RV and the Grhyasitras is an intricate one as some of the Grhyasutras, especially the ones which belong to the RV school, like the A§valiyana and the S~iyana, quote RV hymns extensively for their rituals. The SGS 1.16.3 refers to the RV, SV, YV and the Brahma Veda. In the SGS, there are numerous references to RV hymns like the MahivyihJtis, the Sivitti, the Giyatri, the Svastyayanas (RV 1.89; IV.31), the Apohift}liya hymn (RV X.9), and the Madhuvitiya (RV 1.90.6 seq). The SGS 11.7.8-17 further refers to both the Sruti and the Smrti, implying the continuity of their tradition with the earlier textsan obvious attempt to legitimise their work. Ye~ RV hymns rarely refer to grbya rituals. Rites lite Upanayana and mmiage are known, but the other rites are not elaborated on, although this does not necessarily mean that they were not practised in the ~g Vedic times. R. N. Dandekar has shown that even as early as the ~g Vedic period, compilation was based on the principles of 'complementariness, conciliatory adjustment and hierucbization' and that there was a conscious attempt to regulate what was included and what was not in

1Nnl0DUC110N

11

the RV. 14 Moreover, the tenth malJllala, cbapter, the 'book of additions' of the RV, the AV spells and the G,-1,y(ui,tras rites, all have some similarity, which too is worth exploring. It is intriguing to explore why domestic rituals needed to be highlighted in this period. In the study of the later and post-Vedic texts, the trend hu been to focus on the more 'formal' Srauta texts while trying to rationalise developments in Brahmanical theology. 15 Few have concentrated on the Gr/aya texts, and therefore one needs to separate the Grhya texts from other Sfdra literature in order to have a clear understanding of the structure of the gJha that is envisaged in the texts. 16 How the genre of SiUra literature evolved and why the separation on the buis of nuta and gJhya rites wu done needs to be delved into u there is a lot of overlapping between the ,rauta and the gJhya rites. The gJhya rites succeed the '1-auta rites and in many cases, they are but a continuation of the Srauta texts. The SGS 1.1.1 begins •• R. N. Dandetar, 'Vedic Mythology: A Rethinking.' in Inside the Texts, Beyond tM Tau: Nn1 ApproacMs to tlw Study of tlw Vedas Proceedings of tM International Vedic Worbhop, Harvard University, JUM 1989, Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora. Vol. 2, edited by M. Witzel (Cambrid1e, Massachusetts: Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, 1997): 39--48. 15 Hilldebrandt ( 1888) worked on the Dariapii~amisa. Caland and Henry (1906) and on the Agnistuma, Dumont worked on the A,vamedba ( 1927) and tbc Agnibolra ( I ~ ) . Tsuji worked on the SraMta Sitras of the RV and tbe fV (1952), Rmou (1953) OD lbe ritual schools, Daodekar and Kasbikar on the ~ra111aJcosa ( 1958-73), Parpola on the ~rauta Siilras of the SV ( 1968-69), Mylius on the Ahalayana SS ( 1967) and Kashibr worked on the Bmulhay"""7 Bhardvaja and Varaha $rauta Sitra of the Krishna YV ( I 968). Other scholars like Levi, Rau, Gon~ Heesterman, 'lbite, Biardeau and Malamoud mainly discuss the nuta rites. For further delaila, ace Slaal, Frita, Agni: TM V«Uc Ritual of Fire Altar, Vol. 1 (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1983): ~9. 16 Scholan have worked on various aspects-Rajbali Pandey (1949) on Hindu samslcaras, V. M. Apte ( 1954) on ~rauta Sutras or on the Dhannasiltras, like P. V. Kane ( 1968). Kane· s monumental wort is still one of the mainstays of any study on the history of the Dltannasitras. Gonda (1977, 1980) made some intensive studies on the nature of the GrJtyasutras and the manner in which the material found in them is to be interpreted. Ram Gopal ( 1983) also focused on the Sitra texts.

12 El«ENDmtINo 11tB EARLY HOUSEHOl.D with, 'now henceforth we shall declare the Pikayajfta', implying that as the §rauta rites have already been declared, the gJhya rites will how be stated. There are instances where a whole rite is not elaborated on when it has already been dealt with in the ~rauta text. SGS 1.1.12 mentions that the Agnihotra rites have already been elaborated on earlier, thus alluding to the ~rauta text. In the next verse, SGS 1.1.13, the text mentions the need to align rules in order to keep the unity of ritual, lcalpailcarva,. 11 So why was there a need for separate sections to elaborate on household rituals? It could be because of the need to assimilate existing households into the Brahmanical fold while encouraging the establishment of individual households by underlining their significance. It could also be that in continuation with the Brahmanical effort to classify all aspects of human life and relationships, the Grhyasutras focus on domestic rites. What can be traced in the Grhyasutras is that they lay emphasis on individual sacrifices rather than concenttating only on community sacrifices. This shift in emphasis from plural participation in rituals to individual participation can be seen in the way in which individual householders are projected in the Grhyasutras. The role of the householder is highlighttd and he is portrayed as the protagonist of the G,-ltyasutras, the performer of rituals in the grha, his household. Sutra literature thus represents the crucial period of transition from the earlier phase when rituals were projected as the responsibility of the community and ~lite ~ a s . to a stage which began with the later Samlaitas and Brahmar,as, and culminated in the GrJiyasutras, where the performance of rituals was shifted to the micro level of society, that of individual households. 11 Brian Smith says that grbya rites were complementary and/or prerequisites for the §rauta rites and that they may also be viewed as correlative or parallel to mwta rites. 19 The changing social fonnations

17

11

19

There are numerous references to the Srauta text in the Grhya text, e.g., Agnihotra rites already explained in SSS 11.6.2 (SGS 1.1.12) are again referred to in verse 13 of SSS 1.1.6. 7. The focus of the KS and MS is clearly on the rituals of the average yajamaNJ. See M. Witzel, 'The Vedic Canon,' Inside tM Texts: 299. Brian Smith, Refkctions on Resemblance: 80.

INTRooocnoN

13

in the mid-Gangetic valley towards the end of the mantta period may have led to a situation where the organisation of production and the conduct of rituals, earlier carried out by luger kin groups, was bifurcated.20 Solemn, elaborate, formal rituals, needing resources and manpower, wae now conducted by dlOle who bad ~ to raourceasuch u the king and the elitez 1-while their less elaborate venions were conducted in the boulehold. It was to meet the needs of this bifurcation that the Sta111a and the Grlaya texts were compiled. Two simultaneous processes of integration and disintegration can be traced in this period. The former resulted in state systems emerging unda the control of strong kin groups that sought to perpetuate their power through the dynastic CODlrol of large territories. This was at the cost of leas powerful kin groups that began disintegrating into smaller, manageable units like households. It was in the interest of new stare systems to discourage large, potentially powerful kin units as rival centres of power in their tenitory. Further, it wu in the interest of those who bad power as well u ritual specialists to encourage the formation of households as they would be less threatening and also a potential source of resources. As the state was the major source of patronage, the channelising of resources from the state was done through the mechanism of rituals. In the social sttucture envisaged in the Brabmanical texts, at the lower level, the household is encouraged to replicate the state. The householder emulates the raja, both of whom are deified in their respective domains. The rajya and the grha are expected to be reflections of each other, thus allowing for a patriarchal rationalisation of authority, while doing away with intermediary social conglomerations that could challenge the power

20

21

Tbua, the 'stage was let by tbe political developments and the emergence of larp eutan kingdoms with their increuing Slratificalion of society'. By the end of the Vedic peri~ the western schools in the Kmu area and its soutbem extension had 'recuperated' and new texts like the SS of the KAlba. and the Minava and Viriha subschools of the Maitriymµya came up. Wittel shows that all the schools originally bad a local character. See M. Wittel, 'The Vedic Canon,' Inside the Texts: 332. Roy, Kumkum, TM Emergence of Monarchy in North India, Eighth to Founh Centuries B.C. (New Delhi: Oxford Univenity Press, 1994): 27.

14 ENcENlatlNG 111B EARLY Housmlou>

of the state. The functions allocated to the state and the household were complementary, but not naturally so and there wu always a danger of oventepping domains. This could initiate conflict and hence there arose the need to carefully delineate the roles of the householder in separate Grlaya manuals, while also calling for an inherent unity of and grbya rituals. 22 There wu also a growing dichotomy between the exclusivity with which Vedic rituals and mantras were guarded and the spread of Brahmanical culture in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. 1be rise in the number of elaborate rituals and the resources required for performing them in later Vedic literature hints at a polarisation in the social and the economic realms, where the gap between those who could perform all these rituals and those who couldn't may have increased. This increasing disparity between social groups, even while serving to perpetuate the class interests of those who wanted to control Vedic rituals, namely the rijis and the ~lite, may have created a backlash in society. The G,-hyasitras could be an attempt to resolve this dichotomy and while the texts are meant exclusively for the ~ , they also seem to be encouraging Olbers to conduct rituals by referring frequently to qalriya and vaifya households. The texts are also inclusive and compile information on rituals that may have been commonly practised, thus giving them sanctity by including them in the corpus of venerable Brahmanii:al literature. It is clear that the GrhYasitras were chronicling rituals that were already commonly practiced, not only by the bribm&9a van.aa, but by most of the

muta

21

Heesterman states that the •differently oriented gJhya code fonns a breach in the §rauta order', and u the domestic manual of the Apastamba states, the Grhya code is usociated with life in the worldly community, and the fulCIUDl of worldly life, according to the texts, is the meal. Thus, for Heeaterman, 'the simple fact of eating forms the divide between the uauta and the gJbya ritual'. However, although there may be some differences between the Srauta and the Grhya texts, it is best to view the muta and grbya rites u evolving in the same ideological milieu, u a response to contemporary social changes and complementing each other rather than opposing each other. See Heesterman, J.C., TM Brolcen World of Sacrifiu. An Essay in Indian Religion (Chicago: Univenity of Chicago Press, 1993): 202.

INTRoDucnoN

15

community. The ApGS 1.1.1 begins the text by stating, 'Now (follow) the ceremonies which are derived from practice'. The ApGS U. 7 .23 also states tbal sacri~ like the full moon and new moon sacrifices, are derived from common practice. That the rituals are to be performed according to family custom, kuladharma, shows that the rites mentioned in the ApGS Vl.16.7 and VD.20.19 were already popular and that it was an accepted tradition to follow the customs of the bla. The important question that arises is, who were the authors of the Grn,tuilras and who were the pattons who supported them? Were they part of the social community or did they live apart? Where and bow did they compile data on the requisite hymns to be recited on particular occuions? There are many ambiguous statements made in the texts about their origins, authors and patrons. For example, the AGS 1.13.1 refers to the rite of GarbbalambbMam, mentioned in the Upan~ada. Which Upanifad is being refered to here is not really known. 23 As for the authors, while Gonda calls the siittakiras 'shadowy figures', Brian Smith speculates on the 'author' of the Smrti texts and states that they can be regarded u 'omniscient', i.e., the master of the Veda, of truth. 24 The ApGS 1.4.12. states that the rules for domestic rituals were once given in the Bralunal}Ds, but that these Snm texts are now lost, thus hinting at some common pool of data that was available to the compilers. 25 Details of the authors, commentators and me texts are given in Kane, Gonda and Ram Gopal's work fairly comprehensively, so, this work will concentrate mainly on the historical interpretations of the social constructs that can be derived from these texts. 26

23

14 2

'

16

The text goes on to state that if 'he' (the protagonist) has not studied the Upani1ad, then be should follow the rites mentioned in the text, implying that the particular Upanil'Jll cited may belong to another fikbi, which the readers of the G,-hyaitra1 may not have bad acceu to. As a result. the Grlsya.ritras bad to elaborate the particular rites of Garbhalambhanam, the conception ceremony (H. Oldmbeq. The Grh,a Sutra.s, Pan I: 179, fn. 13, I). Oldenberg states that even the commentator, NiriyllJA, did not know which UpaniJad is referred to here and says that it was probably one which belonged to another Qkbl J. Gonda, TM Ritual Sitrar. 475; Brian Smilh. lwft«:tio,u on Rumtblana: 23.

Brain Smith. Reflections on Rue,nl,lance: 24. See bibliop'Bpby for details of Kane, Gonda and Ram Gopal's worts.

16 ENoeNDmuNo 111E EARLY HOOSSHOLD

The texts were meant primarily for those who studied the Vedas and Brahma,,as of a particular sikbi. They presume acquaintance with the particular Veda of that sikbi and enjoin the bribmau;au of the school to follow its precepts. Thus, in all probability, the Grhya.,itras were being taught in the ,akbis as part of a 'curriculum' along with the SS. These centres of learning mainly had bribmau;aa males u students and prepared them for a future life of conducting rites for patrons. It is evident from the texts that not all brlhnuu_las took to conducting rites and there was a need to follow a particular code of conduct by those who did. Since the texts are meant essentially for brihm81)8 males, they ignore women and when mentioned, they play only a peripheral role. The compilation of the Grhyasiltras was not an isolated event and was part of a greater movement for consolidating Brahmanical ideological thought with practices and for legitimising these with Vedic lore. This movement originated in the centres for Vedic learning, the Wchis, and as the gilchis sought to extend their ideological hold on social structures, they incorporated different traditions and consolidated them. On the one hand, the ukhis sought to monopolise Vedic learning and confine it to their schools so that the Vedas were controlled exclusively by the brihmaJ.tas. On the other hand, they also sought to extend the control of Brahmanical institutions through the propagation of their ideological constructs. 27 The iikhis competed with each other in an 'academic' contest for pattonage and ideological supremacy. In order to do this, their teachings were organised in the most comprehensive and systematic manner. The iikhi best able to do this not only had an ideological upper hand, but could also channelise 'funds' towards its school, competing for da/qi'}Q. 21 27

21

Witzel wonders why it bas not been asked bow so many schools developed. According to Witzel, 'Bodbayana's SS is the fint attempt to rearrange the Jrauta ritual in the shape of a 'handbook'. Also, for him, the reason why the earliest attempts at the 'canonization' of texts took place was to gain legitimacy [M. Witzel (ed.), Inside tM Tuts: 316). Elizabeth Brumfiel says that structurally similar groups use resources in similar ways and therefore there is a competition for resources. 'Success in factional competition requiJa coalition building. It requires the amassing of loyal supporters ad powerful allies and patrons. Since opposing factions

INnooucnoN

17

Tbe Gr'tyasiitras clearly show that this ~ ideological movement aimed at percolating down to individual bouscbolds when the laqe Vedic twas broke down into smaller units. 29 This accounts for the historical evidence of the spread of Brabmanical rituals in new areas in and beyond the Ganaetic valley u the bousebolden who performed these rites toot with them Vedic rituals that bad been integrated with daily household activities. That tribma91 families may have ventured into lands occupied by people not acquainted with Bnabmanical traditions seems to be implied. It is not surprising that the Grh,asitras confine themselves to iDSIIUCtiODS on rituals, u the main distinction between thole eapousiDg Brabmaoical ideology and those who did not was the perforrnaoce of these rituals. The grba wu ideal for the traosmissioo of Brabmaoical ideas and for the 'B.rabmaoisatioo' of the Gangetic valley through rituals that were usimilaltd from various local tnditioos. The G,,.yasitraa rarely refer to the authority, status or background of the person who is the protagonist, the householder or the patron of the rites. The references to the protagonist are in third ~ without elaborations on who the person is and which walk of life be is from.

2•

draw members from the same pool of candidalCS, they must compete to build their coalitions. 1bey do so through the manipulation of symbols, symbols that are used to interpret reality through the clusification and evaluation of persons ud events. These symbols are displayed and armipullled in ritual evmta: the more inteme the factional competition. dae men frequent and elaborale will be tbe symbolic displays' (Brumfiel, Eliubetb. 'Factional Competition in Complex Society,' in Domination and Resistance, edited by D. Miller, M. Rowland and C. Tilley (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989): 132. Wittel refers to it u a political Brahmanical movement spearheaded by bribma91 dlools and pllrolliled by politically ambitious 'chieftain' kinp. He traces tbe development of the Vedic canon tbrougb ~bools that were successively pattonised by the Kurus and laler by the Paik:ila (after the Salva invuion), followed by the shift of scholarship to the east and the south. With the emergence of new eutem political centres in K°'8la and Videba, even more orthodox western scholars were 'imported' like the Kqva, Taittiriya Bodbiyana wl the Aitareyins. wt the eat cmerpd u major center of reliaious, social and polilica1 innovaliona. See M. Witzel, 'Tbe Vedic CIDOII: 299-334.

18 Pl«ENDatlNG1Hl!EARLY HouSIH1D It is, however, safe to assume that depending on the circumstances of any particular rite, the protagonist may be a householder, a student, an acarya, a priest, a guest or a host, depending on the rite mentioned. Although the tenn, g,-hapati, householder, is not mentioned very often-except in the GGS, the ApGS and the BGS-most of the rites pertaining to the household are concerned with him and his actions. The dates of individual G,-hya.sitras are difficult to determine and the only way to ascribe dates to the texts is by comparing them with each other, as one text can be relatively older than the other. The dates of the Vedic texts themselves are under scrutiny, although most scholars ascribe parts of the RV text to the middle of the second millenium BC. 30 According to Kane and Ram Gopal, the earliest sttatum of Sitra literature comprised of the AGS, BGS, MGS and the GGS. These were followed by the SGS, BhGS, ApGS, PGS and the KGS. 31 Kane suggests the dates 600-300 ec for the ApGS, but Ram Gopal feels that one cannot ascribe individual dates to any of the $utra.s. However, Ram Oopal himself suggests that the ApGS was probably composed before Pil)ini, or at least before PIJµni' s work became popular. The fact that P ~ refers to a scholar called Apastamba, shows that Apastamba can be placed before or around the end of the sixth century ec32 Ram Gopal funher goes on to state that since there are many generations between Baudhiyana and Apastamba, the earliest stratum of Gfhya.riura literature can be placed around 800 BC He, however, gives 500 BC as the end of the period of the Sutras (including the later Grhya.sutras like Hi,OS, etc.), while in this work, 500 BC is accepted as the date for the end of the early G,-hyasutras only. The problem regarding chronology has been discussed by Gonda, who shows that although the language of a text can be analysed to determine 30

Witzel refers to the problem of getting absolute dates for Vedic literature. The only external evidence, according to biin, is the Mitanni treaty of 1380 BC and the archaeologically-attested appearance of iron also forms a date for the mantra portions of the AV as being around 1150 BC (M. Wiael, 'Linguistic and Textual Parameten': ~98. ,. Kane, P. V., History of tM DharmaJastras, Vols. 1-V (Pline: Bbandartar Oriental Research Institute, 1968): 45; Ram Oopal, India of tM Vedic Kalpasutras (Delhi Motilal Banarsidass, 1983): 84. n Ram Gopal, India of tM Vedic Kalpa.ritras: 74.

INntooocnoN

19

whether it is from before ~ or after Pilpni, this does DOI reveal much as authors do not always 'keep close to the famous grammar'. As Gonda says, the date o f ~ can be fixed approximately between the fifth or sixth centuries ac The use of archaic words or references to Pirubra and Aputamba in ~Di's wort does not amount to much u it could be because of local peculiarities or because of P•i's acquaintance with famous scbolan with the same name. Similarly, the absence of references to Buddhism could also be because of social or geographical factors rather than because the texts predate

Buddhism. , 3 Inspite of these reservations, the fact is that the Gr#aya.ritras are not familiar with Pm,inian grammar and their stylistic closeness to the B"°"""""' is significant. .This shows that the contents of the texts could have been 'floating• around for a long time before they were actually compiled. The hymns of the Vedas of the relevant Okhis were sifted. sorted out and finally included in coherent, compact and terse Sitra texts. Even while the $rauta texts were being compiled, the idea of separate Grhya texts must have genninated and this allows us to place the early Grlayasutras within the bracket of 800 to 500 BC, even though the actual compilation may have taken place towards a later date. This time fnme also fits in with Witzel• s chronological suggestions for the early SS and though he does not refer to the G,-lryasfdras, we can safely say that they were compiled only after the early ss. The Grlsyasilras were compiled over a period of time and the similarities in their style show that the earlier texts evolved a fonnat that wu subsequendy followed, presumably because they were highly successful and justified replication. The texts also help us to study the manner in which Brabmanical ideology responded to changes and bow local and individual influences mattered, e.g., the GGS has a remarkably materialistic attitude towuds the efficacy of the rituals while the AGS seems to have a more casual attitude towards the accumulation of wealth. Similarly, the PGS insists on incorponting tribma9M in all the gJhya rituals, unlike the earliest GS. n See Ram Gopal, India of tM Vedic Kalpasilrm: 88; Gonda. TM Ritual S-utnu: 477; M. Witz.cl, 'Tbe Vedic Canon': 309.

20 &iGeNDERINo nm EARLY HousEHou> The region that we are discussing includes the wider geogzaphical area of the Gangetic plain, its western and middle sections, and the eastern fringes. The foothills of the Himalayas and the region on the banks of the Ganga and the Y amuna comprised of densely forested plains. Further east, in what is today North Bihar, were extensive marshlands. The period under study here is one when demographic growth and changes in living patterns is evident archaeologically and in texts. Witzel specifies the localisation of the texts and be places the Bawlhi,yana Brahmal}IJ, and portions of BSS in ValSa territory, between the Ganga and the Sarayu. This text anticipates the RV, PS, SS, YVmanttas, the KS, Kp S, MS, TS, VSK, VSM, AA, PB, KA and the Vadh B. He places the A.SS in Videba. the SSS in Paiicila the BSS in Vatsa territory, Bhar SS in Paiicila on the Yamuna and the ApSS in Paiicila teritory opposite Matsya. 34 Unfortunately, be does not attempt to define the geographical areu of the Grhyasitras, but given the above informatio~ one can place the early GrJiyasutras in their linguistic and geographical context. Sutra literature seems to have ~manated from the region between the Ganga-Yamuna doab md the middle Ganga valley, which Kumkum Roy recognises as the central areu where the 'early Brabrnaoical tradition took its form' .35 The plain is, in fact, a 'deep trough filled with alluvial deposits' brought down from the Hima]ayu to the north and the central Indian plateau towards the south. 36 This is a region that bas remained geographically stable since the earliest times, apart from local changes in the course of certain major ttibutaries. 1be region is linked to the nonh-west, to 34 35

36

See Witzel, •Linguistic and Textual Parameters': 93-95. Roy, Kumkum, 'In Which Pan of South Asia did the F.arly Bnbmanical Tradition ( 1• Millenium B.C.) take its Form?' Studies in Hi.story 9, 1 n.a (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1993): 31. Bridget Allcbin describes the area, '1be rainfall is in the summer months and there are also irregular winter rains, the humidity increasing steadily as one moves eastwards ... Ox bow lakes attract game and wild fowl and provide water for grazing cattle and sheep, those that bold water throughout the year are a source of fish. 1bis plain' s most sb'iking feature was itl •sameness". See Allcbin, B., •The Environmental Context,' in TM Archaeology of Early Historic South A.sia, TM Em1rgence of Cities ONl States, edited by F. R. Allchin (Cambridge: Cambridge Univenity Press, 1995): 10-25.

INTRODUCl10N

21

central India and to the east through land and river routes. The geographical terrain of the area, cris~sed by rivers, shows that riverine transportation hu been one of the means of communication since the earliest times. The reference to the river in the S-1Dl8Dtonnayana rite shows the role it played in society. Rich archaeological evidence from this region provides us with a material backdrop for the Grh,asutra texts. According to Erdosy, although there are no dates available for the early Painted Grey Ware (POW) levels, those from the mid-POW levels fall in the ninth to seventh centuries BC time span and for him, the tenth to the sixth centuries BC form a conservative, temporal span for the Early Iron Age. 37 This is the time when the Indo Gangetic divide and the Ganga valley arrived at 'similar levels of cultural complexity' and the 'hierarchy of settlements' in the Ganga valley and the number of sites increased dramatically, showing an eastward shift of power ( as corroborated by the texts too). 31 Archaeological sites show the presence of principal spring (rabl) and autumn (lchari/) crops like rice, wheat, barley, sesame, gram and cotton in areas like Atranjikhera, Sringaverapur and Cbirand.:tt On the basis of the ovenll similarities in the motifs in the POW sites of Hastinapur vis-l-vis Attanjikbera, Erdosy suggests the presence of a uniformity of manufacturing process over the entire Ganga-Yamuna doab, reflecting perhaps the widespread adoption of a new ideology. Yet, there are distinct complexities in the motifs of the lndo Gangetic divide and the Ganga Valley, and he explains these u reflecting the diverse ethnic affiliations of the people who subscribed to it. One can see the same patterns emerge in the Grh~utras-there is an overall stylistic similarity, although local traditions distinguish one school of thought from the other. The disappearance of POW in the fifth century BC, to be replaced by the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP), can be explained, according to Erdosy, by the constant expansion that characterised the early stages

37

G. Enlosy, 'The Prelude to Urbanization': 80, 96. ,. The composition of the MS/KS in the area, which is archaeologically overlapping with the POW cultures is significant. See M. Wittel. 'The Vedic Canon': 299. n 0. Erdosy, ''The Prelude to Urbanization': 82.

22 ~ n m EARLY Housl!lnD of complex societies, 'with the fluidity of ethnic groups' being reconstituted into larger units, soJlldbing that seems to be 'amply reflected in literary tradition' .40 Fifth century BC is also the date that we postulated a little earlier as the last of the early Grlaya.rilras, marking the end of this crucial transitory period. Romila 1bapar shows that in this period, 'The reconstruction of society from the archaeological evidence suggests simple, small settlements of cultivators and cattle raisers ... bomes are generally wattle and daub buts with rammed earth fl~ giving way towards the midfirst millenium BC to mud brick structures' .41 The apparent simplicity of settlements is deceptive as Erdosy shows, 'that material culture is not the only carrier of social status and its simplicity does not mean the absence of complex social organizati'>D'. This is appare11t in the Grhyasutras too, which expects the houses to be simple, but the ideology of the texts is anything but simple. Thus, the kind of archaeological evidence available tallies with what we are attempting to reconstruct on the basis of the Grhyasitra texts. Rather than rnaking grandiose statements on the 'dramatic' changes in state and social formations, the present work attempts to concentrate on the rich data available on rituals, society, v ~ kinship and gender in order to derive interpretations from it But to UDderstand the G,-lsyasutras' vision for the gJha and the spatial location of women within it in the period between 800 and SOO BC, we need to trace tint how scholars' perceptions with regard to women, society and religion have changed over time and second. how important developments in historical, sociological, and ethnological studies have impacted our understanding of this period.

The Social Implications of Ritual Practices There is a deep connection in any society between its ideological constructs and religious predilections. Many scholars have stressed on 40

Ibid.: 97.

41

Tbaplr, Romila (ed.), Recent Penpective1 of Early lllllia Hutory (Bombay: Popular Prak•sbao, 1995): 92.

INTRooocnON 23 the relationship between culture, religious symbols and rituals. Oeertz refen to culture as 'a historically ttansmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate and develop their knowledge about attitudes toward life'.42 He refers to religion as a symbolic cultural system and stresses that there is a need for the theoretical analysis of religion, independent of social and psychological life. There also is need a to relate the development of religious thought to social practices and to trace the relationship between ritual symbolism and society, as the former reflects social

attitudes. ' 3 The Grlzyasutras are 'religious' texts to the extent that they rely heavily on the Vedas for legi~y to perpetuate household rituals and sacrifices. In order to understand the ideological and theological context of these texts, we have to consider how interpretations with regard to religious ideu and the conduct of rituals have changed our undentaoding of the social significance of rituals. One advantage of ethnological and sociological studies is that comparitive studies of different cultures and ttaditions help us undentand the social dynamics of early societies. Although early ethnological studies were not directed specifically towards women, they are still able to throw light on the varied roles expected of and performed by men and women in different cultures and settings. The focus on the role of religion, ritual, rites and cuatoms makes ethnological studies especially valuable. However, in early ethnological studies, though social hierarchies and power play between different sections were identified, linkages between social distinctions and gendered roles were not seen or shown. 1be fact is that moat of these studies on religion did not highli&ht the patriarchal nature of religious traditions and no cognisance wu given to women's roles in religious texts and rituals.

42

43

See Geertz, Clifford, TM Interpretation o/Cullures (London: HutcbiDSOD,

1975). Turner bu termed ritual symbols u 'multivocal or polyserous', i.e., they ICaDd for many activities. See Turner, Victor, 7M Ritual Process: StTMCture and AnlistructMre, (Oiicago: Aldene, 1966); and also his Tise Ritual Procas (London: Roudedae, 1969).

24 ENoeNDfJuNG nm EARLY HOUSEHOLD Studies on religion and rituals show that many debates were initiated on the role of ritual and sacrifice quite early in current thinking." One of the most interesting studies on the nature of sacrifice bu been made by Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss, who discuss the implicit and hidden meanings behind the conduct of sacrifice.'' According to Hubert and Mauss, 'Sacrifice is a religious act which, through the consecration of a victim, modifies the condition of the moral person who accomplishes it or that of certain objects with which he is concerned'. Hubert and Mauss stress on the fact that the sacrificer becomes a 'religious agent' by passing from the world of men to the world of gods with the help of an intermediary or a guide who stands on the threshold of the sacred and profane. The role that the brihnw_la is supposed to play in conducting sacrifices and the significance of his sharing this role with the householder can only be understood if one sees how the Grhyasutras project the protagonist of religious acts as the intermediary between the material world and the supernatural one. '' Hegel had said that ritual stands al the centre of the rcliaious proceu, where the subject panicipates in the absolute and is united with it'. while W. Robertson Smith gave primacy to ritual over belief. Emile Durkheim related rituals to social facts and institutions and Weber related them to magic. See Fri ts Staal, Agni: I 0. Staal explains that rituals have been variously defined u, a form of communication (Edmund Leach, 1968). a fonn of 'play' (Johan Huizinga, 1950), "representation of primordial events' (Adolf~ 1983), 'theater' (Ricbud Scbecbner and Macly Shuman, 1976), 'dramatization of social relations' (Max Gluckman, 1962), 'cultic enactment of myths' (S. Mukherjee, 1933), 'regulated symbolic expressions of certain sentiments' (A. R. Radcliffe Brown, 1952), •effervescence which shatters quietude' (Roger Caillois, 1939), 'canalization of aggression' (Konrad Loven), a form of 'compulaion neurosis' (Theodore Reik. 1931), •means of mediating between the sacred and the profane' (Hubert and Mauss, 1964), or even as a means of 'annihilating historical time' (Mircea Eliade. 1954). 8NCC Lincoln concedes that no single definition is possible and that ritual is a 'coherent set of symbolic actions that has a real, transformadve effect on individuals and groups. See Lincoln, Bruce, Emerging from tM Chrysalis: Women's Rites of Initiation (New York: Oxford Univenity Press, 1992): 6. " Hubert. Henri, and Marcel Mauss (eds.), Sacrifice: Its Nature and FIIIICtion, Translated from Essai Sur UJ Nature et ui Fonction Du Sacrifice, L'Anee Sociologique (1898) (Cbicaao: University of Chicago Press, 1964). 1

bmlODUCllON 25

Heestaman distinguishes between sacrifice and ritual, and according to him, the systemised1. individualised, sanitised and idealised ritual codified in the ancient Vedic texts is radically different from a sacrifice. He states that whereas sacrifice is popular and tied up with the community, ritual is systemised, mechanistic and separate, unrelated to anything. Heesterman sees the ritual sphere as an arena for competition, conflict and violence, with sttains of mutual dependence. For him, the 'transcendent ritual' of the bribma9a was created out of the deconstructed elements of the warrior's sacrifice. This movement from sacrifice to ritual is, for him, the movement from problematic reality to imaginary ideals and because of this transcendence, rituals evolve as a meaningless 'closed' system that has meaning only to itself. Others who believe that rituals have little meaning include Staal, who states that rituals are pure activity. But, he also says that although they are meaningless, they do have side effects and create bonds between participants, reinforce solidarity, boost morale and constitute links with ancestors. 46 Such interpretations have been severely questioned by scholars like Brian Smith who feel that Heestennan and Staal' s interpretations converge. According to Smith, the idea of the pre-classical age and an axial breakthrough is Heesterman's imaginative construct Brian Smith states that the function of sacrifice is to conceptualise and articulate the new in the terms of the old, 'traditionalize the innovative', and function as a workshop for forging connections, e.g., the three fires in irauta rituals symbolise the three worlds. 47 Textual studies have shown that the Brahmanical conceptualisation of the cosmos is a complex one and in their attempt to delve deeper into the realities of existence, the siitrakiras attempted to make elaborate classifications of objects-animate and inanimate-around them. Interpretations of homologies and resemblances in rituals have helped mark a new understanding of Brahmanical ideological systems and how rituals reflect them. Brian Smith makes the point that epistemological connections and ritualism are interlinked in the study 46 47

Frits Staal, Agni: 10. See also, Frits Staal, Rules Without Meaning. A detailed analysis of the study of different theories on Vedic rituals is given in Brian Smith's Reflections on Resemblance: 36, 44, 211.

26 BNoBNDERINo 111B EARLY llousEHou> of Vedism and Vedic homological thinking, and that the latter sometimes paves the way for 'problematic representations of Vedic ritualism' .41 Ritual action (besides being a religious act) is also a social instrument constructing individuals as part of a class and defining both the classified individual and the classes themselves from within the universe of the ritual. Smith states that the philosophical centre around which Vedic thought resolves can be called 'resemblance' (not unlike Foucault's episteme)-a central principle that generates and governs knowledge of all sorts. For Smith, rituals help in undentanding the complex manner in which Brahmanical ideological consttucts classify the world around them into hierarchies. Jonathan Smith refers to the rough treatment that the study of rituals has got from scholars, whereas the study of rituals is significant as it can help focus on events, acts and pcrfonnance. As they are specifically located in a particular place, they tend to bring that space in focus too." It is relevant to sec how the gJha came to be regarded as a sacred space for the conduct of rituals. By locating rituals in the househol~ the Grhyasutras not only bring the household into focus, but also extend the scope of Vedic rituals to individual households. The need to identify the role that Brahmanical ideology plays in ttying to identify the world through resemblances and hierarchies has led to major works on the early texts, especially in the context of Vedic rituals, such as those by R. N. Dandekar and V. M. Apte on the 41

49

Brian Smith states that Vedic equations arc neither absurd nor random but rather, are systematic expressions made possible by fundamental Vedic principles of metaphysics and epistemology. Thus, ritual action is neither symbolic, nor dramatic playarcby, magical hocus-pocus or •pure' transcendent, or meaningless activity. It is a consuuctive aclivity creatin& the human being (ontology), the after life (sotcriology) and the cosmos u a whole (cosmology). See Brian Smith, Reflections on Resemblancr. 46. He shows bow rituals, lacking speech, resist decipherment. The study of rituals was thus born as an •exercise in the hermeneutic of suspicion', an •explanatory endeavour designed to explain away'. Ritual, according to him, •is fint and foremost a mode of paying attention. It is a process for marking interest. It is this characteristic that explains the role of place as a fundamental component of ritual: place directs attention'. See Smith, Jonathan, To Tau Place (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987): 103.

bmlODUC'llON

27

Grltya.ritras,'° and by C. G. Kasbikar on rituals in the ~rauta.ritras. 51 The work of P. V. Kane is a monumental effort towards compiling data on early texts and tracing the social significance of rituals in the Dhannasitras. 52 Worts on rituals and their social impact like S. A. Dange's work on Vedic religion and symbolism within it'3 and N. N. Bhattacharya' s interpretation of rituals with reference to their social context followed.,. However, many of these works use the texts quite literally and there is little mention of the texts u problematic sources and that not all the prescriptions in the texts translate into social reality. Purtber, there is little understanding of the interplay between different constructs like v ~ class and gender, and most are lopsided in their over-empbuis on the v~• system of the briJuna'8s. 1be role of women in rituals and their symbolic significance in Brabrnaokal texts reveals bow they were systematically kept away from rituals from the later Vedic and post-Vedic period," shattering the myth of the 'glorified' role of women in early Indian society/ies. Regarding the significance of rituals in reflecting social nonns, some scholars caution against over-emphasis on ritual and symbolic meanings

51

See bibliography for Dandekar and Apte' s worts. Kasbikar, C. G., •A Survey of the Srauta Siitras,' Journal oftM University of Bombay, Vol. xxxv (1966): 1-178. 52 P. V. Kane, History of the DhamtaSastrtu. 53 Dange, S. A., TM Vedic Concept of 'F~ld' and the DiviM Fructification (Bombay: University of Bombay, 1971): and also his Suual Symbolism from tM Vedic Ritual (Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1979). 54 Bhattacharya, N. N., Ancient Indian RilMals and tMir Social Context (Delhi: Manohar Book Service, 1996, First Published 1975, London). " Suvira Jaiswal refen to the need to throw light on this deeply neglected area of study. See Jaiswal. Suvira, 'Women in Barty India: Problems and Perspectives,• Proceedings of IM Indian History Congress ( 1981 ): 54-60; Cbakravarti, Uma and Kumlcum Roy, 'In Search of our Past: A Review of the Limitations and Possibilities of the Historiography of Women in Early India.' Economic and Political Weekly 23, WS 2-10 (1988). Others like Wendy Doniger and Julia Leslie show bow the role of women in rituals varies and this bas symbolic significance. See Doniger O'Flaberty, Wendy, Taks of Sex and Vioknce (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Leslie, Julia (ed.), Roks tllld Rlluah for Hlntb, Women (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidus, 1991 ). 51

28 ENcemmtlNo 1111! &JtLy HOUSBIOLD rather than on the reality of power, access to resources, social affinities and conttol over ideology. 56 However, it is known that the rituals mentioned in the Grhyasutras were commonly practiced and conducted, and they do reflect attempts to project various aspects of society-the way power wu sttuctured, who controlled and bad access to resources, and the manner in which ideological constructs were

disseminated-through rituals. It is significant that Buddbiun and Jainism and other 'movements' were directed against rituals rather than against the VarJ)a system or any other aspect of B,ahmaoiam. 1bis shows that rituals were a social reality that society bad to contend wi~ither by following the norms laid down by the bribrn•r,M or by rebelling against them.

The 'Household' as a Function of Social Dynamics Sociological and anthropological studies of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were all 'male centered' .57 Leela Dube has shown how the sociological theory of this period is characterised by three forms of feminine invisibility-outright exclusion (by scholars like Weber), pseu~inclusion, where women were incorporated, but without distinction (Durkheim), and thirdly, outright alienation and insufficient " Romila Tbapar, R~cau P~n~cti~s: 2. Yet. Tbapar benelf admits that stale formations are determined by many facton and one cannot but Wida-line the significance of rituals u they provide the rationale for ideological conttol, for tbe exercile of power, for the management of resources u well u for social dynamics. 7 ' Frederic le Play, in the second half of the nineteenth century. identified three family types showing different degrees of stability. These included: the patriarchal family, which included all male descendents of the family bead (the nomadic community of the eat); the stem family with parents, unmarried children and one married son and heir; and the unstable family type. His writings encouraged the notion that, historically, the family developed in a linear IIUUlDer from an 'extended family' to a nucleu one that is isolated from kin and community. See Jusaens, Angelique, Family and Social Chang~ (Cambriqe: Cambridp Univenity Press, 1993): 2.

INTRODUCTION 29 recognition of women's contribution (Marx)." Thus, although these studies allowed a deeper understanding of the structure of the family and the household, they ignored the role played by women. Yet, uodentanding bow the structure of the household bas changed over time is crucial and as early as 1914, Malinowski made empirical observations on the 'universality of family'. The relation between kinship systems, descent groups and marriage patterns, and bow they play a role in regulating the sttucture of the household began to be explored. 59 Some scholars refer to the household as 'a flexible and responsive social grouping' that is sensitive to its socio-economic environment and represents the 'means by which individuals adapt to opportunities and constraints of the society'.60 The views of Morg~ Bachofen and McLennan, and of Engels on the family are now described as typological and evolutionary as they thought of the emergence of the 'modem' household as originating from the 'primal hordes' of early times. It was thought that the emergence of the nuclear family was the natunl consequence of industrialisation, the consolidation of private property and monogamous marriage. It is now recognised that the process was not as unilinear as was thought earlier and that there are diverse types of households across cultures. Linkages m. . between the family and kin have led to some of the most interesting studies on the household. Scholars have traced the relationship between kinship and gender as all categories of inequality

51

"

60

Leela Dube, •Gender Biases and Social Sciences,' in Women in Indian History: Social, Economic, Political and Cultural Perspectives, edited by K. Pawar (Patiala: Vision and Venture, 1996): 5. McNetting, Robert, R. R. Wilk and E. J. Arnoul~ Households (Berkeley, Calif~ 1984): xiii. Simultaneously, there were studies of 'functionalists' like Talcott Parsons, who claimed that the isolated conjugal family wu representative of industtialisation, while Goody in 1963 put forward the view that the nuclear family was •socially mobile'. Laslett, however, refers to the fact that the •nuclear family had been dominant family type long before any industrial development' He was criticised because of the fact that be too relegated the household to a static phenomenon and paid •scant attention to demographic factors' (Angelique Janssens, Family and Social Change: 2). Robert McNeaing, R. R. Wilk and E. J. Amo1ll~ Households.

30 BNclHetJNo11E EAltLY HousPJ1ou>

are rooted in the 'natmal' relations of kinship. Frequently, metaphors and relationships derived from kinship systems spill over into other cultural and social realms and are used to legitimise and 'naturalise' inequalities in other spheres.61 The analysis of kinship bu come a long way since scholars like Parsons emphasised that the main characteristic of the family was its 'isolated positi~ in relation to the kin'. The sttucturalist-functionalist approach of scholars like Parsons bas been criticised as the family is not as isolated u was projected in these works. 1be notion that all 'parts' of society are interconnected and change in one brings about change in all in order to gain social 'equilibrium' also came to be questioned. Other scholars stress the manner in which the household preserves traditions and helps in the perpetuation of norms, seemingly agreeing with the Marxian understanding of the role of the family as 'bearers of residual traditional structures' in relation to the larger processes of social and economic transformation.62 These theories ignore human 'potentiality for change' and the household cannot be· seen as static, but as a continuously evolving process.63 The household then, has to constantly evolve to meet the needs of society, but it also impacts society, causing it to change by transmitting knowledge and ideas through generations. Thus, households actually link space with traditions-on the one band, its physical presence roots it in the society that it exists in, and

61

62

63

Maynes, Mary Jo, Ann Waltner, Birgitte Soland and Ulrike Stasser, Gender, Kinship and Power. A Comparitlve and lnkrduciplinary History (New York: Roudedge, 1996): I, 43-66. Parsons and Bales, TM Family: Socialir.ation and Interaction Process (Glencoe m: The Free Press, 1955): 16-22. According to Murdock, the household is a 'ttansitory group which precipitates from the action of culturally specific systems of kinship, marriage customs and rules of residence'. Cited in Rohen McNeniog, R. R. Wilk and E. J. Amould, Households: xv. Peter Kunstadtev states that, 'most people in most societies at most times live in households, membership in which is usually based on kin relationships of marriage and descent which are simultaneously a combination of dwelling unit, a unit of economic cooperation (at least on distribution and consumption) and the unit within which most reproduction and early childhood socialization takes place'. Cited in Rohen McNetting, R. R. Wilk and E. J. Amould, Households: xxi.

bmtoDucnoN

31

on the other, it carries with it age-old traditions that continue through it and get reformulated in different chronological spaces. Households are able to represent social change through the ages and although even in one peri~ many variations of the household exis~ each is representative of the social processes that it bu gone through. Rathje calls the household •society's most commonplace and basic economic unit'. According to Wilk and Rathje, the household can be defined as the most common social component of subsistence, the smallest and most abundant activity group which has three components, (I) social: the demographic uni~ including the number and relationships of its members; (2) material: the dwelling activity areas and possessions; and (3) behavioural: the activities it performs." When texts advocating certain models for the household· are compiled, the authors of these texts display shrewd foresight as they recognise that regulating the domestic domain through rituals ensures the replication of the model throughout society. Texts like the G,-liyasiitras try to spell out the rituals that are to be performed in the household and by doing this, they lay emphasis on the social role that the household plays. 1be Grhyasutras, through the household rites, attempted to create an •ideal' construct of the housebol~ which then allowed for the setting of norms for the social, material and behavioural activities of the household, and also for activities related to reproduction, socialisation, social linkaging and the transmission of information and traditions within, and across generations. Texts like the Grhyasutras are valuable sources for exploring the ideology that developed in relation to women's roles in production and reproduction in the household. Women contribute not only by doing work in the household, but also by addillg to the labour potential of the household by giving birth and raising children. Elise Boulding's The Underside of History is a monumental effort towards recording the history of the world, showing women not as passive victims, but as active playen in historical causation. Boulding shows how the 64

Wilk, Richard and William Rathje, 'Household Archaeology.• from Archaeology of the Household, edited by Richard Wilk and William Rathje. A~rican Behavioral Scientist 6, 25 (California: Sage Jul/Aug 1982): 617-39

32 Fl«EmEIUNGnm&itLYHousfJD.D myth of man-the-hunter bu &ained precedence even tboup women in prehistoric societies were the main food gatherers and nurturers of the family. Similarly, she has shown how women contribuled to household production in agricultural societies." 1be household is an uena in which women have been performing activities related to production and reproduction since the earliest times-activities that have not been given any cognisance in bandeddown patriarchal ttaditions. Ye~ it is women's activities that C father, mother and all the other members of the grba are asked to lie down on straw, with the father positioned towards the south, the mother to his north and with each grha member, from the oldest to the youngest, lying in between. The fact that the texts ask the householder to sleep to the south, which is the direction of death, shows that the householder is placed in the most dangerous symbolic position as he is the 'protector' of his family. A line in the SGS, where the householder is asked to state that he has established himself in the B ~ and the lqatra, shows that the Brihmai, and qatta are regarded as realms where protection to the body and household are assured. 56 The following lines in the SGS make this clearer. The householder then is to say that he wishes to exist amongst horses, cows, cattle and his offspring. These realms, rather than being hypothetical, surreal neaJms, are made out to be social realms in which the tiousebolder must aspire to situate himself with bis family. The Grhyasutras stress that the householder's aim is to live in conducive social surroundings, amidst material plentitude and the texts never lose sight of this. The seasonal sacrifices mentioned above are meant to ensure that the cyclical variations in the seasons do not affect the householder adversely. The GGS IV.8.1 states that at the Srival)a and Agrabiy~ (ascent of the sun) sacrifices, the householder must leave some routed grains at home and go out of the village, towards the east or the north. He is then to put wood into a fire at a crossroads as sacrifice for Riki. Then, he must walk eutwards, looking upwards at the 'host of divine beings', chanting a mantta for 'giving wealth' and then towards the, west, looking downwards to the 'hosts of other beings'. He is to return, without looking back. and to eat the roasted grains left at home with people from his family, and with those who have been initiated. According to the GGS IV .8.2-6, this ceremony procures happiness. 1be significance of initiation for those who can 'share' a household's grains again shows the manner in which men who confonn are given

" The SGS states that the verses to be said in this context are, 'In the B ~ I establish myself, in the qatta ... Among the horses I establish myself, among the cows... Among offspring I establish myself, in food', and those who participate in the ritual are to end it with the verse, 'Arise, the livina'. from RV 1.113.16 (SGS IV.18.7-11).

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ritual privileges, while women are systematically kept out by denying them any right to participate in rituals. The relationship between the householder, the deities and the piqis clearly indicated in the A ~ rite. The PGS lli.3.1-2 states that the three Atiakas must follow the agrahayani full moon and that they are sacred to Indra, the vijvcdcvis, Prajipati and the piq-. The ~'8ki sacrifice, as mentioned in the AGS is significant because it seems to tty and be all-encompassing. It incorporates every type of offering that must be made to the deities: • offering of food items like rice, boiled rice, scsamum seeds, ricemilk, cakes; • animal sacrifice; • offering of cooked food (sthilipika); • offerings in fire of avadana portions and cooked food; and • offerings to brahroa9as by feeding them. The rite begins with offerings to the piq-, as has been laid down in the AGS D.4.3 and the AGS 11.4.12. The texts claim that different versions of the At'8ki rite make it sacred to different deities. The vi,vedevis, Agni, Siirya, Prajipati, the ratridevta (deity of the night), the naqtJtradevtas (deities of the constellations), the ,rudevtas (deities of the seasons), the pitrdevtas (ancestral deities) and the pal&ldevtil (deities of animals) are all deities to whom the ritual can be dedicated. This seems to show that the rite was a commonly practised one and that it had numerous variations. There is also plenty of symbolism regarding the representation of women deities in the rites. During the A,takas, the verse to be recited, according to the SGS, is one which personifies the changing season as a woman 'who shone forth first' and as the 'the wife who has brought forth (children), the new creating mother'. The three powers (Agni, Siirya and Chandra) are enjoined to follow her. She is referred to as the one in 'whom Yama, the son of Vivasat, and all gods are contained', as 'the 8'taki whose face is turned to all sides'. and as the one who has 'satiated my desires'. Her teeth are called 'the pressing stones' and her breasts are called 'Soma Pavamina' in the SGS Ill.12.3, S. The PGS m.3.S recommends oblations to the 'Thirty Sisters', presumably the days of the month that are presented u controlling the

102 BNcilNJEltNinll!&Ri..Y HousalOl.D seasons, the sages and the meters. 'The shining ones', it is ~ clothe themselves in the clouds and it is in this mother's lap, acconling to the texts, that manifold animals are born. The Em,,aka is devoted to austerities, giving birth to a child and to the majesty of Indra. There are also poetic verses devoted to the Ufis, which is related to milking the cow and with the five seasons. Thus, the householder is encouraged by the texts to perform various sacrifices that allow him to coottol the manifold forces that supposedly influence his everyday life. However, the householder, by performing sacrifices, also exposes himself to the potential risks that are made out to be inherent in the performance of sacrifices. When referring to connections established by sacrifices, Brian Smith refers to the horizontal connections between the sacrificer and his oblation." In household sacrifices, the householder is projected both as the sacrificer and the sacrificed. It is this danger that he takes upon himself when conducting a ritual. But this danger also gives him the power to control the deities and the household. He forges Jinkag,.r1 with the community and controls the household's resources as a result of the ritual power given to him.

Grla111.1iitras on the Wife The grhapati is not only the 'lord of the house', but is also the 'lord of the wife' and the wife cannot exist without him (except if he dies, when special provisions are made for her). The power and responsibilities that are bestowed on the householder are exercised over the other household members, primarily the wife. Thus, the position of the wife is the one that constantly reinforces the superiority of the householder. Although there is no provision for women setting 57

Brian Smith refers to the fact tbal the texts actively promote the DOlioa that the sacrificer offen a form of himself when offering oblations such as clarified butter, cake or animals-'by virtue of the counterpart, it is the man' (KB 10.3). There is no confusion between the tw~•the offering is not identical to the sacrificer but is bis projected rep.escntative' (Brian Smilb. Refl«tiolu on Rumtblanc~: 74).

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up households without husbands (even though there are instances where men can set up independent households in the texts), the compilers could not deny that the aha and its functiom need to be intricately linked with the wife. The BGS I.V.4 refers to the wife as g,-hapatni, showing that the wife is understood to be connected to the aha in an intimate manner. Texts like the GGS use the term 'pati' liberally to denote a husband. However, the term is used, almost invariably, only when the accompanying wife is discussed, when the husband performs some ritual with her. 51 We have akeady discussed Kane's view that the term gJha derives from ,~.., in the lnttoduction. The fact that the term gJha and ~ are interrelated is clear, but which term derives from the other is debatable. The early Grhya.sitras of our study do not refer to the wife as gJhiiµ. However, one of the most interesting statements on the gJha is made in the GGS 1.3.15, where it is stated that 'the wife is his (the householder's) house', g,-hah patnou. The tenns used to denote 'wife' reveal how her existence is supposed to depend on her husband as the terms used for 'wife' are almost invariably related both semantically and phonetically to the tenns used for 'husband'. These are, bharyG;YI patni;60 jiyi;61 dara. 62 Bbiryi is derived from bharyah, i.e., a dependent one (or one who has to be supported). Patni is obviously derived from pati, as ~ the 'underling' of the overlord. Jiyi derives from the root jan and refers to her ability to give birth to progeny, while the term diri derives from tiara, which meaos a cleft, or bole and so focusses on her sexuality. The BGS I. V .11 refers to the need for her to 'bind her pati' and to keep him at her side with the help of a mantra. Her ritual link to the grha is only through her husband and her children. The RV 10.85.46 verse where she is encouraged to be 'empress' over her husband• s father, mother, and sisters and brothers is used more as a conventional formality, and not because she is permitted to actually lord over her husband's relatives who, incidentally, hardly find a mention in the Grhyasutras. " GGS U.1.1 O. U.1.20, U.2.2, U.2.8. " SGS D.16.3. 60 AGS IV.2.16: SGS U.17.3: GGS IV.3.27. 61 SGS W.4.9; GGS 1.1.8. 1.1.2; BGS I.V.7. I.V.16. 62 GGS D.1.1; GGS IIl.4.3.

104 F.NGl!NDERINo 11IE EARLY HousEHOLD Scholars have shown bow different sexual relations are relegated to the background as the pati-patni bond is promoted in the Sutras. 63 Although one can agree with Roy that the pati-patni bond is promoted in the RV, I feel that in the Grhyasutras, this occun only in relation to other sexual relations. Further, the pati-patni bond is not based in equality and as she herself admits, in the G,-hya.siltras, it is a hierarchical relationship where the wife is kept firmly in place. We have seen in the previous section how the pati-patni bond definitely takes a back seat when compared to other bonds like the father-son bond or the icirya-student bond in the Grhyasutras. In fact, references in the early Grhyasutras show that the position of the wife could be a precarious one.64 The wife, in the ApGS 1.3.3, quoting the TB I.S.2.3, is expected to be 'dear' to her husband, so that she 'does not return to her father's house'. The incidence of wife abandonment must have existed to prompt such a statement and it shows that the focus of the texts is always on the householder and that the onus is on the wife to be sure of her husband's attention. Moreover, the husband-wife bond is one fraught with tensions and conflicts, and the sexual aspect of the relationship, coupled with the desire to have u many children as possible, is constantly mentioned in the texts. The ApGS W.9.68 refers to the insecurity that the wife faces with regard to her husband. In order to make him subject to her, vaiyo bhavati, she is encouraged to 'strew seven barley grains' around a tree while changing verses for Vanu,a and Soma. On the following day, she is to to tie the tree's roots

63

64

Roy shows that. •... variations in sexual relations which reflected the practices of different communities or social categories were gradually ordered hierarchically, with the ideal of the pati-patni relationship being developed at length' (Kumkum Roy, The Emergence of Monarchy: 246). R. S. Sharma explains that the term •c1ampatr refen to the husband and wife wbo 'joindy shared control of the dama' (R. S. Sharma, Material Culture and Social Fonnalions: 28). In the RV, there ue prayers to make the damptW of one mind (RV 5.3.2, 8.31.5) and according to Roy, the emphasis is on 'equality or consensus rather than on the dominance and subservience between partners'. See Kumkum Roy, 7M Emergence of Monarchy: 246. This changed in the later Brahmanical tradition. Kumkum Roy mentions that even in the later Vedic tradition, the female deity wu 'suitably domesticaled' and there were only certain kinds of

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(of the tree around which the grains had been strewn) next to her bands, so that her husband does not see it, and then embrace him in bed. This rite can also, apparendy, help her overcome her rivals, the co-wives.

Comparitive Slgnlftcance of the Ritual Roles of the Householder and his Wife There is an underlying ritual connection between the grha, the patni, and the grha-agni. They are interrelated during rituals and are also synonymous in some cases. However, the grha, the patni and the grhaagni cannot exist individually and the three are bound to each other only through the householder. On the other hand, the householder is made out to be an individual entity by himself~ne who can initiate rites, perform sacrifices and forge links with the community, with or without the participation of other members of the gfha. In other words, once a person achieves the status of householder, the texts give him an identity that allows him access to power, individual status and social acceptability. So, marriage becomes a significant ritual event as it is one of the catalysts that brings about the change in the status of man from an initiate to a householder. For the husband, the transition from initiate to husband opens several channels for material, ritual, spiritual, social and even paternal fulfillment. For the wife, the transition is from being lcanyii to being jiyi-which is dramatic because it leads to motherhood-but the ritual roles of the husband and the wife though link~ are unequal. The wife does not have any independent status or role in any of the grhya rituals and functions only as an assistant to her husband, while all the rites focus on him. Some scholars feel that the wife's presence in rituals is crucial. Jamison, while discussing the role of the wife in §rauta rituals, feels hymns for her, where she was described u 'avidlwa'(not a widow) and 'suputra'(baving good sons). These are the qualities that are venerated in a wife-that she provides longevity to her husband's life and that she bears him sons (Kumkum Roy, 'Changing Kinship Relations': 12.

106 ENca!NDBRJNG DE EARLY H0usEHou> that the association of the wife with the gdrhapatya fire-which is the source of the other two fires, the dalqil}agni and the ihavaniyagives a 'spatial foundation' and a temporal frame to the ritual. The ritual begins with the yoking of the wife and ends with her unyoking, even as 'wifely' activities open and close the ritual, and this for Jamison shows that the role of the wife is crucial. In my opinion, rather than underscoring the significance of the wife, the wife's activities in gfhya rituals signify the need to specifically locate the householder in the grha. The uauta rites' focus on the girhapatya as the source of all fires and ritual activity, I feel, symbolises the sense of belonging that the sacrificer is expected to have to his grha. The ritual begins and ends with the grha of the sacrificer-he symbolically moves away and returns to the home base after the sacrifice, while his wife, associated with the grha, sits confined to the domestic fire. 65 Thus even the Srauta texts clearly define the space that a wife is to be confined to, while the householder is allowed to roam around the ritual arena, carrying out rites that enhance his stature and benefit his household and community. The wife's presence underlines the authenticity of the rite, it represents the complete reality of the grha, as comprising of the husband and the wife, and given that one of the crucial tasks of the household is reproduction, her presence is preferred. But while she does have a ritual presence, her presence merely authenticates the dramatic element of the rituals and puts into relief the role of the householder. 66 As discussed earlier, according to Jamison, the wife is an independent ritual actor in the domestic rites as the Grhyasitras allow the wife to offer daily oblations in the domestic fire. This, according

" In this context, Hecsterman' s notions that the ritual simulates the leaving and return of the warrior do not seem far fetched. Whereas, earlier, the

66

warrior returned to his base camp where the kinsmen bad stationed themselves, the householder of the Srauta texts has a permanent home base from where he simulates the earlier rituals of his warrior ancestors. This, according to Hecsterman, is depicted in the muta rituals. The gJha rites, for him, are a domesticated version of rituals tbal may have been conducted by the community at large and which were later individualised in the households (Heesterman, TM Broun World of Sacrifice: 182). Jamison, Sacrificed Wife: 29-42.

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to Jamison, gives considerable ritual latitude within the grhya system. She does however admit that wives are forbidden to act individually in the uauta rituals.67 One bas to remember that the Srauta and the Grh,a texts belong to the same genre of Brahmanical thought and are part of the larger Brahmanical ideological consttuct I feel that what is projected in one is reflected in the other and to say that women are marginalised in one but allowed independent ritual action in another would imply that these texts are ideologically in opposition to each other. The only difference between the two texts is that the wife figures in the grhya rituals as that is the domain in which she is to be spatially confined. However there is no occuion or rite during which she can act in an independent manner, even in her home. Her actiom arc conttolled under the overall supervision of the householder, i.e., her husband. That the householder has a position of prominence in the household is made clear in texts like the BGS I.IV .22, where the house is projected as the domain of the husband, patilolca and where the wife is expected to produce progeny. The GGS 1.1.12 states that the grhapati should carry out ritual tasks as the chief, parame11hin, while the PGS U.9.15 underlines his superiority by stating that the grhapati has the right to eat the sweetest food in the house, even before it is offered to the guests. It is the performance of rituals that accords the householder a special status in the Grhyasutras and bis power in the ritual arena is a reflection of his real power in Brahmanical society. 68 The AGS 1.9.17 refers to the manner in which the nuptial fire is to be maintained in the grha by constantly providing oblations to it and the text also

67

61

According to Jamison, the wife is allowed to perform daily morning and evening oblations, as well as the rites for the new and full moon, and the change of seasons by the Grlayasutras (Jamison, Sacrificed Wife: 29--42). If, as Brian Smith claims, 'Brihm~ priests could claim to control the natural, supernatural and the social realms from within the confmes of the ritual world they bad carved out of the real', then what was to prevent the householder from assuming the same role? Smith further states that since all ritual sacrifices follow inversion to 'divine', where the human is ttansfonncd into that which is divine, then the householder also assumes this stature when perfonning the rituals (Brian Smith, 'Ritual Perfection and Ritual Sabotage': 288).

108 &«emERJNo 111E B,w,,y Housmtou>

declares that the householder, his wife, son, daughter or pupil can maintain the fire. The reference to the wife and the daughter is significant because it is the only instance across the Grhyasitras where the daughter is given some ritual responsibility. In case the fire dies, the wife is asked to fast as repentance. This seems to indicate that the maintenance of the fire is closely connected with the wife's daily activities. It comes to the grha with her at marriage and she plays an active role in maintaining it. 1be morning and evening Agnihotta rites, for example, underline the need to set the fire ablaze in order to sacrifice in it. The sacrifice is also to be conducted with sacrificial food (except meat) such as rice, barley and sesamum, thus making it clear that the logistics of the daily rituals require the wife's participation. The GGS 1.4.15 states that the householder is to perfonn all the balis by himself as long as he stays at home (otherwise, any brihm81_1a can perfonn the sacrifice). The text also states that the wife is to perform the evening balis while the husband must offer the morning ones. 1be other texts allow the wife, the son or a student to perform the rites in the absence of the householder. This shows that even if others perform certain rituals, these were always on ~half of tM householder. No one can aspire to the position of the householder by performing rituals and the authority of others is always derived from their relationship with t~ householtkr. Moreover, it serves to show that the wife is easily replaced in the texts by a son or a student for carrying out the rituals. There are some special occasions when the wife can perform the bali rites. Interestingly, the PGS 1.12.4,5 states that the wife is to offer bali 'outside' (the house?) while saying the words: Veneration to the wife! Veneration to the man! To every time of life, veneration! To the white one with black teeth, the lord of bad women, Veneration! They who allure my offspring, dwelling in the village or in the forest, to them veneration; I offer bali to them. Being welfare to me! May they give me offspring (PGS 1.12.4,S).

This offering is to be followed with a feeding for brihmai,as. This rite shows that even if the woman of the house may be responsible for performing some of the balis, the forces that are sought to be appeased were those outside the purview of the accepted Brahmanical domain.

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That the wife is brought in to appease the 'white one with the black teeth, the lord of the bad women', shows the apprehension with which potentially destructive forces, regarded as f~minine and malevolent towards offspring, are viewed. Why the powerful bribrna,:,u are not brought in to thwart these malevolent spirits is intriguing. lnspite of Brahmanism usurping certain feminine elements, in this case, the power of the feminine mystique is played up by showing that only a woman can combat it. Marriage with women from outside the community could be another reason why the wives are to be sent 'out' to appease spirits that are outside traditional Bnhmanical control and those who are made out to be a threat to their offspring. The GGS 1.4.17-19 refen to a number of rites where women are directly involved. For example, in the absence of the householder. the wife is expected to perfonn the Dariapiirr,amisa rite.. The GGS 1.3.15 states, 'kamam grhyo-gnau patnau juhuyat sayampratahonnau grhal, patnau gr,ae10-gnibharvatauti' (ff they like, his wife may offer the morning and evening oblations over the domestic fire. For his wife is his house and that fire is the domestic fire). The statement illustrates that the household is in fact identified with the wife. Also, the wife is expected to have a close relationship with the domestic fire. inspite of there being no direct reference to her role in its inception, except that the fire originates at the time of marriage. However, even this occurs only if the householder himself desires it and not otherwise. The texts make conflicting statements with regard to the role of the wife in rituals. The manner in which the wife is supposed to fill in for her husband if he is away has already been discussed. However, the ApGS 111.8.3 mentions that, 'A sacrifice performed by a wife or by one who has not received Upanayana initiation is rejected'. It is not clear whether this pertains to all sacrifices. Since this siitra occurs directly after the discussion on the opening and concluding ceremonies of Vedic study, it is possible that it refers specifically to debarring women from Vedic studies. However, since the siitra is followed by general rules on sacrifices, it could also be a general rule. One thing is clear: womens' roles are marginalised to the maximum extent possible and every attempt is made to keep them from attaining any ritual status. The fact that there are different views regarding the role of the wife shows that there was dilemma amongst the authors of the

110 f.MENDeRJNo 11E &JtLy Housmtou>

Grhyasitras too and that any mention or obliteration of mention was not unconscious or involuntary but deliberate. 69 Where the wife's role is mentioned, it is clearly to offer deference to the householder. The GGS 1.3.16 states that once the wife bas made the morning or the evening meal, the householder is to make her say that the food is ready. Even here, although the wife is expected to prepare the food, its distribution remains under the conttol of the householder. That food making, partaking and sharing itself is organised into a ritual will be discussed in Chapter 4. The GGS 1.6.4-7 refen to how the husband and the wife need to fast for sacrifices together. It is interesting to sec lhat there is an emphasis on togetbemeas in rituals where the wife is to accompany her husband for fasting. This implies that it is inconceivable in Brahmanical ideology that the wife can eat while her husband fasts. The BGS 1.2.22 refers to the manner in which the wife is to be involved in the rituals-she 'cleanses' those who undertake the sacrifice. The BOS 1.2.23 states that she is to wash the thighs of the yajarnana. In this context, it seems as if the wife is expected to be involved in the washing and cleansing of the protagonist before he begins a ritual. 70 The extent to which the wife's identity is linkr.d with her husband's is seen from the reference in the AGS IV .2.18, where it says that when the husband dies, the wife is to 'lie down, north of the body' on the pyre in a gesture symbolic of her accompanying him to the other world. However, 'she (was) made to get up' before the pyre is liL The penon who makes her get up is her brother-in-law or a representative of the husband, such as a pupil or even an 'aged servant'. The role of the brother-in-law, devar, in lifting the wife from the funeral pyre

69

70

Brian Smith also refen to the fact that while some ritual schools permit the wife to cany out some of the grhya rites independently, otben foUow a more conservative view (Brian Smi~ 'The Unity of Ritual': 82). Jamison shows bow the wife is involved in the preparation for uauta rituals. The grain for the offering is to be prepared by the patni a day before the ritual commences, in the vicinity of the daqi~gni, with the monar placed on black antelope skin (ApSS l. 7. l 0). on which the sacrificer later sits. On this she is to thresh, winnow and grind the grain, and if she is absent, someone else like a dasi (ApSS 1.21.8) or a woman who is a ,uctra

&mloENa!OP111B0"8A

Ill

seems to indicate that the responsibility of 'taking care' of the wife and family of the dead man is placed on the husband's brother's shoulder and this rite also hints at the practice of niyoga or levirate

maniages. According to Jamisrnt. the fact that a widower can cremate his wife with the fue used for the agnibotra offering and that be is supposed to bum his ritual implements in her funeral pyre is significant He can establish new fires (and bouaebolds) through remarriage and for Jamison, in line with her argument. this shows that the sacrificer's wife bolds a special ritual place in the texts and that he bas to start his ritual life all over again if be decides to remarry. 71 She also cites the MSS VDI.23.8-9 to state that the widow of an ibitigni is to receive a fifth part of the fires and that she must tend it with the grhya rites. But. our discussion shows that there is nothing special about the wife and that a son or a student can easily substitute for the householder in grbya rituals in the absence of the wife. The rite where a widow is given a ponion of the ihitigni only serves to underline. contrary to Jamison's opinion, that the wife is to remain bound to her husband through rituals, even after his death. The husband, however, on the wife's death, is encouraged to start afresh, as soon as possible, by literally 'burying the past' (in this case, burning). This is also probably introduced to minimise confusion about what to do with the new fires gained on remaniage (from the home of the new wife), in case the old fire brought from the earlier wife's home remains in the widower's home after his wife's death. The dilemma is resolved by conveniendy dispensing with all ritual ties with the earlier wife by burning her ritual objects in her funeral pyre and then embarking on a new 'ritual' relationship. Funber, in Brahmanical ideology, the wife is projected as one who can bring death to her husband. One with a husband, pativati, is venerated in texts like the BGD I.Vl.23. In the BGS I.IV.22, the wife is enjoined to be a jivapatni, one with a living husband and not be

71

(ApSS 1.21.9) can do the needful. After the rituals, the leftovers arc to be put into the ~ii:ilgni, as they arc not sanctified enough for the girhapatya and the 'household (was) tidy again' (Jamison, Sacrific~d Wift': 53). J ~ Sacrificed Wife: 36.

112

~ nm EARLY

HOUSEltOLD

a 'loose haired one who brings death' to her husband. 1be actual significance of the ritual roles of the wife and the husband can be analysed from a study of the manner in which death rites are to be conducted for an ihitigni householder. The presence of all the three fires-the ihavaniya, the girhapatya and the daqil)i fires-around the pyre indicate that a ritually 'complete' life (and death) is envisaged for the householder. On the pyre, sacrificial grass is to be spread out along with a black antelope's skin (with the fur facing outwards). 1be dead body is to be earned past the girbapatya fire, with the head towards the ihavaniya fire, according to the AGS IV.2.15. The wife, patni, and a bow for a q8triya, are to be placed to the north of the body. This alludes to the understanding that constant companions like the wife and the bow are to be placed along with the body so that they can accompany the body to the nether world. The former case is intended as a symbolic gesture. It is hardly surprising that the wife is to be placed near the body as in the organised world of the texts, attempts are constantly made to ensure the ready availability of all the 'worldly' needs that a man is used to in his daily life-and a wife is considered essential. It is worth debating whether the authors of the Grhyasitras felt that the husband should also sit on the funeral pyre of the wife. It is difficult to envisage such a situation as in the Brahmanical contex~ only men's needs are rccogni~ whereas there is no reference to women's needs. The conceptualisation of death as a state where worldly goods are needed,, but in an ethereal form (after being burnt in the funeral pyre along with the body), is one of the basic premises on which the Brahroaoi~al notion of life after death is based. This understanding can also easily be used to support the practice of sati. In the Grhyasitras, we already see anxiety about the fulfillment of the physical needs of the pitr and to deal with this issue, the texts prescribe that the wives of the pitf be invited for the rite. Brahmanical ideology seems to anticipate and cater to every possible male need and anxiety, not only for life in the material world but also for life in the after world. The neglect of women ancestors is in direct contrast to the veneration offered to the male ancestors, the piq-. There is hardly any reference to women ancestors in the Grhyasitras. P.V. Kane refers to

&mltGENCBOFDIBGlplA

113

Haradatta's commentary on the Grhyasilras, who says that according to the AGS ID.3.6, the mother and maternal relations are not to be included in the daily tarpa,µi. n In the Anva.,taki ceremony following the Aftakis, specially performed for tbe pitf, the wives of the pitf are also to be given oblations. The use of the term •strr and 'patm~ in the AGS U.S.S,8, PGS ill.3.11 and SGS IV.1.11 for the 'wives' of the ancestors shows that they are to be invited not as mothers, but rather as women who are related to the ancestors. It seems unlikely that the oblations made to the pitr's widows are a form of ancestor worship where respect is accorded to women ancestors. Rather, it is likely that the oblations are intended to provide all the material things that the piq- bad required in their earthly life. While food is offered through the ~ offering, the wives of the fathers are to be invited to cater to the other needs that the fathers may have had. According to the AGS U.S.S, the pitf' s wives are to be given oblations of the intoxicating drink sura and the scmn of boiled rice, which reflects the fact that these women are to be tmlted in a manner different from that of the sacred piq-. The sura used as oblations here could be representative of the pleasures that are attributed to the presence of the wives. Returning to our discussion on death rituals for the ihitigni householders, the significance of rituals for the householder is underlined by the manner in which ritual implements are to be placed along with the body. The implements must match the requisite part of the body and again, this seems to be based in homologies between the sacrificial world and human anatomy. The AGS IV.3.1-17 recommends placing matching implements for each of the body parts of the dead person, with the ritual implements acting as substitutes for the various parts of bis body (e.g., the ladle used for oblations, the miv~ is to be placed along the arm). We can safely asa•~ that the real reason for placing the implements along with the body is that they are expected to be put to use by the dead man in the nether world The nether world is envisaged by the bribm•\'lll as a place where a person is expected to continue his ritual and normal life. The other reason why all the private, ritual possessions of a person are burnt along with his dead body is that they are not 72

P.V.Kane, History of the Dltarmalastra.s: 692.

114 ENclBNDBu«l nm EARLY HousmioLD 'transferable' in Brahmanical thought. It is in this context that the wife is symbolically placed on the dead husband's pyre. She is ritually bound to him, in the same manner as his bow and sacrificial implements. As these items are not transferable to othen, they are actually or symbolically (u in the case of the wife), burnt along with the body. Since the rites detailed in the Gfhyasutras are meant for a brihmai,a householder, the texts refer to the ritual implements that are to be burnt with him. However, non-bribrna91 housebolden are to be cremated with implements related to their vocation. Those possessions that are considered transferable are given to the son of the deceased. These items, according to the AGS IV.3.18,19, include the under and upper mill stone, and copper, iron, and earthenware implements. This shows that the son is to be regarded as the legitimate heir of the deceased penon' s possessions rather than his wife or any other relative. This, again, is an example of the special bond that is developed in the Brahmanical texts between the father and the son, and it is clear that this is promoted at the cost of other relationships of maniage, kinship and community. The father-son bond is a relationship based on reciprocity and expectations vis-A-vis the other and is cultivated, especially through rituals, to the extent that it is seen as transcending life and continuing after death. The Grhyasutras envisage the householder as one who is always concerned about the well being of his household. Rituals, therefore, help in projecting this role of the householder as a benevolent care taker. In fact, be forges ritual_ relatiooahips not only with household memben, but also with the physical structure of bis house and bis hearth. The texts assume that the wife is a willing and supportive participant in all the husband's activities. While we can analyse the activities of the householder keeping in mind that most of these activities are the responsibility of bis wife too, the fact is that the wife is never given credit for it in the texts. The texts also detail expiatory rites for situations when the householder is unable to meet his ritaal obligations. The householder is to perform expiation rites if sacrifices are not performed on time, if transgressions are committed while perfonning a rite or even if a significant rite is not performed, deliberately or by mistak~. Such transgressions ue dangerous according to Brabrnani~al texts and they

EMERGB«:B OF 111B GiplA

115

demand that immediate efforts be made to obiliterate the negative effects of lapses. The householder, then, is made morally responsible not only for the performance of rites at the right time, but also to ensure that rites are performed by the right people and in the right manner. Since lapses are inevitable, solutions need to be given. That the householder is considered personally responsible for the well being of the memben is clear from the passage in the ApGS Vll.18.1, where a boy who is attacked by epilepsy (described as the 'dog demon') is helped by the father who performs austerities. That there are ways out for the most serious or even trivial lapses is clear and, usually, the expiation rites serve to underline the need for conforming to what is ordained in the texts. Interestingly, none of the expiation rites mention the wife's role and this seems to imply that the sin that befdls the householder is not shared by the wife. Given all this, one would assume that the householder, by virtue of bis ability to perfonn rituals, makes inroads into the domain of the ~ a s . This, however, is not true. 1be role that the householder plays in bringing together the family members and in controlling the different forces around the grba is not at the expense of the brihmaJJa's livelihood. The rites of the household are those that had been practised before Brabmanical ideology took root. Thus, although the power given to the householder seems to be endless, in reality, he is severely confined by the weight of Brahmanical tradition, which uses him as a medium for controlling the household. By projecting the householder u the controller of the household, B,ahrnaoical ideology is, infact, able to encroach into and find roots in to the very basis of social existence. The elaborate purification rites to carry out rituals reveal the attempt at extending Brabmanical control over the household. 1be need for pmification underlines the solemnity of the ritual to be performed and the need to perform the rituals only in the prescribed manner of Brahmanical texts and not 'any how' is also stressed. The fact that the ~ a is mentioned frequently shows that although the householder performs many of the rituals, the role of the b ~ a is in no way reduced and nor is be made redundant On the contrary, the emphasis on feeding the lriluna.,a and giving him gifts in the rituals of the household shows the extent to which brilunal)as are to be venerated.

116 F.Nc:ENDlmlNo 111E EARLY Hoosmlou>

Extending the scope of rituals to individual households means an extension of the sphere of influence of the bribroa9a- While the brihm81)8 earlier accrued benefits from the community and large kinship groups, these were now segregated and bribro19as sought to accumulate resources separately from individual householders, thus expanding their resource base. The protagonist of the Grhyasutras is the bribrna919 householder, conducting kauta and grbya rituals and imparting the learning of the Vedas, while taking care of bis grba. The extent to which Brahrnankal stranglehold on the life of the householder was envisaged can be seen in the emphasis on svadhyaya-the need for the householder to keep in touch with the study of the Vedas. Svidbyiya are the studies carried out by a penon who bas returned to the normal life of a householder. The Grlayaswras recognise the fact that not only is it necessary to encourage learning, but that it is essential that a learned penon keep in touch with it. This, seemingly is the aim behind the _ reference to Svidhyiya rites. In the AGS 's Chapter Ill, ~ 2, 3 and 4 refer to svidhyiya and the manner in which to conduct such study. The backdrop in which the study is to be undertaken has a wealth of meaning. 1be protagonist is to leave his village and this shows that be has to remove himself from the domestic domain. The reference to the need to wear the sacrificial cord while conducting svidhyina shows the need to be initiated. 1bese conditions automatically render svidhyiya outside the realm of women's experiences. It is doubtful if women coul~ in the first place, afford to step out of the bonds of conformity in order to pursue learning. The exclusiveness associated with learning shows that learning was regarded as a powerful tool to be placed in the hands of a few. The significance of reciting to oneself also reiterates the secrecy with which Vedic knowledge is to be guarded. It is not meant to be divulged and is to be kept confined. In this chapter, we have seen how the householder, accompanied with his wife, is enjoined to carry out rituals that bring prosperity and good fortune to the household. The prosperity envisaged is not for one individual, although the responsibility for any good fortune lies with the householder. The texts, while seeking to demarcate the role of the householder, also limit bis role to the~ thus diverting his

EMERGENCE OF n1E GlplA

117

energies from other activities towards the upkeep of the household. 1be attempt is to delineate individuals' responsibilities clearly and in this task, be is supposed to be ably supported by bis wife. TilC question arises· whether there are allusions to different kinds of grha or whether only a particular setting is referred to by the texts? Can one look for variations in environment and for stages of cultural evolution within a particular text and between texts? There seem to be references to different spatial settings in the AGS, which moves effortlessly between the natal household, the gurukul and the burning ground. Similarly, attempts can also be made to discern the environmental setting for particular rites, e.g., whether the setting is rural or urban, the natal or marital househol~ in the confines of the house or outside it. There arc also references to different social strata and variations in rites depending on the economic status of particular categories. Different households also perform different functions and these need to be discerned from the Grhyasutras. Differences in the size of the grhas, organisational structure and developmental cycles need to be studied within particular Grhyasutra texts, and also between texts authored by different schools. Some of these questions will be addressed in Chapter 2. Sources from different time periods and the period preceding the Grltyasutra texts and after can also reveal valuable information about Brahmanical ideology. 73 It would be interesting to study what kind of household the Grhyasutras are advocating. It is erroneous to believe that only one particular type of household existed in the post-Vedic times. Even though one may be misled into thinking that the Grhyasutras project a mono-household pattern, variations must have existed in the size, nature and practices of the housebol~ and the Grhyasilras seem to

73

A study that takes into account horizontal and vertical variations can give a true picture of the evolution, nature and transition of the household. Wilk and Rathje point out that the nature of the household varies from society to society, e.g., there are bands where the demographic units are fragile, temporary aggregations of individuals. Then there are chiefdom and tribal societies where tbe demographic unit is a more permanent extended family and still later, the household gets even more fragmented. See Wilt wl Rathje, Arcltaeoloo of tlw Hou.,ellold: 618.

118 &«lENDmuNo 111E EARLv ffousEHoLD

be recording these variations when they refer to 'traditional and local variations'. 74 There is also the question of bow much of the maaer in these texts is theoretical and bow much is a recording of rituals actually conducted. It seems as if most of these rituals were, in fact, carried out. The study of the grha reveals invaluable aspects of early social life and the grha' s evolution is a response to social, material and cultural developments in a particular society at a particular time. The grba, as envisaged by the authors of the Grhyasutras, was expected to meet the productive, distributive and reproductive needs of a particular time. The texts themselves were spread over a much longer period of time and one has to keep in mind that many of the authors adopted a repetitive style. By focussing on the grba, the Grhyasilras could control the manner in which households can function with a partriarcbal head. The functions of the patriarch, as explained in the Grhyasutras included production, distribution and the storage of resources; transmission of tradition and the establishment of linkages with kin; having progeny, and controlling the reproductivity of women within the grba; and finally, acquiring legitimacy and enhancing the status of the household by performing rituals. We will now try and identify these rituals that are consttued as the main activities of the grba in the early Grhyasutras.

74

Wilk and Rathje claim that cultunl and aMhropological studies on bousebold orpnisalion show tbal they can be linked to wider economic and subsistence spheres (Wilt and Rathje: ArcltMlogy of tM Howhold: 618).

2 The 'Sacred' Activity of Procreation: Marriage, Conception and Birth Rites

Ethnological studies have shown that marriage is as pervasive in disparate cultures as patriarchy is and it is not surprising that scholars have traced parallel trends in the institutionalisation of marriage and the 'creation' of patriarchy in societies. 1 Several explanations have been offered for the emergence 1

Lerner refers to different scholars' interpretations on how patriarchal institutions have evolved. Bacbofen refers to the 'historic' progression in family structures u group marriage was replaced by monogamous marriage. &gels also views monogamous marriage as an improvemem in the condition of women, although, be did try to draw linkages between the evolution of marriage and the emergence of prostitution. Uvi-Strauss has said that the incest taboo, a univenal human mechanism, is the root of all social organisation and that the exchange of women was the first form of trade, after which women became 'reified', i.e., they became commodities. Lemer herself feels that inter-tribal warfare led to an increue in the power of military men, which enhanced their authority over women and other men of their tribe. Darlington refers to how exogamy evolved as a cultural innovation for evolutionary advantage because the exchange of men would not be successful u they would not bond with their new poup. Women, on their part, do because of the children they have in the new group. Claude Meillasoux discusses how agricultural societies need group cohesiveness and continuity and therefore evolve households, which secure food and seed from previous production cycles. In such societies, older men gain control over food, knowledge and women. Women and children become valuable aources of labour and hence, according to Meillasoux, the control of reproduction predates property. See Gerda Lerner, TM Cr~ation of Patriarchy: ~51.

120 &KiENDERINo111EEARLYHOUSEHOLD of marriage as an institution, ranging from exchange relations to property concerns 2 and more recently, as a medium for forging linkages within a community. 3 One of the most important concerns of marriage seems to be the need to ascertain paternal lineages of children borne by women. The reason why there was a need to establish •ownership' over children (especially sons), at least in the Brahmanical context, was because of the perceived contribution of sons in providing •ntua1 immortality' and because sons 'carried on traditions' of their fathers, thus adding to and elevating the status of the fathers. Moreover, even as sons are projected as valuable resources for the household by the G,-hyasutras, the same is not held true for girls, as patriarchal hierarchies within the household and the preoccupation with their procreative roles ensure that girls are beneficial for their husbands, rather than for their natal households. As extended kinship ties are loosened, the relationship with sons is projected as the only beneficial one because sons are the conduits through which patriarchal control over resources and traditions can be perpetuated (whereas girls are to go away to their marital household). In the household envisaged in these texts, it is the role of the wife who bears children, particularly sons, that is projected as important, while other kinswomen and daughters are ignored and marginalised. Marriage is given importance as it is the institution through which the wife is ritually, economically and sexually bound to her husband (while he does not have any such explicit restrictions). Marriage is the mechanism through which males can control and harness the procreative powers of women and direct it towards one goal-the birth 2

3

Jamison states that marriage represented a fundamental exchange relalion in ancient India and served a symbolic exchange role throughout the religious sphere. Rubin and Uvi-Sttauss emphasise the 'exchange' aspect of marriage as against. scholars like Goody who think that marriage is not an exchange as it does not sever the gift from the giver. See Stephanie Jamison, Sacrificer's Wife: '201. In my opinion, any exchange relalioo seems to be based on reciprocity and the word 'exchange' entails a twoway relationship. Yet, in the marriage rites and after, one does not really find any references to interaction on an equal footing of reciprocity between the groom and his family, and the bride's family. Roy, Kumkum, 'Marriage as Communication: An Exploration of Norms and Narratives in Early India/ Studies in History X, 2 (1994): 184-95.

'SACRED'

AcnvrrY OP PROCREATION

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of male progeny. In the first part of this chapter, we will discuss bow the ritual of marriage is 'brahmanised' in the Grhyasutras and how the subordinate role of the wife is clearly spelt out in the rites in order to demarcate the boundaries of her existence as a wife. In the second part, we shall also consider how the focus on marriage in the Grlayasutras is to ensme progeny, specifically sons, and how rites assuring the birth of sons are specified. In this scenario, the birth of girls is an unwanted side effect and stringent efforts are recommended to reduce the probability of having a girl child through the performance of rituals like Purilsavana and the Simantonnayana. By obsessing about the birth of sons, the Grhyasutras reveal their bias towards male progeny, thus projecting the need to have sons as a sacred and essential task of the householder (with some, though minimal, help from bis wife).

Marriap Rites and Women Brahmanical Notions of the 'Ideal' Wife Marriage is projected as essential in a person's life and as the only way through which the sacred duty of procreation can be performed. The epics refer to the various ways in which progeny can be produced, even if there are problems with either of the partners. However, the suggested deviations are always incorporated into the larger marital framework. which shows that marriage is to be regarded as an essential prerequisite for procreation. In the Grhya.sutras, the couple's ritual role in society is not only intimately connected with their ancestors and the progeny they bring into the world, but also with the different families who come together u a result of the union, and the place where they reside. Marriage rituals that connect the pas~ present and future are conducted in an attempt to find a genealogical, ritual, and spatial identity for the new couple that sets them apart. Brahmanical ideology projects marriage as an event that unleashes many forces that have to be balanced judiciously to prevent unwanted occurrences if the precarious balance of the cosmos is to be maintained. Marriage

122 ENceml!RING111EEARLYHOUSEHOLD with the wrong person. or in the wrong manner, according to the Brahmanical texts, can have dire consequences, change circumstances and can wreak havoc. Careful supervision by the brihmal)a is recommended for conducting the marriage rites. A clear attempt is thus made to entrench Brahmanical presence in marriage rites. 1be manner in which different types of marriages are classified in the AGS 1.6.1-8 reveals how marriage is used to enforce the control of kinsmen over the women of the household. 1be texts imply that the progeny from 'correct' marriages can purify several generations of the household as the marriage ceremony by itself is not just an isolated event, but one that enhances the status of several generations of ancestors. The first four kinds of marriages delineated by the text are the Brahma, the Daiva, the Prajipatya and the ~a. The progeny of the first four kinds of marriages, especially sons, can purify generations of ancestors. These four types of marriages are followed by Gindharva, Asura, Pai&ca and Riksasa, for which there are no references to whether they can purify ancestors or not. 1be G,-hyasutras do not classify types of marriage hued on V&l'Q8, unlike the Upanayana rite, where the van,a of the brahmacirin is clearly mentioned as it determines the kind of ttaining that be is to get. However, the AGS 1.6.1-8 does refer to different kinds of marriages and grades them hierarchically, while later dhanna writers like Manu did attempt to grade these according to van.ta. This indicates that marriage practices of different types were incorporated into the Brahmanical ttadition and graded in such a way that those alliances which incorporated Brahmanical ideology with its patriarchal leanings were ranked as the best marriages. 4 The best marriage is one where the father is involved in choosing the groom and where he willingly gives away the bride, his daughter, decked with ornaments. This is the Brahma type of marriage. The hierarchy in fonns of marriages and in the degree to which dcscendents and ancestors are purified shows that a marriage began to be projected as valid only if it led to progeny, panicularly to the birth of sons. There are only rare references to a ' The ritual itself, according to Kumkum Roy, is an assemblage of analogies and symbols and signifies 'growth and incrcue in prosperity'. See Kumkum Roy, 'Maniage u Communication': 184.

1

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dengbn's ability to pmify her ancestors and too only if she ha a son. Here too, it is her falMr who amnges tbe marriage and it is bis purificalioo in question~ and it is her son who allows this to happen. It is worth nobllg that if there are progeny. a marriage is considered equally beneficial bolb to the bride's and gaoom•s family because twelve generations of both sides are to be considered purified. This is one way by which the fathers of daughters can purify their ancestors and descendents. One can't help but notice that the Gr#rytuidra texts are full of finding solutions to imagined problems created by diem! The next category of marriages is the Daiva marriage that. not surprisingly, encourages a marriage where the father gives away his daughter, decked with ornaments, to the officiating priest during a srauta sacrifice. 1be son of such a marriage purifies ten generations of ancestors. The texts never miss an opportunity to pressurise the sacrificer for daqii;ai-even the daughter is expected to be given as dak$o,i. The Prajipatya marriage is next. where, according to the AGS, 1bey fulfill the dhanna together'. A son of this marriage purifies eight generations of ancestors and descendents. The meaning of 'fulfill the dhanna', however, remains unclear. It could mean the dharma of carrying out one's duties. But this seems unlikely because the sentence comes in the same context of the father who 'decks the bride with ornaments'. This may mean that in the Prajipatya marriage, both the sides help in meeting the expenses of the wedding. This seems to be true as the next verse describes the Alla type of marriage. where the groom must give a bull and cow to the girl's father. Such a wedding purifies only seven generations of ancestors. The kinds of marriage that do not bring any benefits for the families are Gindharva (mutual consent), Asura (where the bride's father is gladdened with wealth), Pai&ca (where the bride is carried off while her relatives sleep) and RikAAS& (where the bride is carried off weeping while relatives are killed). Except for the nomenclature-Rik$858 and Paigjca-there is no real criticism of these types of marriage. The reference to these marriages show that different types of marriages already existed and that there was an attempt by Brahmanical ideologues to classify them into categories. In their attempt at a taxonomical hierarchisation of marriage, the Brahmanical authors of

124 ENcENDatlNonEEARLY llouBD.D the Sitras graded the different forms of marriage according to the potential benefits that could be accrued for anceston. This hierarchy of marriages is obviously an artificial and superficial attempt. not really taking into account the society that the Grhyasitras were compiled in. Even the lowest type of the four 'beneficial' marriages manages to purify seven generations of ancestors and dcscendents. While the first four categories 'purify', the last four categories certainly do not defile. 1be texts encourage the first four categories of marriage by giving them extra benefits. The last four are discouraged, but not given any undue negative power that can be abused by upstart progeny to bring discredit to their families. This classification also shows that although different kinds of marital practices were included in the Brahmanical system, an ideal marriage is one where the bride is given away bedeck~ with the active consent of the kinsmen of the bride. The fact that marriage practices where both the families share the cost of the wedding or where the groom gives a cow and bull (i.e., dhan) to the kinsmen is included in the beneficial type of marriages shows that attempts were made to include all forms of marriage. That is why the last four types are included, although they do not have the approval of the Brahmani~al order, as is clear from the silence on the purification that the progeny of such a marriages can bring and from the negative terms used like Rlkpssa.. Paiuca and Asura. 1be texts, however do not speculate on any marriage type being confined to a particular van_ia, unlike Manu, who mentioned bow different Vlll)U are allowed different kinds of marriages.' The classification of marriage being applied to the van,as seems to be a later development, although the Gfhyasutras' classification is significant as an attempt to classify marriage according to its acceptability, recognising the bride's kinsmen role over and above the bride's consent or any one-sided desire for marriage of the groom. Moreover, the Grhyasf,aras do state that the progeny from ' Manu makes conflicting statements and mentions bow the first four types of marriages are meant for brihmm,as, or that the first six arc meant for brihnw,las, while the last four are allowed for the Uatriyas. Further, be allows the Gindbarva, Asun and PaiBca types for the vmyu and the but also Slates that the Pai&ca and Asun are not for any v ~

,ildras.

(Manu Dl.2~26).

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proper marriages can purify anceston and this argument seems to have been carried forward and turned around by Manu who asserted-in his theory of V~ Sarnkan--that polluting castes emerge as a result of the intermingling of v11r9as through marriage.6 The GGS m.4.1-3 states that the brahmacirin should marry after be bas studied the Vedas and offered daqi9i to bis guru. The texts suggest that it is imperative for the brahrnanical male to be versed in the Vedas and this insistence shows that males were expected to be proficient in their respective occupations when they entered into matrimony. Given the significance of marriage and progeny, the choice of the bride is crucial and is dealt with exhaustively in the early Grhyasutras. The ideal bride's family has to be endowed with knowledge, austerity and meritorious works for ten generations of the bride's mother's and father's side according to the AGS 1.5.1.7 In the AGS I.S.2, belonging to an illustrious family is also necessary for the groom and the father of the bride is encouraged to look for an intelligent groom.1 The ApGS 1.3.19 elaborates that the groom should be from a good family, have 'good character', auspicious characteristics, learning and good health. The ApGS 1.3.18 refers to the need for the same characteristics in a bride too. However, other texts 6

Thambi• S.J .• 'From Van,a to Caste through Mixed Unions,' in Character of Kinship. edited by Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973): 196. By Manu's time, the idea that progeny not only purify but also pollute wu taken a step further in his theory of Van,a Samkara, where be tried to show that the growth of polluting castes was related to the intermingling of V81'9U. particularly when women of higher v ~ married men of lower V811;18. 7 F.dmological studies show how marriages between approved families is tbe norm in many societies. Bnace Lincoln, in bis study on the scarification rites of the Tiv, states that their emphasis on genealogy shows the need for knowledge of a person's antecedents. This, according to ~ answers doubts about who one can marry, who one can come in contact with, what are people• s territorial rights, who one can count on for usistance, and all these determine 'patterns of dwelling and land usage'. See Bruce Lincoln, EIMrging from the Chrysalis: 31. • Roy shows bow the initiative for marriage is to be taken by the bridegroom's kinsmen. The kinsmen and the priesthood arc to play complementary roles and the groom functions as an agent and sets up the sacrificial fire involving the gods and anceston. See Kumkum Roy, 'Marriage as Communication': 184-95.

126 ENGENDmuNo DIE EARLY Housmtou> have more expectations from the incoming bride. According to the AGS 1.5.3, the bride is expected to have buddhi, intelligence, and rupa, beauty, along with being Jila lalqa,µuampanna (endowed with good disposition, virtues) and arogya (without disease). The SGS 1.5 .5-10 mentions that the bride should be one 'whose limbs are proportionate, whose hair should be smooth, who should have at her neck two curls of hair turned to the right, (of such a girl) he shall know that she will give birth to six men'(!). Since intrinsic characteristics of the girl are difficult to fathom, the AGS has quaint solutions for the problem and even though the fear of the unknown could not be totally eliminated, the compilers organise a 'guessing game' with the bride-to-be. Lumps of eanh are to be collected from different places and depending on the lump, pi,µJa, she chooses, the bride is to be accepted or rejected. The places where these lumps are got from and the analogies that are drawn on the basis of this charade clearly reveals the pre-conceived notions the compilers had about what is acceptable behaviour in a bride and what is not. 'If she chooses the (lump) from a field that yields more than two crops (in one year), she will have offspring rich in food. If she chooses a lump from a cow-stable, she will bring riches in cattle. If she chooses a lump from a pool that does not dry up, (she will be) rich in everything. If the lump ~s from a gambling place, (she will be) addicted to gambling. If the lump is from a place where four roads mee~ she will be wandering in different directions. H the lump is from a barren spot, she will be poor. If it is from a burial ground, (she will) bring death to her husband.'

1be GGS 0.1.1-9 also mentions that the potential bride should be made to choose from lumps if the groom cannot find a wife who possesses auspicious characteristics in the due manner. The GGS suggests that eight lumps should be gathered from a vedi, a furrow, a pool, a cow-stable, where four roads mee~ a gambling place, where corpses are burnt and from sterile soil. The ninth part should be a mix of all soils. 1bese lumps are to be offered to the girl while stating that every thing on eanh is founded on the right (implying that they are about to make the right choice based on this test) and that she can become the universe once she makes the right choice. The text goes on to state that the groom should then marry a woman if she chooses one of the first four lumps or the ninth one.

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The groom, of course, is not expected to undergo any such test and one can imagine the state of the young girl who had to undergo such an ordeal u the onus is on her to prove her innocence. Moreover, what the texts convey is that any girl who is wayward, outgoing or who brings poverty, death or infertility to the household is unwanted. The ideal consttucts of the texts, in this way, put immense pressure on girls to conform and in case some untoward incident would occurr in the household into which she marries, the blame would lie squarely on her evil devices and inauspicious presence. The APGS 1.3.10-11 refers to girls who have to be avoided as brides. This list includes those who sleep (too much), those who cry or those who have left home. 'One who is guarded by her relations' and 'looks wicked', one who is like the sarabha animal, has a hunchback, a monstrous appearance, a bald head, skin like a frog, one who has gone over to another family or one who is given to sensual pleasures are all laid down as bad choices. Surprisingly, even a girl who is 'most excellent' but who has too many friends or who has a fine younger sister or whose age is too close to that of the bridegroom is to be avoided. The aim seems to be to filter out those who are too outgoing and physically not perfect, even if they are 'excellent'. The ApGS 1.3.20 rounds off this male-centric argument by stating that the wife should be 'pleasing to his, the groom's, mind and his eyes, and bring happiness to him', and that he should not pay attention to other things. TIie GGS m.5.4 states that a person should not have anything to do with 'a girl who is the only child of her mother'. This casts doubts on the girl because she would evidently be attached to her natal family, being an only child. Getting married and having children (sons) is an essential part of the responsibilities of a man, so women are projected as wives and begetters of sons. But a wife can bring riches only if she conforms to the behavioural pattern that is structured for her. Paradoxically, the texts project power onto the incoming bride. Yet, this power is considered evil and one that has to be controlled. The GGS Dl.4.4-5 states that the groom should marry one who does not belong to his gotra and who is not a sapi,µJa relation of his mother. The best bride is supposed to be a 'naked' girl, nagnilca, and this seems to suggest a girl of young age who docs not wear any

128 F.NoENDmtlNo 111B EARLY HOUSBHOLD upper gannents, who has not experienced menarche or whose breasts are not yet developed. Thus, the GGS seems to be going a step further in laying down the rules for the bride by specifying that she be of a young age. The fact that younger girls are recommended for marriage in the Grhyasutras suggests a degree of insecurity regarding bride acquisition-the sooner one can be acquired, the better are the groom's chances of keeping the family lineage going. It also attempts to tap the reproductive potential of a woman as early as possible, while also enhancing the chances of controlling her while she is of an impressionable age. The last reason seems to be the most plausible one for the acquisition of a young bride. However, the MGS 1.7.8 refers to nagniki in a different context and states that even an ugly girl can look beautiful by means of dressing up, but a naked girl canno~ and therefore states that it is necessary to see her naked, implying 'shorn of ornamentation' rather than nudity. This shows that within the texts there is confusion about the proper age of the bride and that these issues were being thrown up at the time of the earlier Grhyasutras itself. Also, there are texts like the ApGS IIl.8.12, 13, which mentions that the husband must instruct his wife on her conduct during her menses, implying that the wife was expected to attain puberty at the husband's house. This shows that amongst the Grhyasutras, the GGS and the APGS advocate early marriages. Once the choice of bride is made, descriptions of nuptial rites foil ow. Initially, Agni, Soma and Piif811 are to be appeased. The offerings to the deities signify the aspirations and anxieties of the Brahmanical order-plentitude is coveted, but without arousing the wrath of jealous gods. On the one hand, the gods are shown to be allpowerful, having strength and virility, plenty of wives and children of their own. On the other hand, they are also understood as being jealous of any new acquisition that the householder may have. Since brih11181)as are the representatives of the deities, by implication, they are to be appeased at every ceremonial occasion. The PGS 1.4.14-16 reveals brahmanical expectations vis-l-vis the new bride: [The bride's father] anoints the two [while the bridegroom recites), 'May the Vihedevi, may the waten unite our hearts. May Mitari,va. may Dhiq-, may Deftri [the 'showing' goddess] join us'. [The Bridegroom]. having accepted her who is "given away by her father, takes her and goes away

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[from that place] saying verse 'When you wander far away with your heart to lhe region., of the world like the~ may the gold-winged Vaitaroa grant that your heart may dwell with me! N. N !• He then makes them look at each other [while the bridegroom repeats the verses], 'With evil eye, do not bring death to your husband, bring luck to the cattle, be full of joy and vigour. Give binh to b ~ ; be godly and friendly. Bring us luck, to men and animals. . . Soma has acquired fint (as bis wife); after him the Gandharva bas acquired (you). Your third husband is Agni; the fourth is your human husband. Soma bas given you to the Gandbarva; the Gandbarva has given you to Agni. Wealth and children Agni bas given to me, and besides his wife. Pilf811 ! Lead her to us, the highly blessed one'.

1be fact that goddesses are invoked in this particular rite shows that the inclusion of feminine elements in the marriage rite could not be avoided. The role ascribed to the goddesses in bringing the couple together shows that unlike the other rites of the household where the householder can easily manage on his own, in marriage and procreation rites, the participation of the woman, albeit a passive one, is required. The fact that the bride does not come directly to the groom but through the gods-Soma, Gandharva, Agni, being passed on from one god to the other in a hierarchical order and then to the husband, shows the extent to which the G,-hyasutras regard women as objects of possession. Just as items of food are to be offered to the gods before they were enjoyed in order to avoid their wrath, so also is the bride and this is also mentioned in the RV. X.85.40,41. The reference to the wandering of the heart seems to be to the unfathomable thoughts and feelings of the bride and to the fact that they cannot be controlled. This attempt to build a notion of feminine mystique highlights the groom's insecurity and it is based on this anxiety that he is instructed to specify that while she may wander 'to the regions of the world', her heart must dwell in him. The passage shows very clearly what is expected from the bride-she is the harbinger of luck 'for men and cattle, and is the source of heroic progeny'. She is also expected to be 'full of joy and vigour' and to be 'godly and friendly' .9 Thus, the G,-liyasilras carefully build the image of the 9

W emer Menski shows how even in the AV, there are specific expectations of the bride. 1be bride is seen as inauspicious and dangerous and is expected to be 'soft and geode and easy to guide' ( s ~ ; AV 14.2.18).

130 &«ENcmtJNonEF.AitLY ffoumloU>

incoming bride as one full of mystique, with the potential for unleashing negative forces. Her power, therefore, is to be rendered benign through rites laid down in the G,-hyasutras and conducted under the careful supervision of brihm&l)as, so that she can bring prosperity for her marital household.

The Significance of Marriage Rites in Delineating

Women's Roles The significance attributed to marriage rites in the otherwise terse Grhyasutras points to the significance of marriage for the gJha set-up. The marriage rite is recognised in the Grhyasfmas as the platform, where, in the presence of an audience, the roles and responsibilities of a couple can be clearly (and symbolically) spelt out, thus facilitating their transition to a new life. The marriage rites of the Grhyasilras also place the wife in a subservient position, as one to be controlled by her husband. There are references to the bride being well covered and in some texts like the GGS 11.1.19-21, there are references to her performing rites 'from within' (veiled? clothed?). She is to obediently follow the 'path on which her husband goes', praying that it may be open to her too. She is expected to be coy and only murmur what she bas to say, and in case she does not speak out of shyness, then the husband is to speak on her behalf (a situation which would certainly satisfy the pattiarcbal-mioded audience of the texts). The text also states that the bride is to wear a sacrificial cord/gannent hung over her left shoulder. The question as to whether the cord is sacred when she first wean it or whether there is a special rite performed for her initiation is discussed later in this book. 10 A medieval commentary on this passage• 1 states that women are not allowed to wear the sacred

10 11

She is also expected to be in charge of the household fire and is made to pay obeisance to the household gods (AV 14.2.20). See Menski, Werner, •Marital Expectations u Dramatized in Hindu Marriage Rituals,' in Roks and Rituals for Hindi, Women, edited by Julia Leslie (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidau, 1991): 61. See Chapter 3. Quoled in Oldenberg, Tlae Grhyasitras: 44.

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cord and that it is the upper garment that is being referred to here, arranged in that manner. Unfortunately, as B•'ahmanical texts do not find it necessary to record ttaditions related to women except in a cursory and peripheral manner, the issue of the placement of the cord is debatable. It could be that just before marriage, the status of the bride is enhanced by her wearing the yajnopavita, so that she qualifies for sitting in during the ritual. as many brihroB9as may have believed that only those who wear the yajiopavita could participate in a Vedic ritual. 12 The elevation in the wife's status is evidently temporary and transient u there are no other references to the wife wearing the yajiiopavita. Moreover, only the GGS refers to this, which seems to show that there wu no unanimity amongst the G,-hyasutra authors on this subject and most early writers of the texts preferred not to take up the conttovenial issue of women and the yajiiopavita. That the bride's participation cannot be dispensed with and is maintained in a controlled and passive manner, always with the groom u a medium, is seen in the marriage rites prescribed in the GGS ll.1.24, where she is to place her right band on the shoulder of the groom when be offers oblations to the fire. 13 The SGS 1.13.1 also includes a verse to be chanted when the father or the brother of the bride conducts the sacrifice holding a sword's point or §ruva on her 12

13

Jamison links this to the Upanayana ceremony and the girding of the wife rather than to the establishment of ritual equality between the husband and the wife that gives the wife temporary initiate status. Sec Stephanie Jamison, Sacrificed's Wife: 46. F. M. Smith refers to the manner in which the wife is to be 'girdled' before important rituals. The 'girdling' of the wife, as recommended in the Apastamba Srawasitra 2.S.2-10, in effect, is like her initiation. The girdling is done with muiija grass while the woman is sitting, u she 'becomes virile' in this position. But the binding can also signify the loss of her independent eligibility and responsibility in the ritual sphere, thus limiting her panicipation. See Smith, F. M., 'Indra's Curse, Varu~a's Noose and the Suppression of Women in the Vedic Snuta Ritual,' in Roks and Rituals for Hindu Wt1fMn, edited by Julia Leslie (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1991): 26. The SGS 1.12.11 states that the sacrifice is to be made while chanting the Mahavyahrtis thrice and even for the fourth time whenever no express rule is stated, as in this case. This statement of the SGS shows that these sacrificial practices were already quite com.moo and that texts relating to them already existed.

132 ENoENDauNo mE EARLY lfousEHoLD

head- 'Be queen with your father-in-law' (RV X.85.46). This is perhaps the only reference to the groom's father, §vaJura, in the marriage rites (except the reference in the settlement of marriage) and it shows that after marriage, there must have been instances when the bride and groom remained dependent on the groom's father, rather than setting up a different household after marriage. The P8'i~a rite 14 or 'seizing of the hand' symbolises the handing over of the bride to the groom. 1be AGS 1.7.3 states that the groom is to stand with his face to the west and take bis bride's hand who is to sit with her face turned to the east, and say, 'I seize your hand for the sake of happiness'. The entire performance dcmmxb a passive bride as things are done to her, rather than her initiating the actions. For example, the AGS 1.7.6, SGS 1.13.4 and PGS 1.6.3, all state that she is to be 'led around the fire three times by the groom', who is then to recite the verse, 'This am I, that is you; that is you, this am I; the heaven I, you are the _earth; the Siman I, you are the fk; Come! Let us marry here. Let us beget offspring. Loving, bright, with genial mind may we live a hundred autumns'. 15 1be PGS 1.6.3 adds a preceding verse, 'I seiz.e your hand for the sake of happiness, that you may live to old age with me, your husband. Bbaga, Aryaman, Saviq-, Purandhi, the gods have given you to me that we may rule our house.' This eloquent verse favours the compatibility between married couples. The statement in the initial sentence is to establish the presence of the bride and the groom in the ceremony, and the subsequent declaration of the intentions of the groom are for the benefit of the audience. The bride's treading of a stone is recorded as a rite in the AGS 1.7.7, the SGS 1.13.12 and in the PGS 1.7.1, which state that, 'The groom leads her around and he makes her tread a stone (so that she can be) firm like the stone and overcome enemies and foes'. The bride who is led around by the groom and who is placed under his influence, is also expected to be flnn in her commitment and loyalty to the groom, while overcoming his enemies and foes. The groom does not seem to need such an oath of steadfastness because it is assumed that it is not as crucial for him to be firm and committed in a marriage as it is for her. 14

15

For details on the order in which the rites appear in some of the Grhyasutras, see Kumkum Roy, ~ EIMrgence of Monarchy: 191, Table 1. According to Nlriyll)a, four brihmll)8S are to recite the Surya hymn, RV X.85, at this juncture.

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The verse shows the fear that Brahmanical authors projected on the groom vis-l-vis the risk involved in procuring a bride. The concern regarding the fidelity of the wife is caused by the issue of paternity. In a society where the sons role is to be the one who ensures the smooth transition of the 'fathers' (in plural because many generations of pitr were involved) to the other world, paternity is a real issue. Thus the need to ensure the wife's loyalty. 16 The change in the marital status of women is projected as the moment of their 'highest glory' and the woman's compliance is rewarded, according to the SGS 1.13.14, with a second garment being presented to her by the groom. The rite of Lijaboma is significant as it involves a male relative of the bride, preferably her brother, who pours roasted grains into her bands. According to the AGS 1.17.13 and the SGS 1.13.15, the brother (or someone in an equivalent position) is to pour ijya and grain into her bands twice and the remaining ijya is to be poured over what is left of the sacrificial food. The bride must then sacrifice the grains in her band without opening her joined bands. The preference for male relatives is clear here too, as it is through the brother, the actual inheritor of the natal family's fortunes, that ritual connections are made. The SGS 1.13.15 refers to this rite being conducted by the father or brother of the bride. The ApGS 11.5.S suggests that a uterine relation, of the bride, her sayodarya, can atso do it. While she sacrifices the grains standing, the groom is to murmur on her behalf, 'May I bring bliss to my relatives; may my husband live long. Svibi! The verse again reveals the fear vis-l-vis the incoming bride. She is not even entrusted with pleas to the gods and the groom makes these on her behalf. The texts make no provision for the bride to speak during the ceremony and even those rites where she is in focus and may be expected to make some statements, are to be done on her behalf by the groom. 17 16

17

The PGS I. 7.2 refen to the song that the groom is to sing: •Saraswati ! Promote this, 0 gracious one, bountiful one, you whom we sing first of all that, in whom what is, bas been born, in whom this whole world dwella--dUll song I will sing today which will be the hia)lest glory of

women'. Kumkum Roy shows the rn•onet in which the bride is 'acted upon•. i.e., bathed and anointed. The two personu, the bride and the groom. accordin1

134 &o!NDERJNo 111B FJJu..y HOUSBHOLD The AGS 1.7.15 states tba~ in some cases, the bride can be led around the fire each time the grain is poured ou~ while the SGS 1.14.2 states that all the ceremonies, from the treading of the stone onwards, can be repeated twice or thrice and if preferred, for a fourth time, silently. The PGS 1.7.3-5 states that when the bride and the groom go around the fire once, they are to tread the stone while chanting the verses, 'To you they have in the beginning carried round Sfiryi with the bridal procession. May you give back, Agni, to the husbands, the wife together with the offspring'. The same rites are to be repeated twice beginning from the pouring of roasted grain. At the fourth time, the bride is to pour the entire amount of the grain through the neb of a basket saying, 'To Bhaga, svihi !' 11 This passage seems to be replete with sexual symbolism as the reference is to Agni giving back the wife impregnated with offspring. Thus, the circumambulation of Agni takes on a different meaning. Verses recited by the groom ask the gods Aryaman, Varu1_1a and Pii'811, to loosen her bonds (from her natal home, but not from the place where she is going, i.e., her marital home). The PGS 1.6.2 continues, 'This woman, strewing grains prays thus, 'May my husband live long, may my relations be prosperous. Svihi!' 'lbese grains I throw into the fire; may this bring prosperity to you and may it unite men with you. May Agni grant us that. Svihi". This ceremony symbolises the loosening of the bride's ties with her paternal home. Further, the bride's brother is to symbolically give her portions of the family's resources by offering her the four avanas (the portions cut off from the havis ), which she is to then sacrifice in the nuptial fire thrice and then towards herself, 'with the neb of a basket', for the fourth time.

11

to Roy, are differently empowen,d and not identical. The 'bonds of control, dominance, subordination' are established through the P~gnb•o~ the grasping of the hand, which is the central point of the marriage rite. See Kumkum Roy, 'Marriage as Communication': 184-95. As in the PGS I. 7.3-5, the GGS D.2.4 seq states that the sequence of rites is in this IIUlllDCf-f~ the treading of the stone; followed by the pouring of grain in to the bride's bands by her brother: then, the sacrifice of the grain into the fire; and finally, the cimmwnbulation of the fire. The verses are to be recited by a brlbma9a versed in the mantras.

'Ibis rite implies that the bride carries the fortunes of her natal boulebold into ber marital home. 1be GrlaYtUitras project marriage u a mechanism through which die fortunes of the groom's family and IOIDetimes of the bride's, can be changed. It is not surprising that so much importance is attached to the choice of the bride and her family background. Whether the exchange of roasted grain is to be accompanied with the actual exchange of material goods is not clear, but the symbolic si1nificance of the exchange cannot be denied. Although. there is no mention in the texts that the excban1e is in any way expected to diminish the fortunes of the bride's father's household. this aeems implied in the texts' insistence on the Brahma form of marriage, where the givin1 away of a daughter laden with ornaments is encouraaed. Moreover, given the fact that the fire is carried from the bride• s home, the direction for the enhancement of fortunes, however symbolic, seems to be strictly one-way, i.e., from the bride's household to the groom's household. It is no wonder that these texts venerate sons, as theoretically, in a world ridden with V8J'98, class and status hierarchies, it is the sons who engineer social mobility and change fortunes for their household through marriage (or even through higher learning or specialised work). The GrhyasMtras thus highlight the role of the incoming bride, but she too is subject to pattiarcbal norms. TheAGS 1.7.16 asks the groom to loosen the tufts of wool that bind the bride's hair and say, 'I release you from the band of Vanu,a', m,mja,ni v ~ . implying another symbolic loosening of the bride's previous bonds. This is also mentioned in the RV X.85.24. The SGS I. IS. I refen to this rite at a later point and mentions it only when the bride and groom are about to proceed towards their home. Instead, the text refen to the Saptapadi, the rite of seven steps al this juncture. The AGS 1.7.19, SGS 1.14.6, PGS 1.8.1 and the GGS 11.12.11 refer to this rite in which the groom makes the bride take seven steps towards the nortbeastem direction. Each step signifies the roles that the couple arc expected to perform in their marriage, with the first step standing for sap, the second for juice, the third for wealth. the fourth for comfort. the fifth for offspring, the sixth for seasons and the seventh for friendship_ Only the SGS and the PGS 1.8.2 differ u they state that the fifth step implies cattle, otherwise, all the three texts are remarkably .. similar in their treatment of the seven steps and they all recommend

136 Fl«ENDmtn«l11EEAlu..Y HOUSIIHOLD

that the words, 'May VitlJU lead you' be added to tvery part of the mantra. According to the AGS 1.7.19, the groom is to tell the bride, 'be devoted to me and let us have many sons who reach old age'. Marriage is seen u providing the vital link for the perpetuation of lif~therefore, the first steps emphasise the notions of sap and juice. The next two steps stand for materialistic needs such as wealth and comfort. The fact that the sixth step is taken for the seasons shows that the couple have a larger responsibility towards their surroundings and need to take a step for congenial environs. 1be last step takes this point further by emphasising friendship. Whether this is friendship between the bride and the groom or for the couple vis-l-vis society is not clear but the reference seems to be to the earlier one, i.e., between the married couple. Surprisingly, the need for offspring is only mentioned in the fifth step and that too only in the AGS. While the Brahmanical texts would have us believe that the sole purpose of marriage is to have progeny and the overlying need to purify ancestors, the actual rites conducted have many other acts that signify togetherness, companionship and bonding between different families. So, it seems that the texts were adopting already popular rites, adding their own interpretations and giving them sanctity. It does seem as if those verses that were incorporated from the RV sRss companionship, while the Grhyasutra rituals intended to stress the need to have offspring and so, the authon of the texts promote marriage primarily for the reason of having progeny. On the other hand, since rituals are actually performed, there will remain the aspect of emotional involvement and togetherness instilled in rites that encounge touching and togetherness in acts like touching heads together, holding hands and taking steps together, all of which symbolise togetherness. The SGS 1.14.7 mentions that the Saptapadi is to be appeased with water, poured by a brihm~ or the icirya. The SGS highlights the role of the icirya throughout the proceedings, from the time when the groom's relatives come to the bride to proclaim the intention of the groom to marry her. Further, the icirya is to make the bride carry a pot with auspicious contents on her head and he has an active role till the end of the rites, when be is to sprinkle water on the couple to bless them. Thus the role of the icirya is enhanced during marriage

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rites and the brihnuu_la is also made a part of the proceedings, usually at the helm of affairs, directing the rites. 19 The brihmaJJa bas a presence in the RV X.85.29 too as the recipient of the bridal yoke, but it does seem as if the role of the brihJ1UU.1a got enhanced gradually over time. The SGS 1.14.11-17 and the PGS 1.8.14-18 mention that at the end of the marriage rite, a cow is to be given to the brihnuuJa. According to the SGS, at the time of each sthifipika and other rites, something is to be given to the brihnuu,as. This shows that by the time the SGS was being compiled, the marriage ceremony had been identified as a potential source of daqu,a for the brihm~a. In fact, the texts go on to state that a cow is an optional gift to be given by a b r ~ while the rijanya' s option is a village. The SGS further distinguishes between the 'one who is versed in sacrificial rites' and those who are not by stating that a horse is to be given to such a person. This emphasis on ctakfii,i for the brihmaJ_las is not there in the AGS, which recommends that the braruruu,&S be fed after the bri~ reaches her husband's house. The bride's departure from her house is to be preceded with the chanting of verses from the SGS 1.15.1, which refer to releasing the bride from Varut;aa's bond. These verses are also referred to in the AGS (see above). The ApGS 11.5.12 refers to the performance of the Jaya hymn and to the untying of a rope, after which the groom 'makes her depart or has her taken away'. The PGS 1.8.3-8 refers to elaborate rites to be performed just as the couple arc leaving. The SGS 1.11.1 bluntly states that the 'bride is to be carried away'. All these references indicate passivity on the part of the bride, on whom these acts are performed. The GGS ll.2.1 S-17 states that water is to be sprinkled by a water-carrier. It states that after the 'seizing of the hand', 'they' must carry her away. The abruptness of the departure is reflected in the word used-safflapta.sfuldhahanti-which is symbolic of the bride being tom away from her home once the rites are over. This also seems to imply a degree of violence and tension, even despair, in the bride's leave taking. 1be GGS 11.2.14 states that the groom must point out the auspicious ornaments of the bride to the onlookers. The projection, seemingly, is to the notion that new clothes and ornaments compensate 19

The SGS 1.14.8 states that the iclrya is to recite the A,,oh4rhiya verses and wipe the steps with stlteya water.

138 E.Nc&mERING 1111! EARLY Housmtou> for the emotional upheaval that the bride may be feeling when being led away from her home. According to the AGS 1.7.21, OD the fint night after the marriage rites, the bride is to stay in the house of an old brilmuu)a woman whose husband and children are both alive. The good fortune of the old woman in having a husband and children who were alive is to be assimil~ (through association) by the new bride. The SGS does not refer to this particular rite at this point. The GGS 11.3.lseq, on the other hand, states that she is to be carried away 'to a convenient house of a brihmai,a and wood is to be put on the nuptial fire at this place'. The bride is then to sit on a bull's hide till stars appear in the sky and meanwhile, the groom is to sacrifice six oblations of ijya with accompanying verses. 1be remnants of the ijya are then to be poured over the bride's head. According to the AGS 1.7.22, the rites end here with the bride breaking her silence after seeing the polar star, the Arundhati, and the Seven Rfis and must chant the statement, 'May my husband live long and I get offspring'. This passage seems to imply that the bride is expected to keep silent throughout the ceremony, not only as she has no verses to recite, but consciously, so as to not disrupt the sacrifice. The GGS 11.3.13 states that the bride must break her silence by respectfully calling out her guru's gotta name. It is DOI clear whether the guru mentioned here is of the bride's family or the groom's family, but one can usume that it is the latter, as these rites are to be conducted under the supervision of the groom. The mute presence of the bride is in sharp contrast to that of the groom. who dominates the proceedings, playing an active role, while the bride is expected to go through the formalities in a mute and conceding fashion. The bride is given a chance to. speak only after the whole event, that too about the long life of her husband and her children. The allusions to Dhruva, Anmdhati and the Seven lqis focus OD the need of the bride to be solid, dependable and unwaveringly faithful. The PGS 1.8.19,20 states that the final rite is to be conducted in the evening and even if the bride does not see the pole star. she is to pretend that she has. 1be GGS 11.3.9 further stresses OD her fidelity when she is to pronounce that she is striving to be firm 'in the house of (my) husband'. while announcing her own and her husband's name. The SGS 1.17.3-

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5 places this particular rite after the bride's arrival in the groom's house. The pledge of steadfastness being given in the groom's house, where presumably, the loyalties of the bride would be less divided, seems significant The point at which the pledge for steadfastness is included is just before the couple's consummation of their marriage and this goes to show that the rite underlines the need for sexual fidelity on the part of the wife, revealing the insecurity that the Grh,asfltras project onto the bridegroom about the issue of paternity and conjugal fidelity. As stated earlier, the fact that fidelity is not an issue for the groom is clear and at no point in the course of the marriage rites is the groom asked to be 'steadfast'. Nor is be associated with homologies which make him more dependable. It is the bride who is made to tread the stone, see the polar star and pledge steadfastness throughout the rites. The GGS 11.3.16 refen to an argha reception for the couple and states that the first food 'he eats should be food fit for the sacrifice' or else that the groom should prepare sthilipika on the following day, which the couple eats together. This food is to be offered to the deities Agni, Prajipali, the ViAvcdevis and to Anumati. The groom must the food out of the vessel, spread it out and recite verses, after which he is to eat it and then offer the rest to his wife. Whether this happens in the bouse of the brilunal)a where the couple are to go first, or in the groom's house once they reach ~ . is not quite clear, but it is probably the latter. The role of the bride in the marriage rites lays down the high standards that she has to emulate in the future. She must lead a life of compliance by treading in her husband's steps and by maintaining silence in the presence of Vedic mantras. She must be steadfastly loyal and offer companionship to her husband. Her main role is to support her husband in all his ritual and social commibnents and to give birth to the children (sons) that he desires. Deviations from these nonns are not tolerated or accepted by Brahmanical ideology in the ritual arena or in the real world.

Brahmanical Forays into Feminine Spaces We have so far considered how the marriage rites demarcate the boundaries that define the bride's future role. Yet, it is possible to

140 Fl«ENDERINo nm EARLY Housmiot.D derive that the role of women in marriage rituals wu significant. In the ApGS 1.2.1 S, while referring to the marriage rites, the text states, 'One should learn from women (stn1 what ceremonies (are required by custom)'. This shows that the Brahmanical texts were actually making forays into areas that were ttaditionally managed by women and that women were carrien of traditions and customs through generations. 20 It seems as if a number of rituals that were earlier solely performed by women were being incorporated into the Brahmanical ttadition. In this process, there were many women's rites that came to be dominated by the groom and the brilmuu.1• priest, especially the procreation and marriage rites. These rites were formalised by being given a place in the texts, yet, it also meant that these were areas in which there wu an extension of the control of the householder and the brihnw)a. The marriage rituals of the Grhyasitras incorporated different customs. 21 The texts actually show a remarkable degree of syncbronity in the marriage rites (except in the order in which the rituals are to be performed), reflecting that there was an understanding amongst the autbc,rs of different schools for the need for uniform marriage rites. The places where we find some degree of variations in the ceremony are in the rituals related to women. Thus, one can postulate that while there was a definite trend towards the Brahmanisation of marriage rituals, this cannot be explained by merely stating that different ttaditional customs were incorporated into the ritual. Actually, in order to control their sexuality, a deliberate attempt seems to have been made to incorporate rites related to fertility that were hitherto

20

21

There are otbr.r instances where women's rites are mentioned. F. M. Smith. while referring to offerings of the Patnisadlyijas rite, suggests that the offerings were derived from an independent prototype that women performed for themselves. See F. M. Smith, 'Indra's Curse': 28. Roy states that there is an 'uneasy and no uniform welding of beliefs and practices' in the marriage ritual, and she agrees tbal 'there is a tacit recognition of alternatives'. The marriage ritual in the GrhyasitrtU symbolises the 'brahmani1.ation of marriage' accordina to Kwnkum Roy. The ritual itself, according to her. is an usemblage of analogies and symbols. As for the role of women in the ritual, Roy states that it aims at •absorbing, incorporating and transforming women. . . rendering her suitable for tasks'. See Kumkum Roy, 'Marriage u Communication': 184.

'SA

In the Anv-.tan rite conducted for the piq-, mentioned in the GGS IV .3 .27. the wife of the sacrificer is advised to eat the middle pu,4a offered to the grandfather if she wants a son. 1be SGS 1.17 .8 states that the wife is to say that the male gods, Mitra and V ~ being men, should place a man inside her; similarly. the Mvins, also male, should place a male inside her and Indra and Agni too should do the same as they too are male. The verse goes on to state that the wife should say the above verse with regular oblations if she is 'desirous of pregnancy'. garbhalcama. The verse raises the question u to whether the bride actually has a choice in this matter. However, it is actually another example of the male-centered universe of the Brabrnaofoal texts where the verse, rather than allowing her any choice, negates her role in child bearing, as the ultimate credit is given to the divine male order, which is linked to earthly males. The BGS I. VII.37 refers to gods and goddesses such as Pitbivi, Sinivili, Saruvati and the Mvins for giving a child to the woman's womb. Further, at the time of the consummation of marriage, all attempts are to be made to ensure that a male child is born. The AGS 1.13.1 states that the garbhalambhanam is mentioned in the Upani1ad. Which Upani1ad is being refered to is not really known. 32 1be AGS 1.13.2 goes on to state that if 'he' (the protagonist householder) has not studied the Upani1ad, then he should follow the rites mentioned in the text. 33 The PGS 1.12.1 refers to what is to be done if the wife does not become pregnant. In such cases, the text asks the protagonist to take the root of a white blooming simhi plant after having fasted under the

Oldenberg states that even the commentator, NiriyBJ.18, did not know which Upan4ad is referred to here and says thal it wu probably one wbicb belon1ed to another ukbi. See Oldenberg, TM Grlaya.sitras: 179. n This shows that the Gflayasutra texts were meant not only for the scholastic brihm~. but also for those who were not well versed in Vedic texts. It probably also implies that the particular text cited may belong to another ukhi which the readers of the Grlayailra may not have access to and because of this, the Grlaya8itra elaborates the particular rites of the conception ceremony. Curiously, the AGS, after this statement, does not elaborale on the rite, assuming that only those acquainted with the U,,a,a4ad would be able to do justice to the rite. It was left to Sm,kbiyana to elaborate the various aspects of the rite.

32

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Pifya NaqtJtra, and on the f01111h day, after bis wife bas bathed., be must crush the root in water and insert it in her right nostril at night. The following words are to be said when this is done, 'This herb is protecting, overcoming and powerful. May I, the son of this great (mother), obtain the name of a father!' According to the SGS 1.19.1, the husband can also pound the root of the adhya,µ!a plant and insert it into her right nostril during the time of her monthly period, while reciting the verse to drive away the period of infertility in the wife with the words, 'A husband has she' (RV X.85.21,22), meaning, of course, that if she doesn't have a husband, the monthly periods arc welcome (or rather, essential), but since she has a husband, the obvious message of not having achieved conception, which the monthly period gives is unwelcome. This reiterates the fact that for the G,-hya.ritras, the purpose of the marriage is essentially to bear children and every possible chance of pregnancy is to be availed. The husband is also to recite 'powerful' verses that show the Grltyasutras' preoccupation with progeny. 'Into your breath I put the sperm' (SGS 1.19.4--6); also, 'As the earth is pregnant with Agni, as the heaven is with Indra pregnan~ as Viyu dwells in the womb of the regions (of the earth), thus I place an embryo into your womb, (name of the wife)'; 'May a male embryo enter your womb, as an arrow the quiver, may a man be born here, a son after ten months'; 'Give birth to a male child, may after him another male be born, their mother shall you be, of the born and those you may give birth to'. These verses show the significance of giving birth to a male child and also emphasise that the status of the mother-to-be can be enhanced with the birth of such a child. The next few lines shockingly foist the birth of girls on 'other' women. 'Imparting birth of girls to others may he put here a boy'. The statement is a graphic description of bow unwanted the female child had become by the time of the compilation of the SBJ)kbiyana text. It also reveals the competitive nature of social relations at that time. 1be underlying tensions of societal relationships are never lost sight of in the texts, and while it is recognised that to retain the balance of nature girls need to be born, their birth is wished on 'others'. The achievement of conception is treated in such a manner that it is the male who is projected as playing the crucial role in acts leading

158 FJ«ENDeRINo DIB EARLY ffoumtOLD to conception and also in determining the sex of the child. The stress on the male factor is too emphatic to be ignored. It's the male gods who are constantly invoked. 'In the male dwells the sperm: be shall pour it forth into the woman: as Dbiq- and Prajipati have said Prajipati creates him, Saviq- shapes him', 'Prajipati has created~ Savitr bu shaped him', and 'from the auspicious sperms that the men produce for us, produce a son', which is mention~ in the SGS 1.19.6. The understanding is that male sperm leads to a male child 'from the auspicious sperm which the men (the male gods?) produce for us and produce a son'. 1be wife is compared to 'a well breeding cow' in the SGS 1.19.6, while the male is celebrated for his prowess and encouraged to 'roar, be strong, put into her an embryo (garbham)'. The fact that the tenn used for what is 'being put into' the woman can be translated as an embryo shows that the woman's body is regarded as a mere receptacle for an already completed process of conception. It is from these verses that we can understand the Brahmanical constructs of the biological process of conception and the roles of males vis-l-vis females. However, too much cannot be read into this as the very next verse, the SGS 1.19.6 claims that the sperm is to be put into the womb. Whether Brahmanical thought distinguishes between the sperm and the embryo is not quite clear. The stress, in any case, is on a male child: 'Open thy vagina. take in the husband's sperm; may a male child be got in the womb. Him that you' II bear, ten months in the womb, may he be born, the most excellent of his kin' (SGS 1.19. 20). The Pumsavana rite is to be held in the ·third month of pregnancy as Brahmanical thought on the physiology of child birth envisaged that the sex of the child is determined around this time. In all probability, the idea could have come from acquaintance with miscaniages/aborted foetuses, which after three months, had discernible genital organs. Hence, the timing for this rite that ensured the birth of a male child at the lut part of the first trimester was not chosen arbitrarily, but deliberately. The PGS 1.14.2 states that the ceremony is to be performed before the child 'moves' in the second or third month of the pregnancy, while the GGS states that it is to be performed at the beginning of the third month of the pregnancy. A brihmaJ)a family is to leave no stone unturned for the birth of a male child, at least theoretically. The fact that there are references to 'local' customs

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and locally available plants shows that the rite was actually expected to be practised. At every stage of the Pumsavana, the significance of a male child is reiterated. The husband is to insert an o,adhi which is 'living' ('not faded', according to Oldenberg) in her right nostril and this is to be done in 'ma,µ!,alagaracchayayiuh' ('in the shadow of a round apartment'). Again, the homologies drawn out in the ritual world of the brihmar,as can be identified: the round apartment represents the womb, the nostril is linked with a woman's genital orifices, the herb represents life that enables the foetus in the womb to derive sustenance from its properties. 34 The PGS suggests that the rite is to be conducted on a day when the moon stands in conjunction with a nakptra of the male gender. It then goes on to state that the husband is to make the wife fast, bathe and put on new garments on the day of the rite. The GGS U.6.2 states that the ceremony is to be extended throughout the day and into the next one. In the morning, after the wife has been was~ she is to sit on 'northward-pointed darbha grass', placed to the west of the fire, which, in tum, has to face the east. Her husband is to stand behind her and grasp downwards with his right hand, over her right shoulder, the 'uncovered' place around her navel, all the while chanting verses dedicated to Mitra and Varw,a. 1be rest of the rites are to be conducted afterwards. According to the AGS 1.13.2, the wife, after she has fasted (to free her from existing impurities), is to be given curds to eat made from the milk of a cow, which has given birth to a calf of the same colour. This is evidently to ensure that association with the cow leads to her having a child who has the same physical attributes as her. The curds are to be accompanied with two beans and one barley grain (to resemble the male genitals)-once again a homology drawn between the world of plants and the human world. The fact that objects that

34

A sthilipika is to be sacrificed to Prajipati al this point according to the AGS 1.13.7. The A.fvalayana recommends the TifY• o•kptra's appearance for the rite, while the SGS recommends the nakfatta of Pufya and Srivaoa (AGS 1.13.2 and SGS 1.20.1). The APGS Vl.14.9, in tum, states that it is to be held when the pregnancy becomes 'visible' during the appearance the Ti,ya constellation.

160 F.l«JBNDBRINo nm EARLY HOUSIHll.D resemble human body parts are used u connections to be established through ritual means, allows the Brahmanical householder to control all the events in his bousebold. 35 The PGS 1.14.3 too states that roots and shoots of the nyagrodha tree, after being immersed in water ovemigb~ and pounded should be inserted into the wife's right nostril. 36 A ku'8 needle and a soma stalk are mentioned here too, and the gall of a tortoise (a dish with water, according to commentaton), are all to be put in her lap according to the PGS 1.14.S.37 The text is so obviously male-oriented and in awe of the male that it underlines the fact a woman is nothing more than a receptacle, a vessel who bears the male cbil~ actually born because of male virility !31 The ApGS U.6.11 states that the son of a mother who bas only sons is to be placed on the lap of the bride. This shows that the ideal in the Brabroanical context is to have only sons and no daughter at all. The rite also makes the wife a willing participant by making her acknowledge aloud that she too desires a male child. According to the AGS 1.13.3, when the husband asks his wife what she is drinking, she is to acknowledge loudly, 'pwbsavanam' (generation of a male child). The fact that the wife is made to speak out loud in this rite is

35

36

37

31

The SGS 1.20.3 also refers to plants that have masculine characteristics,

such as the soma stalk, the )ruja needle, the last shoot of the nyagrodba trunk, the part of a sacrificial post that is exposed to the fire, or the remnants of the juhu ladle after the completion of the sacrifice. All these objecu are to be pounded and sprinkled in the right nostril of the wife. The verses accompanying this rite in the SGS are RV 1.1.3; m.4.9; V.37.2 and U.3.9. The verses in this instance were from the Vaj. Sam. Xlll,4 and XXXXI, 17 called '1be gold-child' and 'Formed of Water'. respectively. The householder can also say, 'May the son become valiant', and be can recite over the foetus, 'The Supan,a are you' (Va). Sam. XIl,4 ), before reciting the 'Steps of Vifl)U' (Vaj. Sam.). The GGS U.6.6-12 refers to twenty-one barley corns or beans of a nyagrodha shoot that have fruits on both sides, which are not dry and not touched by worms, which are to be devOled to all the gods-Soma, V81'W)&, the Vasus, Rudra, Adityas, Maruts and the Vi,vedevis. Other symbols of fertility are also to be gathered around, such as a mill stone, a student or a devoted wife, a person who is a brlbaw,ia by binh, or a girl who can pound the nyagrodha shoot without moving backwards.

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noteworthy as she is expected to keep quiet in most cases. The wife's statement seems to be an attempt to ensure that the wife does not secredy and silendy go against the wishes of the husband. This shows that Brahmanical notions of childbirth and its causative factors were shrouded in vagaries and although they sought to minimise the woman's role, the element of mystique surrounding her ability to give birth generated a parallel need to include mystical rites.

The Role of the Mother in Pregnancy Rites The Brahmanical approach towards women in the texts is complex and inspite of a totalistic ideological system, women's roles could not be completely done away with. They had to be present to justify grhya rites, but were placed in a subordinate position, below the male. Interestingly, the Brahmanical system, while marginalising women, incorporated and took over many feminine aspects. Women were sttipped of their feminity with its procreative, nurturing and generative characteristics. These were bestowed on male protagonists. Thus, there are male gods, the brihmal)a, the householder and even instances when the riji is endowed with these characteristics. Birth, procreation and nurturing began to be projected as activities initiated and carried out by males, with women being reduced to mere instruments devoted to carrying out the grand designs of males. 1be insecurity and conftlsion in the texts regarding women's role in procreation activities is clearly seen in the passage in the AGS 1.13.13, where the husband is to touch the wife's heart and say, 'What is hidden in your heart that I know, such is my belief. May I not fall into the distress that comes from sons'. This passage is significantthe reference here is not to the husband's distress of not having sons but to the distress of having them. The passage seems to be alluding to the question of the paternity of the child and the greatest anxiety of males, which is the impossible task of ascertaining the biological father of a child. The reference to women biding secrets in their hearts that men can only presume to know shows the male opinion of the feminine mind and body. While seeking to control as much as is possible of the natural world through their rituals, the bribmar,a ideologues could not wish away the unfathomable aspects of life.

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~ 11E &aLY llousEHoLD

What is inexplicable is branded as inherently evil; what is difficult to conttol is termed distressful. 39 We have seen that the ideology of the G,-hyasitras did not develop in isolation. Brabmanical ideas about the role of women in procreation had already been projected in the Vedas and the Braluna,,as. Even in uauta ritual, according to Kumkum Roy, the procreative role of women is underlined, while at the same time conttolled.40 While there is a recognition of the procreative role of the wife, the birth rituals, controlled and ritualised by the sacrificer and the priesthood. in effect, meant that women were denied conttol over the processes of their body. 41 Given the significance atttibuted to progeny, it would seem that women who give birth are to be venerated. But this is not the case and, in fact, immediately after giving birth, the woman is regarded as impure. While it may have made good hygienic sense to isolate the mother and child after birth to minimise the chances of infection, the projection in the Grhyasutras is that the process of birth is polluting 39

40

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1

The AGS 1.13.6 mentions that some teacben say that the Prajavat and the Jivaputra hymn are to be recited after the husband says the pusage from the AGS. The first hymn reiterates the fact that the woman will have a son in her womb, 'garbho yonim', whom she will give birth to after ten months. The second hymn invokes Agni as the first amongst the gods who gives offspring and who could tie death with a girdle. 'The one who believes Varua,a u king, such a woman does DOI cry over distress of a son' (AGS 1.13.6). Varu-,a is regarded u the deity who moniton fidelity and the passa1e seems to imply that a woman who is 'faithful' (to Vanu,a and her husband) will not suffer distress. The two verses express the two main anxieties regarding child birth---tbe need for a son to keep the piq-' s tradition alive after death and the issue of sexual fidelity and paternity. In rites like the Agnihotra, 'Water is poured into the folded bands of the sacrificer's wife to ensure the birth of offspring (SSS 2.10.5,6) while sbe is expected to place sacred grass between her thighs (SSS 1.15.12-14) or on her navel (ASS 1.11.2) durin1 the new and full moon sacrifice for a similar purpose' (Kumkum Roy, 7M &Mrgenc~ of Monarchy: 256). 1be 'ritualisation of procreation•, according to Roy, is evident in rites of pusage such u marriage, where pnyen are offered IO enmre that the bride produces sons and in the rituals usociated with prqnancy such u Purbsavana and the Slmantonnayana. Yet, simultaneously, 'women's role in procreation and consequently their sexuality wu devalued' (Kumtum Roy, The emeraence of Monarchy: 256).

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and neeck the intervention of Brabmanical rituals to be made pure.42 While tbae is immeo!le social, ritual preuure on the woman to conceive, once she bas pven birth, she is virtually relegated to the background. The tendency to view menstruation and childbirth u polluting can be seen ftom the taboos with regard to 'touching, conversing with, or even seeing such women', as bas been expressed in the SGS IV .11.6 and the PGS 2.8.4. These prohibitions are limited to certain 'special category' males such as snitakas and those undergoing ttaining in the learning of the Mahanamni verses, all of whom are prohibited from ~oming in contact with 'polluted' women. Those who were involved in learning are also expected to stay away from women who are temporarily 'infertile' as a result of their menstrual periods or because of childbirth. Gary Beckman,43 while referring to Hittite binb rituals, outlines their mythological birth sttucture in five stages: I. 2. 3. 4.

Statement of conception Counting of the months of gestation Statement of birth Activity of the nurse S. Father's first holding and fondling of the child 6. Bestowal of name .

.

The Grhyasutras elaborate on the conception, gestation, birth and the father's fondling of the child, as well as on giving the child a name. Surprisingly, there is no mention of a nurse or midwife, or even of 'elderly women' in the context of birth rituals and this shows that the Grltya.sitras cannot be taken to be comprdlensive in their treatment u The other time when women can not join ritual is when they ue menstruating. 43 Beckman, Gary M., Hittite Birth Rituals (Wiesbaden: Havassowitz, 1983): I. Beckman shows that Hittite birth rituals show concern for reproduction and rites exist for the progressive stages of conception, pregnancy and birth. The concern is at two levels-cosmic and personal. 'The former deems that human activity is bound up with the rest of the natural order, while the latter underlines the material needs of the parents and bow producin1 offspring is a major role.

164 ENcENDmtlNG 111B EARLY HOUSBHOLD

of the rites and rituals of the household. They tend to ignore aspects that concern women. Interestingly, in both the rites, of the Hittites and the Brahmanical texts, the mother is conspicuous by her absence.44 The rites of the G,-layasutras to be conducted prior to conception seem to reflect that even u women carry the child, rituals for the well being of the child are to be carried out with women as participants. An analysis of the rites shows that here too, the rites are carried out by the husband and performed on her while she is passive. The references to the participants in the rites shows that the rites might have been widely practiced and it seems as if some of them are rites that were previously conducted by women, but now had the husband playing a pivotal role in them. The entire period of gestation is one of concern and till the binh of the child, efforts are made to ensure the well being of the mother and the child. The SGS 1.21.1-3 refers to the Garbbarakf8'a rite that is to be performed in the fourth month of pregnancy. RV hymns are to accompany the besmearing of the woman's limbs with ijya salve." The salving of a pregnant woman is essential to facilitate the stretching of tissues as the size of the stomach increases. Moreover, the salve is the ijya, thought to have remarkable properties of removing evils endangering the foetus. The AGS makes no reference to the Garbh&raq81_1a rite, nor does the PGS, the GGS, or the ApGS. The AGS 1.14.1 mentions the Simantonnayana rite in the fourth month, while the SGS 1.22.1 states that it should be perfonned in the '' Brian Smith feels the system of classification found in Vedic literature relates the basic familial structure comprising of the father, mother and children to the v~a system. Interestingly, bribnw:w are connected to the mother while the ldattiya are connected to the father and the vaHya to the children. 1be symbolism with the womb in the Upanayana ceremony is also related to this. See Brian Smith, Classifying the Universe: 131. Smith also states that it was a fundamental Vedic assumption that what wu •natural' was inherently defective and that the natural had to be rectified with the help of rituals. Thus women were safely pushed into the background while rituals were carried out to underline the ttansformations. See Brian Smith, Reflections on Resemblance: 50. '' Six oblations are to be perfonned with sthilipika and the verse RV X.162 is to be recited. The next verse RV X.163 is to be recited when the salving is in process.

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seventh month of pregnancy. The PGS states that the rite is to be performed during the first pregnancy in the sixth or eighth month and the GGS ll.7.2 asserts that it can be performed in the fourth, sixth or eighth month and refers to the rite as Simantac~ Throughou~ the language used in describing the rite is purely male-centric and shows that the rite's aim is the fulfillment of particular patriarchal aspirations such u the safe and smooth birth of progeny, i.e., for male issues and not necessarily for the mother's delicate situation. In spite of the fact that, ostensibly, the mother-to-be is pampered and cosseted, in reality, rather than solicitude for the mother, the focus is on the (male) child going to be bom. The AGS 1.14.2 recommends any time when the moon is in the waxing phase and in conjunction with a 'male' oakptra for conducting the rite. The SGS 1.22.2 states that the wife should bathe and wear new clothes with gold ornaments. The clothes are essential. but the ornaments optional, according to the SGS 1.22.17. The rite is to take place in the presence of the fire, which is placed by the husband to the west of which. on a bull's bide (placed with its neck to the east and hair on the outside), the wife is 'made to' sil She is to then touch her husband while be stands and makes oblations and recites the Mahavyah,ris, which, according to the SGS 1.22.2, the SGS 1.22.3 and the AGS 1.14.3, should be chanted with verses to Dhiq-, Riki, Nejarneta and Prajipati. The SGS 1.22.4, 5, 6, states that the husband is to cook the sthilipika, boil rice with miulga beans (which resemble the male organs) and use ritual tools that resemble male organs. The PGS 1.15.4 also refers to the husband cooking the sacrificial food, containing sesamum and mudga beans. The GGS 11.7.3 states that the husband is to tie an ,u/,umbara branch with an even number of unripe fruits to his wife's neck while reciting a verse invoking the tree, which is rich in sap. The allusion to the wife as rich in sap is yet another example of the projection of the reproductive role of the wife using the plant world. According to the AGS 1.14.4. the husband is to part the wife's hair upwards, thrice. with objects that have visibly 'male' characteristicsa bunch of an even number of unripe fruits, a porcupine's quill with three spots and three bunches of lruu grass. To this, the PGS 1.15.45 and the GGS 0.7.6-8 add a stick of viratara wood, and a full spindle, and the chanting of the worm, 'bhur bhuvah svah' or the Mahavyah,ris.

166 ENcENnl!RINonmEARLvffouSEIIOU) The SGS 1.22.8 mentions that the fruits used to pan the hair must be unripe u(Jumbara fruits and that kuu needles could be used instead of the quill hair. All these objects are then to be placed on the lap of the wife. According to the SGS 1.22.9, the husband is to then tie the fruits in three sttings and fasten them to the wife's neck while saying the words, 'Rich in ·sap is this tree; like the sappy one be fruitful' (SGS 1.22.10; PGS 1.15.6).46 The reference to 'the hair being well-parted' seems to imply that the manner in which women's hair was arranged showed marital status and fertility. Through these constructs, the role of a fertile:wife, endowed with a child from her husband, is projected as the ideal. The prepancy rite also incorporates several fertility symbols within it-the bull's hide, the even number of unripe ucJumbara fruits, the porcupine quill with three spots, all of which represent male virility. Brahmanical attempts to connect all kinds of homologous objects allow for linkages between plants, animals, constellations, deities and even food items. In this cue, the desire for a male child is made so all-pervasive that any object that bears a resemblance with the Grhyasutra authors' conception of 'maleness' is incorporated in rituals to ensure the birth of a male child. 'Male' characteristics are ascatained either by physical resemblance (e.g., the resemblance of fruits with the male testicles or that of the quill with the penis, or by the resemblance of ideal 'male' characteristics like virility with the bull) or by a semantic resemblance, such as when a nak,atra with 'male' nomenclature is associated with male attributes. The wife and her foetus are linked to these homologous objects in the belief that close proximity with resembling objects in the -controlled and sacred arena of the ritual can ensure that the child born is a male. 46

In the GGS U. 7.9-11, the rite of fastening the fruits to the wife• s neck precedes the parting of the hair and after the hair is parted. sthilipika with sesam~ covered with ghee, is to be prepared by the husband and after this, he is to make his wife look at the food and ask her about what she sees. She is to reply 'offspring'. prajl. and then to eat that food herself. The APGS, Vl.14.11 states dial a girl wbo hu not yet aaained pubelty (and hence who is ritualistically 'pure') should pound on an upper mill stone and pour WIier OD iL This puce is then to be inserted in the ript nostril of the wife so tbal she can give birth to a son. The symbolism of these actions hu already been discussed in earlier sectioos of this chapter.

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Veena or lute playen are to sing in the rite according to the AGS 1.14.6 and the SGS 1.22.11, as well u the PGS 1.15.7-8 and the ApGS Vl.14.4. They arc to sing praises of King Soma who is ased to bless the human race. The SGS 1.22.12 recommends songs in praise of any one who is valiant. Interestingly, at this juncture in the AGS 1.14.7, a reference is made to the river near which the family lives, indicating the dependence of society on the unpredictable river cycle. The linkages drawn in the passage are interesting-Soma, the king, the river, settled life and the family. 1be AGS 1.14.8 also includes elderly b ~ women, whose husbands and children are 'alive' in the proceedings. 1be mention of brihnuu)a women shows 'the place they had in society in setting the standards for acceptable norms. The SGS 1.22.13 makes no such reference to brihnuu)a women and instead carries on with rites where fried grain is to be poured into a water pot and 'he [the husband] causes her to drink it', while chanting six verses where the husband enjoins Vi~u and Riki to take care of the wife's womb. The text states that the husband is to touch his wife with the poetic words, '1be winged one are you, the Garutmat; the 1)vit is your head, the Giyatti your eye, the metres your limbs, the Yajus your name, the Siman your body'. The husband is to then uk his wife to sing 'merrily'. The rite, another attempt to ensure the smooth birth of a male chit~ shows that while women are pregnan'9 they are to be pampered and diverted with new clothes, ornaments, song, dance and merriment 1be absence of references to old women for guidance in the SGS shows tha'9 gradually, the role of women in customary rites in an advisory capacity began to be negated, at least in the Grhyaswras. The AGS 1.14.9, u weU u the SGS 1.22.18, both conclude the rite with a bull u the fee of the sacrifice for the brilunai,a. That the fee is mentioned shows that the brilunai,a is expected to be present during the rite and even if he is not there, the opportunity for daqil)i remains. 1be PGS 1.15.9 does not elaborate on this, but finishes a little tersely with the statement that the feeding of the ~ must follow the rite. This shows that once the rite was incorporated in the Brahmanical traditions, the role of women wu not elaborated upon in the texts (although it continued in practice). From the Brahmanical point of view, the stress is on the daqu,a that can be procured through such rites. The GGS

168 F1«ENDERINo 11E EARLY HOlJEIOLD II. 7 .12 states that brihm~a women ~bould sit on the side of the woman and pronounce brave words such as, 'The mother of valiant sons! A mother of living sons! A living husband's wife!' These three statements then sum up the ideal wife of the Grhyasutras-she should have valiant sons who are living and a husband who is alive. 1be subtext is that a woman who does not give birth to sons, whether valiant or otherwise, or who has had to suffer the death of a son or a husband is ridden with misfortune.

The Role of the Father in Birth Rituals As the child's birth date approaches, amngements are to be made to prepare the birth chamber to ensure smooth labour. The SGS 1.23.1 mentions how the birth chamber is to be 'rid of the rikp.w' -the root of the plants kalcatani, mak.ak.alcatani, lcosiuaki, the plant and the indigo plant are to be pounded and smeared in the place where the woman will give birth. 1be ApGS VI.15.13, 14 refen to a ~mony to ensure easy delivery: 'With a shallow cup that has not been used before, he draws water in the direction of the river's current; at his wife's feet he lays down a plant and be should then touch his wife on the head and sprinkle her with water reciting Yaj,u'. The GGS ll.7.13 refers to the sacrifice to be performed for a woman in labour: 'When the child is appearing, he strews darbba grass round the fire and sacrifices two ijya oblations while chanting the verses, 'She who athwart' (MB 1.5.6), 'Vipucit has taken away', 'A male will be born, N.N. by name (ibid.,7). He pronounces a name that (is) kept secret'. When a son is born, the husband is to say, 'Delay still cutting off the navel-string and giving him the breast'. The husband is to have rice and barley grains pounded in the same way as the nyagrodha shoot is in the Purhsavana rite. He must then pick the paste with the thumb and the fourth finger of his right hand and smear it on the tongue of the new-born boy, launara, while chanting the mantra, 'This order' (MB 1.5.8). In the same way, the production of intelligence rite, Medhijanana, is to be performed. For this, the father is to give (the child) clarified butter to eaL Or he is to take the butter with gold and sacrifice it, offering it to the boy, while chanting the verse, 'May

eu

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Mitra and V~ bestow intelligence on you', and 'The lord of the seat. the wonderful' (SV I, 171 ). The husband is to then say, 'Cut off the navel-string ... Give the breast'. From that time, he is not to touch (his wife?) till ten nights pass by. The role of the father at the crucial time of the birth of a male child lays the foundations for the bond between the two in the future." Rites involving the cutting of the umbilical cord and the proferring of the breast are also to be conducted by the father. The father is supposed to command 'the cutting off of the navel string' and 'giving of the breast' only after the first rites have been performed on the new born. It is the father who 'gives' the male child it's first feed and it is he who is to perfonn the Medhijanana rite on him. Only then the mother feeds the child. The first rites aim to forge the bond between the father and son that. in Brahmanical ideology, transcended space, time and all other relationships. 1be father-son relationship is expected to continue even after the death of the father. After the first rites, the father is to blow his breath thrice on the new-born child and then draw his breath, uking the child to draw in its breath with the rk. to breathe inside with the Yajus and to breathe out with the Sima. 41 In the AGS 1.15.1, the father is to give the child butter, honey and gold dust from a gold vessel or spoon before any other person touches him, with honey standing for wisdom, ghee for Saviq- or bounty, and gol~ presumably, for longevity and splendour.49 The AGS 1.15.2 states that the father is to murmur in his child's cars verses invoking Saviq-, Saraswati and the Mvins to give the child intelligence. He is then to 47

41 49

Kumkum Roy states that offspring arc connected with the father through rituals. See Kumkum Roy. The Emergence of Monarchy: 257. SGS 1.24.2. The SGS 1.24.3 allows for giving the new born boy ground rice and barley or the earlier alternative of butter, honey. milk, curds and water, all to be given thrice from a gold vessel. The SGS 1.24.7 adds, almost u an afterthought, that Mandukeya states that the black. white and red hair of an ox should be pulverised and mixed with the four food items mentioned. The PGS 1.16.3,4 also states that the Medhijanana and the Ayu,ya arc to be performed before the navel string is cut off. In the first instance, 'With his fourth finger and with gold he (the father) gives honey and ghee to eat saying, 'Bbiih I put into thee; Bbuvab I put into thee; svah I put into you; Bbiir Bbuvab svah, everything put into you•.

170 Fi«ENDERINo THE EARLY Housmtou>

touch the child's shoulders and ask him to be strong and immovable like a stone, an axe or like gold. According to the AGS 1.15.3, the verse continues with moving words on the wonder of having a son: 'You are what the Veda calls the son; live a hundred autumns' and it also invokes Indra to give the best treasures and bounty to him. The texts, while referring to the rite, do not specify whether the person is the father or the grhapati of the house. It would seem as if the father is the most likely candidate, although, if there is a particularly influential patriarch, then the honour of conducting the task might have been given to him. The above elaboration shows how the role of the mother is completely overshadowed in the Grhyasutras while she is in labour, presumably being helped by other women like a midwife, even as there is a complete blackout of their role. Instead, the focus of attention is the father who performs a yajna even as the 'child i~ appearing'. That there are others involved in helping the wife is clear from the reference that 'they announce' the birth of the son. It is taken for granted in the texts that for the rituals to continue, the one born is a son as bribnw, authors believed in not referring to unwanted outcomes. The possibility of a girl being born is not entertained at all and thus the AGS I. I 5.1 begins with the assumption that a son, kumira, is born. The SGS 1.24.2 calls the eventjotalcarman and here too, the assumption is that the child is a boy. Rituals of the Grhyasutras clearly reflect the manner in which women's roles were made peripheral in a systematic and deliberate manner. The AGS, in its attempt at brevity, ignores all observances that have nothing to do with the grhapati. The impact of such selective codification of rituals where males are the pivot of attention and wome~ are marginalised must have been felt in real, everyday life. Without doubt, there must have been women like midwives and relatives near the mother and child at this time, but the texts do not refer to them. Once the child is born, the focus in the texts changes completely to the new born, whereas earlier it dwells on the pregnant woman's womb. While the rites in the birth chamber are completely taken over by the householder, the PGS 1.16.10-16 inttoduces five bribmel)as at this juncture, placed in the five regions and the husband is to ask them

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to 'Breube upon this (child)' as if the bribnuu,u are the ones putting breath into the cbild. The text further states that if b ~ a s ~ not present, then the householder can perform the rites biD11eJf. The text suggests that it is the bribnuu,u or the protagonist who is in charge of the rite. The PGS is careful enough to mention that the brihmaJJas, in this case, ~ disposable and need not be present. The caution exercised here shows that the role of the father cannot be ovenbadowed or substituted by anything or anyone. The ApGS VI.1S.S mentions that the father is to place the child in the mother's lap and that it is be who makes her give the child her right breast. This entire sequence shows the manner in which the father controls every upect of the rites in the birtb chamber. The PGS 1.16.17-23, unlike the AGS and the SGS, takes cognisance of the presence of the mother in the birth chamber. The protagonist is made to recite verses similar to the ones he recites to his wife before cohabiting with her at the place where the child bom,-'I know, 0 earth, your heart that dwells in heaven, in the moon. That I know; may it know me. May we see a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns; may we bear a hundred autumns'. He is to then touch his son saying, 'Be a stone, be an axe, be imperishable gold. You indeed are the Self called the son; thus live a hundred autumns'. Then, he must recite over the mother, 'You are 14~ the daughter of Mitra and Varu1_1a; you strong woman have borne a strong son, be you blessed with strong children, you who has blessed us with a strong son•. The husband then must wash her right breast and give it to the child saying, 'This breast' ( Vaj. Sam. XVII, 87). The left breast too is to be offered to the child by the father, who is to say, 'Your breast which' (Vaj. Sam. XXXVID,5). Finally, the husband is to put a pot of water near her head saying, 'O waters, you watch with the gods. As you watch with the gods, thus watch over this mother who is confined, and her child'. 50 1be fact that such passages are used for creating a bond with the child as the one with the wife during marriage rites shows that the

,o Mustanl seeds mivd with rice chaff are to be thrown into the fire tbal has to be kept burning from the time of (the wife's) confinement. in the morning and in the evening.

172

~

nm EARLY HOUSl!HOLD

householder is made in charge of Vedic mantras to create a special bond between him and the family members. The same bond is not to be created between the family members themselves and the householder is the only link through which relationships in the household are forged. Notwithstanding the natural physical bond that must have existed between the mother and child, which the texts completely ignore, ritual sanction is given only to the ties between the father and the male child in the Grhyasutras. It is clear that in the ritual world of Brahmanical ideology, the woman is viewed just a receptacle for giving birth. Studies on the growing significance of the father's role vis-l-vis the mother's have moved away from the time when Freud regarded this as a victory of spirituality over the senses. Freud saw the focus on the father as a step forward in culture since 'maternity is proved by the senses whereas paternity is a surmise based on a deduction and a premise' .' 1 The Grhyasutra texts lay stress on establishing the fatherson bond from this early stage in order to influence the child's life from this stage. The stress has to be on establishing control as soon '

1

Freud's assumptions have been criticised by many scholars. Howard ElbeqScbwartz throws light on the tension and paradox that exists in the fatherson relationship, which is what patrilineality is about. The entire process of child binh is seen as impure, caused by the blood and scrum of his mother. Even in Judaism, the mother is regarded as being in a state of impurity as severe as menstruation. The post-partum ritual is associated with the separation of the male child from the impurity of the modler to the ritual purity of the father's presence. The concept of father presupposes the notion of a continuity of men of two different generatioos. The entire relationship is built around the buis of seed and the ideology of the seed provides the general presuppositions and framework around which other kinds of variations and substitutions are tolerated. Patrilineality as a construction of male continuity seems to necessitate and even presuppose the sexuality and procreation of the father. Yet, paradoxically, there can be no concept of a father without a mother and without sexual intacoune. Rituals tend to reinforce the dicholomy between men and women according to Howard Elberg-Scbwartz in 'The Father, Phallus and the Seminal World: Dilemmas of Patrilineality in Ancient Judaism.' in GenMr, Kinship and Power: A Comparitive and lntertluciplillary Hutory. edited by M. J. Maynes, A. Waltner, B. Soland and U. Slaller (New York: Routledge, 1996): 28-32.

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as possible, according to the SGS, and the father is to breathe life into the child. The text also adds that the V~das help the father breathe. The message here is that the father, rather than the mother, gives meaningful 'breath of life' to the son. From the time of birth, the father is projected as the benefactor and protector of the child. It is the father who maintains the fire outside the birth chamber, ensuring, quite literally, that evil forces are kept at bay. The ApGS VI.15.6 states that every time someone enters the birth chamber, they are to strew mustard seeds with rice-chaff on the fire (a practice that is still followed in parts of contemporary rural India). The reference to the evil forces in the context of the woman and the child shows the fears that the texts project on the householder with regard to bis family. The very next passage in the PGS discusses the manner in which disease can be thwarted. Here, there is no reference to the post-partum physical vulnerability of the mother and the focus of attention is the male child. This shows that the post-partum care of the mother was, again, the responsibility of women and therefore ignored in the texts. The following passage from the PGS 1.16.25 clearly shows that the anxieties related to the vulnerability of the infant were translated into chants expelling evil forces: If (the demon bringing disease) attacks the kumira, the father coven him with a net or with an upper garment, takes him on the lap and murmurs: 'Kurkura, Sukurkura, Kurkura, who bolds fut children. Let him loose. . . '. The Grhyasutras mention that even as the child is given a name, it has to be kept secret and this further reveals the insecurity that is encouraged with regard to the health of the child and the evil forces that may attack it. The text recommends another name to be used by the parents till the child's initiation, revealing that the child is to be considered extremely vulnenble in the early period. Social conditions might have been extremely competitive, where the fears of othen casting spells on one's child were very real and had to be fobbed off with the actual name of the child being kept secret. 52 52

1be AGS mentions the name giving in this context. The child's name must begin with a sonant, with a semi-vowel in it and a vuarga at its end, consisting of two syllables (for firm position). Or, it should be a name of

174 F.HolH>mtlNG 1111! EARLY HouselloLD

The SGS 1.24.8-14 refen to several other rites binding the son to the father. The father is to introduce the son to the three Vedas, ltiha.ra and the Pura,_,a-all these being texts that are respected. In the child's right ear, the father is to pronounce, 'vac' (speech), thrice; this is supposed to produce intelligence in the child. The father also must invoke the goddess of speech who, 'United with the mind, spoken with breath, is uttered by Indra', to rejoice (while residing) within the child who is 'sweet sounding and full of music'. The father must then tie a piece of gold on a hempen string on the right hand of the child till he gets up (from the child bed). The rites express what qualities are to be inculcated in the (male) child. The father must aspire that the child should be intelligent, well-versed in the Vedas and that he must have intelligent speech faculties. The reference to speech is deliberate and seemingly, the authors recognised that quality speech would be essential to establishing communication and linkages within a society where the verbal ttansmission of ideas would be the only way of carrying beliefs forwud. The tying of the thread with gold reiterates the point about the fear of the infant's wloerability. The tenth day after birth is significant in the SGS and the PGS, as it deals with the 'getting up', utthana (from the bed). A number of rites are to be conducted on this day and the PGS 1.17 .1 states that brihm~as arc to be fed on this day. As already discussed, the child is to be given a name for common use on this day. 1be gold piece

four syllables (for holy lustre). In all cues, the AGS recommends an even number of syllables for men's D8JDCI and uneven number for women's names. The reference to the use of different rules for men and women shows how they were conceived as opposing forces. See AGS 1.15.4 and APGS VI. I 5.11. The PGS 1.17 .3, 4 states the same rules except that it adds that male names should cad with a krit and not a taddltila while pd' s names should end with an aa and a taddbita suffixed. Moreover. the PGS suggests that the name of a brihmaoa should end in 'sharman', a qatriya in 'vannan' and a vaiiya's in 'gupta'. 1bese are rules for the male child and it seems as if for women too, the general nale applied. The SGS 1.24.4 refers to the same nales for names, except that it ipores the issue of prls' 01,ws altogether. A name for common use is to be pveo on the tenth day. according to the SGS 1.24.6 and tbe P.GS 117.1. The-APGS VI.15.8 states that this name should be taken by the faaber and mother first.

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which had been tied on the child at birth is to be removed and the texts say that this piece can be given to the brilunal}as or kept by the grbapati (SGS 1.24.13, 14). This shows that the first ten days are seen as crucial for the survival of the child. On the tenth day, the father, mother, and child after a bath, and wearing unwuhed (i.e., new) clothes are to perform sacrifice in the sfltikagni, which is the fire that is maintained since the time when the mother's confinement begins (SGS 1.25.2, 3). . It is on this day that the child's name is to be pronounced and brilunaJ)8S arc to say auspicious words. This sacrifice is to be perfonned every month for a year in the siitikigni, which is to be maintained for a year, after which the monthly sacrifice is to be conducted in the grba-agni. The relationship of the household with Agni is clearly highlighted here. The prosperity of the household and the longevity of its memben are closely associated with the fire. Symbolically, the prosperity envisaged for the fire is sought for the child. Plenty of ghee must be invoked for the Agni in the hope that the same will be granted to the family and that the fire will shield the progeny just as a father does, thus also highlighting the role of the father as protector, equating him with the deity. The post-partum rites seem to dwell on two main concerns. One is to purify the child from the impurity of birth and the second is to ward off evil spirits and dangers from the child. The care with which the child is shielded from extraneous factors that can harm him is seen from the elaborate way in which the child is to be taken out of the grha for the first time. The PGS states that the ni1kranuu,ika (the going out) is to be conducted in the fourth month. The protagonist is to make (the child) look at the sun and say 'that eye' .53 The GGS 11.8.1 mentions that on the third day of the third fortnight after birth, the father bas to have the bead of the child washed and after the sun sinks, he is to worship the moon with his joined hands. The mother is to then dress the son in a clean garment and hand him over to the father from 'south to north', with his face to the north. The mother then passes behind his back and stations herself to the north of her husband. The father must then munnur passages, hoping that the son will not come 53

This verse is from the Vaj. Sam. XXXVl.24.

176 f.NaBNDERJNo THE EARLY HOUSEHOLD

to harm (and be separated) from the mother (jani). Then the child is to be handed back to his mother and on the following fortnight, the father must again worship the moon. 1be focus in the Grhyasfaras is solely on the father rather than the mother. One way to analyse the position of women in households is by seeing if there is a pooling of child-care duties and if women are placed in economically-important activities."' The Grhyasutras emphasise that all rituals that ensure the well being of the child are to be performed by the father, while the day-to-day care of the child does not warrant attention. It would be safe to assume that if the texts do not refer to the daily needs of the chil~ the father is certainly not expected to be involved in it and the mother, helped by the other women of the household are the ones taking care of the children. Yct, the Grhyasutras project the father as the one who ensures the sustenance of the household, keeps illness and misfortune at abeyance, and ensures prosperity for the child. Thus, while the father is attributed with surreal, almost di vine powers in ensuring the well being of his family, the texts reveal through their silence on the issue that it was probably the mother who looked after the daily, mundane needs of child care.

54

Wilk and Raahje. Arcltaeology of the Household: 630.

3 Gender Segregation in the Household: Early Socialisation of Boys and the Separation of Girls from 'Formal Learning'

We have seen in the last chapter that in the G,-lryasutras, while the rites leading up to birth are to be conducted by the householder (to ensure the safe binh of male progeny) and centre around the mother-to-be, at the time of birth, the focus of the rites described in the text shifts to the bond between the father and the son. Moreover, this bond is to be sustained even as the children grow up, as can be seen from the ritualised love that the father is to shower on his male child when be comes back from a journey, a rite that is discussed later in this chapter. Such descriptions give us a vivid picture of the Grhyasutra-period household. Although the father is prominent in rituals, it was probably the mother (and other women) who looked after the children. References to household rituals in the Grhyasutras focus mainly on the father and only occasionally on the mother, while other members of the family, such as the grandparents or uncles and aunts, are hardly mentioned. 1be general absence of references to other relatives does not mean they were not of any significance when the G,-hyasiUras were written, as they do find mention in the descriptions of hospitality rites that have to be performed for visitors. This further indicates that the relatives who are to be recipients of the argha reception are to be considered guests, and not part of the immediate grha of the householder. The role of other women in the

178 fJ«JENDERJNo 1111! EARLY HousmloLD rituals related to conception shows that the G,-1,yasitras recognised that the mother needed assistance in child-rearing activities. However, even if immediate relatives did pool in their resources to help out in child rearing, it is not considered noteworthy enough to find a mention in the Grhyasutras, u the texts do not mention day-to-day activities of the household and only stress on rituals. It is significant that having been relegated to the background in birth rituals, the mother re-emerges as a participant in rites with elaborate ceremonies that mark the early physiological development of male children. As mentioned earlier, both the father and mother figure in rites involving significant milestones in a child's life. The mother, polluted and ignored during the birth rites, emerges as an able partner for her husband in most of the rites conc~ming the child until the Upanayana. This attempt seems to be a conscious and deliberate one-the need to peripheralise her in the birth rites emerges from the need to negate her significance in the birth process, something that must have been shrouded in mystery for the brihmal)as, which was outside their control and therefore, to be negated. Once the point about the insignificance of the actual birth as compared to the rituals at birth is made, the mother begins to be included in rites like the Annapruana and the Caula (tonsure), as she must have played an important role in rearing the child. This is recognised in the Brahmanical texts, as in the Upanayana, it is the mother who executes the final break of the brahmacirin from his parent's control by giving alms to her begging son. Rites involving young boys reveal how the Grhyasutras segregate progeny on the basis of gender and foster negligence towards daughters. The tonsure ceremony, Cudikara1_1a, the first shaving rites, the donation of a cow, the initiation rite, Upanayana and the ritual bath at the end of studies, Samivartana, are all to be accompanied with Vedic mantras and are to be performed by brihmai,a priests, followed with elaborate gifts for the priests. While the other rites are not meant for girls, it is specifically mentioned that if the Ciidikanu)a is perfonned for daughten, then it should be done without the chanting of Vedic mantras, as the Vedas are not meant to be accessible to women. In all these rites, the father bas a prominent role to play. Yet. the mother's presence is also seen in many of the rites

GENDER SBoltsoA110N IN 11IE HOUSEHOLD

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and her role till the time of the Upanayana must have been regarded by the siitrakiras u significant. It is after the Upanayana that the role of the parents is to be taken over by the iciry~ who takes formal charge of the child from this point onwards. By underlining the significance of the rites of passage for males in their early years to prepare them for their life thereon, Brabmanical texts promote the notion of a male-centred society. 1be texts not only aim to prepare males for their ritual and socio-economic roles, but also ensure that they have the co1TCCt ideological, intell~tual and the social exposure. The manner in which the enhanced status of the sniraka (one who has taken his ritual bath after attaining Vedic education) is projected in the Grhyasutras, along with vehement efforts to keep his purity intact by separating him from some 'polluted' categories of women is noteworthy. This gives funher credence to the fact that there ia a clear attempt to separate those who have access to learning (all mal~ except th~ giidras) from those who do not (all the women and the iiidras ). Even within learning experiences, it is Vedic learning that is given prominence and hence it is the snitaka who is given an exalted stature in the G,-liyasutras because of his presumed erudition. In this chapter, we will see bow rites play an important role in socialising the young and in preparing them for the parts that they are to play in their adult Ii ves. We will first take up rites that are related to the child, as descriptions of growing-up rites constantly segregate girls from boys. In the second part of the chapter, we will discuss bow Upanayana further helps in instilling brahmanical ideology at a young and impressionable age, and, more importantly, in demarcating separate roles for boys and girls.

Child Reariq Rituals In tbe Grh,aaitras The AGS 1.16.1; SGS 1.27.1; and PGS 1.19.l mention that the rite of Annaprualla is to be conducted during the sixth month of the child's life. 1be texts discuss how the first cereals given to the child lay the foundations for its future life and hence, various types of food items are to be proffered to the child, each symbolising cenain qualities.

180 ENolN>mtJNo111EEARLYHOUSIIIOLD These food items are: goat's flesh or partridge flesh, which symbolises a life of nourishment The flesh of the partridge is also said to bring holy lustre. Fish symbolises swiftness and boiled rice with gbee is associated with splendour. The PGS 1.19.7, 10 recommends offering the child the flesh of a bhardvaji for fluency of speech and of lcr~ for long life (both are kinds of birds). The AGS recommends that all these foods are to be mixed with curds, honey and gbee, and then given to the child to eat. Verses invoking the 'lord of food', Annapati, to give food without pain to the body and to give strength, .f1LFmi1.UJ, and energy, urja, amongst men and animals ue to be recited. According to the AGS 1.16.6, this rite is to be performed without the mantra for a girl.' In a significant gesture, the SGS states that the modler is to be fed the remnants of the child's food. This is because the child's leftoven are considered special and are supposed to be disposed off in a particular manner. That the mother is to eat the remnants probably emerges from the need that the Grhyasutra authors felt to inculcate a daily habit of finishing off leftovers, to prevent it from being disposed off carelessly and causing harm to the child. The PGS 1.19.13 makes no reference to the mother eating the remnants and instead refers to the need to feed the brihm&J)as on this occasion. The Caula is recommended in the third year after the child's birth or, according to the AGS 1.17. l, whenever family custom permits it The reference to customary traditions shows that the rite was commonly practised before it was recorded. The SGS and the PGS U.1.1, 2 refer to it as the Ciidikaral)a and according to the PGS, it can be held in the first or third year of the child's life. The GGS 11.9. l states that it should be held in the third year. The SGS 1.28.1-4 agrees with the 1

While the Afvalayana stops at this act for the AnnaprMana, the SGS 1.27.7-10 continues to state a number of verses such as the RV IV.12.4,5 that must be chanted for invoking Agni for the child's long life and splendour, V 1111'8 and Soma for siren~ Aditi for protection like a mother, and all the gods for the child to reach old qe. The RV IX.66.19 verse is also to be recited for invoking Agni to grant the powers of life. The child is then to be set down on nonhward pointing kuu grass and the RV 1.22.15 is to be recited. while the act of feeding is to be perfonned while the Maltavyah,ris are being chanted.

0ENDBR SBORBOATION IN THE HOUSPJIOLD

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same and adds that for qatriyas, the fifth year, and for vai§yas, the seventh year is recommended. The PGS states that the rite is to be performed after food bu been distributed among bribnuu,as. Prior to the rite, the mother is to take the boy, bathe him and make him wear new under and upper garments. 2 During the Caula rite, cold water is to be mixed with warm water and the SGS draws parallels with the mixing of honey with milk for obtaining wealth. 1be waters represent longevity and symbolise the child living upto an age three times that of the sages Jamadagni, Kuyapa and Agastya. The mantras are to be chanted while hot and cold water is sprinkled on the initiate' s hair. Geographical alignments are significant in this rite as it is clearly specified that the father is to pour out warm and cold water 'from the west' of the child while saying the words, 'With warm water, 0 Viyu, come this way!' The SGS and PGS refer to the hair of the child needing to be untangled with a porcupine's quill. The GGS Il.9.13 states that a razor of u4umbara wood is to be used while chanting the man~ 'Vifi:tU' s tusk are you'. According to the PGS 11.1.8, the, bead is to be moistened with water, fresh butter or ghee and drops of curds, thrice, from the left to right, while chanting a verse to invoke Aditi to cut the hair and the Waaers to moisten it for vigour (AGS 1.17.7). The PGS Il.1.9 states that the moistening should be considered to be motivated by Lord Saviqso that long life and splendour can be granted to the boy. 1be child's hair is to be tonsured with four strokes on the right and with three strokes on the left with the correct manttas being chanted, according to the AGS 1.17.14, 15. The SGS, however, recommends three strokes on the right and two on the left side. According to the AGS 1.17 .11 2

As in the marriage ceaeioooy, the GGS D.9.2 recommends that this ceremony be conducted towards the east of the house, on a besmeared and prepared surface. According to the AGS 1.17.2, SGS 1.28.6 and GGS 11.9.5, 6, a fare is to be lit. and to its oonh, a vessel of rice, barley, beans, and sesamum seem is to be placed. Further, according to the AGS 1.17.3 and the GGS Il.9.8, the child is to be placed on his mother's lap, to the west, with bulldung in a new vessel and .fami leaves are to be placed alongside. 1be GGS 11.9.9,10 states that the person who performs the ceremony is to station bumelf wl murmur while looking tit the barber, 'Saviq- bas come here with bis razor' (MB 1.6.1 ).

182 ENca!NDmtJNo 1HE EARLY Housmlou> and the GGS Il.9.17, after cutting, the hair, with its ends turned eastward it is to be given to the mother with wni leaves, who is to bury it in bull dung. The proper disposal of the hair is significantbull dung is supposed to shield the hair as well as enhance the strength and virility of the child. The disposed hair is not to fall in the hands of someone who can harm the child. The PGS ll.1.12 also recommends that the cut hair should be thrown on a lump of bull's dung, which is kept to the north. The SGS 1.28.23 recommends that the hair is to be disposed by burying it in a place covered with herbs or near water. The PGS D.1.22, 23 recommends that it be disposed off according to the custom of the family, else the lump of dung should be hidden in a cow stable, in a small pond or in the vicinity of water. The razor used to tonsure is then to be wiped while chanting verses asking the razor to refrain from taking the life of the penon while shaving. The barber is to arrange the remaining hair with wann water, without harming the child. The SGS 1.28.24 states that the barber is given vessels filled with grain. The AGS 1.17.17,18 and the GGS D. 9.25 state that the child's hair is to be arranged according to the gotra and the familY.. customs. This rite is to be performed 'without mantras for a girl (AGS 1.17.19 and the SGS 1.28.22). The GGS"II.9.2224 states that although the rites for a girl are to be performed silently, the sacrifice (homa) is to be performed with the mantras-presumably to ensure that brihmaJ.w are called for performing the rite. The PGS D.1.23 ends with suggesting that an optional gift could be given to the icirya, while the GGS U. 9.29 states that a cow is the sacrificial fee for this rite. These rites highlight the different steps in the physiological development of small children and show bow Grhyasiltra rites are to be performed from the time of their birth to incorporate them as members of the community and also allow for their socialisation by familiarising them with rituals from a very early stage. That the rites are to be performed silently for girls underlines the segregation of girls from boys and from Vedic chants and once they are slightly older, girls are totally ignored, while boys' puberty is celebrated with rites like the Upanayana, Godinakarma and Samivanana. A passage in the AGS that deals with the birth of a son and the bonding between the father and his progeny, also discusses, the situation of a father

OENoeR SBORBOAnON IN nm HouSBHOLD

183

returning from a journey. The PGS also refen to this and states that as the father approaches the house and sees his son, he must embrace the son's bead and say, 'From limb by limb you are produced; out of the heart you are born. You are the self called the son; so live a hundred autumns', after which be is to kiss him thrice on the bead. 3 According to the PGS 1.18.1-7, for a daughter, be need only kiss her bead silently. The GGS 0.8.21 also refers to the need to approach the child in this manner from the time when the son begins to be aware of his father or after be bas been initialed. He is to do the same for younger sons according to their age or in the order that be meets them, while be should meet the girls silently, without pronouncing any

mantras. The passages mentioned above show how the father's bonding with the child is encouraged in the texts. The fact that the verses are not to be said for girls reiterates that mantras are meant exclusively for males and that a clear distinction is to be made in the treatment of men and women. This distinction is repeated frequently in the texts and shows that the AGS, while referring to the girl child, does so only to highlight that children need to be treated differently, even in something as commonplace as the father greeting the child OD bis return from a journey. The preoccupation in the AGS for demarcating boundaries for children depending OD their gender (and age) reflects a stage in society where social changes as a result of intermarriages and extension of settlements, combined with the prevalence of multiple ttaditions might have created a situation of confusion about bow and when different rites are to be conducted. Hence, these texts seem to have felt the need to specify the rites to be conducted in a formal 3

lbese verses are from the RV-He is to say the following wonb, 'With the labnkara [the mystical syllable of lain] of Prajlpati which gives thousand fold life, I kiss you N .N ! Live a hundred autumns!' And three times with, 'With the birnkara of the cows.' In the right ear be is to murmur, 'Bestow on us, 0 bountiful, onward pressing Indra, plentiful, rich treasures. Give us a hundred autumns to live; give us many heroes, strong jawed Indra' (RV Dl.36. l 0). In the left ear of the child, the father is to say, 'Indra. bestow on us the best treasures, insight of mind, happiness, increase of wealth, health of our bodies, sweetness of speech, and that our days may be 1ood days' (RV D.21.6).

184 BNaeNDmtlNo 111E EARLY HousmlOl.D manner, while the rest is left to the advice of 'old lribm..,. women with living husbands and progeny'. This also reveals the extent to which the Grhyaswras intended to penetrate the domellic realm. They sought to regulate even the maonet in which the householder approached his children and at the same time, ensured that the parent favours the male child consistently. Some of the texts like the SGS seem to have been compiled at a stage when customs had been 'brihmaJ:used' to such an extent that ' o l d ~ women' were no longer recommended for any consultation.

Upanayana Preoccupation with 'Rite of Passage' for Young Boys and the Control of their Sexuality The role that Upanayana plays in allowing Brabmanical traditions to get implanted and take root in the social substratum should not be underestimated. While Upanayana is to be performed on male memben of all the three v ~ , the fact that bribrnas,as are a special category is already clear in the Gr/lyasitras. In fac~ the male bonding that arises as a result of the shared experience o f ~ initiates may be one of the factors that helped facilitate Brabroaoii:al monopoly over Vedic learning and the tutelage of Vedic texts with their clearly pattiarchal overtones. 1be system of initiation and submission to the icirya for learning the Vedas allowed for its perpetuation, u well as for its exclusive control by the Brahmanical male order, wbicb marginalised women by denying them the right to learn the Vedas. That this was done consciously is clear from the recurring and specific references to the ne-ed to keep women apart from Vedic learning in Brahmanical texts compiled before and after the Grhyasitras. The initiation rite is meant only for males of the higher three Val'Qas, and it shows that even while offering immense opportunities to young boys (vis-l-vis girls), it also leads to considerable societal pressure on boys to conform. It is not surprising that the Grhya.ritras seem to be obsessed with the birth of the male child u it is male

GENDEll SBOUOATION IN 1111! HOUSEHOLD

185

children who provide brihm8'a tutors with pupils through whom the ideology can be conveyed to future 1enerations. While all males of the first three Vlr9U are to be initiatal, kfab'iya and vaiiya initiates are to devote themselves to the practical learning of warfare techniques or to apprenticeships for artisanal work. 8Jibro81)8 boys, however, are expected to devote themselves to the study of the Vedas. Thus, those born u brihmal)a males are projected in the texts as distinct people, having a higher role to play from a very young aae. This 'mopping up' of the young male order and the sculpting of their thinking at an impressionable ap meant that they could be used u a medium for the propagation of Brahmanical cODSbUcts. Aciryas have access to the labour potential of young males u young brahmacirin initiates are to pool in their resources to help in the sustenance of the icirya and his family, and to perform the daily chores of the household. Brahmanical ideology introduced a system by which hierarchies could be maintained, production ensured, the circulation of resources maintained and a constant supply of labour facilitated. It is also only through this mechanism that the structure that Brabmanical ideology envisaged for the society can be effectively propagated. Prayers are invariably for a male child and the initiation of the male child is encouraged. However, an adolescent male order devoted to the pursuit of gaining knowledge cannot exist in a society without a support base and it is the grha as a production unit that functions as the centre for the distribution of resources over and above its sustenance needs. All the texts highlight the significance of regulating the life of the householder along ritualistic lines as the entire Brahmanical sttucture depends on support from the households. Since there will be times when the householder will not be at home or preoccupied. the wife of the householder is named as the most likely person who can part with the dina. Thus, it is significant that the only place where the woman is made to handle resources is at the Upanayan~ where she is to be the first person to give daqil_li to her initiate son. This seems to set the pattern for the future when she would see her son among the bhiqus who come looking for daqi1_1i. It see~ to be a brilliant sttalegy on the part of Brahman ideologues to rope in the maternal instincts of the woman to advance the cause of the brabmacirin' s daqi'8. The daqi~ of course, eventually finds its way to the icirya

186 ~nmEARLYHOUSIDIOLD The central characten in the Upanayana rite are the icirya and the boy initiate, and the rite intends to enhance the social standing of both. The historical background of the Upanayana can be tnced to the earliest Vedic ttaditions and it is mentioned even in the Zoroasb'ian scriptures and the RV. 4 Kane mentions that the term Upanayana means 'taking near', just as the student is taken near the teacher. For Kane, it originally was a simple ceremony where the 'student would come to the teacher with samidh in one hand and beg to be allowed to become a brahmacirin'.' I also agree partially with N. N. Bhattacharya that ' ... Upanayana is a modification of tribal puberty rites and many features of the latter form an integral part of the former'. 6 1be question that arises is why such a rite penisted from the earliest times for males, while no parallel rites are mentioned in the Grltyasitras for women References to the rite in the RV show that it wu considered an essential aspect of male life from the Vedic period onwards, and though there are contrary opinions,7 it seems as if it wu confined to males from the earliest times. Thus, even in the RV, there is an emphasis on rites of passage for males that presents them with shared experiences and allows them to undergo tutorship that prepares them for their future roles as warriors and apprentices or which allows them 4

5 6

7

Kane refers to the RVX.119.5, where there is mention of the 'brahmacirin'. See Kane, History of Dhanna§astras: 268. Kane, History of DltannaJostras: 273. N. N. Bhanacbary~ Anci~nt lrulian Rituals. Kane, History of Dhanna.fastras: 295, states that u lhe yajiiopavita is considered to have super human qualities and women practicing austerity may have worn it. Kane does not clarify whether this entailed having the Upanayana performed on them. Kane, quoting Haradatt~ refers to brahmavadinis. who became students of the sacred lore and sadyovadhils, who could marry. The former supposedly bad Upanayana performed on them, kept fire\, ltlldied and be~ while 1be laaer category of women bad the Upanayana performed OD them when setting married. In the absence of references to the rite in any of the G,-hyasutras--even of the potential thal the rite could be performed with the manttas pronouoced silendy---one can postulate that at the time of the Grhyasutras, the rite wu certainly not open to wofl\ell, although Mmu, at a later time states that the ceremony is to be performed for women without mantru and that women ue to anend to the buaband in the same way u men attend to lbeir pru (MS D.66,67).

CiENDER SBOltBOATION IN 11tE HOUSPJIOLD 18 7

exposure to other activities, both social or ritual. This shows that women, at least initially, never had the Upanayana performed on the~ although there may have been some other rites for women, which unfortuoarely, are lost in the Brabmankal male tradition. The later Dharmasutras mention that the rite should not be performed on women or that it should be performed without mantras, but this is not enough evidence that the rite existed for women in earlier times. In fac~ the reference in the Manwmrti 0.66,67 shows that there was a growing consciousness about the need to specify the distinctions between what wu allowed for men and for women. 1be attempt to distinguish existing rituals on the basis of gender seems to have been the best means to ensure that no transgressions occur and that men and women can be kept apart on the basis of access to Vedic learning. Most scholars record that the Upanayana rite became ostentatious and ceremonial by the time the Grhyasutras were compiled.' The similarity with which the AGS, the SGS and the PGS deal with the requirements of the rite show that the custom had a historical precedence, and that most Brahmanical texts agreed on the significance of the rite. The age limit set for boys' initiation is flexible, which shows that attempts. were made in the texts to be as inclusive as possible. But. once this age limit bas pas.sed without the rite being performed, the texts make it clear that any attempt at social acceptance or inclusion would become virtually impossible. Whether this actually happened in real life is difficult to determine, but there must have been immense social pressure to conform. Initiation is the only way through which access can be gained into an all-male community into which once an entry is made, ample social opportunities for advancement are made available~r so the texts would like to project. Education, intellectual cnhaocemen~ the rigorous yet coveted life of a snitaka, subsequent nwriage, the ability to perform rituals and participation in social events are all projected as some of the ensuing benefits. The snilaka is to be inttoduced into a separate and distinct world, full of male privileges and responsibilities, but only after his initiation • See Pandey. Rajbali, Hindu Samskara, 2ac1 edition (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1994 (1969)): 111-40. See also, Kane, History of Dltannasastras: 213.

188 ENOENDERING 111E EARLY liousEHOLD

and the learning of Vedic texts. Boys are •preparect• for leading a ritually-full life, for forging linkages and for managing resources in a manner that benefits the Brahmanical order of society and the individual. The texts project this 'learned' male community as the vanguard of society-ideologically linked to each other, u they all would have undergone the ritual of Upanayana. This male order is dependent on its communicative skills and interaction within it, but it is also structured to be hierarchical, highly competitive and oriented towards differential power sblleturcs, as we shall see when we discuss the role of the student vis-l-vis the icirya. To fit in, the bribman needs to be initiated and to stand out, he needs access to resources and power.9 One aspect of studies related to the Upanayana that is usually ignored is ·how it marks a major physiological and psychological transition in the life of young males. Elaborate preparation is required to enter this stage of life and the rite attempts to mark an inner transfonnation of the individual. Every Grhyasutra bas a considerable section devoted to the Upanayana, showing that the authors were preoccupied with underlining the transformation that young boys underwent (thereby implying that such a ttansformation wu not for girls). The GGS Il.10.7 mentions that on the day of the Upanayana, early in the morning, the initiate is 'made to eat', washed, •decked with ornaments' (not unlike the bride in the marriage rites) and made to wear a new garment. The boy's head is also to be shaved according to the SGS Il.1.26, 27 and the PGS Il.2.5. Ethnological studies have shown that rites of initiation can have a profound effect on the individual undergoing the rite, so much so that a virtual 'ttansfonnation' is engineered. 10 1be transition is followed

9

Ramachandra Gandhi seems to project the order of bralunacarya u a of 'equalitarianism', yet. tbe references in die Grlaya..ritras sbow that there were clear cut stralas within the order of the bnhmecirins based on van,a. age, perfonnance and level of learning achieved. See Gandhi, Ramachandra. 'Brahmicirya,' Contibution.r to Indian Sociology NS. 15

status

•0

(1981): 215. John Gillin's study on Pokonan women shows that an initiate 'wmed 10 have developed a new penonality•. while Meyer Fones stales that.

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by certain physical transfonnations, which for a person in adolescence, is ordinarily a turbulent time. Thus, physiological changes leading to adolescence are co-related with Brahmanical rites and Brahmanical ideology makes this period of transition as consequential u possible for young males as the goal is not only to make better, stronger or more knowledgeable persons but to transform them totally. 11 It is at the Upanayana that the teacher gives the initiate the name that his parents had kept for him at birth (which has to be kept secret till now) and which is to be used in respectful salutations. This name is to be derived from the name of a deity, a nak'8tra or the gotra. This shows that the entire persona of the student is recast by the icirya during the Upanayana, implying a clear break from the preceding phase of life. The detailed passages related to the changes in the physical appearance of the brahmacirin in the normally brief G,-hyasutras show that transformation was stressed upon. Once the major observances are carried out, according to the AGS 1.22.1, 2, the PGS 11.3.2 and the GGS II. I 0.34, the icirya is to tie the mekhla around the brahmacirin and give him a staff with the following instructions-'You are a brahmacirin. Have water. Do the karma. Do not sleep in the daytime. Devoted to your teacher, study the Vt'da'. The icirya is then to make the student sip water thrice as water is supposed to provide happiness and sap, and because it is 'undecaying, fearless and immortal'. According to the SGS 11.6.1,2, the staff, da,µ!a, is to be handed over to the student to this point. The student is to wear the mekhli and cany the da1.1 usually after twelve or more years of study. That girls ever performed this rite is debatable. The AGS m.8. states that a girl should salve her private parts at the Samivartana bath. But, these rules seem to be general rules for salving rather than for the Samivartana bath and all it reveals is that the only pan of the body that a girl is associated with is her genitals-her identity is linked to her reproductive organs. Boys, on the other hand are usociated with different body parts-the texts mention that the head, hands and thighs are to be salved amongst the brihmai,a, q8triya and vai§ya castes respectively, indicating that after the bath, they are supposed to perform activities related to their van,a. This implies a life of erudition for brihmal)as, the use of arms and weapons for kptriyas, and other artisanal work for vai§yas. Meanwhile, girls, irrespective of their van,a, are expected to reproduce. Harita•s commentary is a much later development, where Harita' s own perceptions on the role that women should play may have coloured his interpretation of the text. So, it is doubtful that the ritual bath was the same for boys and girls. Moreover, it is unlikely that girls could have the end-of-study bath performed when they were merely eight years old and this shows that girls did not ordinarily have Upanayana performed on the~ and nor were they expected to pursue any kind of fonnal learning. The emphasis on salving the genitals at the age of eight does, however, seems to hint at some pre-puberty rite for girls that was performed while girls were ritually 'pure', i.e., before they began menstruating. The early Grhyasutras make no comment on any such rite for girls. In contrast to the role underlined for the young male brahmacirin, a girl's role is highlighted in the texts only as a wife and only marriage seems to herald a transition for her. This is because, given that the sole task of women is to be 'birth-givers' (jiyi), their initiation is not considered ideologically or socially important. Moreover, ethnological studies on women's initiation rites have shown that there is always a rather 'impoverished view of women's initiation rites' .23 Wherever they do happen, the dominant purpose of the ttansition in women's initiation rites is to highlight the change from an asexual girlhood to a sexual womanhood. While in male initiation rites there 2'

Bruce Lincoln, EIMrging from the Chrysalis: 102.

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is a change in status, office and authority, for women, wherever there are initiation rites, there is no real change in status. The woman remains where she is, domesticaled and secluded within the living space. The Brabmanical texts craftily and deliberately do not refer to girls' coming of age since the change in women's status to a sexual receptacle is underlined in the marriage rites, and is relevant only after marriage. 24 In direct contrast to the veneration with which the life of the brabmacirin is mentioned in these texts, the changes in a woman's biological cycle are deplored. 1be manner in which mensb"Uating women are treated in the Brabmanical texts underlines the deep repugnance that the texts have for menstruation. Menstruation is viewed as intensely 'impure' and whether the Grhyasitra authors could rationalise the occurrence in physiological terms is not quite clear. They tend to associate it with the passing out of body wastes, ~th some inherent negative potency attached to it. It is not clear whether the authors of the Grhyasutras were familiar with the physiology of reproduction and with the association of ovulation and menstruation. However, they did associate it with infertility as they observed that expectant mothers did not have menses. This may have caused them to censure menstruating women, associating it with evidence of not having conceived. Taboos related to women having menses are detailed in earlier texts too. N. N. Bhattacharya bas referred to the menstrual rites of ancient India. 25 In sharp contrast to the pollution associated with

14

25

Ethnological studies on different cultures have shown that, 'In contrast to the socio-political status regularly conferred on men after initiation, women's rites bestow a •cosmic' status, a 'defined place of importance and dignity', with tbe added 'productive' role of 'renewing' society. However, although these arc bighliJhted in the marriage rites in Brahmankal rituals, it seems, rather than believing gullibly in the larger 'cosmic' role of the woman's role, one can see that it is more of a deliberate attempt to give an abstract status to women to keep them diverted. Thus, it was to 'lead them away from the socio-political arena', and provide u an 'opiate for an oppressed class" (Bruce Lincoln, Emerging from t~ Chrysalis: 102). He says that there were stringent taboos apiost menstruating women and dW a student could not even loot at women undergoing their memes (SGS

200

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menstruating women, male initiates and those who are learned, likr. the snitakas, are seen as being pure and inviolable, and are directed not to come in contact with menstruating women. Brahmanical ideology, as represented in the Grhyasitras, attempts at a clear distinction between the impure and the pure, between the profane and the sacred. These distinctions highlight the sharp divisions in perceptions regarding the larger roles of males and the females in the Grhyasutras. While the male student is the epitome of purity, the menstruating girl symbolises abject impurity (and presumably, infertility) and the two sexes are to be kept spatially apart from each other. Interestingly, amongst those categorised as 'pure' are students, the Vedas and those who retire from family life-all of whom have to keep away from mensttuating women to avoid their impurity. The fact that the Vedas are also to be kept away from (menstruating) women reveals how there is a conscious attempt to keep women apart from the purity of Vedic knowledge. Jamison, refering to the manner in which menstruating women are projected during the irauta rituals feels that this shows the significance of the wife in sacrifice. Jamison records that one of the instances when the wife is to remain absent from the ritual arena is while she is menstruating (BSS XXIX.D 384:2); yet, her absence is regarded as a serious loss to the efficacy of the sacrifice (TB m.7.1.9). According to Jamison, certain texts banish the menstruating woman from the sacrifice, but require her to leave bebinc! the bond that yokes her as a token of her presence. Other texts require that she removes her consecratory equipment and sit on the sand in the vicinity of the ritual arena. After three days, she is to bathe with water and cow's urine and resume her ritual garment and wks. 26 F. M. Smith refers to texts like the TB 3.7.1.9, which state that half the sacrifice dies if it

16

D.12.10; IV.11.6); the V~das could not be recited before such a woman (SGS IV. 7 .48); those who bad retired from family life were not allowed to see her (SGS VJ.1.3); after the Samivartan~ the initiate was to not come across such a woman for three days (PGS IV.7.48); and a student was not to talk to or play with girls undergoing menses (GGS m.5.6). See N. N. Bbanaclwya, Ancinat 1"""'11 Rituals: 162. Stephanie ,Jamison. Sacrlflced Wife: 33.

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20 I

is performed when the woman is menstruating as menstrual blood is regarded as impure and dangerous because menstruation is said to occur as a result of Indra's curse. In my opinion, the removal of a menstruating woman from the ritual arena underlines the taboos related to her polluting presence in a very public way and heaps guilt on women for menstruating. The guilt with which menstruating 'fertile' women are burdened is in direct contrast to the attention they get when they are not menstruating-a condition that is achieved during pregnancy. Thus, the texts try their utmost to create an ideological situation where the full reproductive potential of the wife is realised by heaping guilt on her for menstruating. Consequently, she is ideologically pressurised to be pregnant as frequently as possible during her fertile years. 27 The fact that women arc to wear the yajiiopavita is mentioned in the GGS U.1.19 in the siitra that describes how the husband is to lead the wife while performing a rite and she, 'wrapped in a robe' ... wears the sacrificial cord over her left shoulder'. Later commentators describe this as the upper garment of the woman being worn in the style of the yajiiopavita, as, for them, women could not wear the sacrificial cord. However these commentators may just have been reiterating later rules placed on women. Women may have worn the sacrificial cord temporarily, but whether they had any special initiatory rites is not clear. As mentioned earlier, -e-ven if there were such rites, men were not involved in them and they were conducted by women, which is why they are totally ignored in the Grhyasutras and other Brahmanical texts. If such rites did exist (after which the so-called Samivanana bath for the girl of eight years may have been pcrfonned), it docs not seem likely that women wore the yajiiopavita continuously after this rite. The yajiiopavita itself is supposed to have some ritual significance-it qualifies a person to perform and sit in rituals or learn about them. Women were probably expected to wear the yajiiopavita only temporarily, just before and during the marriage ceremony or other important rituals. There is no reference in the texts to their sporting the sacrificial cord before or after ceremonies in any other

27

F. M. Smith, 'Indra's Curse': 23.

202 Fl«ENDmtlNo 11IE EARLY HousEHOLD context and it was only a temporary elevation of women's status to enable them to sit in rituals with their husbands. 21 There are references to the 'girdling' of the wife in the ~rauta.sutras and the fact that the Grhyamtras do not refer to the wife's girdling docs not have much significance. What is implied is that the wife is to be 'girdled' temporarily for a particular rite. By extension, this shows that according to Brahmanical ideology, women are eligible for girdling only if they are married and only if they perform some rituals along with their husbands. The identity of young unmarried girls is of no significance. This also shows that for women. marriage is to be regarded as an equivalent of the Upanayana, as it is only after marriage that they are girdled and allowed to sit in rituals (with their husbands). Boys on the other hand, are allowed by the Grhyasutras to perform rituals even if they are unmarried. if their icirya allows it. Whether women wore the yajiiopavita or had the Upanayana ceremony before the Grhyasutras were compiled is an important issue 21

F. M. Smith refers to how the 'girdling' of the wife in the ApSS 2.5.210 is, in effect, like her initiation and it is to be done with munja grass (see discussion on women's initiation in Chapter 2) The knot tied around her allows her to perform meaningful ritual activity. Further. it identifies her with the fertile earth. just as VU'UJ)8's noose is said to have held the earthly waters in place in order to promote cosmic order. The noose holds the embryonic waters within the-body of the sacrificer's wife (in order to promote proper procreation). The binding also signifies her loss of independent eligibility and responsibility in the ritual sphere. See F. M.

Smith, 'Indra's Curse': 26. Jamison does not. agree with F. M. Smith on the negative aspect of the girdling and its equation with Indra's noose . .VU'UJ)8 does not carry out punishments decreed by Indra. according to her. She states that it does not signify restriction and domination of the wife vis-l-vis the other, but that it enhances her status. Jamison links it to the Upanayana ceremony and says that the girdling of the wife, rather than setting her apan with her husband, seems to establish ritu41 equality, giving her the temporary status of an initiate. Jamison cites the ApGS 11.4.8, 11.5.12 and the GGS 11.1.19, where the bride is said to be ~cuing the upavitam, and for Jamison, not. only is the wife undergoing symbolic initiation but is also being l~ken~ to a bride. The noose also seems to signify temporary at?stention from sex as Vmu,a is the moral overseer of the Gods and the binding is a preventive ·threat. See Stephanie Jamison, Sacrificed Wife. 46--48.

GENDER SeouoATION IN nm HOUSBHOLD 203

u the yajiiopavita is supposed to invest male initiates with a special status, rendering them capable of sitting in rituals. The SGS 11.2.3 states that when the icirya makes the student wear the sacrificial cord, be is to say, 'With the cord of sacrifice I invest you•. The students are to develop an intense comradeship and egalitarianism. and they are to be homogenised. 29 This also allows for circumctaoces where intense male bonding can take place because of shared experiences and for the further promotion of patriarchal value systems. As women are to be alienated from these experiences, they do not receive the requisite training to keep up with males. This is a system that perpetuates patriarchy and ensures that women can never really compete with men. With women firmly placed in the domestic realm. Brahmanical ideology ensures there can be no other outlet for them, at least in the ideal consbUCt of society found in the texts. However, in spite of this, there must have been occasions where young girls did not conform to this ideal construct as the anxiety that the Brahmanical authors seem to have with regard to women's roles in rituals and other social occasions reveals. They constantly fear wanton, unconttolled women who are dangerous for their constructs.

Upanayana vis-l-vts Marriage: Hierarchies While the Upanayana allowed for a clear distinction between the upbringing recommended for young boys vis-l-vis young girls, its study also highlights one aspect of the acirya-brahmacirin relationship that is not given much attention. This is the young brahmacirin's contribution to the icirya' s household through various meansthrough resources that are to be acquired through begging, by doing the household chores of the icirya and also by ultimately paying dues as dak~il)i once the period of studentship is over. The emphasis on Upanayana for males of the first three Val"J)as was not just for 19

1be initiation rite for males allows them to enter a liminal stage, where the 'neophytes are stripped of property, insignia and clothing, so that each initiate is equal to another, being reduced or ground down t~ a uniform ~~on' (Victor Turner, cited in ·Bruce Lincoln, &Mrging from tM Clary,alls: 102-03).

204 ENoeNDmuNo 111B EARLY ffousBHou> ideological reasons, but wu also crucial for the sustenance of the iciryas, some of whom were also compilen of these texts and had a vested interest in encouraging Upanayana rites. While the texts highlight young boys' contribution (and from this we can infer that they underline their labour potential and their presence as an asset in the icirya's household), the contribution of an unmarried young girl is not recognised, even though she must have performed important services in her household. This is because the roles perceived for girls are those confined to the household-activities that are ignored and kept out by the clear emphasis on the role to be played by male initiates. This reveals how the silences in the texts are significant in creating images of women-women are mentioned only in their reproductive roles as wives, whereas the daughters are virtually ignored. Upanayana rites have startling similarities (although there are differences too) with marriage rites. The relationship between the icirya and the brahmacirin that is highlighted in the Grhyasutras serves to throw the 'higher' roles that are envisaged for boys into sharp relief. The icirya has a visible presence in the rite and be is to perfonn the sacrifice in the presence of the fire, while the student is to hold him. 30 According to the GGS 0.10.17, a brihnw_ta versed in the mantras is to stand to the south and fill the joined hands of the student and the icirya with water. That the presence of a brihma9a apart from the icirya is referred to in the GGS and not in the other texts seems to show that in the GGS, another brihm~a is included in the sacrifice besides the icirya, significantly increasing the complexity of the rite. The rite also involves various acts-the statement of intent of the student, 31 the anjali, when water is to be poured from the hands of the 30

31

The icirya is to position himself to the nonh of the fare ( west according to the PGS). with his face to the cast (AGS 1.20.2; PGS Il.2.6). The student is to stand to the east of the fare with his face to the west (AGS 1.20.3; SGS 11.1.28). Here, the GGS D. l 0.17 states that the student is to sland between the ftre and the icirya, raising his joined hands, tumiog his face towanls the teacher, on nonhward pointed darbba grass. The SGS, at this stage, introduces questions for the boy before water is allowed to flow into the bands of the boy. The icirya is to ask him to speak out his name, which he must. Then. the icirya is to uk him if he hu

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icirya into the bands of the student, the seizing of the student's bands32 and the wearing of the mekhli." The PGS refers to the mekhli as a sisterly goddess (Svasa Devi). The reference to the sisterly goddess seems to imply that the feminity of the girdle is to be viewed as being in direct opposition to the brabmacirin, who bu to wear it at all times and the conflict is only resolved by calling the girdle 'sisterly'. The reference to the mekhli as the purifier of the V811J8 is not there in the AGS and the words suggest that the wearing of the mekhli may have

32

33

descended from the llis, to which he must answer that be has. In the next statemen~ the student is asked to declare that he is a brahmacirin. 1be boy is to say, 'I am a brahmacirin'. It is after this declaration that the icirya is to sprinkle the bands of the bnbmacirin with water while saying the words, 'Bbiir Bbuvab Svab' (SGS 11.2.4-10). The PGS states that the student is to proclaim that he bas come for lbe sake of studentship (brabmicirya) and that be will be a brahmacvin. The PGS refers to the need for a public declaration from the pupil before he approaches the fire. That the loud declaration is to be done in front of an audience again seems to be an attempt to declare the change in the status of the boy to a brabmac¥in. Tbe iclrya is to then fill the two hollows of bis joined bands with water and recite tbe RV V.82.1 to invoke the god Saviq-, and in case the PGS is followed. the three verses to be recited must be from the Vaj. Sam. (XI.SO) The water is to be poured into the student's lwKls (AGS 1.20.4; PGS 11.2.14). The icirya is to seiu the student's hand with the thumb and say the verse, 'Begotten by Saviq-, with the arms of Mvins, with Pii'8ft'S hands, I seize thy band. name of the student' (AGS 1.20.4; SGS U.2.12; GGS U.10.26). The GGS D.10.27 refers to the fact that the icirya is to then make him tum around from the left to the right with the words, •Move in the sun's course after him, N. N. !' The SGS further explains that the right band is to be held uppermost. 1be SGS refers to a rite, which the AGS seems to include much later, while the PGS referes to it before approaching the fire. This is the tying of the girdle. The icirya is to first put animal skin on the studen~ chanting a verse that invokes Mitta (SGS 11.1.30). He is to tie the mekhli around the boy in the clockwise direction, while chanting a verse that describes the mekhli as a friendly goddess clothed with inhalation and exhalation (breath of the boy because of proximity to the skin?) and with strength. The mekbli is also described in the verse as an object that provides protection from evil words and which purifies the vaqa (SGS U.2.1).

206 ENol!NDmuNo nm EARLY HousEHou> begun to reflect heightened v~a consciousness later, when each van,a may have worn a different mekhli to distinguish their identity. The SGS 11.2.2 also refers to the knots to be made in the girdle and that there could be upto three knots made. 34 At this point, the student, on approaching the fire, is to bend his knee and embrace the icirya 's feet, while pleading with him to recite the Savitr (AGS 1.20.3; SGS D.5.10, 11 and GGS D.10. 38). 35 That the student is required to ask the teacher to recite the Savitr shows that he has to publicly acknowledge his desire to learn. The rites aim to reinforce the bond between the icirya and his student. According to the AGS 1.20.8-11, throughout the ritual, the icirya is to make specific queries in the ritual as to whose brahmacirin the initiate is, who has initiated him and to whom the charge of the brahmacirin is to be given. This shows that a public statement is to be made by the initiate to clearly indicate the icirya' s 'possession' of the student. The icirya is also to make the student recite the verse as far as he is able to and then, according to the AGS 1.21.6, the icirya is to lay his hands with the fmgers facing upwards on the student's heart. He is to then recite the rather poignant verse, 'Into my will I take your heart; after my mind your mind will follow; in my word you will rejoice with all thy will; may Brflaspati join you to me' (AGS 1.21; SGS D.3.1 and PGS D.2.16). The verses, similar to the marriage hymn, describe the close bond that the icirya is expected to forge with the student. The student has to virtually replicate the will, mind and word of the icirya and their relationship is clearly hierarchical and one of the total surrender of the student to the will of the icirya. The SGS 11.5.1-3 states that the Savitr can be recited by the student after a year, three nights or immediately, while the PGS 11.3.6 states that it can be recited in one year, six months, or after twenty-four days, twelve days, six days or

H

15

N. N. Bhattacharya has shown that neither the Afvalayana nor Apastamba say anything about the sacred thread, while othen say that the initiate is to wear the yajftopavita before the Upanayana homa begins. See N. N. Bhattacharya, Ancient Indian Rituals: 142. The SGS U.5.8-10 and the GGS U. 10.35,36 state that this is to be done when the teacher and the student seat themselves to the north of the fire, with the former, with bis face turned eutward, and the latter, with his face facing westWard, thus facing each other.

GENDBR SBOIUIOATION IN 111B HOUSBHOLD '1lT1 three days after the rite is conducted. This shows that the student, in some cases, may have been too young to recite the Savitr, in which case, the texts deem it wiser to wait for a year for the student's rendition of the verse. In some other cases, the ceremony may have been a long drawn out one, luting for more than one day. Wbereu the rite does include touching moments of bonding between the icirya and bis student, there are also clear boundaries laid out for the student The seizing of the band with the thumb, mentioned in the AGS is another symbolic gesture that seems to imply the total submission of the student/wife to tbe iciryalbusband. This gesture of pliancy and acquiescence in a ritual arena in front of an audience makes the icirya-brabroacirin relationship formal, public and free of future complications. The student is to accept the authority of the icirya and be is ritually bound to adhere to this bond till bis period of studentship is over, and possibly even beyond that period. Moreover, throughout the rite, the student is not to answer the icirya direcdy as this implies disrespect and the student is to maintain his silence. 36 The icirya is to reach over the student's shoulder and touch his heart according to the AGS 1.20.9,10 and the GGS 11.10.30. The GGS U.10.28-30 further states that the icirya is to grasp down with his right hand over the student's right shoulder and touch his uncovered navel with accompanying mantras (note the similarity with marriage rites). The SGS D.3.3 states that the icirya is to state that he wants to 'be dear to the inviolate heart' of the student. The touching of the heart also symbolises the union between the icirya and the initiate. 37 The subordinate position of the student is clear from the

36

37

The icirya, while chanting a verse from the RV 111.8.4, is to make the student tum around clockwise. The SGS 0.3.2 refers to the turning of the student as an allegory of the course of Indra and the sun. The AGS goes on to explain that some recommend that a mantta be said during this time. The mantra is meant to evoke comparisons--Agni and the Jitavedu are asked to grow with the piece of sacrificed wood just u the student will grow with t h e ~ (AGS 1.21.1). The PGS continues with the verse where it says that it is to be hoped that the teacher will be the father of living sons and he himself will be full of glory, splendour, holy lustre and an enjoyer of food. Elsewhere, the verse 'Youn is this'(Vaj. Sam. 11.14) is to be recited whit, putting the wood into the fire.

~

BIDHaNlnEEARLY Housmlou>

emphasis on his silence during the ceremony. The AGS 1.20.11 states that the student is to clean the ground around the fire and put a piece of wood silendy, while the icirya is to explain that silence means that the student belongs to Prajipati. The stress on silence is also seen in the marriage rites, where the wife is expected to maintain her silence throughout the ceremony. 1be keeping of silence is a symbol of respect that the student is expected to show in front of the icirya and the wife is expected to show it in front of the husband. Like the marriage rite, the presence of fire is central to the ritual. The relalionsbips, in both cases, are forged in front of the fire, implying that the gods are supposed to be witness to it, along with the human audience who must also have been present. In the course of the rite, once the fuel is put in the fire, the student is to place his hands above the flame and touch his face thrice (with the heat) and declare that he has anointed himself with splendour (AGS 1.21.3 and PGS 11.4.8).31 The PGS U.3.1, 2 states that the icirya is to walk around the fire (again reminscient of the marriage rites) with his right side towards it and to then take bold of the student while he sacrifices the ijya oblations and partakes of the remains of the sacrificial food. We find that both the Upanayana rite and the marriage rite are connected to each other as their performance seems to provide a public platform from which Brahmanical ideas can be disseminated. Thus, Brahmanical marriage rites entail a change in the status of the bride and the groom from the social and ritual point of view, and leads to changes their roles, responsibilities and status. 1be same is ttue of the student and the icirya. The Upanayana rite fundamentally changes the status, lifestyle and responsibilities of the initiate. The impact it has on the icirya is not identical with the change in the status of the groom, but it does entail an enhancement of stature, responsibilities as well of economic benefits for the icirya. It is significant that the Upanayana and marriage rites highlight the manner in which Brahmanical ideology attempts to define roles in the 11

The student is to invoke Agni, Indra and Siirya to bestow insight, offspring and splendour to him. Agni is to be invoked for his splendour, vigour and consuming power, and the student must upire to gain these qualities of

Agni.

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ritual context so that they can be emulated in real life. It is in the G,-hyasitras that we find the two realms of the ritual and the real coming together-what is projected in the ritual arena has a direct impact on the realm of physical existence. It would be interesting to investigate whether the Upanayana rite was influenced by the marriage rite or vice versa. From an analysis of the marriage hymn for Siirya in the RV, it would seem that the marriage rite is older. Thus, one can postulate that the hierarchical nature of the relationship between the icirya and student is based on how the husband-wife bond was projected in the earliest Vedas. On the other hand, references to the master-pupil bond are there in early texts like the Avesta, showing that these rites may have greater antiquity that went back to the period when the ln~lranian group of Aryans wu still together. What is clear is that the patriarchal orientation of the Brabmanical texts is not an isolated con~ but part of a larger ideological system which is based on hierarchies and role definitions.

Upanayana vis-a-vis Marriage: The Economics of Labour Acquisition We have seen how understanding the relationship between the student and the icirya helps us to understand other hierarchical relationships in the texts. The control of the higher (icirya/husband) implies a total dominance of the thought, will and persona of the lower (brahmacirin/ wife). Control and subordination includes the use of labour for production and procurement activities. However, it is important to point out the differences in the position of the wife vis-a-vis the brahmacirin as this can help point out the manner in which Brahmanical thought is structured around patriarchal notions of male dominance. The status of a brahmacirin is significantly enhanced once the ritual bath is taken and when his learning period over, i.e., when be becomes a snitaka-hierarchically, almost at par with his icirya. A wife can never aspire to be at par with her husband. Even as a brahmacirin, there is enhancement of the male's status and respect for his condition. His role is projected u one that must command respect from society. As pointed out earlier, the brahmacirin' s

210 F.NaeNDmtlNo nm BARLY HousmloLD

contribution to the icirya' s household is recorded in the texts, which state that the student is to hand over the alms collected by him to the icirya, unlike the wife's performance of labour, which is taken for granted and about which the texts are conspicuously silent The significance atttibuted to the role of the brabroacirins can be seen from the detailed manner in which rules concerning their conduct are spelled out in the Sutra texts. It seems as if when the texts refer to the life of a brabmacirin who is devoted to the icirya and to the study of the Vedas, the texts are actually referring to brihmal)a initiates because begging and the study of the Vedas were primarily activities of the bribroa9a. It is difficult to imagine that the texts assume all initiates of all the VBJ'985 are to end up with the icirya, learning the Vedas and begging for their livelihood. They must have recognised that most of the non-bribmai,a initiates probably became apprentices in the profession of their choice or helped out in the family's Ii velihood. The texts also recognise that young boys who are initiated into the order may have different goals and aspirations. The SGS describes the aspirations of some of the students. It states that initiates who 'want hosts', gat}Qkama, should be initiated with the words 'You, of the hosts' (RV 0.23.1, this is probably a reference to patrons desired by brihm~a boys). Those who are warriors are to be initiated with the words, 'Come here, do not come to harm'. Those who are ill are to be initiated while the Mahilvyahftis are being chanted, according to the SGS 11.2.13-15. This goes to show that the goals of different students are expected to vary and they arc to be initiated accordingly. This type of learning based on v~a also creates a readily available 'wk force' 39 of initiates who can pool their labour resources for the icirya' s family's sustenance or for the sustenance of the professionalracirya ,, Heesterman states that the brahmacirin. far from being only the lowly and servile pupil with which the Si,tras have familiarised us, turns up u an awesome cosmic power in bis own right in the AV. He says that the diqita, the brahmacirin and the IDitaka are essentially ambivalent cbancten IDd tbia 'ambivalence befits their common quest for the u yet unexpressed and elusive bribD>89,I'. In various allusiom in the muta rituals to the dikfita, be is compared to Indra during the course of the sacrifice and the uaificer ii also said to bold Agni and Soma within himself. Thus, by way of

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they apprentice with. However, depending on the economic background of the initiate and the fact that Vedic learning is projected as true learning by the texts, some non bribmai,st initiates must have taken to the learning of the V~das too, as the Gf'ltyasutras must have projected it as a prestigious activity to do. But this can only be possible when families can afford to have a member of the family punue Vedic studies rather than help in their efforts to sustain themselves. We see that, according to the texts, the initiates are expected to keep the bare mimimum for themselves and are encouraged to beg for their living. But even in this, v ~ boundaries are demarcated by various distinctions in clothes and insignia for initiates. The SGS D.6.8 mentions the observances to be kept by the brabmacirin. These include the daily maintenance of ritual fire and the collection of firewood (the firewood is to be got without harming the trees, according to the PGS 0.5.9), going house to house for alms, sleeping on the ground and obedience towards the teacher. The PGS ll.5.10-12 states that the brabmacirin must sleep on the ground, avoid pungent or saline food, carry the staff, worship the fire, be obedient towards of the guru and go out begging for alms. He is also to avoid eating honey or flesh, bathing, sitting on high seats, 'going to women', speaking falsehood, and taking what is not given to him. According to the AGS 1.22.10, SGS 0.6.7, PGS U.5.8 and GGS ll.10.44, he bas to declare everything he baa received u alms to his teacher at the end of the day. After that, according to the SGS, be is to eat only with the icirya' s permission, and according to the PGS, is to keep silent through the rest of the day. The PGS Il.5.30,31 refers to the authority vested in the icirya. 'If the teacher should call him,, he is to rise and answer, if the teacher calls him while he is lying down be should answer sitting, if while sitting then he should answer standing, if while standing then walking up and if while walking, running up. If he behaves in this manner then when he has become a snitaka he will be famous'. Not only is the icirya projected as an authority to whom the student should submit, in the passage on Upanayana in the GrJayasutras, the icirya symbolises UIOCiation,, the bnbmaclrin and the ank•k• ue also uaociated with these deities. See J.C. ~ TM Brokn World of Sacrifice: 171-174.

212 FMcEN1etJNo 1111! F.AltLY HousllnD Savitr, the Mvins and Piif811.40 The initiate is to be placed under the charge of Indra. Siirya and the VUvedevis for the sake of long life, so that he can be blessed with offspring and strength. increases in wealth. rnastersbip of the V~das, and renown and bliss (SGS 11.3.1). We can see that the texts have high upirations for male initiates. Moreover, the icirya is projected as a role model for young males and by emulating his ritual and social activities, the boys are to grow into men. Women do not have any such role models, although we have discussed how older brlbmaqa women are projected as some sort of role models for young wiv~. whom the latter are expected to consult ' in the absence of any formal system of education for them. Thus, Upanayana is a significant rite as it heralds a situation where a new member's services can be employed for the benefit of the community. Even rites like begging ensure the use of the young adolescent work force for channelising the resources of the society. Smprisingly, there is little reference to the payment of any remuoeralion to the icirya at this juncture. Does that mean that the supply of labour services to the icirya is adequate compensation 7 Dming the time under study, since production was labour intensive and sustenance difficult, this was probably considered the best way to compensate the icirya. The GGS 11.10.50 states that a cow is the sacrificial fee for the rite, but the other Grhyasutras do not refer to it. The SGS D.1.25 states that whatever the student wears at bis initiation is at the disposal of the icirya and what the student acquires through begging is also to be given to the icirya. Any reimbursement of the icirya was probably expected to be offered after the training of the student was completed.

The Social Context of Upanayana: Segregation and Assimilation We have seen the manner in which the Grhyasutras lay down social hierarchies through the Upanayana rite. In their consttuct, authority is

•

0

Acconling to the PGS, Indra and Agni are teachers. The teacher is to mate the student look at the sun and say 'God Saviq-, this ii your Brabmlclrin, protect him: may be not die' (AGS), while according the PGS, the verse

0BNomt SBORBOA110N IN nm HOUSEHOLD 213 clearly defi~ arrogated by men vis-l-vis women, the icirya vis-lvis the student and as we shall see, b y ~ vis-l-vis the other v~as. The essential quest of Brahmanical tradition is to make Brabmanical rituals as pervasive u possible, without 'diluting' the ideology. The texts, therefore, simultaneously attempt to segregate males of different VUIJ85 by asserting different roles for them on the one band, and on the other assimilate a majority of males (except jiidra males) through initiation. The texts are very particular that the Upanayana rite is to be performed at a young age. The AGS 1.19.1-4 recommends that the rite be held in the eighth year of birth (or in the eighth year after conception) for the ~ in the eleventh year for the ~triya and in the twelfth year for a vaiiya. The SGS 11.1.1-S and the GGS II. I0.1 recommend that the age of the initiate is to be taken from the time of his conception, while the PGS 11.2.1 suggests that either way of counting can be done, from birth or from conception. The texts seem to ensure that the rules are not too difficult to follow and are mindful of the difficulties in arranging for the rite and the possibility of unforeseen circumstances. The rite is allowed to be performed till the sixteenth year for the bribrnqa, the twenty-second year for the qatriya and the twenty-fourth year for the vmy, after which, they become patitasivitriki (AGS 1.19.4-8, SGS 11.1.~9, PGS 11.5.3&-39 and GGS

Il.10.4, 5). The Brahnuuµis u well as the Sutras clearly highlight differences in the initiation rites based on the v ~ of the initiate. This seems significant as it shows Brahmanical attempts to regulate the world according to their own typologies. While the texts state that everyone is born in a similar fashion, this did not deter brihmanas from postulating a 'second birth' based on the v ~ of the initiate. Although this classification is hierarchical, each vama is matched with suitable homologies that augment the qualities of that Vari)&. Even though the

'That eye' (Vaj. Sam. Xl.50 seq) is to be recited. The SGS is elaborates more on the verses invoking the deities and draws parallels between the deities and the icirya. ·The deities Bbaga, Savitr, Piif&ll and Aryaman are viewed u seizing the band of the initiate, and while the initiate is likened to Mitra, Agni and the icirya are supposed to be bis teachers (SGS U.3.1).

214 EJ«ENDmtlNo DIE EARLY HouSEH0LD

basic initiation rite remains the same, the ceremony highlights different roles that boys of different vanµs are expected to perform. At every step, attempts are made in the texts to include all males of the three VUJ.las, while carefully placing the bribma9-1 in a situation where he bas natural advantages over the others. Therefore, even as males of all three V811;1as get initiated, the bribmai,a is given a bead start simply by being younger. Care is taken to highlight the hierarchical distinction between the VUJ.las in terms of dress,41 the colour of dress, the mekbli and the wood from which the staff is made. The attire for one V811_18 in one text is mentioned for another V811_18 in another and this shows that these were interchangeable.42 The empbuis at this stage is on distinction rather than hierarchy in the texts and the reason for this was primarily because these were later additions to the Upanayana rite. Although the rite itself was old, v~a distinctions were getting crystallised only gradually and these changes were incorpora~ sometimes deliberately, to identify one Vedic school from the other, and sometimes inadvertendy, as a result of regional and geographical variations. The reference to differences in the clothing of the initiate according to van;ta is interesting and seems significant because the boys enter a stage of life after the Upanayana, where the scholarship and training that is to be imparted to them depenm on the v~a they belong to. 41

'2

The AGS, SGS, PGS and GGS state that the launira should be adorned with arranged hair and must wear an unwashed (new) garment of hemp or antelope skin. If be is a brib1J1898, be must wear a gannent of flu or of spoaed dear skin, if be is a tjattiya, of wool and if be is vmya, goat's skin. A cow's hide is also recommended for the vai§ya in the SGS. The PGS states that a cow's hide can be worn by all initiates. The colour of the garments ~ to be reddish yellow for a b ~ light red for the kutriya and yellow for the vai,ya (AGS 1.19.11).The girdles are to be of munja grass for bribmu,asi of bow string for Uatriyu and of wool for vai,yas. Altemalively, the girdles can be of kma, a.smantaka or balbaja grass, respectively (AGS 1.19.12; SGS ll.l.lS-17; PGS ll.5.2124). The staffs are to be made of paWa for tbe bribmaw;,a. of ucJumbara for the qatriya (nyapodba. according to the SGS and bilwi, according to tbe PGS) and of bilva for the vaijya (u4umban, according to the SGS and the PGS). The PGS stales that all sorts of staff may be used by all the v ~ (PGS D.5.25-28).

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This probably made it easier to distinguish between initiates at the centres of learning, where, if they bad different attires according to their V8J'9&, treatment and training could be imparted accordingly. This differentiation seemed to be essential for the commune type of life envisaged for the brahmacirin. However, instead of total social isolation, Upanayana, like other grbya rites, encourages social interaction and participation, an issue that will be taken up in a subsequent chapter. By situating the brahmacirin in the icirya' s grba, the texts ensure that the brahmacirin does not become alienated from the domestic domain. The rite not only helps in reinforcing the V811J8 system and the supremacy of the brihma9as, but also provides an occasion where members of the community can publicly support the ttaditional values laid down by the brihmaJ)as-something which must have contributed to the spread of brabmanical ideology and given it adequate publicity. The place where the rite is to be performed is probably the house. N. N. Bhattacharya refers to the 'upa' prefix, which denotes 'secret' or 'sexual', and he suggests that the rite is to be performed in sccre~ at a distance from settlement and preceded by a probationary period of seclusion.' 3 However, there is no evidence to show that this is the case as there is no mention of seclusion for the initiate in the GrJayasutras. The GGS 11.10.15 recommends that the rite be conducted to the east of the house, where, on a besmeared spot, wood is to be put in the fire. The PGS 11.2.6 starts the rite with the feeding of brihm8'as, who then lead the boy to be initiated. This shows that the rite is to be performed with a participating audience. Social interaction between the brahmacirin and the community is also regulated in the GrJtyasutras. He is to beg for food in the morning and in the evening, and the first begging is crucial as that sets the precedent for the future. The SGS Il.6.~ states that even if the initiate goes to the village to beg for food, be must first beg from his mother or any woman who will not refuse him. The PGS 11.S.S-1 states that for the first time, begging must be performed with three, six, twelve or an indefinite number of women, who will not refuse him or from his own mother. The GGS 11.10.43 states that the initiate is to 43

N. N. Bbanacbarya. Ancient Indian Ritualr. 143.

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ENc&mmtlNo 1111! EARLY HOUSEHOLD

fint beg from his mother and two other women friends, or from as many women as there are in his neighbourhood. According to the AGS 1.22.4,6,7. the initiate must beg from a man or a woman who will not refuse him. The manner in which begging is done is explained in the AGS 1.22.9: 'Sir, give bhiqi', or 'give anupravacaniya'. The PGS ll.S.1--4 states that when a brihDW}a addresses a woman, he must use the word 'lady' at the beginning of his statement, while for a rijanya, he is to use the term 'sir' in the middle, and for a vaitya. the initiate is to say it at the end. It is significant that the first bhiqi is taken from a woman and it shows that women are expected to handle food resources and that they played a crucial role in their dispensation. But the texts regulate the beneficiaries of this dispensation. 1be fact that the fint bbiqi is to be taken from a woman is a direct attempt to ensure that there will be no hurdle for the brahmacirin when be first tries to acquire food. As they go begging from one household to the other, the compilers realised that the bhiqiis would come in contact with the women of households. The refore it was ensured that the womenfolk would distribute resources from the precincts of the household to the bhiqus, who in tum are to hand over their alms to their icirya. 1bc Gf'lryasitras thus set up a distribution chain where women play a role. 1be emphuis on sexual abstention for the brahmacirin means that they cannot pose a threat to these women sexually. That the first alms are to be given by the mother also seems to imply a break from the maternal bond, that the relationship is now ttansfonned and that the boy would now enter new realms, separated from the mother's influence. As mentioned earlier, such a break is not implied with the father, as that bond is supposed to transcend space and time, and continue even after the father's death through rites for ancestors. One could argue that the giving of alms by the mother, rather than symbolising a clean break, is an attempt to underline the role of the mother as a provider. But, it's more likely that women are brought in to give alms at this crucial juncture to avoid any bottlenecks in channelising resources towards the brabmacirin's sustenance. If men are away, the penons most likely to be available at the site of the gJha to dispense with alms are the women. Showing an uncanny ability to tap maternal feelings, the texts ensure that each mothrr identifies brabmacirin beggan with her child

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and gives freely, while the brabmacirin, expected to practice celibacy, will uphold any woman giving him alms as a mother figure.

Vedic Studies after the Upanayana Life as an Initiate A significant portion of all Grhyasutra texts are devoted to the manner in which Ve collyrium, on bathing, combing the bead, cleansing the teeth, washing the feet, shaving, eating honey and flesh, mounting a chariot yoked with cattle and on wearing shoes inside the village. 1be student's duties include-wearing the girdle, mekbli. going around for alms, carrying a staff, putting fuel in fire, touching water and reverentially saluting the teacher in the morning. It ~ms as if even though the Godinakarma is performed, the texts want to reiterate that the brahmacirin needs to follow the same observances u before and not deviate from them.

Samivartana Studies end with the ritual bath, Samivartana. 1be significance of this 'passing out' ritual is underlined in _every Grhyasutra. The PGS 11.6.14 states that the bath has to be taken once the learning of the Vedas is complete after a studentship of twelve years or of forty-eight years, basically, once the guru has given his permission. The PGS 11.6.8 gives the option of the bath for one who knows the sacrifices. This seems to indicate that a person who bas not yet studied the Vedas, but who is knowledgeable about the conduct of rituals can also take the bath. Thus, the performance of rituals is given as much significance as the learning of the Vedas and the two are placed at par, thus enhancing the status of the rituals by making them equal to the knowledge of the Vedas. The bath is a special occasion marking the transition of the brahmacirin from a life of austerity to his being included into the community as an ilite member of society. The GGS m.4.8 states that the bath is to be taken in the north or the east of the teacher's house where there is an enclosure. This indicates that the bath is to be held at the icirya's bouse. 55 The GGS m.4.9 refers to the girdle being

" Tbe GGS Dl.4.9 refers to the elaborate m•oner in which the rite is to be conducted. The teacher is to sit on eutw■rd-pointed dalbba grass and the student ii to face the eut. He ii then to be sprinkled with lukewarm. ICCllled Waler that bu been boiled with herbs. and mantru ■re to be

GENDER Si!oRBoATION IN 111E HousmioLD 227 loosened while invocations to V anu,a to 'loosen the fetters' are to be chanted. This shows that the bond with the icirya bas to be severed formally through rituals. The icirya is to be offered remuneration for bis efforts and gifts are to be given to the student as well. A jewel, two earrings, a pair of garments, a parasol, a pair of shoes, a staff, a wreath, oinbnent for rubbing, salve for the eyes and a turban-all these are to be given to the student and the icirya. lbese are all symbols of worldly power and enhancement of status. 1be AGS m.8.1, 2 is quick to state that if the above cannot be arranged for both, then they are to be given only to the icirya. The daqu,a seems to be flexible and voluntary, but every icirya must have a good idea of the remuneration he can expect even before accepting a student under his charge. The linkages in Brahmanical society seem to hinge on expectations of reciprocity. The performance of rituals allows for a public and visible platform where acts of services and favours rendered can be fonnally recorded in public memory and can be returned in due course of time. Thus, the icirya who takes public charge of the student in the elaborate Upanayana ceremony duly returns the student to bis house after the Samivartana ceremony. Once the sni•aka cleanses himself, be is to put on two new unwashed gannents while chanting manttas,56 and also anoint his eyes while chanting mantras for the protection of his body and the eyes. Similarly, accompanied with mantras for the protection of the respective pans of the body, he is to wear earrings on his ears and to salve his hands with ointment." In the AGS IU.8.9-15, the bribma93 is enjoined to salve

pronounced by the student for himself. He is to then pour a handful of water thrice with mantras and for the fourth time, silently. Then the sun is to be wonbipped with mantras and the girdle is to be loosened with invocations to V anu,a to 'loosen the fetters'. " Both the AGS and the SGS recommend chanting the RV 1.152.1. 1 ' PGS D.6.17-22. The PGS suggests that be is to eat curds or sesamum seeds, matt bis hair, cut his nails, clean his teeth with an u4umbara branch and then anoint himself, and bathe again before salving himself while chanting relevant verses. Then he is to put on new garments chanting verses for a long life, glory and fortune and in praise of lndn and Bfbuplti.

228 F..NaeNomtlNo 111E EARLY HouselloU> his bead firs~ the rijanya is to salve bis two arms, the vai§ya is to salve the belly, the woman, her private parts, and a person who cams bis livelibood by 'running', the thighs. The reference to women shows that the text seems to veer from the Samivartana rites to general rules for salving and the stress is on salving those parts of the body that are associated with particular v~. Thus, the brilunai,a is associated with the bead, the rijanya with bis anns and the vai§ya, with his stomach. Significantly, as discussed earlier, the distinguishing features of a woman are her genitals. As there is no evidence anywhere that women left their homes for learning purposes, households must have been the only training ground for girls. The salving of women may have been one of the rites marking puberty. This transition is ignored in the Brahmanical texts, which are otherwise eloquent on every stage of significance in a male's life. According to Brahmanical perceptions, nature plays a major role in marking out different stages in a woman's life, such as pre-pubeny, puberty, motherhood and beyond, and rituals are evolved to signify parallel stages in the man's life. What is devised and constructed by Brahmanical ideology is projected as superior, what is not, is ignored and played down. Though parallel changes in the woman are virtually ignored, the fact is that the inspiration for marking out the different stages in a man's life may have come from the natural changes seen in a woman's life. Thus the pre-Upanayana stage of boys is comparable to the pre-pubeny stage of girls, the Upanayana and studentbood of brahmacirin to women's marriage, and after. Although the brahmacarya phase signals abstention for men, the relationship forged between the icirya and the brahmacirin is similar to the one envisaged between the husband and the wife. For men, the Samivartana signals readiness for marriage. The emphasis on adorning the student after the rite shows how the status of the student is expected to change once his studentship is over. Prom days of hardship, toil and living in a minimalist fashi~ there is a change in status, responsibility and functions that mark the transition of the brabmacirin to a snitaka. This is clearly revealed in the venes tbal need to be chanted while performing the Samivartaoa sacrifice. 1be verses claim that all five qualities that the student

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acquires-memory, reproach, knowledge, faith and wisdom and all that is sacrificed, given, studied, done, as well as all ttuth, learning and vows-all belong to the gods. The change in the attire of the student at this ceremony also underlines the change in his status and what his role is going to be in the future, as he is to be honoured with every type of ornament and embellishment. He is to wear a wreath called the sraj, step into his new shoes, take the parasol and the staff of reed, tie the jewel to his neck and arrange the turban, after which he is to sacrifice a piece of wood into the fire. All these actions are to be done with specific accompanying verses. The GGS 111.4.28 states that after getting ready, he is to approach the teacher together with the assembled students and in full view of the students, he is to offer reverence to the teacher. 1be icirya is to then honour him with the argha ceremony. 1be fact that the teacher perfonns the argha ceremony for him shows how worthy the learned penon is supposed to be and how completely and comprehensively his status changes. The SGS m. t .2 suggests that the snitaka has to spend his day in solitude after the Samivartana rites are complete. The fact that some kind of leave taking takes place from the place of learning is clear from the mention of the journey for going back home." 1be AGS m.9.3 recommends that the snitaka must spend the night in a place where people honour him and this is to be done because of the Brabmanical notion that the first occurrence of an event sets the tone for the rest of a person's life. The SGS says that the student should first approach a place where the argha ceremony is to be pedonned and a cow or a goat is to be sacrificed in his honour. The ApGS V.13.3 states that the king and the chieftain are to be given honour in the same manner as a brihm81)8-this seems to imply that a brihm&J)a who bas studied the texts is worthy of the same honour

51

The chariot is to be mounted while hymns from the RVVI.47.26, X.152.1 and the SGS m. t .13 are being chanted. The latter hymn is mentioned in the AGS too (AGS llLB.9), while the GGS m.4.31 suggests that the snirak• is to approach a chariot yobd with oxen and touch its two sides and after having driven it in an easterly or northerly direction, be is to tum back to his teacher. According to the GGS, an Argba ceremony is to be performed now for him.

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as the king. This shows how exalted the status of an erudite brihmai,a is made out to be in Brahmanical ideology.

The Life of the Snitaka We have seen above bow the G,-layasitras empbuise the physical and psychological transition of young males, tracing stages from their transformation as students to learned persons and the GGS m.5.1 also sta~ that from the time a boy completes bis learning, be should assume a dignified stance." The status of the snitaka is enhanced because of his supposed erudition and in the texts it seems u if this is to be considered a significant stage between the Upanayana and a gJhapati.60 The 'homecoming', presumably from the icirya's home after becoming a snitaka, is projected as a special occasion. The SGS m.1.16, 17 recommends that once the snitaka descends from the chariot, verses invoking Indra and the Earth are to be recited (RV 0.21.6) and on that day, be is to be fed his favourite foods. The AGS m.9.5,6 mentions that the ,nitaka has to refrain from activities like batbina in the night time, bathing naked or lying down naked, looking at a naked w ~ exce~ during sexual intercourse, mooing in the rain, " PGS U.5.32-35; GGS Ill.5.22 seq refer to the three kinds of snitakasvidya sni~ vrata snltaka and a vidya-vrata snitaka. The vidyl snltaka is one who bas performed the Simavanana ceremony after having finished the study of the Vedas, but before the time of bis vows expiry. He wbo performs die Simavll1ana after bil vows have expired. but before the study of the V«las is complete is a vn11 soi!•ka He who performs the Simavanana after having finished both is a vidya-vrata snltaka. The GGS m.5.22 states that the last category ranks foremost while the other two are equal to each 60

Olber. Heestennan refen to the parallels between the dikfita of the irauta ritual and the snitaka u mentioned in the PGS 2.8.9. Just u the cliqita in HeestermaD' s view. 'goes out in quest of the briluna-, knowledge in onlel' to assert bis full bnhmanical status', so also tbe anitaka takes up bis station in life u a sacrificial patron and, 'though qualified, is not yet a married and settled householder but still on the move in search of a status'. See J. C. Heescerman, TM Broun World of Sacrifice: 170.

0ENomt SeoReoATION IN nm HOUSPJIOLD 231 climbing up a tree, descending into a well, swimming with his arms across a river or exposing himself to danger. The passage implies that the restraints on sexual activity that are imposed on a bnbmacirin are now officially removed. The miraka can have sexual intercourse, but in a restrained and controlled manner. It is significant that this stage is considered an intermediate one before marriage. The dual policy that Brabmankal texts have is apparent-men, once they have undergone training can exercise sexual choices, women cannot. The verse ends with a statement stating that according to the Sn,ti, the snitak• is a great being. Bestowed with a special status, there are some taboos for him and the SGS IV .11.1-12 says that be is not to talk to a woman who bu been recently confined, nor one who has her monthly period. He is also not to eat food that is not strengthening, nor can be work with implements that are wasted from use. He is not to eat together ( with .bis wife), nor eat remnants, although be is allowed to eat remnants of food offered to the piq-, gods, guests and servants, blartya. hinting at servants of the king or state functionaries whom the sni•aka may have bad to entertain from time to time. 'Ibis seems to show that the remnants that are not to be consumed are those of hierarchically lower categories like women. The verses project the concern that Brahmani~ ideology has for the snlreka Having invested society's resources in imparting education to him, the texts also felt the need for taking care of this literary '6lite' and keeping them away from potential danger. The PGS 0.7.1-18 adds its own set of do' s and dont' s which include not dancing, not playing musical instruments and not performing or going to some performance. The sni•aka is even meant to use terms that arc different from the common people, for example, be is to refer to a pregnant woman as vijanya. The PGS rounds off the passage stating that be must be one who is fixed in bis intentions, who must protect eve,yone's life and be everyone's friend. The text implies that a snitaka should lead an ideal life without any transgressions, while maintaining a s1ab1re that dimnpisbea him from the rest. The GGS ill.5.4 states that a 1nifaka should not consort with a woman who is the only child of her mother, with a woman who is having her monthly courses, or wilb one who descends from the same rfis u him. The ~nifaka is to give up everything that is an impediment to bis Vedic recitation and

232 ENaammtlNo 111B EARLY ffOUSIIIOU) endeavour to keep himself (pure) lite a 'pot of oil'. He is not to climb a tree, go in the evening to another village, go alone or together with one of low birth, vri.fala. and he is also not to enter the village by a bypath without a companion. According to the GGS m.5.37,38 the observances after the Samivartana can also be conducted u prescribed by the SL,tas. \ The fact that the snitaka is expected to earn his livelihood in a prescribed way is also stated in the texts. The SGS IV .11.13, 14 elaborates on this. The activities prescribed for the snif•k• range from earning his living through gleaning ears of corns to receiving unawedfor alms, or alms that be asks for after performing sacrifices for others. Of these, the text states that the fust one is the most respectable occupation, followed by the second and the third ones. The SGS IV.11.15 goes on to state that if these livelihoods caooot be the snitaka is to follow the occupation of a vai,ya. 1bis statement goes to show that the GrJayasidras are intended for brihmaJJas who train in the various schools of Vedic learning. It further goes on to state that the snitaka should be careful about his duties towards the piq- and the gods, have intercourse with his wife in due time, not lie down to sleep during day time nor during the first and lut waleb of the night. He is also not to sit on the bare ground and is to constantly perform prescribed duties regarding the use of water with his sacrificial cord suspended over bis left shoulder. He is directed not to abandon his icirya unless his teacher commands him to or pennits him to do so (SGS IV.11.16--25). The daily rites to be performed by the snitaka are further elaborated in the SGS IV.12.1-32. He is to salute his icirya and his gurus respectfully every day, and also any m>triya, on meeting him. When he returns from a journey, he is to salute even those who are not §rottiyu by announcing his name, crossing his bands and touching their feet. The SGS IV.12.7-32 goes on to elaborate the manner in which the snitaka is expected to conform to certain norms. He is enjoined not to go to a yajila unless he had been chosen to go there. He is not to do any wrong, nor go 'to assemblies of people' (jansamvayDffl) and if he goes there, he is not to point out any evil against anybody. He is not to be a reviler, nor slanderous, nor a wanderer from house to house, nor a praaler. He is not to walk alone

pan•

GENDBR SBORBOATION IN THE HOUSEHOLD

233

or naked, or with hands that are covered. When he walks around 'god's house', it should be with his right side towards it. The reference to the various observances that the snitaka has to adhere to also shows that the Grhyasutras are essentially texts for the aspiring snitaka rather than for all and sundry. lbere is no other detailed mention of the do' s and dont' s of any other category of persons other than the brahmacirin and the snitaka. When compared to the details with which the snitaka' s life is mentio~ the references to the householder, the briluna9a, the yajamin~ the icirya or any other person pale in comparison. The fact is that the Grhyasutras seem to be texts that uphold the ideal of the learned snitaka who aims to set up a household. We have seen how, through the ritual of Upanayana and the subsequent 'formal training' given to young men, the Brahrnanical order was able to perpetuate the ideology of a male-centred society that they envisaged. In real life, Vedic knowledge would not carry one far unless one is a b ~ a performing rituals, and others, especially women must have turned to other avenues from which knowledge could be gained. Elise Boulding has shown that various factors are associated with social learning. 61 These include, •genetic' factors, 'developmental sequences of physiological, emotional, intuitive and cognitive maturation and the associated accumulation of social knowledge and stock'. They also include 'specific learning processes like cognitive construction, trial and error and modeling and intuition' and the learning gained from 'social spaces for learning', such as the home, community and specialised settings like schools. 1bese avenues, except the last, were available to men and women, although perhaps not equally, at the time the Grhyasutras became prominent. Thus, young girls must have turned to their instincts to pick up skills from spaces like the grha. This is, however, not recorded in the Grhyasutras. The male hegemony over knowledge and the patriarchal domination of the learning process can be sustained with the ritual of Upanayana and other rites that make Vedic learning obscure, sacramental and as unattainable as possible. The manner in which all energies of Brahmanical texts are focussed towards ensuring proper ritual 61

Boulding, The Und~rside of History: 23, 24.

234

~ nm EARLY

llousEHou>

preparation for men can be seen from the ritual attention that the texts give to boys and the manner in which young girls are ignored. This excessive bias towards boys reveals that the patriarchal texts are malecentered. The manner in which Upanayana seeks to perpetuate the differences in gender and van;ia and is used to establish hierarchies within the Brahmanical social framework, is significant-a matter that has more or less been ignored by scholars of the subject. 62 1be passage on the observances of the brahmacirin shows that they are to procure food through the generosity of others. This shows how the texts project brahmacirins as a significant yet vulnerable social category, given their dependence on the social support system. 1bose who are to support them would invariably be members of households and as such, the textual stress on the significance of the household as a unit of production is not at all surprising. The grha is the basic suppon base for those who pursue textual studies. Thus we see how the Grhyasutras constantly reiterate the grha as a space in which the early socialisation of children should occur, while for young males, it is the rigorous discipline of the icirya' s household where further transfonnation must take place. The higher roles fonnulated for males in the society and the rituals that systematically place girls below boys since birth (and even before that) ensure that the household is depicted as an arena in which roles are clearly gendered and hierarchically placed. Early socialisation into expected roles thus ensures conformity for both boys and girls.

A Short note on Special Observances for the Study of the V•das The G,-hya.riaras stress the manner in which specialised studies in the different Vedas are to be carried out, maintaining that there are specific

62

See Pandey, Hindi, Saliulcaras: 111--40. P. V. Kane feels that the rite (along with other rites like the Simavartana) may have been performed on some women, but we have seen that the Grhya.sitras make no mention of this. Sec V. Kane. History of Dhannala.stras: 294.

GENDER SBORBCJAnoN IN nm HOUSPJIOLD 235

vnatas to be conducted before initiatin1 these special studies.61 These rigorous vntu require stringent observances for both the icirya as well u the student The reference to the vratas shows that the study of the Vedas wu not a common occurrence and that the texts realised that only some could manage to maintain the standards required for such rigorous studies." Women seem to have bad no part in these specialised studies and are to be kept apart from Vedic learning. The

u The GGS ID. l .28 shows that the Godina Vrata was at par with the other

64

vratas undertaken when learning and it seemingly qualified the student for studying the PilrvarciJca of the SV. See H. Oldenberg, TM Grltya.rilrm. Vol. 2: 11,69. fn. 1,1. In the same way. the GGS 111.1.28 refers to lhe odler' vratas-Vritib Vrata. the Aditya Vrata. the Aupanifada Vrata, the Jy~asimika-Vrata, all of which are to last for a year. Oldenberg refers to the Godina Vrala for the study of collections of verses sacred to Agni. Indra and Soma Pavamina; Vritika Vrata was for the study of Ara1.1yaka. excluding the iukriya sections: the Aditya Vrata for the study of the iukriya sections; the Aupanishad Vrata. for the Upanifads and BraJunm,as; the Jyai"85imika Vrata for the study of the Ajyadohas). Some did DOI perform the Aditya Vraia. but those who did, wore only one garment and 'allowed nothing between themselves and the sun except for trees and the roofs of the houses and they were not to descend into water more than knee deep except. when commanded by the teacher'. The ~ukriya Vrata is to be performed before the study of the Vedas and the ~akvara Vritika and the Aupani~ before the study of the A~yakas. The Sukriya Vrata is refered to in lhe SGS and the rite is similar to the Upanayana rite, except that the Savilr is not recited and according to some scholars, the rite is to conclude with the handing over of the staff. The rite is to be performed when the sun is in the northern course, in the time of the waxing moon, with the first and last day excluded, or on any day when the constellation is lucky for him. 1bc lcirya, too, is supposed to abstain from sexual intercourse and eating flesh for a day and a night. The brabmcirin is to keep observances for one nigh'9 twelve days or for a year, or whatever the teacher thinks fit. The text goes on to state that the Sakvara, Vritika and the Aupani'8(1 observances are for one year and that when the time elapses. the duties have to be observed and the Vedas have to have been studied to the last hymn. Then the icirya is to insttuct the student in secret on the rules to be observed. Oldenberg assumed that the secret rules referred to dealt with the secrecy with which the Ara1_1yakas are to be learnt. The following kir.>4iki of the text shows that the learning of the Ara,_ayakas are to be conducted

236 &«&mERINo nm EARLY HOUSEHOLD key to the privileged status that the bribnw,u command is Vedic teaming, which requires rigorous training and expertise. It keeps the sexes segregated on the basis of access to learning and also ensures that Vedic learning remains confined to a select few with the stamina and access to resources that allow specialised studies. 1be place for such specialised study is supposed to be outside the viUage, in a north-eastern direction, in a clean spot, where the icirya is to sit with his face to the east. 1be choice of the place of study shows that education of the Vedas has to be imparted in arenas away from the humdrum of daily village life. Yet, one cannot say that it needs to be totally divorced from it. In fac~ for a person completely devoted to the study of texts, there bu to be a support system that enables his sustenance. 1be household in the village setting sustains Vcdic scholarship and the texts separate the household from Vedic studies by removing it from the spatial realm of the household. Bu~ the texts are careful enough not to isolate them from each other. Thus, Vedic studies arc to be the fringes of households. Care is taken to devise ritual situations where the two realms of scholarship and householders can interact with each other. 1be study also needs special attention and the student is expected to suspend all his normal observances for the time when the study is undertaken. The icirya is to tell him that he must abstain from begging for alms, sleeping on the ground and that he must be the teacher for three days. According to the SGS D.12.6, for this time peri~ he is to fast, keep silence with earnest care in the forest, in a god's house, or where the Agnihotta has been performed. The SGS U.12. 7 states that some teachers can prescribe these observances only for one nigh~ during which he bu to remain standing. The GGS m.2.1 with the utmost secrecy and with special rites. See H. Oldenberg. TM Grhyasutras Vol. 2: 72. After the student bu eaten somethin1 in the morning, in the afternoon, sacrifices are to be made to the nortb-eut and the teacher is to uk him if he has fulfilled his duties before Agni, ~ the Sun and the Viivedevis. Once the student answen that he bas fulfilled them. the icirya is to wrap the face of the student thrice, clockwise, with a new garment, while the srudcnt i~ to stand behind the fire in front of the icirya with his face to the east. The skirt of the garment is to be turned upwards so it does noc slip down.

GE1CJD Sam8GA110N IN 111B HousmloLD '1.37 states that for die MaMnaatni (or Wvmi) verses, the vrata is to be kept for twelve, nine, six or~ years, or even for one year. 1bal so many possibilities are discussed shows that the study of lbe Va/as is structured as a strictly-enforced learning process, without any flexibility. However, if the study is to be conducted just for a year, according to the GGS the observances must be more SbingenL Those who perform the vrata are seen in a special way and there is an obvious enhancement in status for them, u is clear from the GGS m. 2.7-9, that quotes from a BraJuruu,a of the Rawuki Qkbi, which says that mocben suckling their sons must encourage them to become men 'who endeavom to accomplish the &lkvmi vrata'. All the texts seem to underline that those who undertake Vedic learning are a cut above the rest, diffemitiated from the rest of the community -in tenm of bebaviom, attire, demeanour, u well as stahls, showing that Vedic learning meant an enhancement of stature, duties and responsibilities. The GGS m.2.10 refers to the need to 'touch water' to purify oneself at each .ravana (the morning, afternoon and evening pressing of the soma in a Soma sacrifice). Passages show how Vedic verses are projected as being revelatory and powerful in the Gr#ryasitras, so much so, that the icirya has to virtually shield the student from their potency. He has to cover the eyes of the student with a gmnent and not only does the student have to keep his eyes c l ~ but must also to keep silence. Nowhere in the rendition of any other traditional text do we find such an attempt to project the power of the word. It is in Vedic learning, especially the kind of specialised learning that is highlighted here, that the icirya is not only the tutor of the text, but is also the buffer who mitigates the potency of the text. 1be hand dipped in the vessel, the need to fast, and the fact that it is carried out in the forest reveals the extent to which the learning process is to be shrouded in secrecy, ceremony and ostentation, all of which serve to underline the sanctity of Vedic learning and to enhance the status of those who can undertake iL Verscs in the SGS reveal anxiety related to protecting the learner from unfavourable circumstances. On the completion of the three days and nights of observances, anything that can prove to be an impediment for the study of the Vedas is to be kept away. The list of such 'impurities' that need to be kept apart from the student is interesting.

m.2.s,

238

~ 1HB EARLY Housllo.D

The SGS ll.9.10 includes raw flesh, a ciutqi,la, a woman who bas been confined lately, sitika, one who has her monthly courses, rajisvala, and any form of bl~ persons whose bands been cut off, cemeteries and corpse-like (animals?). This shows bow exclusive and protected the realm of higher education is to be. The icirya and student are to be protected from impediments their immrdiate vicintiy, i.e., the path that is taken to go out of the village cannot cross them. The cooperation of the community is necessary for the proper completion of the rite and care is to be taken by the village, ~ to ensure that no such impediment comes in the way of the study. The choice of the hindrances is interesting-ranging from the lower sections of society, to menstruating women, disabled persons, inauspicious places and animals. It shows the comprehensiveness with which social existence is perceived in Brabmaoical thought-people, environment, places, animals and objects, all seem to have a role to play in controlling situations. A person can be directly affected by what he comes in contact with. Vulnerability is increased especially after special rites in which individuals are singled out The AGS m.9.4 states that after finishing his learning, the pupil is to offer something to the teacher and after his teacher's permission is received, he is to take a bath. The student is to give a turban, vessel and a cow to the iciry~ according to the SGS U.12.15,16. The SGS m.1.18 suggests that garments, a turban, earrings and jewels, a staff and shoes, with a parasol, are to be given to the icirya.65 The GGS m.2.52 states that after the student returns from the forest, be is to entertain his teacher and his retinue of fellow students with food.

" Tbe GGS m.2.45,46,47 states that a bull, a brass vessel, a garment and a cow (oplional) are the fee for tbe ucrifice.

4 The Grha as a Viable Unit for the • Production, Distribution and Transmission of Resources

The preceding two chapters have highlighted two important functions that the Grhyasutras mark out for the grha-the need for procreation and for the socialisation of the young so that they confonn to the nonnative sttuctures created for them. We now tum to another important activity of the grha discussed in the Grhysutras-the procurement and management of resources in such a manner that the household can thrive with economic vitality. We shall see in this chapter how the householder is shown to be insttumental in generating good fortunes for the household because of the rituals he is to conduct. We will also analyse conttuctions of wealth in the Grhyasutras and the various means by which it is to be acquired. Production activities like agriculture and cattle rearing are mentioned in the texts and though women must have participated actively in these activities, their role is not acknowledged, except in some agricultural rites related to the fertility of soil. The distribution and transmission of resources, and the management of food, according to the texts, is to be dominated by males, indicating that the role envisaged for women is one of providing labour without having any decision-making power. However, even though women are mentioned only cursorily, certain pointen in the texts allow us to infer their actual significance in production activities and also that possibly, women may have bad a crucial role in dispensing resources. However,

240 fJ«ENDERJNG 111E EARLY HouSBHOLD

it is not surprising that the recipients of such dispensations, but for a few exceptions, are mainly mal~ brihmai,as, the brahmacirin, the icirya, and other males. 1bere is no reference to women partaking of d&qiQi or getting any gifts in the Grhyasutras as they have virtually no ritual presence. The control of resources, whether of food or of other resources, is projected in the G,-hyasutras as being in the hands of the protagonist, with women having only indirect and marginal access to resources, even though tb~y must have had a significant role to play in the production and generation of these very resources. One finds ample references in the Grhyasiitras to varied activities that the household is to carry out-these include production, distribution and the transmission of resources. 1 Distribution is the process of removing resources from the producer and transferring it to the consumer, and it also includes the consumption of the resources. Distribution can be divided into, (I) pooling and distribution within the household units, and (2) exchange and distribution among households. 2 We have already discussed how the texts refer to rites that ensure that resources arc properly managed and 'consolidated' in a way that is beneficial for the grha. Distribution is undertaken through various channels such as the brihma.,as through household rituals (most rituals entail the giving of dina, especially in Sriddha rites), the brahmacirin through bhiqi, guests through hospitality rites and the community through rites involving community participation (like marriage and Upanayana). The main beneficiaries are, in most cases,

1

2

Wilk and Rathje claim that in evolutionary terms, with population increases, the role of the household in primary production and distribution declines, yet in terms of the transmission of goods and lands, it actually increases. See Wilk and Raabje, Archaeology of the Household: 630. Wilk and Raabje state that while the pooling of resources is significant in large households, in small households, production activity is unifonn amongst members. According to them, in large households, production is diversified and the quality of goods produced is variable. The individual's access to a wide variety of goods increases, but the variability of supply deaales. The extensive pooling of products is required for redistribution to household memben. Will and Rathje go on to claim that in subsistence apiculture systems with wqe labour, there is a breakdown in the extended household. See Wilk and Rathje, Archaeology of the Horu~hold: 624.

GiplA AS A VIABLB UNIT

241

the brllunal)as. However, the household also supports the bnbmacirin

and other such beneficiaries. The household thus functions as a centre for the dispersion of resources, mainly food items and its benefaction is to be directed towards those sections of the society that are promoted in the texts. The reason why households participate in this one-way channelising of resources is because of the ideology promoted in the

texts-that what is given away to proper and wonby recipients comes back in multitude. However, even within these texts, the ideology is not without tensions and conflicts. Rituals involving animal sacrifice carry an inherent statement of suppressed violence and guilt, which the bribrna9a, use to their advantage by 'taking on' the negative forces, thm keeping the protagonist away from harm but open to gains from the sacrifice. That the texts themselves have apprehensions and guilt about killing can be seen from their efforts to provide substitutes for offerings of meat. 3 Rituals in the Brahmanical texts provide a well worked out rationale for systematically peripberalising women's roles and functions. Rituals are the instruments through which bribma9a thought sought to supersede natural events with ritual ones. In this, they usurped women's roles and by minimalising women's roles in the rituals, they were able to create a hierarchical distribution network with males at the top.

The Householder as Generator of Wealth and Notions of Wealth The tasks placed before the householder are varied and the rituals that he is to perform, according to the texts, give him a special status and

influence the fortunes not only of his family, but also of the cosmos. Olivelle states that the householder 'stood at the center of the cosmic 3

H e e ~ refers to the manner in which food offerings dominate ritual thoupt. He cites Marcel Detienne who says that that sacrifice is a matter of the alimentary management of 'cuisine' rather than of wonhip. For Hees~ 'The socio-religious aspect off~ its selections, producti~ preparation, and distribution', cannot be denied, yet, 'it is too nurow a penpective' (J.C. Bees~ The Broun World of Sacrifice: 188-93).

242 ENolNBtlNo 11E <J.y Hoosalou> and the social food cycles' by viJtue of the duties that be had to perform every day, which conneded him to the various forces around him.' The G,-hyasitras place the gods, deities, 'beinp', piq- and bribrnqu hierarchically above each individual householder, just u the memben of his family are placed below him and be is given the responsibility of looting after all the categories. The protective role of the householder can be seen from his responsibilities towards those dependent on bim---dle •rotnya and brahmacirin and other vulnerable sections. The SGS D.14.19-21 advocates giving food to a uotriya and alms to a brahmacirin. The verse immediately following it states that food is to be offered to a woman under his protection, .ra,,va.sini; to pregnant women, garbhilJ,i, to boys, kumira, and to old people, sthavira. Food is also to be thrown on the ground for dogs, for animals called 'dog-killers', and for birds (SGS 0.14.22). This shows that the authority given to the householder does not come shorn of responsibility. He canies the burden of ensuring the sustenance of the very institutions which underline polarities in the Brahmanical social construct between the learned and the learning, the weak, the old, dependent women, and ancestors. The onus of maintaining these segments of society is on him and the protagonist is given a powerful ritual role in the Grhyasitras, which also underlines his role u the one who is to sustain the household. There are numerous other examples that project the role of the householder as a benefactor. The SGS U.14.23-25 emphasises that nothing should be eaten without a portion cut off for the bali and that nothing should be eaten alone or before others. The SGS 11.14.26 refers to the RV X.117 .6 verse, 'In vain the fool, gains food', implying that a person who doesn't offer ball offerings is no more than a fool. Funher, the SGS 11.17 .4 explains the procedures for extending hospitality to guests. The placement of this section in the texts with that of the Vi§vedevi sacrifices seems to show that the entertainment of guests and the giving of daqil)i are part of the appeasement of the Viivedevis. 1be section ends with words claiming that those who perform the Viivedevis sacrifice prosper, live a long life and attain

4

Pattick Olivclle, TM A.frama Sy1tem: 55.

OiplA AS A VIABLI! UNIT

243

fame, and offspring. 1be need to perform seasonal sacrifices also shows how linkages are drawn between the changing seasons and the activities of the household. Thus, attempts are made to ensure that different tasks related to agricultural activities like food production, cattle rearing and the associated tasks, household management and its day-to-day functioning are all in tandem with the changing seasons through carefully orchestrated rituals conducted by the householder. 1be rituals of the household occur around everyday events, playing on the hopes, upirations and fears of the householder, and his family. The reason why a householder might feel compelled to perfonn the grbya rites is perhaps seen in the passage GGS 1.6.2,3, that refen to what happens if a rite is perfonned without fasting-'He becomes powerless. Hunger will attack him. He does not gain favour among people. His offspring will be perverse. But be who eats fut day-food, becomes powerful (ilvara), hunger will not attack him. he gains favour among people. His offspring will be still more blessed'. Thus, we find that the Grhya.sitras encourage the householder to perform rituals not only for power, but also to avert hunger amongst his people and his offspring. Rites like the Aivayuja ceremony to be performed on the full moon day of uvayuja further reinforce the role of the householder u benefactor. The house is to be adorned and the members of the household are to bathe, and wear clean garments on the days of the rite. The householder is to then make a mixture of curd and butter, Prfatalcam, and carry it around the sacrifical fire. keeping his right side towards it. He is to make the brihm81)as look at the sacrifice he is to perform with joined hands and then he is to then entertain the bribrna9u. Finally, he is to eat. After this rite, the sacrificer and his family are to wear amulets made of lac and herbs for the sake of prosperity (AGS 0.2.1, SGS IV .16.1, PGS U.16.1 and GGS W.8.1 ). According to the SGS, the stbilipika is to be offered while chanting a hymn to the cows (RVVl.28). The SGS IV.16.3,4, PGS 0.16.5 as well u the GGS m.8. 7 state that at night, the calves are to be allowed to join their mothers. These rites clearly reveal the anxieties of a householder. especially with regard to aspirations of plentitude as well u with regard to the management of perishable resources like food grain and milk products. These rites give rise to the need to ensure that what is 'full' (implying storage in vessels) must not decay.

244 BNcaamNJ 'DIE &Ju.y Housmtou> According to the PGS D.16.4, the household members, amitya, are to look at the mixture of curds, honey and gbee and chant the verse, 'May Indra come here' (Vaj. Sam. XX, 47). The SGS IV.6.5 and the PGS 11.16.6 suggest that brihro19u should be fed in this rite. Thus, a direct correlation between wealth and rituals is drawn in the texts. According to the PGS 111.8.1, 2, rites like the split-ox sacrifice, Jilagava, facilitate heavenly rewards, cattle, sons, wealth, renown and long life. The gods are described u vasuvan in the GGS IV.8.3, meaning that they are themselves wealthy as the givers of goods, van,. The fact that the householder is responsible for the fortunes of the household can be seen from the special rituals that be is to perform. The householder is supposed to perform rites for the 'attainment of special wishes'. What these wishes are is not specified, but they include wishes for personal gain and for the household. The AGS m.6.1,2 refen to the manner in which special wishes can be attained through the offering of boiled rice. The GGS IV.5.1 also refers to the rites for the obwnment of special wishes. Using elaborate mantras from the MB ll.4.1-5, verses are to be recited in the day for goods, vuu, and for wealth, dhana, in the nigbL 5 The fact that a distinction is made between material goods and wealth is intriguing. Special formulas like the Viriipakfa and the Prapada are to be recited. The latter has to be recited by the sacrificer while sitting in the forest on darbba grass turned towards the eut if be wants holy lustre, to the north if he wants son and cattle, and towanls both directions if be wants both. The text also says that one who desires that his stock of cattle should increase can offer a sacrifice of rice and barley while chanting verses to the 'protector of cow keepen' (MB D.4.7). In aootbarite, to gain favour with someone, the householder is asked to murmur ' 'The GGS verse ia as follows: 'He touches the earth to the west of the fire with bis two bands turned downwards. reciting tile verse 'We panake of lbc earth's• (MB U.4.1). In the nipt time be pronounces the mantra tbal ends with 'goods' in the day time and 'wealth• in the night time. He wipes the fire with his bands with three verses (MB D.4.2~) and recites the Virupa,a fonnula before the sacrifice. At ceremonies that are connected with special wishes, the Prapada formula (MB D.4.5) is app~ performed with one suppression of breath when ~ginning 1be Vlripc1kfa formula IDd be fasts for three days and nipll or miues three meals'.

GlplA AS A VIABLE UNIT 245

the Kautomata verse over the fruits of a big tree and to then give the fruits to the person whose favour be wishes to gain. He is also supposed to keep one fruit more (an even number) than the number of fruits be gives away, for himself. This shows the competitiveness in trying to gain favour and staying one step ahead of others. 6 According to the texts, wealth is to be obtained through mobilising someone else's good fortunes towards one's self, which can be facilitated by performing rituals. Even if someone's 'favour is sought', one-upmanship is not abandoned and the texts ensure that the protagonist feels that he is one step ahead of the others in all cues. The ideology behind the performance of rituals and offerings is that like begets like. Thus, someone who desires cattle is encouraged to offer oblations in a cow-stable and if the cow stable is damaged by fire, then in a wise man's robe (GGS IV.9.6, 7. A person who desires a thousand cartloads (of gol~ according to the Oldenberg)7 is supposed to sacrifice one thousand oblations of the flour of routed grains (GGS IV.9.12). As per the GGS IV.9.13,14, someone who desires cattle, should sacrifice one thousand oblations of the excrements of a male and a female calf, or of a male and a female sheep if he desires a flock. Brahmanical texts follow the principle that wealth can be accrued and prosperity gained only from a pre-existing source, and that wealth can be built up only at the cost of some other person's wealth. This is apparent in the siitta in the GGS 1.1.15-18 on how fire is to be procured for setting up a sacred domestic fire. The text states that the fire should be got from a vai§ya' s house or from one who has offered many sacrifices, 'be it a brihmal)a, rijanya or a vai§ya'. In contrast, a fire that is got merely through atttition, though pure, is not expected to bring prosperity. This shows that the text takes into account that 6

7

According to the GGS, there are five verses lhat are to be recited. 'Like a tree' (MB 11.4.9-13) and a ceremony for the earth is to be performed first. The householder is supposed to fast for one fortnight or if be is not able to do so, once a day, consuming only rice water in which be can •see bis image'. This forms part of the fortnightly observances and then on a full moon night, he is to plunge upto his navel into a pool that does not dry up and sacrifice fried grains held in his mouth into the water while chanting the relevant verses. Oldenber1, TM Grlryasitras, Vol. 2: 127.

246 F..NcmNDeuNo nm EARLv Housatou>

a person who can would afford to perform many rituals be presumably a rich and prosperous penon and that a penon of any of the three van,as-b~ rijanya or vmya--can be rich. It also shows that the main aim of grhya rituals is the procurement of wealth. rather than some ethereal or esoteric gains. If this was not so, then the texts would not have emphasised the need to procure fire from a vaijya and would have allowed the fire to come from any ritual source. Moreover, these texts were written primarily for ~ whose major source of income would be the affluent vai,ya households from where they could channelise a flow of resources towards their own household. That the procurement of fire from another's house implies the symbolic extraction of a penon's good fortune is clear, but whether this implies diminishing the fortunes of the one from whom the fire is taken is not quite clear. 1be compilers probably wanted to promote the simple idea that 'wealth titgets wealth' and therefore they recommend that fire got from a prosperous household heralds prosperity for the new household. Fire can be understood as symbolising prosperity if we view it as an object that has all the characteristics of wealth. It can be circulated, it increases and diminishes, and its extraction from a prosperous source ensures prosperity and the inflow of wealth. One interesting example of this is that after marriage, it is the bride's house from where the fire is got. This could mean that the bride's relatives are to be viewed as potential competitors and by extracting the fire for the newly married couple from the bride's house, the groom ensures that the bride's natal household is the source of his prosperity. As fire is always got from a prosperous source, it also implies that a bride is ideally to be chosen from a prosperous family. Why would any source, be it the vaijya household or the bride's family, part with their fire if it symbolises the diminishing of their own wealth or if it means that the person taking the fi.re would become an equal competitor? This is where rituals play a significant role. They allow for the setting up of a forum where competing parties can establish tics based on reciprocity even while realising that the ideology behind the rituals is one that favours the penon who performs the ritual. The only way to counter the threat of a person perform.in& a ritual is by performin1 one yourself, thus un!euhing a competitive scenario in which performing more and more rituals becomes the

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VIABLli UNIT

247

norm. If, by giving one's daughter in marriage, one hu to part with a portion of one• s fire, then the next step is to many off one's son to a person whose prosperity one can aspire to by taking fue from his house through the ritual of marriage. Thus, a chain of relationships are established through rituals, where the competition for goods and resources is barely concealed through the mechanism of rituals. Very clearly, the person who performs the rituals establishes bis momentary superiority over others who merely participate in the ritual with him due to kinship, community or social ties. However, because of social reciprocity, the performer becomes a participant in the rites conducted by those who participate in bis rites. Brahmanical texts promote giving resources to brihroaoas by promising more wealth for the households that part with fund1 (and fue ). 1be G,-hyasilras refer to the following as wealth-sons, cattle, horses, elephants, flock and abundant food. The GGS IV .5.1 details mantns for obtaining wealth. 1be first verse is to be recited oo sighting a rich person, the second is to be recited so that the householder's stock of horses and elephants can increase. The third verse is said to lead to the chanter's flocks increasing, the fourth is meant to increase sunlight and the fifth verse is said to assure his safe return home. 1be AGS 1.10.12 refers to the householder's wealth 'increuing' through 'offspring, cattle, holy lustre and nourishment'. The SGS Dl.1.16 refers to the dravir,ani, material goods that are to be asked from Indra on the snitaka's return from Vedic studies. The SGS m.4.10 states that when people enter their new house, they are to hope that it will lead to an increase 'in wealth amongst us'. The reference to the plural shows that increases of wealth applied to the household rather than only for the individual. However, the SGS ID.9.1 does refer to the concept of the wealthy individual, gopati, who is defined by the number of cows he owns, depicted as ones 'whose udders have four boles', that is, milching cows. The GGS IV.5.30 also refers to the arthapali, a person rich in weal~ in whose presence one is to worship the sun if one desires the 'enjoyment of riches'. In an interesting passage in the AGS 11.10.8, the Brahmanical approach to the generation of wealth is revealed. Cattle raiding and the acquisition of other's cattle is legitimised as one of the ways in which wealth is to be acquired. The text encourages the protagonist

248

ENoBNomtlNo DIE E°.ARLY HouslDIOLD

to covet others' herds whenever he 'approaches the herds', as long u the cows 'do not belong to the guru'. 1be householder is encouraged to verbally praise the prosperity, excellence and beauty of the cattle and express the hope that he can own them. This also implies that any one who possesses wealth is vulnerable to it being seized by someone else. The SGS III. 9 .1 states, 'may the noisy (goddesses) keep the cows away from the slaughtering hosts', implying that cows are not to suffer any harm. Moreover, for possessions like cattle, which are not readily available and arc valuable, rites arc to be perfonned to lure them. 1be only cattle outside the purview of such acquisition are the cattle of . the icirya. This revealing passage sums up the acquisitiveness of the authors of the Gr/lyasutras. The amassing of wealth through ruthless competition is encouraged by the texts and this invariably involves snatching someone else's possessions. Although lip service is paid to the voluntary parting of wealth through dakfii,i, the uncertainty involved in an existence dependent only on daqh_1i is clear. In the strife for the control of wealth and resources, it became a necessity to constantly underline the legitimacy of control that b ~ a s bad over daqii,i, especially compared to the other sections of the society, as they have to compete with other br~as for daq~i. The Grhyasitras claim that the protagonist can have access to varied resources only if he perfonns the necessary rituals. Naturally occurring plants, vanaspati, are considered to play an important part in the daily life of the householder, according to the AGS 11.7.5, SGS m.1.13 and many other texts. The SGS 1.3.2 refen to the mahavrl,a, the mighty trees and the SGS 1.15.6 and III. I. 1S refer to the phalavatovrt,a, fruit bearing trees. Grasses like kusa, durva and darbba are mentioned in the AGS Il.9.3 and m.2.2 as important elements of sacrifices. Kuu grass is to be strewn in the sth•l• for all the rites, including the marriage rite (SGS 1.8.1--4) and is to be used as a strainer and purifier. Herbs, Ofadhi, mentioned in the AGS m.S.2 are to be used for medicinal purposes-the seed of the klitaka is to be used for rubbing (AGS 111.8.8); the adhyof!4a plant is to be pounded and sprinkled on the wife at the time of her monthly period (SGS 1.19.1). The soma, kuu and nyagrodha are to be pounded and inserted in the wife's nostril for the Pudlsavana rite (SGS 1.20.3). The PGS 1.13.1 suggests that the root of the white blooming plant, simhi, is to be

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crushed and inserted in the wife's nostril. Similarly, unripe ucJumbara fruits are to be used for parting her hair according to the SGS 1.22.8. According to the SGS 1.6.2, flowers and fruits are to be taken to the bride by the groom's party. The bride is to be adorned with kim.fulca flowers on her way back to the groom's house. The water plant, avaka, according to AGS 11.8.11, is to be placed in the house while building it. Plants like the lcallclitaka (the indigo plant?) are also referred to in the SGS. Fibrous plants are to be used for making hemp strings (SGS 1.24.11). As regards animal resources, there are references to various animals such as cattle, gau, as mentioned in AGS U.6.S and r1abha in the AGS U.6.13. The AGS ll.10.6 shows that cattle are to be coveted as symbols of prosperity. It refers to the direct relationship between possessing cattle and status in society-' ...rest in my stable that I may become the highest one'. Horses vajin, a.fva, recorded in the AGS U.1.7 AGS m.12.9 and SGS 1.15.11, are valuable for transportation and there are also references to bulls, u.,tra, pulling chariots in the SGS 1.15.5. The bull's hide, mentioned in the SGS 1.16.1 is a symbol of fertility used for most of the rites related to the wife's 'productivity'. The black and red and white hairs of a black ox are offered to the child in the Jitakarman rite (SGS 1.24. 7) to ensure that the child obtains plenty of wealth. The aja, goats and sheep arc to be invited alongwith horses and cows to the house building rite described in the SGS lli.3.1. Besides the dairy animals and those needed for transportation, other animals arc also refered to such the deer, mrga in AGS m.10.10. The black antelope is associated with the b ~ the spotted deer with the qatriya and the cowhide is associated with the vaigya. Serpents are to be feared and worshipped, according to the AGS 11.1.9-14. Birds ue also mentioned in the AGS 111.10.9 and the AGS 111.S.1, and the dove, lcapot, is referred to in AGS IIl.7.7 as a symbol of changing fortunes. Thus, we see that the Gfhyasutra texts were familiar with the ways and means by which they could utilise the flora and fauna around them for their benefit. According to the texts, through the management of these resources, householders will be able to build on their fortunes. The chariot and the animals drawing it are also seen as part of the assets of a household and the texts refer to the manner in which the

250 ENoENDmuNo 111E EARLY HOUSEHOLD chariot is to be 'appeased'. The AGS 11.6.9 states that when a new chariot is taken, the protagonist is to first appease it by driving it around a tree or pool that does not dry up, with his right side turned towards it. He is to then fetch branches with fruits or something that belongs to the family, lcautumba. He is to drive to the assembly, sansad, in the chariot. The significance of driving to the assembly is not really clear. It could be that the ownership of the chariot was thought to enhance the status of the householder in a way that it bad to be brought to the notice of the people of the community. It is in this context that the verses where the new owner of the chariot is to descend from the chariot looking at the sun and claim for his renown to be the 'highest'can be understood. 8 Ministrations performed on the chariot by the wife in rites before the start of the journey after marriage links the wife, the householder and the chariot in a bond. The wife must appease the chariot by applying salve on its axle and its wheels, so that it carries them without mishaps. According to the SGS 1.15 .2-6, verses are to be recited while the wife, patni, is to smear the axle of the chariot, the two front and back wheels and the two bulls with clarified butter. She is to then place branches of fruit bearing trees into each of the holes destined for the pins and then the bulls are to be harnessed. 1be fact that the wife is made to 'attend to' the chariot shows the manner in ·. which vehicles are to be regarded as having personas of their own and the smearing of clarified butter seems to symbolise the sexual manner in which the wife is made to appease the chariot. She, significantly, is to 'mount the chariot' with her husband, rathamarohantyam, 'adorned with kiJhjuka flowers', according to the SGS 1.15.13 and GGS D.4.1. It is significant that the wife is associated with the chariot only in this journey. As there are only a few occasions when the wife can travel, the journey from her father's home to her husband's is the most significant one for a woman. Moreover, the PGS m.14.9 clearly states that a woman and a Vedic student should not be charioteers• Cbantin1 'Murmuring to the bull among my equals' (RV IV.31.15) he is to approach the assembly (AGS 11.6.12, 13). Also, 'Thus, with a new chariot he said verses to the setting sun' (RV 1.167.10) and 'to the daughters of heaven• (RV JV .51.11) are to be said at day break (AGS 11.6.14, 15).

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na snibrahmacaril'}OM sarthi syatam. This shows that any kind of

ownership of assets like a chariot is eliminated for women. Students of the Vedas also were not to drive the charioL Besides the chariot, other forms of ttanspon like boats. nau, are also referred to in the AGS 1.8.2, D.6.8. 1be anxiety with regard to the accumulation of wealth is clearly discernible in the texts and the main worries are with regard to indebtedness and the exhaustion of the sources of wealth. The SGS 111.4.4 refers to the VistOfpati sacrifice. in which it is hoped that riches, dhanam, will not be squandered. The GOS IV .4.26 states that if a debt comes up (which the protagonist is unable to pay) be should conduct a sacrifice chanting verses from the MB 11.3.l. A person who desires that his means of li velibood should not be exhausted should sacrifice green cow dung in the evening and the morning. With articles that he has bought, he is to, after having fasted for three days and nights, make an oblation while chanting a mantta to Vi~vakarman (MB 11.6. l 0), and offer some threads of a garment and some hairs of a cow. In the same way, be is to offer some parts of any article he buys (GGS IV .8.19-23 ). The sacrifice of a full oblation is to be performed on the sacrificial day and a sacrifice to Indra is to be offered by one who desires glory. while the second oblation is to be offered by one who desires companions (GGS IV.8.24, 2). One who desires that his means of livelihood should not be exhausted should sacrifice in the evening and in the morning with a chaff of rice grains and chant mantras from the MB (D.6.16,17) to ward off hunger and thirst. This rite is also recommended in the GGS IV.9.15. 1be texts indicate that the attire of a person must reflect his status and wealth. New clothes are encouraged for all special occasions. The complete attire for a 'worthy person' includes a parasol. chatra. shoes, and a staff, cw,4a, according to the AGS ID.8.1. Jewellery like a mani for the neck, earrings. huµ/ala, arc to be worn by the snitaka and arc also to be gifted to the icirya (AGS m.8.1 ). This shows that new status entails the need to display the change in position through rich attire and symbols of power. A coat mail, lcavaca, bow, dhanu. and a quiver with arrows are to be carried by a riji when a battle begins (AGS lli.12.l, 3,10). In the case of women, their appearance is to be highlighted on the occasions of marriage and the Simantonnayana.

252 ENoENiEuNo 11fE EARLY HOUSEHOLD However, in both the cases, the woman is 'made to wear' clothes and jewellery and this implies that she is dependent on others' benefaction for clothes and ornamentation. The SGS 1.22.17 states that if she likes, a woman must wear many gold ornaments at the Simantonnayana. Gold is presented a symbol of wealth and prosperity and is to be put in a pot when a marriage is fixed (SGS 1.6.5), when a child is to be made to wear gold ornaments after he is born (SGS 1.24.11 ), and when gold ornaments, niflca, are to be worn by a snitaka after the Samivartana ceremony (SGS 111.1.5, 6). The conception of wealth is not confined to movable items but includes immovable fonns of property-the focus not being simply land, which may have been readily available, but settled land. The GGS IV.8.14-16 states that one who desires villages can attain them through sacrifices. The rite performed for this is supposed to be conducted outside the village limiJs, at the 'cross roads'; presumably so that maximum benefit can be gained from channelising the good fortunes of people passing by. _ According to the text, going out'of the village, grima, in an easterly or in a northern direction, or on a mountain, the householder should go to 'where the four roads meet'. Here, he is to place a fire on an elevated surface consisting of the 'dung of the beasts of the fores ts', and sweep away the coals, and make an oblation of butter in his mouth while repeating the mantra in his mind. The text goes on to state "that if the prepared mound catches fire, twelve villages will be his and if smoke rises, at least three villages would belong to him. This desire to possess many villages makes sense only if the villagers give some portion of their resources to the owner. The text GGS IV.9.1-5 goes on to offer advice to one who wants to become a ruler, adhipati, amongst the men. Such a person is to fast through a period of eight nights and then carrying a gruva spoon, a cup (of water), and u

house. After sunset, the householder is to take the wooden cup, the darvi, and the wiMowing basket and go to the fire that bas been 'brought fotward'. According to the GGS m. 7 .12, be is to throw the flour into the winnowing basket and fill the wooden cup with water. The AGS 11.1.2 states that a new jug is to be filled with the flour of fried barley and that this is to be laid with a spoon for offering balis on new strings of a carrying pole. The SGS IV .15.1 recommends fried barley or cooked food. After sunset, according to the AGS and the PGS 11.14.3, the sthilipika is to be prepared and a cake is to be placed in one dish and sacrificed while chanting four verses from the RV (RV 1.189.lseq), asking Agni to lead them to the path of wealth. Placing the hand on the dish, words in praise of the earth-deity are to be recited uking it to be steady, according to the AGS D.1.4. Verses are to be recited in favour of Agni, asking him not to deliver them to evil and then the cake is to be sacrificed in the fire. The PGS suggests that the cake is to be offered entirely (without leaving any remains) to the 'son of the Earth'. The besmeared grains, according to theAGS D.1.6,7,8 are to be sacrificed with joined hands while chanting a verse from the RV (RV VII.38. 7), while the other grains are to be given to amitya, implying that the sacrifice is to be done in the presence of people amongst whom the relatives are given the rest of the grains for sacrificing. The Aivayuja is another rite that focuses on food rituals. The SGS IV .16.1, 2 states that the milk rice, payasa, is to be offered to Indra and then ijyu are to be offered to the two A,vins, to the two A,vayuja, to the full moon of the Aivayuja, to the autumn, to Puupati and to the 'tawny' one. According to the PGS U.16.2, the milk rice is to be mixed with curds, honey, ghee and offered to Indra and lndrini, the two Mvins, the full moon of Mvayuja and to the autumn, Jarad. According to the GGS 111.8.1, this is the same as the f>tlitakadl ceremony, in which boiled rice is prepared for Rudra. The householder is to then sacrifice a mixture of curds and butter with his joined hands saying, 'May what is deficient be made full to me; may what is full not decay to me. T o ~ Svihi!' (AGS 11.2.3 and PGS D.16.3). The reference to the Annapruan& rite in the Grhyasitras shows the importance of the role of the food in the life of a a'ha- The rite is to be conducted in the sixth month according to the AGS 1.16.1 and the

GiplA AS A VIABLE UNIT 277 SGS 1.27.1. It is believed that the first cereals given to the child will set the tone for his future and hence varied culinary options are to be offered, each symbolic of particular qualities. Thus, goat's flesh is to be partaken for nourishment in the AGS 1.16 and the SGS 1.27 .2; the flesh of the partridge for holy lustre in the AGS 1.16.3 and SGS 1.27.3: of fish for swiftness, according to the SGS 1.27 .4; and boiled rice with ghee for splendour in the AGS 1.16.4 and the SGS 1.27.5. These are to be given to the child to eat mixed with curds, honey and ghee. Verses invoking the 'lord of food', Annapati, to give food without pain to the body, to give strength, gllfmil), and to bestow 'energy', iirji, on men and animals are to be recited according to the AGS 1.16.5 and the SGS 1.27.7. The passage reveals that food procurement is an anxiety for the householder and although no reference is made with regard to his being the only provider, he is tteated as the manager of affairs directed toward food procuremcnL All the rites performed are without the mantras for a girl, according to the AGS 1.16.6. While the Asvalayana Grhyasutra treats the Annaprualla in a brief manner, the SGS 1.27.7-10 continues with a number of verses, including RV IV.12.4,5, which invoke Agni for long life and splendour, V8JU9a and Soma for strength, Adi ti for protection like a mother, and all the gods in general so that the child can reach old age. The RV IX.66.19 is to be recited over the child to invoke Agni to grant the powers of life to him. The child is to be set down on kuu grass pointed towards the nonh and the verse RV 1.22.15 is to be recited, and while the child is being fed, the Mahavyah{tis are to be chanted. The mother is to be fed the remnants of the food meant for the child in a significant gesture. The remnants of food are projected as being very special and have to be disposed off in a particular manner. The fact that the mother is made to eat the remnants is probably to initiate the daily pattern where the child is fed by the mother and the leftovers. 24 24

Charles Malamoud has discussed the issue of leftover food. The taboo associated with leftover food is associated with impurity as this food is not only the remains of 'something' but also 'someone'. Cooked food assumes more significance and is considered more vulnerable to impurities than uncooked food. 1be social complications in the consumption of food and

ns

FJ«ammtJNo nm Ew.v Housmtou>

The offering of food to the pitr is another essential ritual that seems to keep the 'cycle of production and consumption of food resources' balanced with each other. Since there are many unpredictable factors involved in the procurement of food, the Grhyasiitras project that what is produced by the householder will be in proportion to what is offered to the gods, the piq- and the brilunai,a. Offerings to Agni and to the briJuna1:1a cover all sources from which bounty can be expected. However, in some instances, direct contact between the protagonist and the pitr needs to be made to ensure that the piq- are not kept in deprivation, under the assumption that whatever is offered will be got back in maoifc,ld. The GGS IV.2.9-32 refers to the elaborate manner in which food is to be prepared for the Anvqtaki performed for the father, grand father and the great grandfather. After the animal sacrifice of the q ~ the Anv81Jf'8ki is to be performed on the following day. An elaborate enclosure is to be prepared and a fire made towards the north. A mortar is to be placed to the west of the fire so that it s ~ firmly and the protagonist is to husk the grain, while his left band is to be held uppermost in which he is to hold a handful of rice grains sei7.Cd in one grasp. When the rice is husked, he is to remove the husks carefully and then cast off the lump of flesh from the thigh (of the sacrificed animal) and cut it into small pieces on a slaughtering bench with the intention that the pilJcJas 'should be thoroughly mixed up with the flesh'. On the same fire he is to cook one dish of rice 'odana caru' and another of flesh, stirring them separately from right to left with two pot ladles. After they have been cook~ he is to pour

the leftovers are immense. The Dhannasutras show that consumption of leftoven is an offence (BDS 2.8.11. ApDS 1.3.27). The taboos reguding leftoven cover physical touch too. Malamoud refen to the fact that 'food is charged with social and religious symboli~ so powerful and complex'. It is seen u a 'vehicle for pollution', while eating one becomes 'vulnerable to assaults of impurity'. Food, as an 'organic matter wu subject to putrefaction when in contact with other organic matter-living bodies, blood. sperm. excrements. urine. nail filings. body hair. dead skin'. Thus, the cooking of food and offering has to be carefully managed. See Malamoud. Charles, Ritual and Thought in Ancient India, Tr. by David White (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996): 7.

GlplA AS A VIABLE UNIT

279

ijya on them from the fire towards the south. In the southern pan of the enclosure, he must dig three pits so that the eastern pit is the first one, spanning four inches in breadth, length and depth. The fire is to be carried to this eastern pit. Darbha grass is to be strewn into the pits, beginning with the eastern one and to the west of the pit the sacrificer is to spread out a layer of laWl grass inclined towards the south and put a mat on iL 'They' are to fetch for him, to the mat one by one, from right to le~ the two pots in which the sacrificial food has been cooked, the two pot ladles, one 'brass' vessel, one darvi spoon and water. The wife of the householder also plays a role in ensuring that all the offerings to the piq- are made. The fact that she is made to offer 'luxurious' substances like fragrance, collyrium and such shows that she is associated with such 'fineries', while being systematically removed from the management of food for ritual purposes. She is to place a stone on the barhis and some pounded sthagaram (betel nut?) on it. She also must grind some collyrium, and anoint three darbba blades with iL The householder be get some oil made from sesamum seeds and a piece of linen, all of which is then to be proffered to the pitf. We have seen above bow rites play a role in manifesting anxieties related to the procurement of food resources. A newly born child is ceremonially introduced to a variegated diet so that it bodes well for the future. Similarly, care is taken that the piq- are offered grains and meat in order to ensure their sustenance in the 'nether' life. The difference between the consumption of grains and dairy products as opposed to meat is obvious in the Grhyasutras. There are numerous cases where the former is used as a substitute of the· latter. This is usually because of guilt generated by the act of killing for the purpose of eating. 25 While trying to rationalise animal killing, the authors of u Accordin& to J. C. Heesterman, not just killing, but the 'paradoxical pretension of destroying life in order to gain life, of killin1 cattle in order to win more cattle'. was what gives a sacrifice its special quality. Thus, Hcestcrmall refen to the dichotomy that exists in the rationale for animal sacrifice. It is supposed to be an inherent part of any 'appeasement' of the gods, yet the guilt is apparent in the way in which the otlana has to be set apart from meat coosumption in the 'early changes in the rituals'. Moreover, tbe combination of stbitipika and meat in tbt domestic sacrifice 'goes back

280 ENoENoeuNo 111E EARLY HousEHou> the Grhyasutras were not really able to separate it from the domestic rites and they incorporated it as pan of the rituals reluctantly. This may be one of the reasons why the argha for a guest bas an offering of a cow. which the guest decides whether he wants killed or not. Heesterman seems to imply that the guilt associated with consumption and killing is alleviated by the presence of the guest who is to be regaled and who 'takes over the onus of the killing'. This gives a 'cutting edge to the festive meal, turning it into a life and death contest' .26 This guilt is one of the reasons why the slaughter of animals is shifted outside the ritual arena and the process of killing changes from decapitation to suffocation wherein the victim is 'lifeless but bodily intact'. Further. he says 'The primary target was the unstable, ever shifting web of conflict and alliance that found its comprehensive expression in the communal meal'. This, according to Heesterman, happened in the §rauta ritual and the Grhyasutras are definitely influenced by the developments of these rites. The Grhyasutras do refer to animal sacrifice, but give equal importance to offerings of other 'substitutes'. According to Brian Smith and Wendy Doniger O'Aaherty, all sacrifice is substitution. Since the substitute is a symbol, it can 'be human, animals, vegetables, physical objects, physiological functions or ideas'. The authors trace a hierarchical chain of potential substitutes-'the baked cake (purodasa)> for the sacrificial animal (palu) >for the sacrificer (pratima)' -all analogues of each other. Substitution in Vedic sacrifice, for them, allowed for 'ritual efficacy and ritual efficiency' .71 One of

stage of the otlana ritual that preceded tbe grh,a and the lrauta ritual' (J. C. Heesterman, TM Broun World of Sacrific~:

to an earlier more archaic

34, 193). 26

J. C. Heestennan, The Broun World of Sacrifice: 202.

27

According to Smith and O'Flaherty. sacrificial ritual functions as the 'representation of the life of the sacrificer' and ritual substitutes for the real life of the person who offers it. The role of the householder in perfonniq the ritual is pivotal u 'sacrifice is the counterpart of the creator god and the cosmos and the sacrificer himaelr. The sacrificer offers a form of billllelf when be offen clarified butter, the sacrificial cake, or an animal'by virtue of the counterpart (pratifflOYa) it is the man'(KB 10.3) However the aulbon are quick to highlight the 'hierarchical namre of subltituces'.

GipfA AS A VIABLE UNrr

281

the reasons for substitution is that the grbya rites are regarded as hierarchically lower than the ,rauta rites in the texts themselves and to underline this they are given 'lower substitutes'. The authors in their careful categorisation, ensured that all 'lower rites' would sacrifice with 'lower' substitutes. The other reason could be that by the time

of these texts, the so-called 'lower' substitutes had as much le·gitimacy as the originals. Moreover, in order to be more 'inclusive' and allow common households to have access to these rituals, the common 'lower' substitutes bad to be allowed. The Grhyasutras themselves make no mention of the hierarchies of substitutes and it could be that as time passed, there is acceptance of the lower substitutes as the rituals become more popular and common. By not settling for animal substitutes, the ritual offerings of the rice cakes rise above the animal substitutes by being a substitute of the highest category of victim-

man. Thus, the Grhyasutras show how the concept of offerings evolved and become more accessible, which the original sacrifices may not always have been. By the time of the ApSS, 'all characteristic features and all the preparatory rites which make the substance fit for sacrifice are transferred to the substitute' (ApSS 24.3.53). Substitution also 'entails simplification, it is more attainable and less expensive version and ends with the minimally acceptable' which is what the grhya rites are. Smith and Doniger specify that the presentation of the smaller, less adequate and the abbreviated as the 'equal' of the larger, the fully appropriate and the unabridged is an integral feature of the philosophy of hierarchical resemblance, which underlies the whole Vedic ritual system. That the gp1ya rites truly are condensations of the more elaborate rituals of the brihm~as is clear, but can they be called inferior? 1bey are hierarchically lower than the irauta rites, but the

They quote Brahmanical texts like the SB which refer to the 'hierarchies' of the sacrifices: man > horse > bull > ram >goat. in that order (SB 6.2.1.8). They go on to claim that the 'victim is critical to the sacrificial process as it is a substitute and symbol for opposites between the sacred and the profane, between God and human, recipient and giver, father and son, society and individual members'. See Brian Smith and Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty, 'Sacrifice and Substitution': 194.

282

~ 111E EARLY ffousEHoLD

authors never refer to them as inferior. Given the pains with which the authors of the Sitras clearly classify all the material into hierarchies, the fact that they explain that the simple grbya rites as equivalent to the other elaborate rites of the irauta shows that they cannot be called inferior.

Distribution and Tnnsmlalon of Resources, Role of Gift Giving, Manipulation of Daql9i for Assertion of Power The performance of rituals and the distribution and circulation of wealth are interconnected. 21 The SGS U.17 .2 suggests that daqi1_1i is so important that it should be given even if its only a water pot, that sacrifice must occur even if its only a piece of wood and that manttas are to be recited even if its only a hymn. 29 While the ideology of rituals allow for spirited competition amongst prospective yajaminas to offer hospitality and give daqi1_1i, it also generates expectations of reciprocity amongst the community-those who have given feasts expected to be invited too. There are certain categories who can 21

29

J. C. Heestennan refen to the fact that 'At the pragmatic level, sacrifice means the redistribution of material goods that one needs to maintain in life'. 'A man gives himself and be docs so because he owes himselfhimself and his possessi~o others•, as Marcel Mauss put it. For Hcestennan, as with domesticated propeny, sacrifice, while 'maximizing mutual involvement, at the same time extricates and separates identities•. Sacrifice, in principle u well u in pragmatic terms, is 'not a stable order but one of instability and reversal, which ensures the circulation of goods'. There are 'conventional inequalities in the distribution of the daqi\li gifts u regards both quality and quantity'. See J.C. Heesterman, 7M Broun World of Sacrifice: 39. Hecsterman states that the institution of giftina 'creates comprehensive relations that are permeated by the shifting alternation of conflict and alliance' and that 'The gift is an act of mutual trust'. According to him, scholars neutralised its impact by arguing that 'it is a salary for services rendered'. Heestcrman claims that in neutralising the daq~ they deprived it of its 'comprebemive bindin1 force'. See J.C. Heestennan, The Broun World of Sacrifice: 210.

GIPfA AS A VIABLE UNJT 283 accept gifts freely without having to worry too much about reciprocity. This includes the brihm8'U as daqil)i given to them cannot be measured in material terms u it is to be usumed that the ~ • will reciprocate through his power to control the different elements of the cosmos. Similarly, the riji is to be felicitated with the same hope of reciprocation through 'other means'. The G,-layasutras do not spend much time elaborating on the immediate gains that one can get from gifting to the gods and the brihma.,a. This shows that the notion that the gods, the brih~ and even the riji having the privilege of getting gifts from the populace, by virtue of them being what they are, was deeply ingrained by the time of the Grhyasutras. There is no need to elaborate on why they had to be venerated through the giving of gifts. The stress on giving to deities is one of the ways by which Brahmanical ideology enforced the spirit of giving amongst the populace. The SGS D.16.6 mentions that everyday domestic deities approach the man who perfonns his domestic duties to receive their share and that he should pour it out to them. The text seems to imply that a householder has to expect to part with a share of his sustenance-the idea legitimising this is that he is giving to domestic deities who are the ones responsible for his sustenance in the first place. The use of the term bhiga in this context is noteworthy as it denotes a share and also went on to be used u a term for taxes later on. In this contex~ however, it probably means a share of the food resources that the householder bas to part with as a social responsibility. Once the common people accepted the idea of parting with their goods for the deities, it was only a matter of time before brihro191s at one level and the riji at another could be projected as representatives of the deities on earth who have to be given goods. The idea of reciprocity takes a back seat and it becomes the duty of the householder to fulfill these obligations towards society. In this way, the channel of wealth and resources can be directed towards these sections of society. There are scholars who have tried to differentiate between 'gift giving• and 'contracts'. 30 However, the question is whether one can 10

While discussing sacrifice and offerings as 'gift giving exercises', Baal differentiates between gift and contract. While gift is based on reciprocity,

284

E'.NGmmERINo 1HE EARLY HOUSEHOLD

categorise relationships in these two watertight compartments. There are many intermediary areas where different kinds of relationships exist and overlap with each other. There are different interpretations on the role that 'gift giving' plays in society. Mauss recognised that there are no real free gifts and gift giving involves giving, accepting and reciprocation. Baal states that while Tylor calls gift giving a form of 'bribing' and Van der Leeuw combines the magical aspect and gifting, there is need to distinguish between a gift and a contract. A gift is 'different from a contract in that it is based on reciprocity, it aims at the person, it is not between social equals nor enforceable by law and although it binds the participants, it is not punishable if not adhered to'. Although one can question if we can categorise the two into distinct components as there are many overlapping areas that lie between a gift and a contract that vary from society to society and strata to strata, even person to person. What is significant in gift giving. contract or in the conduct of sacrifices is the initial need to establish contact. The initial impetus is in establishing contact, to introduce oneself and to gain acceptance with the other party. It is only when this is done that the relationship progresses in a more complex manner and accordingly expectations of reciprocity can be generated. Therefore, even in such situations where contact is established. the tradition of give and take and other extraneous factors are taken into account. To this extent, Baal is right that offering is nothing but an attempt to establish communications. 31

JI

a contract is not. A gift aims at personal contact. whereas a contract aims at the agreement between persons or parties. A gift is not enforceable by law, a breach of contract is. Gift giving binds the panicipants in a tie of reciprocity. Reciprocity is affected by complexities of status difference between the partners-the superior gives more than the inferior. See Van Baal. J. 'Offering, Sacrifice and Gift,· NWMn xxiii. Fasc. 3: (1976) 161-78. According to Baal, there are two types of offerings-the low intensity and the high intensity offerings. 1be former is the ideal form of man's relations with the supernatural when they run smoothly, and anxiety is absent. High intensity rites are for the payment of vows where reciprocity and gifting is binding. Baal also stresses on the importance of cattle as 'vehicles for identification with man, wealth and the Gods'. See J. Van Baal, 'Offering, Sacrifice and Gift': 169. 175.

GlplA AS A VIABLE

UNIT 285

Participation in a sacrifice involves many emotions that include competition, ooe-up-mansbip, vulnerability and bonding. The impact the performance makes on the audience can be evaluated. Participation makes a statement of acceptance of the laid down nonm, a show of confonnity with what is laid out and the need to stand out. One can identify two stages in the performance of sacrificcs--Stage I is to establish contact and to gain legitimacy, while Stage D generates expectations of reciprocity. Relationships develop or deviate accordingly. Participation can include a superior and an inferior. 1bis would mean that if man makes an offering to god, he is at some level establishing an equation with the deity. The bonds established between the one who is making the offering and the one who is receiving it varies. On the one hand~ it can underline possessioo---lbat all that is being offered belongs to the receiver as his right and the donor is a mere conduit. On the other hand, it can imply dependence of the receiver on the donor and therefore could be underlining bieran:hies. 1be donor undergoes a sense of loss accompanied with the exhilaration of giving. 1be receiver on the other band is under a state of obligation. The ideology behind gift giving and receiving is elucidated in the PGS when referring to bow to accept a gift when one is on a journey. On receipt of something a person is to accept it with the words, 'May Heaven give you, May the earth accept you'4bus implying that be is not to desire to bring a decrease in wealth of one who gives and he increases what he receives (PGS m.15.22). If boiled rice is given to him he is to accept it with the words, 'May bri1umuJas eat you!' If gruel is given to him he is to say three times, 'May ~ a eat you, partake of you, drink you!' The texts seem to highlight that the brihrnal)a' s right has overrides any others right. Since feeding the brihow,a is an essential part of ~il;li off~ it is interesting to consider the ideology behind the feeding of brihma.,as. The SGS U.7.1 states that the brihm~a must be looked after with honour. Gradually, within the texts themselves, the power of the brihmal)as begins to be asserted. The PGS 1.3.11 states that priests can receive the argha reception at any time. Heesterman states that he understands the brihmm,a not as a pries~ but as a descendent of the consecrated warrior who sets out on his expedition to obtain by force and astuteness the goods for sacrifice as he bas no permanent

286 Fl«JBNDatNJ 11E &JtLy HousmlOLD residence nor a permanent sacrificial fire. lmtead, be takes the fire into himself by means of the fire drilling sticks and food offered to him. which is the same as offering being made to the fire in the sacrifice. The bribrolU)ll, by 'turning his meal into a sacrifice, performed in and by himself alone, sets himself free from the surmwvting world and eats bis meal in sovereign independence'. Instead of a guest dependent on his qatriya patron, he turns himself into the 'ideal sacrificer' .n We have seen bow the gifting of food is one of the most obvious ways in which relationships are forged, deities 'satisfied' and briJuna'8S appeased. The texts project that the feeding of b ~ is the best way to ensure that the food is properly channelised. Almost all occasions are projected u ones where the brihro•9• has to be fed in order to see the fulfillment of the ritual. Even the culmination of death rites can take place only after brihJDa9u are fed. The presence of ~ show the manner in which the power of the bribma9sa in neuttalising the negative forces unleashed after a death is projected. The PGS ill. I 0.48-SS states that on the eleventh day after a death, an uneven number of t,rihmqu are to be given a meal at which meat ia served. A cow can also in honour of the deceased. The Sriddba rites for the deceased have to be conducted in the presence of brihmm,as who have to be fed and given gifts u representatives of the fathers. These rites are of different types-the parvan day rites, jriddba performed for the attainment of special wishes, the abhyudayika jriddha, when some good luck bas happened, or the elcoddhifta ,riddba, for a special person (AGS IV.7.1). The SGS IV .1.1 recommends that oblations should be offered every month to the piq-. 1bat there can be competition for the spoils can be seen from the way in which the terse texts feel the need to elaborate bow tribrnaJJU should be chosen with care. Those who have learning, moral character and correct conduct, or even just one of these, according to the AGS IV.7.2, are acceptable. The SGS IV.1.2 suggests that the number of bribrna9u should be uneven and at least three should be invited. According to the AGS IV. 7 .2, the brlbma9u should be invited 'on time' and be properly looked after they have bathed, and their feet have been washed and after they have sipped water. u J. C. Heestennan, TM Broken World of Sacrifiu: 212-14.

GiplA AS A VIABLE UNll' 287

The bribroau,as are projected u representatives of the piq-. The need to explain the reason why lribrna-,u are fed in death rites is in itself interesting. In other rites where bribm191s are fed then, is no justification for their feeding, they are simply to be fed because they are bribro&9&•- One of the reasons for the explanation could be that the occasion is one of misfortune, rather than the odler occasions of celebration like marriage and child binh. and thus the texts felt a need to justify feeding at such an occuion. The other reason could be the need to project brihm~ as representatives of the dead fatben. However. the equation of the bribrnaJ18 with the fathers can also be seen as a degradation of the bribrn19as. if in other cases, feeding them is equaled to 'satiating the deities'. Moreover, if the person who dies is of a v~ other than the bribDW}as. then it would be a .further fall in the standing of the brihma93. But the texts don• t seem to be ovenly bothered by this. In fact. it would seem as if once a penon bas di~ bis status is enhanced. So the bribro19u don't have a problem with projecting themselves as representatives of the piq- as it entails receiving a hefty daqil)i. This also shows that the Brahroanical texts circumvent their hierarchical constructs when it comes to satisfying their material needs. The attempt of the brihmaoas to project themselves as omniscient is an attempt to capture every source of daq~ thus ensuring their sustenance. The text clearly spells out that the larger the number of bribma.,as f~ the greater is the reward. In no case is only one bribDW}a to be fed in the first ~riddba. In the later ones. one is allowed but only as a last option, according to the AGS IV.7.~S. The AGS IV.7.6 refers to the ~ ceremony, where, again, the presence of the brihDW)I is deemed necessary. The libations of water in this rite are significant u it is to be offered to the pitr the father, grandfather and great grand father in the correct manner, according to the AGS N.1.13, 14. This reveals the chain of relationships that is to be formed between the forefathen, the performer and the sons. Thus, the lribma9as bad a role in forging continuity between the past and the future. Gifts of perfumes, garlands, incense, lights and clothes are to be offered to the b ~ . according to the AGS IV. 7 .17. The SGS IV.1.5 too states that the brihma9as are to be adorned once the argha is poured out. 1be pedonner of the rites is to take the permission of

288 F'.NcENDEluNGnm EARLY HOUSEIIOLD the bribnw,u to offer food besmeared with ghee (of the sthilipika prepared for the rite). He is to then sacrifice in the fire or if they give permission, in the hanm of the bribm99as. •Toe mouth of the gods verily is the fire, the mouth of the fathers is the hand'--tbus say the Brahma,,as, according to the AGS IV.7.18-24. This very interesting analogy of the brilunal)a' s hand being lite the mouth of the ancestors shows how the veneration of ancestors was used to legitimise daqu,a to brib11l81)8S. The AGS IV.7.25 emphasises on gifts to brilunai,as as that 'what is given away and offered that brings prosperity'. The SGS IV. I. 7,8 states that the householder should make the brihmai,as eat by calling out their names individually. 33 There is a clear relation between what one gives and what returns one gets in the texts as Brahmanical ideology seems to emphasise that the cycle of giving is related to reciprocity and eventually one gains what one has given, probably in manifold. Care is taken that the briluna-,as being fed are 'satiated', trpta, and the vene from the RV (1.82.2) is to be recited, saying, 'they have eaten, they have enjoyed themselves' as in the AGS IV.7.26. Feasting and joy in the sombre abnosphere of a funeral feast is not at all surprising as the belief is that the pitr are being satiated if the brihnw;las are taken care of. Thus, the brihmaa,as are formally asked whether they are full (sampanna) and then they are to be given the rest of the stbilipika of which the ~4a are made. After they have accepted or left the food, and have finished eating, then before the brilunal)as have sipped water, lumps are to be put down for the fathers. The AGS IV. 7.27 ,28.29 claims that it should be done after they have sipped water. Even the SGS IV .1. 9, 10 has two different views on when the lumps are to be placed on the floor--wben the brlhmai,as have finished their food or before that. It is significant to note that although it is thought that feeding the brihmaa,as is akin to feeding the piq-, still pia,4a are placed separately for the pitf. The reason for this is so that all possibilities are considered. The other reason is the proper disposal of the leftover sthilipika so that it doesn't encouater any impurities. The 11

While they were eating. the Maltilvyahrtis, the Savi tr, the MadhllVilfiya (RV 1.90.6 seq) and the verses to the Fathers and to (Soma) Pavamina are to be recited.

GlplA AS A VIABLE UNIT

289

SGS IV .1.11 makes provision for the setting aside of pi1_148 for the wives too. Once these rites are complete, that is, the food is to be strewn and the sacrificial cord hung over his left shoulder, then the b ~ are to be allowed to disperse, visarjit, with the words, 'Om! Svihi!' or, 'So be it! Svihi!' according to the AGS IV.7.30, 31. The SGS IV .1.12, 13 states that the remnants of the food are to be given to the brihma9U and the rite for putting food into the fire has been already declared in the Srautasutras and is known as the Pii,«Japiqyajna. The instances in which the brihnw)a is fed are numerous. The GGS 1.9.2, 3, 4 states that the bribma9S1 is to be given the remnants of havis and the protagonist should try and satiate him as through his satiation, they satiate themselves. The SGS 1.2.2 recommends that the brihmaoa be fed before a m&mage when the bride performs a sacrifice with the icirya. In the VJl()tsarga rite, the brihroa9a is to be fed with milk rice according to the SGS ill.11.16. Brihmal)U are to be fed at the Prfitaka ceremony on the full moon day of Aivayuja according to the GGS m.8.5. The SGS recommends that something be given to the bribJnaoa each time at stbilipika and other rites. The PGS 1.12.5 recommends that the bribmal)as be fed on every possible occasion, at the Danapun,am• at the S-unantonnayana, at the tenth day after the birth of the child, at the Annapruana, the Ciidikar&l)a, at the Upanayana. It also recommends that they be fed at the ploughing rites, Sriv~a. Praustha, Sitiyajiia and the house building rites. This shows that the grbya rituals extend the scope of the brihmai,a to extract largesse from patton1. Daqi!Ji, in the fonn of food, is to be supplemented with the dioa of goods. The GGS 1.9.6, 7 recommends that a 'full vessel' is the fee at any of the Pikayajiias in which the bribroa93 is the Jtvij and the sacrificer the botta. The text explains what is meant by a 'full vessel' it is a bronze or wooden vessel that has been filled with prepared or raw food or even with fruits. Dina at Upanayana is to be given to the brilunal)a according to the SGS 11.6.3. When the child gets out of the bed after birth, a piece of gold tied on the child is to be given to the brihlll8l_Ul and giving a cow that has given birth to twin calves is also recommended.

290 ENcieNDERJNG 111B EARLY HOUSBHOLD The giving of daqu,i was not simple and there was competition amongst the different schools of hrlhnw,as for patronage from the yajamina. This is seen from the fact that the texts recommend that only a worthy brihmaJ)a be invited for sacrifices (GGS 1.1.6). The GGS D.2.8 states that a brihnw_la versed in mantras can 'go round the fire dming the marriage rites'. A cow is the sacrificial fee for the argha at marriage in the GGS VII.3.23. A cow is the most common form of daqil)i, even at the N ~ and at the Cii~a u well u the Upanayana (GGS U.8.18; D.9.29; D.10.50). Not all the G,-layasutras recommend Gaudak,•JJi for all the rites. This shows that there is no uniformity in the daq~ that is expected, and as much that could be extracted is recommended. The GGS m.1.5 suggests for the Godina sacrifice, an ox and a cow be given by a ~ a pair of horses be given by a qatriya and a pair of sheep be given by a vai§ya or a cow can be given by persons of all the castes. The PGS 1.8.14-17 goes a step ahead and states that a cow is an optional gift for a brihmm,a, a village for a rijanya and a horse for a vai,ya. This shows that by the time of the PGS, inhabited land in the form of a village became an attractive form of daqu,i. Expectations vis-l-vis the vaiiya also go up from a pair of sheep to horses. This reveals that vai,yu were in a better position to give daqil)i while t h e ~ had a better negotiating power as a result of the increased sacrality attached to their role in ritual. The GGS m.2.45 suggests that a bull, a ka-nsa vessel, a garment and an optional gift of a cow are to be the daqil)i for the Mahinimni vnta. The fee for the study of the parvans area goat for Agni-parvan, a ram for lndra-parvan and a cow for the Pavamina-parvan. We have seen how the grha is identified as the centre for production, distribution and transmission of resources. We can now tum to another important upect of the grha rituals-how they help in projecting the ideal social structure, envisaged with its hierarchies but also allow for linkages and bond,, which are created through the mechanism of rituals.

5 Creating Social Hierarchies and Channeling Linkages through Rituals

There were several interactive levels through which the Grhya.rilra household could communicate with other social groups. The PGS 1.4.2 states that rites are to be carried out in the outer ball of the grba on the following five occasions-the wedding, the tomure, the initiation, the cutting of the beard and parting of the hair. This shows that prominent grhya rites are to be conducted not within the confines of the gJha but in the presence of a participating audience comprising of the village community and members of the kula. Reference to any overlying authority or the apparatus of the state are scanty and not imnwtiately evident, but there are repeated references to the grima, the village in which the aha is located. In order to understand how the interaction with different agencies of the state and society is carried out in the Grlayasiitras, we have to first identify the different social groups that are referred to in the Grlayasitras and at what level the household is to make connections with them. 1 One needs to explore the relationship between the household and variom social units. To have a clearer overview of the role that women are expected to play in society, we have to focus 1

Scholars like Baal stress on the social aspect of sacrificing rather than the religious aspect. See Baal, 'Offering, Sacrifice and Gift': 161-178. Wilk and Rathje, in a more general context, show that other social groups such as lineages, task groups, corporations, neighbourhoods and villages often have functions that complement, replace or even compete with die household. See Wilt and Rathje, ArchMology of tM Ho,u~ltold: 621.

292

~CifM>ERINO 111E EARLY HOUSEHOLD

on the role of the household projected in the social context and how Grhyasutras' rituals serve as a mechanism through which controlled communication within different levels of the society can be achieved. 2 Through these texts, one can identify the areas of interaction between the household and social groups such as the village, VaJl.la groups, the kula, and also determine the part that women may have played in initiating or changing the nature of these interactions.

Conceptualisation of Social Groups in the Grlayasutras The study of the Grhyasutras shows that while the institution of VU'l)a does stratify society, it was not the only postulated form of social differentiation, nor were v~a hierarchies u inflexible as is assumed. While Brahmankal literature attempts to classify all elements on the basis of V811)a, there are several ways in which the Gr/iyasutra texts attempt social layering, with separate categories interspersed within the framework of the V811}8 system, while at other times are shown to be separate from it. The Grhyasitras refer mainly to the three van;1asbrihmaJ.w, q&ttiya and the vai§ya-and although one does get the impression that the bdbro19u are the favoured lot, references to the other two van,as seem to underline that social order can be envisaged only when all the three varoas are taken account of. All the three V8J'l)as are included in the rituals of the household and they are to undertake similar rites like Upanayana, thus showing that they are expected to have some uniformity with regard to setting up the household and performing rites. The early Grhyasutras that have been chosen for this work show that they were compiled at a stage when although the position of the bribrnal)8 is projected to be superior in the texts, but this may not necessarily have been upheld in social terms, where the qatriya and the vamya and the lower V811)U also

played significant roles. Although the other v~as could not do much 2

As Wilk and Rathje state, the major task of an investigator is to define the sphere of household functions and map its relationship to the fundamental spheres of other social groups within: society. Wilk and Rathje, Archaeology of the Household: 621

SOCIAL HIERAROIIBS AND UNKA~

293

to displace the brihmal)as from their pre-eminent position in the texts, in reality, they were powerful. All the three v ~ have a prominent role to play in the Grltyasilras. For instance, the rich vai,ya' s house is recommended in the SGS 1.1.8 for the procurement of fire because it symbolises growing wealth. The VUl)a system and its hierarchies are not rigid, but flexible and varied according to the demands of different situations in these texts. In matters such as Vedic learning, b r ~ are to hold a supreme position. Similarly, in matters of the state and the protection it offers to subjects, although qattiyas are projected supreme, the support of the vai§ya is considered essential. As the texts deal primarily with Vcdic learning and interpretation of Vedic thoughts, it is made to seem as if b ~ hold a supreme position. What is clear from the texts is that men hold a higher position in matters related to Vedic learning and rituals, and this does have a social impact on women as it changes the manner in which their social role is projected. While males of the bribml98 v ~ are meant to undergo training in the Vedic texts, males of the other v ~ also undergo training for their respective socio-political roles. Women are kept apart from any formal training and hence their marginalisation from socio-political and economic activities is complete. The references in the Upanayana rite show that the texts attempt to highlight differences between the v ~ on superficial matters like the age for initiation (with the earliest possible age is suggested for bribrna9a boys to give them an edge) and attire. Different attires would possibly help the iciryas identify the pupils and train them according to their V811)8. V~ differentiation is essentially based on occupational differences for men and is enforced even in the death rites, when a brihnw)a is to be cremated along with ritual implements, while a q&triya is to be cremated with a bow (AGS IV .2.17). In order to understand the references to v~a in the Grhysutras, it is necessary to understand Brabmaoical ideology and the historical background in which the institution evolved. Brian Smith relates the evolution of the Van)& system to the Brahmanical attempt to classify everything into neat compartments based on notions of reason and logic. The consttucts attempt to be as comprehensive as possible, including within the classification system, not only human beings,

294 ENoBNDmtlNonmF.ARLYHOUSBHOLD

but all living and non-living things that living beings come in contact with. 3 It is an ideological consbUct devised by the brihm81_1as to enforce their superiority in society,4 which did not spring up overnight, but developed over a period of time. Brian Smith's wort shows that the origins of the VU1)8 scheme do not mention social hierarchy in their taxonomies and its only later that the brihro81}as claimed a sacred status. This gradual attempt by brilunu,as to further the Brahmanical cause seems to be parallel to the growing ability of the brlhmai,as to usurp conttol over knowledge to project themselves u the chosen ones because of their understanding of the Vedas and its rituals. The fact that the position, power and the status Meeorded to the brihm81_1as itself was prone to ups and downs, and was not totally unchallenged, is discernible in the literature that we have chosen to review. In fact, the obsession with highlighting the superiority of the brihmal)as must have been so because there was need for it in the face of intense social competition. That there was a general belief in the community about the efficacy of the rituals is clear from the patronage given to the lribrna.,as and the extension of the scope of the bribm~as to rituals of the household. On the other hand, there is also anxiety on the part of the briluna'=1as to project themselves as the legitimate recipients of daqu,a, which shows that bribm&9as bad to wage a constant struggle amongst themselves for survival. Brian Smith tries to show how the Brahmanical attempt to include every possible element in their classification system included the categorisation of flora and faUDL The clusification of flora according to the VG"'4f projects social classes into nature and makes it possible to draw upon 'evidence of nature' for the legitimising of society organised in this fubioo. See Brian Smith, Classifying the Universe: 208. • Brian Smith refers to the 'connections and interrelations' which Brahamanical ideology drew on to organise reality, in which, supposedly resembling and 3

therefore, potentially homologous things, entities and phenomena were interlinked by connections. Smith states that one can plot the Brahmanical system of classificalion on two uea-tbe vertical axis with bierarcbically ordered elements of the same types. Similarly, those who duft resemblances can be placed on the horiz.ontal axis, e.g., Bralun&-Agni---Goat-SpringGiyatri. To do this, an organisational framework was needed 'to book everything in the universe'. This framework wu provided by tbe varoa system. See Brian Smith, Classifying tM Uni~rse: 11.

SoclAL HIERARaum AND UNXAou

295

The authors of the Gf'hyasf,tras place the brihm8JJU as hierarchically on top, status-wise, but politico-economic power continued in the hands of a different set of people, not necessarily belonging to the 'right' van.ia. Brihnw)a households are nevenbless projected in the texts as the ideal that other grha have to emulate. The GGS 11.3.1 states that a newly married couple should stay in the house of a brihm&9a located in the north-east direction. This shows that there were some pre-existing expectations in society vis-l-vis other sections, particularly the brihm&J.las, who were supported through daqll)i. Brahmanical doctrine served to fill in spatial gaps in the social order by formulating an ideology attempting at the optimum pervasiveness of Brahmanism. Within the household, a householder can carry out rites himself, but in rites involving more than one household, the brihmai,a is to stand as an intermediary who supervises the rites and controls linkages between different social units and categories. Interestingly, those grhya rites where the brihmaJ.las include themselves are the ones where links between different households are established. These are rites like marriage, Upanayana, etc., where the supervision of the brihma.,a is considered essential. 1be development of a social order where the brihmBl)a controls the overlapping spaces in which social linkages between households exist was parallel to the development of the state, which tries to control the overlying spaces between different social levels through the use of legitimate force. 1bc position of women in the social hierarchy varies according to their situation. They arc included by the texts in the van;ia mechanism in some contexts, while being excluded from having a van.ia identity in others. In matters relating to marriage, women are placed in defined van,a boundaries, although hierarchically below the males of their VU'l;l~ but above males of the succeeding V811)a. Thus, brihnw)a women are placed below ~ • men, but above kfatriya men and are not allowed to marry the latter. Similarly, qatriya men are followed by kfattiya women in the hierarchy and likewise for the vaiiya and the § iidra. The Varl)a system is used for reinforcing patriarchal hierarchies and allowing men of higher vaq1as to have access to women of lower van,as. Thus, pattiarchal control over women plays an important role in underlining v&r9a hierarchies, with the bribrnaw,a men enforcing their superior status by having most access to women

296

&icENDmtJNo nE EARLY Housatou>

of all the V811)U, while denying men of other van,as access to 'their' women. Thus, notions of gender and V8f'98 wort together in creating a social fabric that is crisscrossed with V8f'98 and gender segregation at every level. This is clearly seen in the PGS 1.4.8-11 that states that depending on the v~a of the male, maniage with a woman of each v~a is allowed. Thus, the brihma.,a is allowed four wives, one of each of the V8J'985, the q&triya is allowed three wives, the vmya, two, and the siidra, one. The text goes on to further state that according to some teachers, marriage with the siidra woman is to be conducted without mantras-showing that the siidra woman is the lowest in the social hierarchy as Vedic marriage rites are denied to her. Women of lower V811)U can have h ~ of higher V811)U, but this hardly gives them a wider choice. Nor does it imply sexual freedom for these women. Men from higher V8J'985 have wider sexual choices and the higher the caste of men, the more diverse is their choice. On the other hand, for women it is the reverso-bribrn191 women face the most severe restrains, exclusively preserved for bribrnai,a men, while siidra women became accessible to bribrna9as. kfatriya, vaijya and siidra males. This shows bow gender hierarchies are used crucially to enforce the v ~ mechanism. There are instances of 'herding' women together, when on account of their gender, all women are placed below all the categories of men of the first three VIJ1)8S. This is in those sections of the texts when learning or education is discussed and no women of any v ~ are supposed to come in contact with the Vedas. In this situation, all women are hierarchically placed below the ~ a , qatriya and the vmya and are at par with siidra men, except perhaps for siidra women, who are still below the siidra men. The AGS m.8.11-15 states that during the Godina rite, the brihmal;la is to salve the ~ the qattiya. his two arms, the vaijya his belly, and siginficantly wom~ their genital parts. This shows that women are, in some cases. explicidy identified with their vm,a (in matters related to marriage), and in odler cases, slripped of their V811_l& and lumped together. 1be study of the Grhyasfuras shows that besides the V8f'98 system, there are other ways in which social differentiation is recorded and the BGS l. VI.9 refen to different cate1ories based on the extent of their learnina. These include the lribro191, ROttiya. anicina, "ik•Jpa.

SoclAL Hmwtaom AND LINKAom

297

bbrii98, Jli and deva in an ascending hierarchical order. The position that an icirya bolds in. the G,-hya3itras shows the manner in which the bri1unmJa who provides Vedic learning is to be seen as the most important person in a householder's life. He is one of the special persons who are described as deserveing an argha reception. The others who are included as eligible for an argba reception are the JtVij, and a snitaka, according to the AGS 1.24.1-4, SGS U.15.1, PGS 1.3.1, GGS IV.10.23-26 and ApGS 1.3.9. The first person to whom the new bride offers oblations to when she enten the house is the guru. The GGS D.3.13 states that the bride is to break her silence after the marriage by taking the name of the groom's guru and by calling him with his gotra name. GGS 0.4.11 also highlights the exalted position that the guru/s have in the family hierarchy u the bride is to offer veneration to him as soon as she enters the new house of her husband. When a guru dies, an expiatory ceremony is to be performed on the new moon day (AGS IV.6.1). The ceremony is to be conducted before sunrise and the ftre is carried together with the ashes and its receptacle towards the south. The fact tbal the guru is the most important person in the hierarchy of social relations is made quite clear, as the longest stipulated period of mourning is for him. 1bis further underlines the point made earlier that the Grhyasutras seem to be written for students studying the Vedas in a particular tradition and to such an audience, the icirya would be the most significant person to be venerated. Social respect is accorded not only to the guru who imparts learning, but to all those who gain prominence through the conduct of special rituals. 1bere is reference to the difference in status between one who bu set up the three sacred fares, an ihitigni and one who has not (although the Grhyasitras are at pains to show that this difference is a nominal one rather than being a major one). 1be SGS 1.15.9 says that in the eventuality of the chariot breaking down when a couple is undertaking the journey after marriage, the kanyi should be taken to the house of one who keeps the sacred ftres, the ihitigni. This shows that keeping the sacred fires is projected as some sort of a status symbol, a symbol of superior moral values and dependability. How are the couple seek out the particular house is difficult to envisage. Was there a special symbol outside the grha of such people during the period when the Grhyasutras were being compiled, making it easy to

298 BNama!RJNo nm EARLY Housmlou> identify them? Or were the village communities so small that it wu likely that every one knew of such a person and could direct the couple to the house? That a householder who maintains a file has a special status is also implied from the fact that different ways of conducting rites are suggested for him in texts like the SGS m.6.13. Whether this is because the ihitigni is to be considered more vulnerable or better protected (by virtue of bis ritual power), is not clear. It could be either. Having set up tbe fires, be is more likely to generate jealousy, or, on the other hand. having set up the fires he may have been able to thwan dangers in the journey through his ritual power.' The GGS 1.1.S refers to the hierarchical placement of certain ambiguous categories in the section on the Dariapiin;wnisa sacrifice. While preparing the grain for the sacrifice, the grain is to be wubed thrice for the gods, twice for men and once for the piq-. This goes to show that in the hierarchy of the social order, it's the gods who are pre-eminent, followed by men and not the piq-, as one would assume. The reference to men implies 'briluna'=1as' as they are the men who are likely to be recipients of any offerings in a ritual. The fact that ~ a s are to be regarded as superior even to the pitf is significant and shows that they are to be regarded as second only to the gods in terms of power according to the texts. This is especially surprising because even the pitf are regarded as having considerable power over forces that can be beneficial to the householder. The G,-hyasitras do not refer to the different ways of conduct for different van,as, this is left for the later Dhannasitras. Being manuals for bribmal)a Bkbis, we can glean most information on the lribaw,a van,a from the Grhyasitras. However, brihmal)as serve as role models for other VBl'l)as and in this way, the ideology of the G,-lrya.Jitras is disseminated amongst odlen. There are incidental references to otbel' ' The GGS 1.8.22-25 shows that one wbo bu noc set up the sacred fires. in the new and full moon sacrifices should offer sthiliplka to Api, or to both Agni and Soma at the full moon and to ~ or to h,dra and Api or Mahendra at the new moon sacrifice. An lhitlgni bu to offer only to Agni at both the sacrifices. This shows that there is not much difference in the status of one who sets up fires and one who di>e:; ntlf, u there is refermce to the fact that both CUI sacrifice to Agni.

SoaAL Hom..u.amw AND UNKAaa

299

v~as. The reference to the barber in rites like the Caula and Oodinakarma in the GGS U.9.10 show that the barber is expected to carry out a significant function and is actually equated with Saviq-. Lowest in the social order ue the servants. The A.pGS VIIl.23.7 refers to the manner in which servants, dMa, and labourers, karmakiras, who may want to run away should be controlled by putting sharp blades on the path that they use for running away. The GrhytUutras do not refer to the sildra as servants, so the siidra van,a may be a larger category from which some of the servants may or may not have been drawn. In . .other words, servants may have belonged to other groups besides the siidras. The AGS IV.2.18, 19 refers to the manner in which an aged servant can lift the widow from the pyre of her husband. This shows that in many instances, the devoted servant is like a family member who can be enttusted with such a personal task. 1be PGS m. 7 .1-4 refers to the manner in which a householder is expected to ensure that an errant servant does not run away. When the servant is sleeping, the protagonist is to discharge his urine in the horn of a living animal and walk thrice around the servant, with his left side to him, sprinkling the urine around him. The verse which accompanies the rite is particularly heartrending-'From the mountain, from the mother, from your sister, from your Fathers and Brothers, from your friends I sever you'. The wishes of the householder are revealed from the above words. He is to wish to cut off the servant, utula, from all his kin. The reference to the mountains shows that servants may have come from peripheral areas around settlements. The urine, waste fluid from the master, is used to ensure some sort of a hold on the servant. The anxiety with regard to the runaway servant is clearly indicated as the text claims that if he runs away even after this rite, then a sacrifice is to be held in a fire that is established specially (and not in the domestic fire) and oblations are to be made. It is hoped that the fugitive servant stumbles and gets tied with Ii,dra' s fetters. The specific mention of the domestic fire not being used for the rite shows that the servant is not to be regarded as part of the ritual household. The fact that no Vedic rites are mentioned shows that the servant is not expected to come in contact with the sacred Vedic hymns. The PGS 0.11.4 states that seeing a cin

of segregation according to V8J"98 was already in existence by the time the PGS was compiled. As mentioned above, the AGS IV.2.18-21 states that the wife who sits on the pyre of her dead husband can be made to get up by an aged servant or a vrnala (siidra), but in such a case, the relevant RV mantra bas to be recited by the lcarta, the performer of the rites. This shows that in some cases, an aged servant or a siidra may have been close to the protagonist's family, but even then, the mantras are not to be recited by women or by the siidra.

Social Relations and Role of Rites in Forging Linkages The rites that are mentioned in the grha can be divided into two categories-those that are confined to the household and are carried out in the presence of the members of the household, and those that take place in the presence of the community. The former are the seasonal rites for the proper functioning of the household or like those for the annual beginning of studies. The latter are rites performed in the public arena, rites like marriage, Upanayana or birth and death rites. It is with the latter rites that we are concerned in this section as they play a significant role in bringing the community together. One cannot underestimate the dramatic aspect of ritual acts when they are performed in full public view and the language employed in these rituals assume a special social significance creating platforms for displaying social norms and accepted behaviour. In the Grhyasutras, the most important aspect of the public display of rituals is to make open declarations of changing circumstances in particular households. Thus marriage of a son or daughter, birth of a child or twen death of a member is to be formally announced. The reason why there is need for this is because of the realisation that changing circumstances of individual households would affect changes within the community too. The relations between different levels of the social structure are envisaged as being so entwined that changes in one household can cause ripples in the community. The other reason for the formalisation of relationships in public view is to display conformity with traditions in order to gain social acceptance.

SoclAL HIBRARCHIE.1 AND UNICA0&1 30 I The need to confonn is constantly reiterated in the Grhyasutras. However, conformity with traditions does not mean that there is to be a total uniformity in the manner in which rites are conducted. 1be Grhyasitras hint at underlying tensions and competitiveness that mark the performance of rituals where each household plays the game of one-up-manship, whether it is in showing adherence to traditions or in giving daqi~i to the bribma,:,a. Brahmanical texts ensure that in the competitive struggle, it is the brihmai,as acting as the intermediaries between the participants of the ritual and the community that stand to gain the most. Community participation allows for the public declaration of intentions and actions so that if there are any lapses in reciprocity or any wavering of promises, the community can play a role in allowing dues to be paid. These dues need not necessarily be material dues, but can be social, religious or ritual. In that sense, both death and marriage are occasions when the household interacts with kinpersons and the village community. This is manifest in kinship bonds that already exist and the kinsfolk are expected to give support at such times. Others from the village community are to join in due to emotional bonds and reciprocity. It is the householder who represents the household in marriages and deaths. It is here that the householder seems to be able to have an edge over the rest of the family in forging ties with the community Rituals are definitely means for one-up-manship (hence 'cloaking conflicts') and for gaining or underlining one's status. Through marriage, the bride and the groom's status gets elevated. 1be birth of a son means an elevation in the status of both the mother as well as the father, but it is the father who thereby enhances the prestige of his forefathers. Social occasions are for 'public display' in the community and conflict and competition in the society are not only channelised by rituals, but are also further generated. The change in the status of a member of the household is also established through these rituals. We have already seen bow the ritual of Upanayana marks a change in the status of a boy to a brahmacirin, the rite of Samivartana marks the change in the status of a brahmacirin to a snitaka, all of which lead to a remarkable change in the status of a person. 1be acceptance of the first bhiqi sets the tone for the brahmacirin' s life of austerity

30'2 ENcENDmtlNo 'DIE &itLY Houmlou> and total devotion to the iciryL The icirya too seeks a formal declaration of intention by the upiring student before taking him under his wing. However, once the period of learning is over and after the ritual bath, a snitaka has a special place in society. He is to be treated in a special manner, he is to dress in a way that symbolises his elevated status and he is supposed to keep away from all impurities and dangers. Thus, the rites of Upanayana and Samivartana seek to elevate the status of those who have undertaken formal learning. There are some unstated undercurrents that one can derive from this. One is that the identity of boy who has undergone Upanayana is elevated in contrast to those who have not undergone the ceremony and since males of all the three VaJ'98 are supposed to undergo this, a clear social distinction in male and female identities is made. Amongst those who undergo Upanayana, only those who have taken to Vedic learning are expected to take the Samivartana bath . This shows that a snitaka is one who bas access to Vedic learning and since such learning is primarily confined to brihmu,a males, the exalted status of the snitaka is achieved by only a section of the male population. Special rituals are to be conducted for them and they are supposed to wear special attire in order to highlight their exalted identity. This also means that by stressing their role in the social contex~ Brahmanical texts could underline the importance that they attributed to Vedic learning and ensure that veneration and awe for a person learned in the Vedas percolated to the masses. Similarly, marriage rites introduce the couple and especially the groom as new entrants in the community. The perfonnance of the marriage ritual in a public place allows this transition to have the stamp of approval and support from the community. The fact that the marriage rites are to take place at the bride's house shows that the people who participate are mainly from the girl's side, except those who have journeyed with the groom for purpose of the marriage. Perhaps that is the reason why the groom is accompanied with friends who carry the information about the mmiage procenlings back to the groom's community. Otherwise, the marriage party accompanying the groom would have no ritual role to play in the marriage rites-it is the bride's kinsmen who are involved in the rites along with the bride and the groom.

SOCIAL HBAaaom AND LINKMms 303 The GGS D.1.12-26 refers to the manner in which the place for the sacrifice is to be prepared and how the bride is to be led to the spot. The passage recommends that the wedding ceremony is to take place outside the house, to the east, and that the bride is to get ready within the house. She is then to be led to the site that is specifically prepared for the purpose. The marriage ceremony itself is a public event, to be held under the aegis of the community and the lalla 6 The texts refer to various episodes of such interaction-the SGS 1.6.1-6 gives a poetic description of bow the marriage is to be arranged by the two sides. Persons from the groom's side are to be sent to the bride's home and the verse 'Thornless' (RV X.85.23) is to be recited. They are to take flowers, fruits, barley and a pot of water with them, and on their arrival, are to announce themselves. They must ask for the girl's hand formally in marriage and recite their 'gotra' names. All this is to be done with the grha dwellers facing towards the east and the visitors facing the west. Thus a vivid image of the two parties arrayed in front of each other is drawn out in the text. The PGS 1.8.9 refers to how, after the marriage rites are complete, the audience is to be invited to behold the bride. 7 The couple is to stay with a brihmaJ)a of repute on the night of the marriage (GGS D.3.1), and according to the GGS D.4.6, brilmuu;aa women 'of good character, whose husbands and sons are living''hlust escort the bride into her new home once she arrives there.

6

7

Jamison states that marriage is crucial 'in the fonuation of linkages between non contiguous portions of the Aryan community, providing synchronic social cohesion and an appropriate marriage foundation for the family, a diachronic consideration, and links males in horizontal and vertical bonds. God Aryaman, the guardian of custom and civilization bad marriage under his special protection'. See Stephanie Jamison, Sacrificed Wif~: 200. The verse says, be must then recite over her, •Auspicious ornament does this woman wear. Come up to her and behold her. Having brought luck to her, go away back to your houses'. A 'strong man' is to snatch her up from the ground, and sets her down in an eastern or northern direction in an out of the way house (agar), on a red bull's bide, with (the words), •Here may the cows sit down, here the horses, here the men. Herc may sacrifice with a thousand gifts, here may Piifan sit down'.

304 E'.NaeNDmtlNo 111B BARLY H0useHoLD It also seems as if the subsequent ceremonies are to be performed under their supervision.• The Grltyasitras project an active life with ample opponunities for social interaction for the householder. The ApGS ll.4.1 refers to the friends of the groom who are sent as 'wooen' and who are supposed to be versed in the mantras. In contrast, there is hardly any reference to the friends that a bride may have bad and, in fact, a girl who bas too many friends is to be avoided as a potential wife (ApGS 1.3.11). The ApGS Vlli.23.6 also refers to the protagonist's anxiety with regard to losing out on friendship. The text states that if be wishes that 'somebody should not be estranged from him', he should pour his urine into the horn of a living animal and sprinkle it with verses, three times from right to left around the person when he/she is sleeping. Marriage rites allow for multiple linkages cutting through the horizontal and vertical sections of the society. At one level, it forges the bond between the husband and the wife, giving them a new status and identity. It also allows for the development of relationships between households of different regions. The reference that the bride is to be 'carried away' by the groom seems to imply that inter-regional marriages did take place during the period under study. The household, along with the relatives and the village of the bride and the groom arc to form linkages with each other, which once forged, is to be maintained by expectations of hospitality and reciprocity. The fact that marriage is regarded as an instrument for forging and maintaining social bonds in the Grlayasutras is apparent from the kind of hospitality that is to be reserved for the father-in-law. His is in a position of preeminence and he figures in the list of the guests to be honoured with the argba reception and the offering of madhuparlca, the sweet offering containing milk, curd and honey, reserved for special guests. According to the BGS I. Vl.26, the groom bu to explain to the onlookers when 8

The marriage ritual in the Grhyasutras symbolises the 'brahmanization of marriage' according to Kumkum Roy, where, because of the codification, the rite is 'transformed into a public event which is regulated' and it is therefore to be conducted in the outerhall, the brahih sala (SGS 1.S.2), which is accessible from within and outside the house. See Kumkum Roy, 'Marriage as Co1M1unication': 184.

SOCIAL HmlwlCHIB.1 AND UNKAam

305

they see that the bride is crying that she is crying for 'living ones' whom she will leave behind. This shows that those involved in the rituals have a responsibility towards the onlookers and some explanation is required to satisfy the onlooker's curiosity. There are many references to the relatives of the bride beside.. the father, mother and brother who are involved in the marriage rites. The GGS 11.S.S states that uterine-relations, the sayodarya of tbe bride, are to carry out the Livahoma rite. That maternal relatives hold a status at par with the paternal relatives in some texts. showing that marriageinitiated ties and bonds are to be maintained by future generations. Thus, the son extends hospitality to the mother's relatives, matulana, too. Yet, there are texts like the PGS, in which the maternal relatives are conspicuous by their absence in the list of guests to whom the argba reception is extended and this shows that there was some conflict in the acceptance of these relatives as worthy of the argha.

Death Rites Death rites show the participation of the community and are given a prominent place in the Grhyasutras. In fact, if one is to identify the two main events dealt with in the texts, it would be marriage and death. The preoccupation of the Grhyasutra authors with both these events is not unrelated. Marriage establishes the householder, gives him a certain status and allows for the birth of progeny. It is the progeny who looks after the interests of the piq- after their death. Thus, both marriage and death are connected events, which take place in the household, but which involve the community and where issues of reciprocal expectations are most evident. The attempt is to depict death as the complete reversal of life and practices followed in life are diametrically opposed during death rites. If marriage rites are a celebration of the initiation of life, death rites represent the opposite and the symbols used are diametrically in opposition with the symbols of marriage rites. In this linear spacing of rites on two ends of the Brahmanical spectrum, both are considered equally consequential. The elaborate way of describing these rites seems to show that a common code is followed by the texts for the death rites. Unlike the

306 BNolNlBRINo nE BMLY HousaloLD marriage rites where the AGS leaves ample scope for local and family traditions, the death rite$ are strictly encoded. The reason for the elabontion seems to be to ensure that the death rites follow clear, sequential steps. The GrltyMUlraS, while codifying the rites, project them u being the responsibility of the family of the deceased person. The community participates, but more u spectaton and onlookers, with expectations of reciprocity. These onlookers also act u a vanguard to ensure that traditions set in the texts are adhered to. Conforming to traditions therefore allows the family to gain prestige in the community. The death rites can be divided into two pans. The first is the manner in which the body is to be cremated. This is a particularly vulnerable time for the household where the death has taken place. The other is the performance of the Sriddha ceremony after a cenain number of days. Let us consider the cremation rites tint. It is evident from the GrJ,ya.sutras that the community is expected to rally around the bereaved family and extend support to them on the occuion of a death. 1be order of persons who must accompany the body in the funeral procession shows that members of the community are to come together to participate and commiserate with the bereaved family. In this way, death rites create occasions when bonds are reinforced amongst the community. The PGS IU.10.13 refers to those related by blood or marriage, the sanyulcta maithuna, who must (by virtue of sexual relations?), take part in the death rites. The PGS ill. I0.16 also refers to all relations, sarvejnati, to the seventh or tenth degree, who are all to participate in the death rites. The text goes on to say that if they stay in the same village, samangramvasa, then all relations, however distant, are to attend the rites. The PGS ID. I0.46 states that water libations are to be offered 'optionally' for the officiating pries~ the father-in-law, a friend, distant relations, the maternal uncle, the sister's son and for married women. This shows that once daughters were married off, libations are to be considered optional as the family she is married into, and not her natal family, is to mourn for her. The PGS Il.1.1-12 mentions that if a child under two years of age dies, then there is to be no singing. If a child of more than two years dies, all his relations are to follow the corpse to the cremation ground singing the Yama song and murmuring the Yama hymn. If the dead

SocJAL HIERAR~ AND UNJCAom

307

person has been initiated, the rites (from the selection of the s~te to the descending into water for purification) are the same as those prescribed for persons who have set up fires. The body is to be burnt with a part taken from the the domestic fire, Wigni, if the deceued person bad maintained it, or with a common fire, gramtJgni. The fact that a grimagni is refered to in the PGS m.10.12 shows that there may have been a common hearth maintained in villages and that for those who were not part of a household, the common fire was used for cremation. The body, with the fires and the sacrificial vessels, is to be placed in front of the procession. That specific possessions of the person that are to be carried with the body shows that these items are not to be shared by any other and so are placed in the fire along with the dead person. According to the AGS IV.2.2, aged persons ue to be placed closest to the dead body. The Brahmanical mind perceived matters in such a structured, linear manner that proximity to the dead body is arranged in descending order of the ages of the members of the kulL Thus, the oldest members are to be placed closest to the body, whereas the youngest are to be farthest from it-in the hope that real life will emulate this pattern. After the old persons, it is the relatives, amitya, of the dead person who follow, the older ones first and the younger ones last, wearing their sacrificial cords, with their hair untied (AGS IV.2.9). TIie emphasis on untied hair seems to be a sign of mourning. According to the texts, men and women are not to walk together in the procession. This does not mean that women did not or are not at all expected to participate in the rites because if it was so, it would have been mentioned. 1be manner in which the death rites are to be conducted shows a complete reversal of common practices-hair is to be untied and the sacrificial cord is to be tied up below. As discussed in the first chapter, the body is to be placed with its tools and the wife of the deceased person is to sit the pyre (who is made to descend before the pyre is lit). After lighting the pyre, the participants are supposed to go away without looking back. Proximity with the dead body and participation in death rites arc regarded as polluting and require ritual cleansing. Therefore, those who come in contact with the body during rites are all regardr-d as impure and are to go through

308 ENcieNDeRINo 111B EARLY HousmloLD a purification process associated with the universal cleanser, water (PGS ill.10.13).9 The AGS IV.4.11-16 mentions the manner in which the participants are to come back to their house, igira, after taking part in cremation rites. The younger participants are to enter the house first and the older ones last. 10 1bey arc enjoined not to cook food on that night and are to subsist on food that bas been bought or brought from elsewhere according to the PGS m.10.26, which adds that for the time that people are in mourning, they must eat only in the day and also not eat meat. For three nights, no saline food is to be taken, and the PGS m.10.25, 31-34 states that mourners must remain chaste, sleep on the ground, do no work and 'charge nobody' (probably referring to not raking up any active wort that requires payment). The text also highlights the need for moumen to purify themselves before going back to normalcy. The reason for this is partly the natural revulsion for death where contact with the dead body is seen as polluting. The other reason is the fear of carrying back some unseen negative force from the cremation ground. So, care is to be taken to ensure that every step in the rite is performed carefully and systematically. Once performed, nothing is to be carried back. Hence, the texts advise the mourners not to look back at the cremation ground and to perfonn elaborate cleansing rites. Once the body is cremated, the rites that follow concentrate on the appeasement of forces in order to direct the energy released from the body to its 'proper' destination. This direction is also achieved through cremating 9

•

0

According to the AGS, after burning the body, the participants are to I to where there is still water and plunge into it. One handful of the water is to be poured out when the proper name of the gotta and the deceased are being pronounced. The participants are to put on different clothes while wringing out their old ones in water (to cleanse them?). They are then to sit there till the stars appear or till the sun is about to set (AGS

IV.4.10, II). The PGS ill. I 0.24 suggests that the participants must chew leaves of the piaunanda tree, sip water and only then touch any thing. Here too, they must touch only cenain objects, probably those which further cleanse and protect them. These objects, according to the AGS, are stone, fire, cow's dung, fried barley, sesamum seeds and water. The PGS 10.10.24 adds oil and excludes fried barley.

SOCIAL HIF.RARCHIES AND LINKAGES

309

the body, as it is the smoke from the pyre that is thought to carry the spirits to the svarga, antariqa or the man,qya lo/ca. After the cremation rites, fire is to be thrown at a crossroads and mourners are to walk around it thrice with their left sides towards it and beat their left thighs with their left hands (AGS IV .6.3-S). This public display of mourning could be in order to underline the significance of the person who has expired. At the time when these texts were being written, crossroads would have been places where crowds were most likely to gather. The mourners are then to return without looking back and bathe in water, and have their hair, beards and nails cut in order to cleanse themselves fully. The emphasis on •not looking back' again seems to hint at making a clean break from the dead body. The text seems almost celebratory in discussing the manner in which new items are to be used in the rites that follow and the way in which the participants are expected to adorn themselves for these cleansing rites. The group of mourners is then to sit at a place where they mean to stay for a while and wearing new clothes, they are to avoid sleep till sunrise. After sunrise, hymns sacred to the sun are to be recited and after preparing food, oblations are to be made. Brihm~as are to be given food to eat and then made to pronounce auspicious words. A cow, a metal cup and a new garment are the daqi1.1a for the brihmana who conducts the rites dealing with the disposal of the dead body and its bones. The fact that these rites are group activities, incorporating relatives and members of the community, comes out clearly from the above references. The occasion is one of coming together, performing rites, telling tales and eating together. The fear regarding the dead body and the forces, which may be released at this time, are tangible ones and the texts seem to highlight the need for everyone to give support to each other. One does not find any references to special rites for women and it seems as if cremation rites are to be the same for women. It also seems as if men and women are expected to participate in the rites together. We will see in a following section on the kula and the role of women in it, bow the texts refer to women in the context of special rites that are to be held for young married women after death rites in order to ward off their husbands' deaths.

310 fJ«EmE.RJNo 11tE EARLY HouSfJIOLD 1be stress on the need to perform rites shows the anxiety that me· texts' authors had about death and its aftermath. 1be rites associated with death attempt to not only forge linkages with those who are alive, but also with dead ancestors. The relations that the Grhyasutras seem to be most concerned with are the ancestors-the piq-. More than any other relatives, it's the forefathers that grhya rituals are usociated with. A strict socio-ethical code is enforced on dcscendents by the texts to ensure that rites for the appeasement of ancestors are to be performed in accordance with customary traditions. The texts imply that ancestors have cenain powers that need to be cbaonelised to help the living. Brahmanical thought projects ancestors as being able to bestow back what is offered to them in manifold. Thus, food and related items of necessity are constantly offered to the pitr to ensure returns to the householder. The offerings are usually to three generations of piq-. Further, when the pir,

through the males. Thus, the father-in-law interacts with the son-inlaw and the husband with the wife's brother. The fact that the texts seem to highlight only the relationship between the males of the two kulas is another example of the male-centric nature of the texts, u bonds must have been maintained through the women who connected these kulas too. But this aspect is totally ignored. The role of women in regulating social relations between and within households can be seen if one reads the texts carefully. If one is to study the rites of marriage, it is only the householder, the brihmai,a the father and the brother of the bride who are mentioned. The male kinsmen of the groom, though accompanying him, are not considered significant. In contrast, the presence of women is underlined-all the rites relating to marriage and reproduction seem to indicate that they were performed in the presence of, and under the guidance of, several women along with the male householder and the brihm&l)a. In fact, one can say that it is the social relationships between women of a kula and between different kulas that create situations for social bonding during these rites. Women relatives figure in most of the rites-in the Upanayana the first alms are taken from the mother or other women who are sure to be favourably disposed towards the brahmacirin;2A in the marriage ceremony, sevenl women are to dress up the bride and women are to sing and dance during the Simantonnayana. These and other numerous instances of interaction between women within and outside the kula can be discerned, which shows that the kula continued to exist in tenns of social relationships. The reason why kula relationships seem to suffer a setback in Brahmanical literature is probably because the kula ceased to play an important role in managing resources of its members or in decision making. Many of these tasks were taken over by units like the gJba at a lower level and the state at the higher level. However, socially, the kula continued to provide support to the memben and the memben of the kula are expected to gather together when rituals are being performed. Any study on the role of women in establishing linkages 2

•

The GGS 0.10.43 refers to the fact that the fint alms begged by the bnbmacirin are to be from bis mother and two of her women friends, suhrda11 or from as many neighboun as are present for the rite.

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SoclAL HIERARCHIIW AND UNKAom

327

cannot but take notice of women's role in family and societal units through their ability to 'reach out' through bonding. So, although bonding between women was not formalised and nor did it have ritual sanction, tbis does not mean that it did not exist 25 There are also references to women of the family in the rites performed on the death of a penon. The PGS m.10.35,36 mentions that the impurity resulting from death lasts for one or two fortnights for the teacher, the maternal grandfather or grandmother and for unmarried women. This list does not seem to be exhaustive as there are many relations lite the paternal grandparents and the father's brothers and uncles who are left out. It seems as if the list refers to those relationships that are forged through grhya rituals like Upanayana and marriage. The Grhytuitras seem to be incorporating special caaegories with whom social relations are to be maiPta,ioed and on whose death the household is expected to be in mourning. Therefore, there is a relatively smal~ list that seems to focus on relationships made through women of the family (except for the icirya). For married women, 'others' are expected to do the rites after their ~ t h e n implying the family into which she is married. The fact that special mention is made of this shows that the texts attempt to underline the rights that the in-laws family have over the women, over and above her natal family. This list clearly shows that the social relations of the householder with his relatives is to be maintained in a hierarchical manner. That married women relatives come way down in the hierarchy is not surprising, but the fact that unmarried female relatives are high up is. lbis seems to point to the fact that unmarried 2

'

Arvind Sharma rcfen to the manner in which male wamors are expected to bond together at the cost of their bonds with their wives and children. George R. Mead's reference to the structural power of the woman in the position of the wife and mother, which makes her the de facto leader of the family poup, while the husband is only the de jure head shows the power of the maternal bond. According to the study, men associated

relatively infrequendy or at a reduced level of interaction with Olber members of the group and were on the fringe of effective ties that bound the group. Thus, the conclusion is that the 'paternal dyad is weak; the maternal dyad is the main force'. See S ~ Arvind (ed.), Religion and Women (New Yort: Suny Press, 1994): 11.

328

F.NcENDmtlNo 11E EARLY Housmlou>

women relatives may have some role to play in the household. These relatives don't seem to be only young pre-pubescant girls because the term used for them is 'sttt... , which signifies an adult woman. This shows that there might have been instances when women of the family remained unmarried and although what their status in life was is not recorded, their status on their death seems to have been considenble. The reference to 'married women' seems to be to those girls of the household who are married and have moved to their marital household. They are therefore placed low on the list to whom water libations are to be offered on a death. In fact, the PGS m.10.46, 47 says that offering water libations for such women is optional. Water libations for an officiating priest, a father-in-law, a friend, distant relation, maternal uncle and a sister's son are also optional. 1be reference shows that though kinship relations through the father are dominan~ there are other relationships forged through marriage that are also to be respected. The father-in-law, maternal uncle and sister's son are all relationships forged through women-the first through the wife, the second through the mother and the third through the sister. Once the cremation rites prescribed in the G,-hya.ritras are over, back in the house, rites including young women of the household are to be conducted. The objects to be arranged around the fire include bull's dung and a bull's hide, fresh butter, a stone and u many branches of kma grass u there are young women, yuvti, in the house. 1be rite seems to show that married young women (mostly daughtenin-law), have a special status in the house. The reason they are mentioned in the sections on death rites needs to be explored. They are included in a rite to ward off negative energy e111anating from death in the household because they are seen as particularly vulnerable if death comes to their husbands as that would mean a drastic change in their circwmtances. By involving them in such a rite, the texts imply that women can tbwut negative energy. This rite also places an onerous responsibility on the women as they can be held responsible for deaths. This reiterates the point made in an earlier chapter that women were associated with negative and evil power. It is worth notin1 that while lbe women are mentioned in this rite, their buablndl are not refened to.

Socw. HmlwtCHJm AND UNKAoa

329

The rite is fairly elaborate. Since the young women need to be protected from negative forces, the texts mention the need to have as many branches of grass as there are women. The young women in the household are to salve their eyes with butter with darbba blades held between their thumbs and the fourth finger and then throw the blades while looking away. The perfonner of the ceremony is to look at them while they are salving themselves and says the verse, 'These women, not widows, having noble husbands', which is RV X.18. 7 (AGS IV.6.11,12-15). Women are hardly given any role in rites unless there is an absolute necessity for it. The very term used for them-'not widows' -shows that their good fortune is linked with their husband and this good fortune is sought to be tapped and directed towards the release of positive energies in the community at a vulnerable time when one of its members has died. In order to reiterate the point about stability and the need to stick together at these times, the performer of the rite is asked to further touch the stone while saying verses from the RV (X.53.8}-'Carrying stones, streams forward; take hold of each other'. The women must then go around the fire while the performer is to be placed to the north-east. The text goes on to say that according to some, a tawny coloured bull should be led around (the fire?). Thus all auspicious elements are brought together so that they can rebuff the negative energies of death.

Socia)

Relations

There are various tenns used to denote the members of the household. In the Grhyasutras, as the rituals revolve around the householder, the other members are always mentioned in relation to the householder. Amitya, mentioned in AGS Il.1.7, IV.2.9, IV-.6.8 and IV.6.10 is the term used to denote 'his people'. These comprise of the elderly, sthivira, and the young, kwnira, as mentioned in the SGS m.4.2. They are also refered to with a single phrase as balajye1tha grhya, 'the young and the old of the house' in PGS D.9.13. The jardasa mentioned in the AGS IV.2.18 is the aged servant who can accompany the body of bis master. There are other members of the family who may or may

330

~ THE EARLY

HOUSPJtOLD

not have lived with the householder, but who are mentioned during the death rites. Significantly, the dnar, the husband's younger brother, is to guide the wife away from the pyre of her husband (AGS IV.2.18). The bali oblations, when the householder is away, are to be made by any of the following people-the son, brother, wife or the student. This order of persons shows that the preference is for male relatives. Ideally, first the son, and then the brother. It is only if these relations are not able to perform the functions that the wife or the student can do the needful. The fact that only these relatives are mentioned shows the extent to which the concept of the household had consolidated by the time of the Grhyasutras. The only close relatives who can take over the functions of the householder in his absence are his son, brother, wife and then the student. The househol~ in this way, seems to be a small one, comprising of the householder, bis wife, his unmarried children and his unmarried siblings. From the references in the AGS D. 6.10, it seems as if the envisaged family is strictly of close blood relations, although there are other terms like kaufwnba Oarge household?) that show that an extended family did stay close in some instances. The eldest son, jyeJtham putra, bas a special place, according to the SGS 10.4.9. Verses claim that as the dead person will live in the other world, the son will live in this world (AGS IV .4.1-4). This is the real issue behind the Brahmanical need for developing the father-son bond. The anxiety to ensure a proper life after death in the other world is expressed in a manner in which responsibility for the father is squarely placed on the shoulders of the son. The weight of the responsibility and filial expectations are balanced with the promise of similar dividends in the son's life. As be will do unto his father, so will he gain in bis life-this is the ideology promoted. The fact that the son is the chosen one who is to bear the responsibility for the task tells a lot about Brahmahical perceptions on the social structure. Women cannot even be thought of as having the capability or the resources to carry out this responsibility. The son wins against other male relatives and this shows bow the kinship ties of the early Vedic times had given way to closer knit household structures by the time when the Grhya.sutas were being compiled. Notions of wealth and property had changed too. From the common pool of resources

SoclAL HIBlwlCHIB.1 AND UNICAOE.1

331

available to the kinship groups in the early Vedic times, settled life and agriculture, along with the dispersion of kin groups to larger areas made way for accruing personal wealth and property. If this was going to ~ banded down to sons, then who better for looking after the interests of the fathers after dealb than the beneficiaries of their worldly

possessions?

me son is an

important member in the death rites emerges clearly from the hymns to be chanted. The use of RV hymns in the death rites shows that the rites existed from very early times, yet, the thorough discussion on the rites shows that the G,-ltyasutras were presenting the rites in a form that pretended to conform to Vedic ideals. but which were actually highlighting certain changes. One of the changes was that the responsibility for the dead person became that of the household and more specifically, of the householder. Whereas earlier, it was the responsibility of the kinship group to perform death rites and look after the dead, now, although they participated in the rites, the financial and ritual responsibility for the rites was of the immediate family. or more specifically, of the younger brother or son. The wife, brother and the son are the three relatives who are mentioned in the death rites. The rites performed on death show that two types of relationships existed-those from the same pir,' 95, 181 Katha Samhita, 20 Kathalca Grhyasilrtl, 6n1, 18 Ka,uitaki Aranyaka, 20 Ka,uitaki G,-,.yasitra, 5 Khadira Grhyasitra, 5 kinship, kinship systems, 22, 33n67 , 38, 39, 41, 44, 45, 65, 114, 120, 247, 331; bonding, 84, 257, 328; descent groups and marriage patterns, relation, 29-30, 34; and gender, relationship, 30; historical developments, 35 knowledge, 76 K°'818. 18 n29 kutriya, 14, 40, 49, 50, 181, 198, 210, 213, 214n41 · 0 , 225, 253. 286,290,292.293, 296 Uettapati,323 kula and the role of women, 321-29 lculadharma, 15, 321, 323 Kurus, 17r9

L labour: acquisitions, 209-12: capacity through re-productivity, 34-35; needs and subsistence requirements, 32 Ujahoma. 133, 145, 325 langua1e, symbols and meuaps in rituals, ~7 linpistic and geopapbical context, 20-21

M Madhuparka and hospitality rites, 310-17 Madhuvtiya, 10 Mahanamni, 163 Mahavyahrtis, 10, 149, 165, 220,

2n

Maitrayani Samhita, 20 male, 158:brahmanical preoccupation, 312; centered perspective. 37, 86,179; chil~ 159, 160, 166, 169, 172, 177, 178; dominance, 47n94, 53, 209; and female identity, social distinction, 302; identity, 196; progeny, 59, 121, 177; protagonists, 52, 61; virility, 160 maleness, 166 MaMva Grhyasitra, 6n1, 18, 128 Manava $rautasillra, 13n28, 111 Mantra Brahmana, 244, 251, 264 Manu, 124-25, 186n7, 263, 315 manufacturing process, 21 Manuslllfli, 187 marriage, 53, 58, 62. 83, 85, 109, 114, 196, 228, 246; institutionlisation, 119-20, 121 ; kinship and co-residence, 65; and reproductive rites, 68; rites, 208, 241, 247, 290, 297, 301, 30305, 306, 312, 320. 322. 326;and women, 121-54; significance in delineating women's role, 130-39; types, 122-24; and Upanayana. 203--09 Marut. 222. 260 muculine domain, 67 material culture, 22 maternity, 172 Matsya. 20 Medhijanana. 168-69, 190 men and women, bioloaical divide, 39

INDBx 373 menstruation, 163, 197, 198-201, 332 Mitra, 141. 156, 169, 171, 2()5ft3l, 314, 320 moral values, 297 mother, 59, 177, 178, 193, 216, 217; role in pregnancy rites, 161-68 mocberbood, 34, 228 mythology, 10

175, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 187, 188, 189, 194. 195, 205, 206, 201n31 , 208, 211. 212'14', 213, 21411'1• 215, 216. 218, 221. 223, 225, 226. 227rr", 2»."· •, 231. 243. 244. 249, 251, 254, 259, 260. 261. 262, 263, 265, 266. 267, 270, 271, 276, 285, 286, 289, 290, 291, 296, 297, 299-300, 303. 305, 306-7, 308, 310, 311, 313, 314, 315. 318, 327, 328, 329, 331, 334, 338-39, N 340, 341, 342 Pirukara,19 Naksatru, 97 Parjanya. 95, 260 Nimabraaa, 290, 352 putonl economy, 64 Niriyana, 5 Puupati, 276 nationalism and feminism, 36 Pataiijali, 343-441111 Northern Black Polished Ware paternity, 133, 161, 172 (NBP), 22 palnl. 58, 103, 250 patriarchy, palriarchal ttaditioos, 0 28n'7, 32, 35, 38, 39, 43, 46n90, 59, 60, 119-20, 122, 135, 165, oblation (boma), 76, 102, I 06, 113 184,203,325,351; CODtainment ownership iaaues, 60 of women, 66-68; control of the wife's sexuality, 145-54; p constructs in Qfbyuiitras, 48-57; domination of learning process, 233; notion of controlling the Painted Grey Ware (POW), 21-22 domestic space, 35-36; historical Paippalada Samhita of the Atlaarva interpretation, 47; rationalisation Veda, 9, 20 of authority, 13-14; religious Pai&ca, 122. 123, 124 traditions, 24 Pikayajilas, 12, 76-n, 92 physical structure of the house, 69Paicila, 18 n'l9, 20 72, 75, 87; in ~g Vedic period, 62 PaiicavimJa Bralunana, 20 plants and the human world Pinigrahana, 132, 146, 155 homology, 159-60 Pinini, 18-19 politico-economic power, 295 Parmlcara Gfhyasilra. 18, 20, 69, pollution, associated with 71-72, 77 I 80, 82, 83, 88, 90, menstruation, 199-201; notion of. 95, 98, 99, 101, 107, 108, 113, 59, 163, 179 128, 132, 133n 16, 134, 135, 137, Prajipati, 95, 98, IOI, 139, 141, 138. 144, 141, 149, 152, 153, 148, 150, 158, 208, 262, 269, 156, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164, 314 165. 166, 167, 170-71, 173, 174,

374

INDEx

Prajipatya mmiage, 123 Prina, 318 Pratyinika, 141 Pratyavarobana rite, 99 prehistoric societies, women in, 32 production: activities, 55, 59;-and resource acquisition in the household, 256-68; distribution, ttansmission and reproduction functions of the household, 65; and reproduction relations, 3132, 42n13, 43; needs, domestic organization, 32 prostitution, 119n 1 Pfthivi, 149, 318 puberty, 228 Pumsav~ 121, 159, 160, 168, 249, 351 Purana, 174 purity and impurity, notions of, 59 Piisan, 134, 135, 141, 150, 205n 32 , 212, 265, 303, 320

R raja, 13, 52, 66, 91, 283, 310, 311, 314, 316, 351 rajanya. SO, 216, 228, 245. 246,

290 rajya, 13

ritsasa, 122, 123, 124 reciprocity, 247, 272, 284, 301, 304, 306, 314, 316, 320 regeneration and procreativity, 51-53 relationships, 66, 82-87; see also icirya-student, husband-wife bond religious predilections, 23, 25 reproductive capabilities/role of women, 55, 66, 165, 197, 199, 204, 326 resource acquisition and distribution, 59 resource management, 28n 56, 33, 54,

188, 239-41, 242-43, 249 resources and ttaditions, patriarchal conttol, 120 Jig Veda, 9, 10-11, 18, 20, 45, 48, 52, 63, 74, 86, 91, 98, 103, 104, 129, 131, 135, 136, 137, 142, 143, 147, 148, 149, 164, 180n 1, 186, 205nJ 1, 2 l 9n", 242, 259, 263, 264, 265, 268, 269n2 1, 276, 277, 288, 300, 303, 329, 331; conception of grha, 64; and Grftyasiitras, 1O; u.khis, 48 rights of women, 36 rituals, ritual practices in Gfhyasiittas, 5, 8, 13, 17, 20, 24, 25, 27-29, 44n17, 46, 49, 53-54, 56, 59, 61~2. 64--66, 69-70, 93-97, 241, 243, 271-73, 281, 282, 327, 344, 34S-46, 349; antagonism, 143; cleansing and purification, 59; role in cloaking conflicts, 335-37: in the household, 74-77; immorality, 120; legitimacy. SO: male-centtic representation, 51; memben bonded through, 82-87; relationship, 114; role fixation in, 38; roles of the householder and bis wife, comparative significance, 105-18; social implications, 7, 2~28; symbolism and society, relationship. 23 rivers, role in society, 21, 167 role definition, 43, 193, 209 rtvij. 311, 312, 314, 351 Rudn, 26~. 334 Rudrini, 266

s sacred fares, 297, 317, 320 sacrifice, 12, 24, 25, 76, 102, 108, 114, 139, 182, 222. 242-43,

INDEX 375 245. 253, 265, 267. 280, 314, 333-34, 345-47 Wi. 68, 69 Siligni, 307 Wina, 94 Sami, 261, 262 Sama Veda, 10, lln 15 , 149, 169, 318 samingrimvisa. 306 uroiptisiiddhabanti, 137 Samirohanam,317 Samivartaoa, 182, 197, 226-29, 231, 252, 301, 302, 351 Samhitas, 8, 12 Aankhiyana. 10, 157 AankJuiyana Grhyasiltra, 6n'. 1012, 18, 69, 72-74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82. 83, 84, 88, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101. 113, 126, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143, 146, 147, 148 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158, 160n-'', 163, 164. 165, 166, 167, 168, 170. 171. 174, 179. 180, 181, 182, 184, 187, 188, 189, 194, 203, 204nll,

205n)l, 206, 207, 210,

211, 212, 214n41 • 4l, 215, 217, 219, 220, 221, 22211' 1, 223, 224, 225, 229, 230, 231, 232, 23Sn", 236, 237-38, 242, 243, 244, 247, 248-49, 250, 251, 252, 253, 25~. 262, 263, 264, 265, 269, 270, 271, 274, 276, 2n, 2s2, 283, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 293, 297, 298, 303, 311, 312, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318. 319, 320, 321, 329, 330, 333, 334, 339, 340, 341, 342 AankJuiyana $rautasiltra, 20 sapinda, 331, 334 Saruvati, 156, 169, 263 (check variation) Sarvini, 266 ~alapalha Bralunana, 191

sati, 112 Savitt, 169, 181, 194, 205nn, 20607, 220 Sivitri, I 0, 219,.settled life and territoriality, 64, 73, 167, 331 Seven ~is, 138 seven steps, 135-36 sexual role of women, 44, 45, 46, 53, 134, 198 sexuality, 53, 194-96 S-unanta Carana, t 65 Simantonnayana rite, 21, 121, 164, 252, 289, 326, 342, 351 slllJU, 10, 219n4' snitaka, 59, 179, 187-88, 209, 212, 218, 224, 227, 228, 229, 23034, 247, 297, 302, 310, 311, 314, 316, 351 social acceptability, I 05 social and economic realms, polarisation, 14 social and economic transformation, 30 social attitudes and norms, 7, 9. 28, 53, 56, 61, 68, 300 social changes, 1, 7, 13, 31, 183, 350 social competition, 294 social conditioos/consttucts, 1, 13, 16, 22, 23, 31, 35, 38-39, 41. 53, 60, 65, 66, 68, 118, 139. 173, 270, 332, 343, 345 social distinctions, 23-24, 44 social dynamics, 23, 28-34, 43 social groups, conceptulisation, 292300 social hierarchies, 23, 40, 44n17 • 213-14; channeling linkages through rituals, 29 lf/ social history, 38-39 social implications of ritual practices, 23-28, 345 social interactions, 322, 325 social linkages, 60, 270

376 INDBx

hierarchies, 135 stereotypes, 47 stbllipib. 222, 243, 260, 261, 267, 258, 292, 295, 298 275-76, 288, 323 social ostracism durin1 disease and sbi, 328 death. 332-34 sm1amao1, 195 social pressure on women, 51 lidra, 43, 179, 223, 299, 300; social reforms, 35-36 woman, 296 social relations, 24n". 43. 157, 151. ·· Silrya. 134, 142, 148, 149, 150, 324, 326, 329-32; and role of 209. 212 rites in forging linkages, 300-21 Svidbyiya. 116, 333 socialisation, 31, 65, 177//, 234 Svutyayanu. IO. 320 society, 35, 37, 49; classification, 41. 42n"; dependence on riven, ,vuura. 310, 311, 316 Svititiri,260 21,167 Svis~ ISO socio-economic and political developments, 57n 100 socio-economic roles. 29, 179 T socio-political set-up, 2, 4, 7 Soma. 141, 142, 167, 23511'3, 29111', Taittirlya Bodltiiya,ta, 18 n29 332 Taittirlya Samluta, 20, 191, 332 sons. birth, Bnbmeoical Tainirfya Bralunana, 104, 200 preoccupations, 154-76 transcendent ritual of brlhmana, 25 spatial: confines of l(ba, 65-68; and sacral context of l(ba, 70-82; conacioumess and attacbment, 254; construct. 351; context, 1, Udilikuyapa. 260 8, 55, ~ . 97; identity, 341 10, 51, 52, 53, 59, 66, Upanayana, spirituality, 172 122, 131n 12, 146, 179, 184, 22.S, ~raddbi rites, 76, 78, 223, 286-87, 227, 228, 230, 233, 241, 289, 306 290, 292, 295, 300, 301, 302, $rauuuilras.. 9, 10-14, 16, 19, 20. 320, 326, 327, 331, 350, 312, 25, 27, 38n", 80, 92, 94, 106, 351, 352; vis-l-vis marriage, 162, 201, 218, 282, 289; and hierarchies, 203-09;~1 Grlayasitraa, 11-14; rituals, 7, of labour acquisition, 209-12; 65, 93, 105, 107, 200. 280-81 overlooking youq prla, 197aottiya, 54, 153, 217, 232, 242, 296 203; preoccupation with ritea of $ruti, 3, 9, 10, 21911", 231, 262, passage for boys and control of 315, 341 sexuality, 184-97: social their state, Stale ayatem, 13, 35, 49, 54; context, segregation and formatiom, 28,r", 46; and the assimi l.ation, 213-17; Vedic bousebold, complementary, 14; IIUdies after, 217-24 wl lociety, 291; presence in the ~ . 2. 15, 3Bn7', 156, 235n'l u G,,.:,tuitras, 337-41 ufaine-mlationa" 305, 323-24

social mobility, 135 social order, 5, 22, 61, 66, 224,

slalUI

u

INDEx

V vie speec~ 174

377

violence on women, 44n" Viraj, 320 Vihamitra. 219n4' vihedevls, 95, 96, 98, 101, 128, 139, 212, 235n", 242, 310

Vadh B, 20 Vadhila G,-lryasilra, 5 vaisya, 14, 50, 181, 198, 213, w 21411"· 42, 216, 225. 228, 245, 246,253,290,292,293,296 Vamadevya, 145,318 wealth, householder the generator and notions of, 241-56, 330, Vanilla Grlayasitra, 5 Vanilla $ra,,,ta Sitras, 1ln 15, 13nm 347-48 vama, 15, 22, 27, 28, 35, 38, 46, wife, 47, 57-58, 62, 69, 73-74, 78, 48-51, 53, 67, 94, 124, 210, 83, 86, 88, lOS-18, 1~21, 211, 213. 214, 215, 227, 233, 161, 162, 185, 208. 250, 279, 292, 321-22; consciousness, 206; 330; Grahyasutnu on, 102-05; ideology behind constructs, ~ ideal, Brahmanical notions, 12144; of women, 43 30; insecurity regarding fidelity, v ~ 134, 141. 148. 150, 156, 150; role in rituals, I05-18; 169, 171, 264. 318. 320 sexuality, patriarchal control, vistu, 71 14S-S4 women, women's role, 4, 162, 256; vistude~ 95 Vatsa, 20 agency, 47; in Brahmanical Viyu, 95, 150, 157, 181, 318 society, 1-2, 37, 65; as carriers Vedas, Vedic, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, of customs and ttaditions, 52; in 16, 23. 26, 41 n11 • 48-49, 56, 66, death rites, 309; debarred from 78. 84. 116, 125, 139, 162, 170, Vedic studies, 109; degradation, 173, 174, 184-85, 186, 194-95, 37-38; in family, 327-28, 329200, 226, 234--38, 251. 263-64, 30, 331-32; in food preparation, 274, 297, 318, 319, 334; access 271; identity 196; role of kula. denied to women, 43: 321-29; in marriage rituals, 140; apauruseya. 3; dates, 18; male control of reproductivity, homological thinking, 26; religion 44 48, 66; perceptions, 22; and symbolism, 27; rituals. 14, production, distt:bution, 25, 26, 144; fikbls, 3, 16, 49; reproduction and resource status of women, 35nn, 36-38, management. 31-32, 44 48, 23941, 242, 268; in religious texts 39, 45 Vedic learning, 48-5 l, 94, 184, and rituals, 24, 27-29, 44n17, 211, 232, 233, 2~37, 293, 105-18; society, 291-92, 293; '297, 302, 314 status, 295 Viakhana.ra Grlayastra, 5 Vwvanara, 141 y Viuvkarman, 251 Videba. 18n29 Yaji, 261, 262 vil1ap community, 73, 253, 291, 341 yajaminaa, 92,282,290

378 INDEX Yajfta, 170, 314 yajiopavita, 131, 201--03, 224, 232 Yajus, 16~9 Yama, 264

yupa. 68 Yajur V~ 10, I In", 20

z

Yamuna. 20 yiyivara, 94

Zoroastrian, 186