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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts presents detailed field studies of energy transition in Lille

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Table of contents :
Cover......Page 1
Half-Title Page......Page 3
Title Page......Page 5
Copyright Page......Page 6
Contents......Page 7
Foreword......Page 9
Preface......Page 11
Acknowledgments......Page 13
List of Acronyms......Page 15
1.1. From energy-to-energy transition......Page 21
1.2. Presentation of the six research areas......Page 28
1.3. The importance of climates in the energy transition......Page 32
1.4. Energy sectors analyzed by field......Page 34
2.1. Energy characteristics in metropolises......Page 37
2.2.1. Presentation of Riyadh......Page 42
2.2.2. Development, construction and housing of Riyadh......Page 52
2.2.3. Transport from Riyadh......Page 67
2.2.4. Riyadh’s challenges for energy transition......Page 71
2.3.1. Presentation of the European Metropolis of Lille......Page 83
2.3.2. Development, construction and housing of the European Metropolis of Lille......Page 91
2.3.3. Transport of the European Metropolis of Lille......Page 97
2.3.4. Challenges of the European Metropolis of Lille for the energy transition......Page 101
2.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in metropolises......Page 112
2.4.1. Priority to controlling energy consumption in metropolises......Page 115
2.4.2. Microproduction of energy in metropolises......Page 122
2.4.3. Peripheral power generation units and networks......Page 124
3.1. The characteristics of energy in rural areas......Page 129
3.2.1. Presentation of Pays de Fayence......Page 132
3.2.2. Development of the Pays de Fayence......Page 137
3.2.3. Transport in the Pays de Fayence......Page 150
3.2.4. Challenges of the Pays de Fayence for the energy transition......Page 152
3.3.1. Presentation of Bokhol......Page 157
3.3.2. Development of the Bokhol site......Page 169
3.3.3. Bokhol’s challenges for the energy transition......Page 176
3.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in rural areas......Page 178
3.4.1. Dynamics of positive energy territories......Page 180
3.4.2. Complex regulations and rurality......Page 185
3.4.3. Landscapes and rurality......Page 188
4.1. The characteristics of energy in the desert......Page 191
4.2.1. Presentation of Ouarzazate......Page 192
4.2.2. Spatial planning in Ouarzazate......Page 203
4.2.3. Ouarzazate’s challenges for the energy transition......Page 206
4.3.1. Neom’s presentation......Page 208
4.3.2. Development of the Neom project......Page 215
4.3.3. Neom’s challenges for the energy transition......Page 219
4.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in the desert......Page 220
Conclusion......Page 225
References......Page 239
Index......Page 243
Other titles from iSTE in Energy......Page 245
EULA......Page 249
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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

Series Editor Alain Dollet

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

Louis Boisgibault Fahad Al Kabbani

First published 2020 in Great Britain and the United States by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, this publication may only be reproduced, stored or transmitted, in any form or by any means, with the prior permission in writing of the publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms and licenses issued by the CLA. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms should be sent to the publishers at the undermentioned address: ISTE Ltd 27-37 St George’s Road London SW19 4EU UK

John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 111 River Street Hoboken, NJ 07030 USA

www.iste.co.uk

www.wiley.com

© ISTE Ltd 2020 The rights of Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani to be identified as the authors of this work have been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Library of Congress Control Number: 2019951913 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-78630-499-5

Contents

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ix

Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xi

List of Acronyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xiii

Chapter 1. Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition .

1

1.1. From energy-to-energy transition . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2. Presentation of the six research areas. . . . . . . . . . 1.3. The importance of climates in the energy transition . 1.4. Energy sectors analyzed by field . . . . . . . . . . . .

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1 8 12 14

Chapter 2. Energy Transition in Metropolises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1. Energy characteristics in metropolises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2. The example of Riyadh in Saudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1. Presentation of Riyadh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2. Development, construction and housing of Riyadh . . . . 2.2.3. Transport from Riyadh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.4. Riyadh’s challenges for energy transition . . . . . . . . . 2.3. The example of the European Metropolis of Lille in France . 2.3.1. Presentation of the European Metropolis of Lille . . . . . 2.3.2. Development, construction and housing of the European Metropolis of Lille . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.3. Transport of the European Metropolis of Lille . . . . . . . 2.3.4. Challenges of the European Metropolis of Lille for the energy transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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17 22 22 32 47 51 63 63

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71 77

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81

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2.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in metropolises . . . 2.4.1. Priority to controlling energy consumption in metropolises . 2.4.2. Microproduction of energy in metropolises . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.3. Peripheral power generation units and networks . . . . . . .

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92 95 102 104

Chapter 3. The Energy Transition in Rural Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . .

109

3.1. The characteristics of energy in rural areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2. The example of Pays de Fayence in France . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1. Presentation of Pays de Fayence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2. Development of the Pays de Fayence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3. Transport in the Pays de Fayence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.4. Challenges of the Pays de Fayence for the energy transition 3.3. The example of Bokhol in Senegal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1. Presentation of Bokhol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2. Development of the Bokhol site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3. Bokhol’s challenges for the energy transition . . . . . . . . . 3.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in rural areas . . . . . 3.4.1. Dynamics of positive energy territories . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2. Complex regulations and rurality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.3. Landscapes and rurality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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109 112 112 117 130 132 137 137 149 156 158 160 165 168

Chapter 4. The Energy Transition in the Desert . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

171

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4.1. The characteristics of energy in the desert . . . . . . . . . 4.2. The example of Ouarzazate in Morocco . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.1. Presentation of Ouarzazate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2. Spatial planning in Ouarzazate . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.3. Ouarzazate’s challenges for the energy transition . . 4.3. The example of Neom in Saudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1. Neom’s presentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.2. Development of the Neom project . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.3. Neom’s challenges for the energy transition . . . . . 4.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in the desert

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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171 172 172 183 186 188 188 195 199 200

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

205

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

219

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

223

Foreword

“Think global, act local” for an ecological transition in the service of man and therefore of the planet, such was the major challenge of the 20th Century which, to paraphrase André Malraux, French novelist and Minister of Cultural Affairs, was “to be of ecology or not to be”. The global dimension is widely recognized in practice. After the warning issued by the Club of Rome in 1960, the Stockholm Conference in 1972 inaugurated the various earth summits, which have been held every 10 years since then (Nairobi in 1982, Rio in 1992, Johannesburg in 2002, Rio in 2012). Since 1995, the “Conferences of the Parties” have brought together diplomats and experts on climate change every year. Thus, COP21 in Paris in 2015 reached an agreement to fight global warming. The many international meetings over more than half a century have enabled experts from all over the world to reflect and propose further growth that is more respectful of the environment and the dignity of human beings, but also, through a wealth of literature, for academics from all continents to exchange, discuss and debate on sustainable development. On the other hand, the local dimension is less studied. More than ideas, it is the actions that must be observed, analyzed and evaluated. From this point of view, the book written by my two former PhD students is very timely. The approach, far from being dogmatic, is first and foremost practical and empirical. This work is the result of many months of investigation by the authors on the different fields they studied. However, the choice of these territories allows them to have a fairly universal view of the issue: developed countries (France), developing countries (Senegal and Morocco), emerging

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

countries (Saudi Arabia), metropolises (Lille and Riyadh) and rural areas (Pays de Fayence), temperate zones and deserts. All the cases encountered at the local level were perceived by the two authors who complement each other admirably in their research. Moreover, the cultural dimension has not been forgotten, even if it is reduced to well-chosen examples. It is with great satisfaction that I write this foreword, as, having been a thesis supervisor, it is comforting to see that two of my most brilliant students have joined forces to tackle this vast subject essential for the future of the world, the ecological transition. I hope that this book will meet with the success it deserves, because it provides an innovative and precise insight into “local action”, without which the ecological transition cannot be achieved. Jean GIRARDON Professor Emeritus Sorbonne Université

Preface

This book analyzes how the energy transition can be carried out in three types of areas: metropolitan areas, rural areas and deserts. It is based on research carried out in Riyadh (Saudi Arabia) and Lille (France) for metropolitan areas; in the Pays de Fayence (France) and Bokhol (Senegal) for rural areas; in the deserts of the Sahara (Ouarzazate) and Arabia. The challenges of the energy transition are studied taking into account the constraints of each type of space, the projects carried out and technological innovations. How best to combine large connected power plants, production systems for self-consumption, and energy efficiency with energy transmission and distribution networks that must become intelligent? Should spatial planning be organized on the basis of objectives and decisions taken at supranational level (COP21, major directives) or should local initiative be encouraged, depending on the resources instantly available? Lessons are drawn from the fields studied to provide objectives and solutions for Europe, the Middle East and the African region in order to move from carbonaceous energy resources (oil, natural gas and coal) and nuclear to renewable energies without opposing the energy sectors. This book is illustrated with photos and color maps. The two co-authors, of French and Saudi origin, met in mid-2010 in the Geography and Planning Research Laboratory of the Université ParisSorbonne (Paris IV). The Université Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV) became Sorbonne Université on January 1, 2018 through its merger with the Université Pierre et Marie Curie. This laboratory was known as the Spaces, Nature and Culture (ENEC), Joint Research Unit Sorbonne Université / French centre for scientific research and has itself evolved as part of this merger. The co-authors conducted their doctoral research with the same

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

thesis supervisor, Jean Girardon, Professor Emeritus at Sorbonne Université. Jean Girardon is known for his academic work on spatial planning, for his local action as mayor of the rural community of 333 inhabitants of MontSaint-Vincent, in the Burgundy-Franche-Comté region and as elected board member to the Association of Mayors of France. The co-authors’ research theses on the energy transition were defended and validated, respectively, in 2016 and 2017. As the research fields are very complementary, it was decided to pool the work here. This interdisciplinary four-chapter book is therefore not simply a compilation of scientific articles, as is most often the case in the academic world. It aims to have a certain unity of style and form to increase its impact and simply explain, in a pedagogical way, complex transitions. It gathers a wider audience than a thesis jury to address students, elected officials, professionals and an informed general public and involves citizens in debates on the energy transition, in an educational way, in the broadest possible geography. Louis BOISGIBAULT Fahad AL KABBANI October 2019

Acknowledgments

The initial research results and figures have been updated for this book. The dialog was resumed with the key players of the fields studied in Riyadh, Lille, Fayence and Ouarzazate. For Bokhol and the Arabian Desert, as the projects accelerated considerably from 2016 onwards, it was necessary to conduct a press review and contact stakeholders to request additional information and photos. This information was cross-referenced to obtain the most accurate information possible, analyze the issues, make relevant comparisons of local actions and find appropriate solutions. Warm thanks are first addressed to all the key players in these six fields, who were asked right up to the last minute, for the documents they have authorized us to publish here. The co-authors are now on postdoctoral trips together to get to know the colleague’s fields and to continue to promote their research. All this would not have been possible without the support of the professors of Sorbonne Université and in particular Dr. Jean Girardon, who agreed to write the foreword to the book, teachers from other institutions, university and municipal libraries and families. Sincere thanks are addressed to all those relatives who cannot be named individually for fear of forgetting them.

List of Acronyms

ADA

Arriyadh Development Authority

AEME

Agence pour l’économie et la maîtrise de l’énergie du Sénégal [National Energy Efficiency Agency of Senegal]

AFD

Agence Française de Développement [French development agency]

AMEE

Agence marocaine pour l’efficacité énergétique [Moroccan Agency for Energy Efficiency]

ANER

Agence nationale pour les énergies renouvelables du Sénégal [Sengalese National Agency for Renewable Energies]

ARAMCO

Arabian American Oil Company

BOAD

Banque Ouest Africaine de Dévelopment [West African Development Bank]

BTP

Bâtiments et travaux publics [Buildings and public works]

CH4

Methane (four hydrogen atoms and one carbon atom)

CIGS

Copper indium gallium selenium

CNGV

Compressed natural gas vehicle

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

COP

Conference of the Parties

CO2

Carbon dioxide

ECOWAS

Economic Community of West African States (15 countries)

ECRA

Electricity and Cogeneration Regulatory Authority (Saudi Arabia)

EEC

European Economic Community

EMEA

Europe, Middle East, Africa

ENEDIS

Réseau public de distribution d’électricité (France) [Public electricity distribution network (France)]

EPCI

Établissement public de coopération intercommunale (France) [Public institution for intermunicipal cooperation (France)]

EPD

Energy performance diagnostics

FDI

Foreign direct investment

GACA

General Authority of Civil Aviation

GCC

Gulf Cooperation Council

GDP

Gross domestic product

GEF

Global Environment Facility

GHG

Greenhouse gases

GNP

Gross national product

GT

Gigaton

GW

Gigawatt (1,000 MW)

HDI

Human development index

List of Acronyms

xv

HP

Heat pump

HT/MT

High voltage/medium voltage

IEA

International Energy Agency

INDC

Intended Nationally Determined Contribution

INSEE

Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (France) [French National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies]

IPCC

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

IRENA

International Renewable Energy Agency

KACARE

King Abdullah City for Atomic and Renewable Energy

kV

Kilovolt

kW

Kilowatt (1,000 watts)

LEED

Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design

LNG

Liquefied natural gas

LPG

Liquefied petroleum gas

MASEN

Moroccan Agency for Solar Energy

MEL

Métropole européenne de Lille [European metropolis of Lille]

MW

Megawatt (1,000 KW)

NBIC

Nanotechnology, Biotechnology, Information technology, Cognitive science

OECD

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

OPEC

Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

PACA

Region Sud, Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur (France)

PETS

Pumped Energy Transfer Stations

PIF

Public Investment Fund (Saudi Arabia)

PLU

Plan local d’urbanisme [Local urban planning]

PLUI

Plan local d’urbanisme intercommunal [Local intermunicipal urban planning]

PPP

Purchasing power parity

PPP

Public–private partnership

PPM

Part per million

PVD

Pays en voie de développement [Developing countries]

REPDO

Renewable Energy Project Development Office (Saudi Arabia)

RNEs

Renewable energies

SAMA

Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency

SAR

Saudi Railway Company

SCOT

Schéma de cohérence territoriale [French Territorial Coherence Scheme]

SEC

Saudi Electricity Company

SMB

Small and medium businesses

SME

Small and medium-sized enterprises

SPA

Saudi Press Agency

SPPA

Saudi Public Pension Agency

List of Acronyms

xvii

SRADDET

Schéma régional d’aménagement, de développement durable et d’égalité des territoires [Regional Plan for Spatial Planning, Sustainable Development and Equality of Territories]

SRO

Saudi Railway Organization

TOE

Ton of oil equivalent

TWh

Terawatt hour

UAE

United Arab Emirates

UEMOA

West African Economic and Monetary Union (eight countries)

WTI

West Texas Intermediate

WTO

World Trade Organization

1 Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

1.1. From energy-to-energy transition The word energy comes from the ancient Greek, energia, the force in action. The dictionary characterizes it as a physical system, keeping the same value during all internal transformations of the system (conservation law) and expressing its ability to modify the state of other systems with which it interacts. The units used in the international energy system are the joule (J), the Watt-hour (Wh) and the ton of oil equivalent (TOE) due to the economic and political significance of oil. Energy sources can come from raw materials (Vidal 2017) such as hydrocarbons (crude oil, natural gas and coal), uranium or natural phenomena such as wind, sun, hot springs, organic matter fermentation, tides and marine currents. These sources can be primary, i.e. directly from nature such as wood, hydrocarbons, uranium, organic waste or secondary, i.e. from human transformation such as electricity and gasoline. The energies used by mankind have evolved over the centuries in different transitions due to the discovery of new raw materials, the domestication of natural phenomena and technological progress. The final energy is that which is delivered to and consumed and paid for by the inhabitant. Why are these definitions already an issue? Because it is necessary to count energy to see the evolution of production and consumption in metropolitan areas, rural areas and deserts. Energy metering is always tedious, but it is essential to establish a diagnosis that then makes it possible

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts, First Edition. Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani. © ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

to prepare an action plan, with more or less significant investments. We are confronted with the difficulty of knowing whether we are thinking in terms of primary energy or final energy and how to compare 1 liter of fuel oil with 1 kWh of wind energy. Statistics have been compiled in TOE since 1972. In France, for electricity, 1 MWh was equivalent to 0.222 TOE, which corresponded to an average efficiency of 38.7% for a thermal power plant (43.7% − 5% loss during distribution). This affects a primary energy conversion factor of 2.58 (1/0.387) per kWh in the energy balances. The first problem is that thermal power plants have lost market share to nuclear and renewable energies since 1972 and that the nuclear power plant has a better load factor than the photovoltaic plant. The load factor is the operating factor of a power plant. It is the ratio between the electrical energy actually produced over a given period and the energy it would have produced if it had operated at its maximum power during the same period. However, the photovoltaic plant does not produce at night. The International Energy Agency standardized the conversion by specifying that nuclear MWh was equivalent to 0.2606 TOE and renewable MWh was equivalent to 0.086 TOE in primary energy balances. The second problem is that fossil fuels do not undergo any increase in coefficient. If a thermal regulation requires each new dwelling built to consume less than 50 kWh of primary energy per square meter per year, this implies that the electrical dwelling will be penalized by this coefficient compared to the fossil dwelling, whereas it emits less than CO2/m2/year. The question today is whether primary energy is an appropriate criterion for regulating energy use and which primary energy conversion coefficient to use. The final energy makes it possible to link regulation with bills the consumer receives. The energy transition is not new in itself. It is considered to reflect the gradual abandonment of some energies in conjunction with the development of others. One might think that this is due to the arrival of new energies driven by innovation. In fact, wind, water and sun energies have always existed. Humanity has experienced various energy transitions. First, the domestication of fire by prehistoric man, 70,000 years ago in Africa, made it possible to control heat. The creation of tools, in the Bronze Age, may have been facilitated by this heat, which is a transition. Since the Middle Ages, Europeans have built windmills, river water mills and tidal mills

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

3

(Woessner 2014) along the Atlantic coast, the English Channel and the North Sea. There are examples of these mills, which use the tides to operate, on Île de Bréhat, Île Arz, Arzon, Trégastel and Pont-Aven in France but also in Portugal, Spain, the United Kingdom and Belgium. For hydrocarbons, coal mining took on an industrial dimension in the 18th Century. The invention of the steam engine by the Scotsman James Watt, before the French Revolution, was a major event since an external combustion engine transformed the thermal energy of the water vapor produced by a boiler into mechanical energy. This allowed a revolution with the arrival of the steam locomotive and a new energy transition. In 1859, when Colonel Edwin Drake first operated an oil well in Titusville, Pennsylvania, and 20 years later Thomas Edison invented the electric light bulb, one of the most important energy transitions occurred as oil and electricity replaced existing fuels. At the beginning of the 20th Century, electricity and city gas arrived in homes, which was another important energy transition, replacing the kerosene lamp, coal stove and wood fire. Coal mining was the driving force behind the industrial revolution of the 19th Century. Its extraction, through underground or open-air galleries, is an essential economic activity that has marked the history of the research field in the north of France chosen for this project, but also the European Union and the world in general. Several techniques are used. The room and pillar method consists of manually digging, consolidating the coal vein and its ceiling by installing pillars that form underground chambers and galleries. The long method consists of drilling the coal vein with a cutting machine and recovering the ore by letting the ceiling collapse. The coal is then brought to the surface, once by humans or animals, then by conveyors and wagons, to be treated by immersing it in an appropriate liquid. Opencast mining is more profitable and is carried out using giant excavators. The treated coal is then transported to the consumption sites by road or ship. Oil and gas exploration and production were later carried out in the 20th Century. The discovery and exploitation of deposits has created a value chain from upstream to downstream. The crude oil and natural gas extracted only make sense if they are properly processed and transported to consumption areas. A disconnection took place between production areas (desert areas, rural areas in emerging countries, offshore) and consumer areas (metropolitan areas and rurality in developed countries) and major battles have been fought for access to springs (Chevalier 2004). The research

4

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

sites in Saudi Arabia selected for this project have been disrupted by this industry. The downstream oil sector includes oil refining, i.e. the transformation of crude oil from offshore fields into finished products (such as gasoline, diesel, fuel oil and bitumen) and distribution. Distribution consists of storing finished products, transporting them and organizing marketing to the end customer. Generally speaking, crude oil is transported by ship or pipeline from the production sites to the refineries. The pipeline requires significant infrastructure investment. Its destination cannot be changed once the construction is completed. For natural gas, the logic is similar to the processing of extracted natural gas and its transport. Its transport is more difficult than oil. It is carried out in gaseous form by gas pipelines and in liquid form by LNG carriers. The majors were less interested in natural gas fields because molecules were less profitable to transport, especially when the field was small. The plants, located near the extraction sites, were built to liquefy natural gas at −160°C so that it would lose 600 times its volume. Liquefied natural gas (LNG) is loaded onto the LNG carriers and transported to other plants, which regasify and odorize it so that it can be injected into the transmission and distribution networks. The civil nuclear sector has developed well since the 1970s. Its value chain extends from uranium mining and transportation, particularly from Niger, to the construction of nuclear power plants, the manufacture and reprocessing of fuel and the conditioning of radioactive waste. The European and Saudi Arabian research sites selected for the book are heavily impacted by this sector, with the commissioning of reactors in northern France in the 1980s and the construction of new reactors in Saudi Arabia, i.e. with a 40-year delay. Everyone is aware of the crucial importance of innovation in the energy sector and in the energy transition. How do new technologies, including nanotechnologies, biotechnologies, information technology and cognitive science (NBIC), affect the energy transition? How can we preserve the planet’s non-renewable stocks of hydrocarbons and uranium by better exploiting the flows of sun, wind, rivers, tides, currents and waste?

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

5

Nanotechnologies focus on objects at the molecular and atomic scale. They affect the energy sector in many ways, for example, in the manufacturing of photovoltaic cells. They are based on monocrystalline silicon, polycrystalline silicon, thin films and organic substances. For crystalline silicon, the silicon is melted and then gently cooled to obtain a single homogeneous crystal (monocrystalline) or more quickly to obtain multiple crystals (polycrystalline). The crystal is cut into ingots to work at a scale of 200 µm and form photovoltaic cells. For thin films, silicon is fixed in thin layers of only a few micrometers on a glass or plastic support. Other rare materials such as copper, indium, gallium, selenium and cadmium telluride can be used. For organic photovoltaic cells, an active layer is made up of organic molecules. Nanotechnologies miniaturize equipment and increase its performance at a lower cost. Biotechnology is defined by the OECD as “the application of science and technology to living organisms, as well as its components, products and modeling, to modify living or non-living materials for the production of knowledge, goods and services”. They make it possible, for example, to produce biofuels, organic products alternative to oil and gas from raw materials, plant sugars and algae, which are transformed into finished products and biogas using microorganisms. They also allow the treatment and elimination of pollution. New generation computing impacts data processing capacity, production systems, microelectronics, energy system components, smart grids, data transmission and blockchain. Finally, the cognitive sciences aim to describe, explain and simulate the mechanisms of animal and human thought. They model complex information processing systems capable of acquiring, storing, using and transmitting knowledge. This artificial intelligence helps to consume less energy, to better appreciate local consumption to adjust production and to preserve the planet’s limited and non-renewable hydrocarbon resources. These NBICs are currently transforming the exploitation of stock energy (hydrocarbon and nuclear), with their associated networks, and will allow

6

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

flow energy to become more competitive for the production of electricity, heat, fuel and fuel. Sectors

Electricity

Heat

Combustible

Biofuel

Fuel X

Biomass

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

Biomethane

X

Marine energies

X

Wind turbine

X

Geothermal energy

X

Hydropower

X

Solar photovoltaic

X

Thermal solar energy Thermodynamic solar energy

X

X X

X

Table 1.1. Properties of renewable energies

Biofuel is an agrofuel produced from non-fossil organic materials, vegetable oil (rapeseed, algae) or alcohol (sugar, starch). It is important for metropolises and rural areas to reduce dependence on fossil fuels. Biomass comes from organic matter of plant or animal origin in solid/liquid form that can be used as an energy source. Its direct combustion produces heat which, through cogeneration, can also produce electricity. The fermentation of organic matter can produce biogas or biomethane (CH4). Its chemical transformation by pyrolysis can produce fuel and biofuel. Wood fire, which is the combustion of solid biomass, is the traditional means of heating in all spaces. In metropolitan areas and rural areas, the challenge of collecting, sorting, incinerating and recycling household waste is important for producing recovered heat and electricity. A collective heating system can be powered by organic waste and pallets, shreds and wood pellets, i.e. biomass fuel of various kinds. Methanization units require more space and in rural areas allow the use of manure and agricultural waste by fermentation to produce biogas. Marine energies are made up of six sectors, namely tidal energy, wave energy, current energy, ocean thermal energy, osmotic energy and wind

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

7

energy (large offshore wind). The use of algae to produce biofuels that can be used to power the internal combustion engine of vehicles is currently being studied. These energies are still marginal in the global energy mix. Their potential should not be underestimated as they can benefit coastal areas. Do they benefit metropolitan areas, rural areas or deserts? We can have metropolises, rural areas and deserts by the sea that benefit from this electricity, which is repatriated to land by cable, and then fed into the grid or possibly self-consumed. Wind turbines convert the kinetic energy of the wind into mechanical energy, which is then most often transformed into electricity. This mechanical energy has been used for centuries to grind grain in traditional mills. It is transformed into electricity by modern horizontal and vertical axis wind turbines. These wind turbines can be small for urban and rural buildings. Others are very large, with a mast longer than 150 m, a nacelle for mechanical components and a rotor to receive the blades. They can only be installed in parks located far from residential areas. Geothermal energy consists of exploiting the energy from the earth, which is recovered by geothermal collectors, in the form of usable heat that can potentially be converted into electricity. At low energy, the heat comes from shallow depths and its temperature is not sufficient (5–10°C) to be used directly for heating. A heat pump must be added to increase the temperature, a popular feature in single-family homes in urban and rural areas. At medium and high energy, heat drawn at a high temperature (from 50°C to over 150°C) or at high depth (from 600 m to over 2,000 m), can be used directly. It is suitable for certain urban areas, both for collective and tertiary buildings, which are then supplied by a heating network. For higher temperatures, often in volcanic areas, when the flow rate is sufficient, the heat can be converted into electricity. Hydraulics converts the movement of water into kinetic energy, which is then most often transformed into electricity. This kinetic energy has been used for centuries to grind grain in traditional water mills. It is located in rural areas for small and large hydropower, although the electricity produced by the turbines of the dams can then supply the cities. Solar energy can take many forms. The French physicist Edmond Becquerel discovered the photovoltaic effect in 1839. This is one of the effects that is implemented in photovoltaic cells from solar radiation. It is

8

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

used to produce electricity. Solar thermal energy makes it possible to produce heat and hot water from solar collectors. Concentrated thermodynamic solar energy converts solar energy into heat at high temperature and then converts it into electricity. The sun’s rays are concentrated on a heat transfer fluid in several possible configurations and heated to very high temperatures to produce heat. The four technological fields are cylindro-parabolic mirrors, Fresnel mirrors, the solar tower and the parabola stirling. Building integrated solar photovoltaics and solar thermal can enable urban and rural buildings to produce electricity and heat. Solar streetlamps can help with street lighting. Ground-based photovoltaic farms can only be designed in large rural and desert areas. Concentrated thermodynamic solar energy is intended for the desert. The methods of evaluating energy systems and their importance are beginning to be fully recognized (Lachal 2018). The concepts of energy and technological systems, innovation, learning through use and feedback must be analyzed from the perspective of the host territories. 1.2. Presentation of the six research areas Metropolises: High population density per square kilometer – Riyadh, capital of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: - Member State of the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Arab League, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries; - Continent: Asia, Middle East. – Lille, capital of the Hauts-de-France region, French Republic: - Member State of the European Union; - Continent: Western Europe. Rurality: Low population density per square kilometer – The Pays de Fayence, a community of communes in the Var department, Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur region, French Republic: - Member State of the European Union; - Continent: Western Europe.

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

9

– Bokhol, rural commune in the Department of Dagana, Saint-Louis region, Republic of Senegal: - Member State of the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA); - Continent: Sub-Saharan Africa. Desert: Lack of population – Ouarzazate, capital of the eponymous province, Kingdom of Morocco: - Member State of the African Union and the Arab League; - Continent: Africa, Sahara Desert, Maghreb. – Neom, a futuristic border project in the northwestern Arabian desert, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: - Member State of the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Arab League, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries; - Continent: Asia, Middle East. Box 1.1. Characteristics of the six research areas

As Professor Jean Girardon (2018) explained in the preface, the terrains fit together well, like a puzzle, to form a virtuous triangle of Europe, Middle East, Africa (EMEA) instead of an initial vertical line of Europe, the Mediterranean, Africa (Boisgibault 2016b) and Saudi Arabia studied in isolation (Al Kabbani 2017). One could ask oneself at the outset why have only these six territories been selected and not 10 or 20 others that are complementary, selected with quantitative criteria? First of all, it should be recalled that this is the disciplinary field of the human and social sciences and not the hard sciences, which are very much involved in energy issues. Qualitative methods, i.e. interpretative methods without figures, are recognized. Then, these fields were validated by the respective thesis juries because they are very instructive. The study in detail and in the duration of local action as well as pragmatism were favored. The data collected are important and choices had to be made to present the best summary here. As for the methodology, it was based on a literature review, study tours, field surveys, interviews with managers, mapping analyses, collection and

10

Ene ergy Transition in n Metropolises, Rural Areas an nd Deserts

processiing of statisttical data, paarticipation in i conferencces during thhe period 2011 too 2016, and then t updatinng all its datta to present the most upp-to-date results in i 2019. Thee three typess of spaces – metropolitaan, rural and desert – have em merged, requuiring choicees to be mad de on the lannd presentedd and the methodoology to be adapted a in a pragmatic way. w That is precisely p thee heart of the matter. In metroopolitan areaas, access is easy by planne, train andd car and appointm ments can easily folloow one another with decision-mak d kers and universiity colleaguees. In rural areas, access is more difficult becaause it is necessary to changee means of transport t to get g to the finnal destinatioon, most often byy road, and thhere are few wer people to talk to. Finaally, in the deesert, we can talkk about real expeditions where there are no moree key playerrs on the spot. Whaat about the Americas, the Far Easst, Oceania, Antarctica and the Southerrn Hemispheere? Despite not wanting g to exclude particular teerritories from the energy traansition, choiices had to be b made for reasons of ttime and budget. Europe, the Middle Eastt and Africa are already a good placee to start researchh.

Figure 1.1. Maps of rese earch fields1 1 Map maade by the author.

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

Latitude Greenwich Meridian

Longitude

11

Altitude (m)



0

European metropolis of Lille

50° 37' N

3° 04' E

25

Pays de Fayence

43° 37' N

6° 41' E

360

Ouarzazate (Sahara Desert)

30° 55' N

6° 54' W

1,100

Neom (Arabian Desert in Tabuk)

29° 7' N

35° 04' E

0 to 2,500

Riyadh

24° 37' N

46° 42' E

600

Tropic of Cancer

23° 26' N



0

Bokhol

16° 31' N

15° 24' W

10

Table 1.2. Geographical coordinates of the six study sites, from north to south

By specifying the geographical coordinates of the six fields studied, this makes it possible to better visualize the location and compare these territories on the globe. The coordinates are derived from the WG 84 geodetic system (World Geodetic System 1984), which models the shape of the earth into an ellipsoid of revolution around the north-south axis, slightly flattened at the poles. Latitude has a much stronger influence on climate than longitude. Climate and its temperatures are also influenced by altitude, which directly affects people’s behavior in terms of food, heating and cooling. All the examples are in the northern hemisphere. Bokhol is the only one of the six fields to be south of the Tropic of Cancer, which is a parallel whose position varies, at 23° 26' 12.555" on January 1, 2019. Senegal and Ouarzazate are the two terrains west of the Greenwich meridian, the other four being to the east, but these longitudes have no particular influence in the analysis, except for the time difference. Since the Earth’s perimeter is about 40,000 km at the Earth’s equator and corresponds to 360° for longitude, 1º represents about 111 km at the equator, 1 minute represents 1/60th of a degree or about 1.8 km at the equator. It is an almost isosceles research triangle, with two sides of 4,700 km between Europe–Africa and Europe– Middle East, with a base of 6,400 km between West Africa and the Middle East.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

1.3. The importance of climates in the energy transition Geographers insist on the heterogeneity of climates (Godard and Tabeaud 2009) on the surface of continents and oceans, on their spatial discontinuities, on their seasonal rhythms and on their interannual variabilities. The main measurable atmospheric parameters are defined and characterized in their spatial distribution and seasonal variability. To compare climates here, the scale of Wladimir Köppen (1846–1940) was used. It is based on precipitation and temperature and dates back to 1900, with an update in 1961 by Rudolf Geiger, who explains that the climate map is called Köppen–Geiger. The classification consists of three letters that associate a climate code with a precipitation code and a temperature code. The five possible codes for major climate families are as follows: – A: tropical climate; – B: dry conditions for Saudi Arabia, Senegal and Morocco; – C: temperate climate for France; – D: continental climate; – E: polar climate. In addition, there is a second letter for the rainfall regime with: – W: very low desert rainfall for Ouarzazate and Saudi Arabia; – S: dry season in summer for the French Riviera and Senegal; – F: wet and rainfall every month of the year for Lille. Other rainfall classifications, such as monsoon climates and heavy rainfall, are not applicable to the selected sites. The third letter finally specifies the amplitude of the annual temperature cycle with: – a: hot summer for the Côte d’Azur: average temperature of the hottest month >22°C; – b: temperate summer for Lille: average temperature of the hottest month 10°C; – h: dry and hot for Senegal, Morocco and Saudi Arabia: average annual temperature >18°C.

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

13

Other temperature variation classifications, such as very cold winters, are not applicable to the selected sites. This exercise shows that, for the land selected: – not all terrestrial climates are covered, including tropical (A), continental (D) and polar (E) climates; – the desert climate of Ouarzazate is similar to that of Saudi Arabia (BWh); – the level of low rainfall in the Pays de Fayence is similar to that of Bokhol in Senegal (S). European metropolis of Lille (France)

CFb

Pays de Fayence (France)

Csa

Ouarzazate (Sahara Desert, Morocco)

BWh

Neom (Saudi Arabian Desert)

BWh

Riyadh (Saudi Arabia)

BWh

Bokhol (Senegal)

BSh

Table 1.3. Climate in the selected areas according to the Köppen classification

Riyadh and the Sahara Desert, which are at the level of the Tropic that crosses 18 countries, do not have a tropical climate for all, because of the important continental mass. The energy sector is heavily impacted by the climate, which conditions living habits for housing, transport and industrial practices. Mastering climate data makes it possible to better estimate the energy production required to enable consumption. Good prediction of meteorological variability has a direct influence on the supply–demand balance of electricity, on the planning of plant maintenance operations and on the risks associated with extreme weather events. Similarly, the energy sector is a major emitter of greenhouse gases, due to the very significant industrial installations in all components of the sector’s value chains. Carbon dioxide (CO2) is the main gas, along with water vapour (H2O), which is emitted. Its concentration in the atmosphere is measured by

14

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) in particulate matter per million (PPM) and exceeded 415 PPM at the end of March 2019, an increase of 48% compared to 1,750 (280 PPM). This concentration inexorably increases each year through new emissions and is insufficiently reduced by the absorption of CO2 by the oceans and forests. The development of urbanization tends to destroy these carbon sinks, which are important to preserve. In addition to CO2, we must not forget the emissions of methane (CH4), nitrous oxide (N2O) and about 40 other gases identified by the IPCC, less concentrated in the atmosphere but sometimes more harmful. In its “New Policies”2 scenario, the International Energy Agency estimates that energy-related CO2 emissions will continue to increase until 2040. This trajectory is problematic in terms of meeting the commitments made at COP21 for the Paris Climate Agreement. It is incompatible with scientific recommendations to combat climate change and with the commitment to stabilize global warming due to human activities below 2°C by 2100 (compared to pre-industrial temperature) by strengthening efforts to reach the 1.5°C target. 1.4. Energy sectors analyzed by field The six selected sites have their own geographical characteristics and have always used adapted energies. They are engaged in a process of energy transition, each at its own scale, at its own speed, in its own way and with its own constraints to manage. Metropolises: Riyadh (Saudi Arabia) and the European Metropolis of Lille (France) – Stock energy: Oil, gas, coal (hydrocarbons) and nuclear. – Energy efficiency. – Flow energies: Biofuels, biomass, biomethane (household waste incineration), ocean energy, small wind, medium and high geothermal energy, building integrated photovoltaic solar energy and solar thermal energy. – Alternative fuels: NGV, electricity, hydrogen. – Networks: Transport and distribution of oil, electricity, gas, heat and cooling. 2 International Energy Agency (2018). World Energy Outlook.

Three Types of Space for Analyzing Energy Transition

15

Rurality: Pays de Fayence (France) and Bokhol (Senegal) – Stock energy: Oil, gas, coal (hydrocarbons) and nuclear. – Energy efficiency. – Flow energies: Biofuel, biomass, biomethane, ocean energy, wind, lowenergy geothermal energy (heat pumps), hydropower, solar photovoltaic and solar thermal. – Alternative fuels: NGV. – Networks: Electricity transmission and distribution. Desert: Ouarzazate in the Sahara (Morocco) and Saudi Arabian desert – Stock energy: Drilling of hydrocarbons and minerals. – Flow energies: Biomass, wind, solar photovoltaic and solar thermodynamic with concentration (parabolic trough mirrors, solar tower). – Networks: Transport of hydrocarbons and electricity. Box 1.2. Energy sectors studied by field

Not all energy sectors are studied in detail. The aim is to see which ones are best suited to a given territory, to understand why sectors are not being exploited more, to study examples of achievements, to analyze the challenges in terms of energy transition for buildings, transport and industry and to find solutions according to three types of space.

2 Energy Transition in Metropolises

2.1. Energy characteristics in metropolises Metropolis is a word that comes from the ancient Greek: from Meter (Metros in the genitive), the mother, and Polis, the city. It is a mother city, already an administrative capital in ancient Greece and ancient Rome. In the Christian world, metropolises were the largest cities that had a cathedral where the Archbishop or Orthodox metropolitan was based. Metropolises are large cities, in terms of area and population. They therefore have by definition a high urban density and few spaces available. This term has been chosen because it corresponds to the most important and complex urban form, which has an outreach, influence and opportunities likely to attract an ever-increasing population. Dr. Gérard François Dumont warned in 1990 about the metropolization process (Dumont 1994, 2012a, 2012b, 2015), which was becoming very uneven. He then defined it as “the exercise of centripetal forces leading to the concentration of men and activities”. He even wondered whether French national officials were not confusing this process with an “ideology of metropolization”. The challenges of the inexorably growing metropolises are numerous. They consist of continuously developing urban space to provide drinking water, goods and services, mobility, employment, education, housing, roads, sanitation, security, cleanliness, sports, tourism and cultural activities and, of course, energy for residents, administrations and businesses. This transported and consumed energy raises particular questions about its negative externalities. It benefits the entire population, all residential, commercial and

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts, First Edition. Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani. © ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

public buildings to provide lighting, heating, ventilation, domestic hot water, power for appliances and machines, mobility, shops and services, in other words, everyday life and economic activity. Originally, the energy was produced for immediate consumption on site, in a short circuit that avoided storage and transportation. The development of cities and metropolises has made it necessary to review this scheme. Energy can hardly be produced on a large scale in cities and metropolises due to a lack of space and relevant resources. Drilling underground, installing refineries and building power plants require relevant underground hydrocarbon reserves and available space. This creates risks for the surrounding population. Over the centuries, energy production has been dissociated from its places of consumption. Transport and energy distribution have taken on a fundamental spatial dimension. However, when we look at the map of metropolises, we see that there may be large units that have been decommissioned, such as the Battersea coal-fired power plant in London. This is due to the gradual growth of cities that have become metropolises. They have gradually encompassed industrial districts and their production units that were once peripheral. Energy production has become one of the main sources of pollution and greenhouse gas emissions on the planet. The International Energy Agency reported that, in 2018, global energy-related CO2 emissions increased by 1.7% to 33 GT. Energy production has gradually been phased out of metropolises. They must now import energy through the transport and distribution networks, in solid, liquid, electron and molecular forms, into homes, transport, businesses and administrations. But this transport of energy also entails risks, negative externalities and losses that are increasingly under control but are still subject to accidents, explosions and leaks. Metropolises are obliged to focus on air quality, safety and the purchasing power of their inhabitants. Energy efficiency is becoming essential in metropolises because it makes it possible to reduce energy consumption and therefore energy flows. The questions to which an answer is sought are: how can a metropolis’ energy consumption be controlled and its greenhouse gas emissions reduced? Does the metropolis have to import all its necessary energy, or can it produce part of it on site? How can energy be imported and produced locally in the best safety conditions and at an acceptable cost? What is the best balance between traditional networks and local production in

Energy Transition in Metropolises

19

metropolises? Can so-called clean energies be sufficient for metropolises? How can buildings, urban transport and administrative and economic activities consume less and pollute less? How can traffic jams be reduced, and traffic flows smoother? How can we improve the air quality of a metropolis? There is a wealth of literature on intelligent buildings and intelligent cities. In metropolises, residential buildings are often co-owned. Owners own thousandths of a residential building. An annual general meeting of the co-owners makes decisions on renovation and maintenance. It is the subject of many disagreements due to the diverse situations of owners, some of whom are occupants and others lessors. Metropolises may have individual houses, such as villas in Riyadh or identical brick houses and mansions found in the European Metropolis of Lille. Intelligent buildings have become central to the problems of metropolises, knowing that the number of intelligent buildings does not necessarily make an intelligent city (Rochet 2018). This intelligence, which is artificial, seems easier to implement in commercial buildings, which have more financial resources, than in residential buildings and social housing. Intelligent buildings have a broader scope than just energy issues. The energy-efficient building must interactively manage consumer equipment, production equipment and storage equipment (batteries, electric vehicles, etc.). Intelligent buildings will use new information and communication technologies (NICTs) to integrate solutions, certainly for energy management, but more broadly for the comfort and security of their users. It is equipped with home automation, sensors and objects connected to the Internet and digital interconnections to achieve these objectives (Rassia and Pardalos 2017). Telephony and television over Internet Protocol (IP, IPTV) make it possible to increase speeds, better secure exchanges, and save money because of a box that offers a global package, which gives more comfort. Surveillance cameras (CCTV) and alarm systems become connected objects that are remotely controllable, more reliable, more responsive and more informative for better security. Intelligence does not come to metropolises by chance from digital technologies, but by the continued existence of a living system. The purpose of a metropolis is not to be intelligent but to serve its citizens. Technology is a tool for a social purpose. Efficient networks are at the service of public service missions. The metropolis must be resilient and responsive to events

20

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

that may occur, particularly disasters linked to poorly controlled human activity and linked to natural hazards and climate change. The definition of resilience for a metropolis is the subject of research (Reghezza-Zitt and Rufat 2015). The ability or skill of the municipal team, elected officials and salaried territorial agents, governance, master plans, urban planning, the relationship of the local community with the State is very real. It has of course a positive impact on the proper management of the metropolis, on the management of risks, particularly for the energy, air and climate issues. In order to make progress in organizing the energy needs of metropolises, German research on Urban Energiewende (urban energy transition) is still interesting to follow because this federal country has twice as many cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants as France. It decided to withdraw from nuclear power following the Fukushima disaster, with the shutdown of eight nuclear reactors (8.4 GW) and the scheduling of the shutdown of nine others from 2015 to 2022 (12.1 GW), through the 13th amendment to the Atomgesetz law (August 2011) and the second part of the Erneuer-bare Energien Gesetz 2 law (July 2015). There is, therefore, strong pressure to reduce urban electricity consumption. Since 2011, a major effort has also been made to increase federal funding for energy research with five ministries involved: Industry, Research, Environment, Agriculture and Transport. Transversal initiatives, universities, non-university organizations (Max-Planck, Helmholtz, Fraunhofer, Leibnitz and OFATE), agencies (DFG, DAAD and DENA) and foundations (Humboldt) are part of the scheme. Faced with an evolutionary inventory of the existing situation, it is necessary to see how to improve a situation by trying to control consumption by decarbonizing it and to reduce the energy bill and greenhouse gas emissions in a large urban area. The examples of the metropolis of Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, and the European metropolis of Lille, the capital of the Hauts-de-France region, were chosen because of their differences. Riyadh does not use the term metropolis in its name but has all its characteristics, due to its size, population, political and economic importance but also its configuration. It consists of the central municipality and 15 other municipalities and a diplomatic district, i.e. a community of agglomerations that can be described as a metropolis.

Energy Transition in Metropolises

21

These two metropolises do not have the same culture, history, geography, demography, urban planning or transport system. How do these differences impact the energy, air and climate challenges that should converge in globalization? It can be said that every metropolis is seeking to secure its energy supply, make mobility more fluid and fight against the fuel poverty of the most disadvantaged. It wants to avoid power outages, gas cuts, fuel shortages, air pollution and traffic jams that cause people to get angry and block economic activity. Budgetary constraints, more active citizen control over public spending, the desire for transparency and the comparison between metropolises force territorial executives to find the best economically acceptable solutions for energy, air and climate issues, in harmony with the State and its decentralized services. Finally, the rise of environmental issues, the introduction of new national and supranational regulations with the major continental directives and the Paris Global Climate Agreement (COP21 of December 2015) set new binding targets to be met. Metropolises must reduce greenhouse gas emissions, accelerate renewable energies and energy efficiency to contain global warming through adaptation and mitigation measures to help achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. This carbon neutrality is not always precisely defined. It is the balance between the amount of greenhouse gas emissions emitted in the world and the Earth’s ability to capture and store these gases. It is not a question here of making a tedious inventory of all the initiatives taken by the two selected cities, their citizens and their companies in the field of energy transition because there are many of them. We are conditioned by the urban space in which we live. Facing different urban dynamics broadens the mind and makes it possible to find better solutions to the problems of toxic gas emissions. These problems seem almost unsolvable when one considers the population growth in cities and the acceleration of human activities. Metropolises have no choice but to adapt and mitigate the effects of global warming by taking relevant measures that may vary according to geography and specific constraints. A metropolis on the coast, by the sea, does not have the same problems as one at altitude. The metropolis in an arid climate does not have the same challenges as one in a temperate climate or in the far North. The cultural, historical and religious differences between Riyadh and Lille are obvious. The comparative reference dates immediately illustrate the difference in roots. The metropolis of Riyadh uses the Hijri Islamic lunar calendar in which the year 1440 corresponds to the year 2019 of the Western

22

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

Gregorian calendar. The European Metropolis of Lille uses this Western Gregorian calendar, which is used for this work. The alphabet is not the same, which makes it more difficult to search. The metropolis of Riyadh uses the Arabic alphabet, which is a horizontal writing system from right to left, noting only consonants, with a very particular spelling and phonological system. The European Metropolis of Lille uses the Latin alphabet, which is bicameral, i.e. with 26 base letters, upper and lower case. It is this alphabet used in the West that is used for this book. More than a different language, it is a whole frame of reference of thought that distinguishes the two metropolises. However, they will be found using the metric system1 and the same temperature measurement, the degree Celsius (°C), retained here in the book. In the section on the energy transition in metropolises, the synthesis of the respective research work in Riyadh and Lille is presented, analyzing the facilities, constructions, habitats and transport systems of the two cities. The respective stakes of the two metropolises are deduced in terms of energy transition. At the end of this section, lessons are drawn from a comparative analysis that opens with the essence of energy transition in metropolises and allows solutions to be proposed in summary tables at the end of the book. This same plan is followed for rural and desert areas to allow for consistent reasoning and homogeneity for the reader. 2.2. The example of Riyadh in Saudi Arabia 2.2.1. Presentation of Riyadh Status: Capital city of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and province – Latitude: 24° 37' N. – Longitude: 46° 42' W. – Altitude: 600 m. – Climate: hot desert, BWh in the Köppen classification. – Surface area: 1,554 km². – Language: Arabic. – Religion: Sunni Islam as the majority. – Population: 6,907,000 inhabitants (2018). 1 Please note that this book uses the metric system.

Energy Transsition in Metropo olises

23

– Population P groowth rate: 4% per year. – Non-Saudi N poppulation: 36%. – Density: D 4,444 inhabitants/kkm2. – Organization: O Fifteen munnicipalities an nd a central municipality with a diplom matic district atttached. – Date D of creatiion: Riyadh has h been the capital of thee Kingdom of Saudi Arabiaa since the couuntry’s creatioon in 1932. – Mayor: M Tarek bin b Abdulazizz Al-Fares, sin nce February 2018. 2 Box 2.1 1. Riyadh iden ntity card

Figure 2.1. Map of Sau udi Arabia2

The name Riyaddh comes froom the plural of the worrd ar-Riyāḍ, gardens, which has h the meanning “place full fu of garden ns and orcharrds”. It is ann oasis in the deseert. Riyadh iss one of the world’s w citiess with a veryy dynamic poopulation growth of nearly 4% % per year, with a popu ulation that exceeded e (UN UN 2018) 7 millioon inhabitantss in 2019. Tooday, Riyadh h’s metropoliis reaches 1,5554 km2. 2 Map maade by the co-auuthor.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

By 2021, this area is expected to double to 3,114 km2. The capital of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is located in the central part of the Arabian Peninsula on a latitude that is 1° 11' north of that of the Tropic of Cancer, i.e. about 135 km to its north. Riyadh is on a sedimentary plateau about 600 m above sea level. The metropolis is located about 400 km from the nearest sea, at the convergence of several wadis and rivers. This explains its relief; oasis; valleys of Hanifa, Al-Bat’ha and Al Yassen; and its small hills to the east of its territory. This large yellow plateau is called the Nejd and extends west to the Toweiq mountain range and east to the Al-Dahna desert. Together with Buraydah and Al Khardj, it forms a central corridor for development. In Saudi Arabia, the other two major urban areas are by the sea; on the one hand, by the Red Sea, around Jeddah and Mecca, and, on the other hand, by the Arabian Gulf around Al-Hufuf and Dhahran. Riyadh is a city characterized by its continental desert climate (BWh), hot and dry during the long summer months, but more mild during the short winter, with cool nights. The average3 July temperature ranges from 27 to 43°C (81–109°F) in Riyadh. The average January temperature varies from 8 to 20°C (47–68°F). Annual rainfall in Riyadh is 100 mm (4 inches) and falls exclusively from January to May and especially in April. Rainfall can be accompanied by winds and storms. Riyadh’s ancient history dates back to the 18th Century, during the first Saudi state, when it was known as Hajar. In 1744, in this region of the Nejd, a power-sharing pact was concluded between the religious preacher Mohammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab and the clan chief of the Dariya oasis, Al-Saoud chief Mohammad Ibn Saud. The two leaders gradually extended their control over the peninsula that was Ottoman from their capital Dariya. The Al-Saoud descendants continued this conquest and took the Nejd and Hajar plateau from the Ottomans in 1773, which became Riyadh. As the Ottomans and the British felt threatened by these conquests, Sultan Mahmud II launched a military campaign against the Al-Saoud family with the Pasha of Egypt, Mohamed Ali. In 1816, the Egyptians regained control, reclaiming the Nejd Plateau and setting fire to the capital Dariya. The second Saudi state began in confrontation, with the descendant Al-Saoud leading a

3 Third communication from Saudi Arabia to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, December 22, 2016.

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revolt against the occupying troops, with desert Bedouins and managed to settle in Riyadh, which became the capital of the second Saudi state in 1821. The quarrels and wars defeated the Al Saud in 1891. The family was forced into exile in Kuwait, then protected by the United Kingdom, enemy of the Ottoman Empire. The young descendant of the Al-Saud family, Abdul Aziz ben Abdel Rahman Al Saud, organized the reconquest and overnight capture of Riyadh from Kuwait in 1902. He took over Fort Al Masmak, which was built in 1865 and can still be seen. It was during this period that Riyadh’s toponymy and its strategic role as a capital were definitively established. After long struggles, the Al-Saud family reclaimed territories that the ancestors had lost: the province of Nedj (1906) and Hassa (1913) and his descendant obtained the political title of Emir of the Nejd. The First World War was marked by new conquests and closer ties with the British. In 1920, the Treaty of Sèvres dispossessed the Ottoman Empire of its Arab territories, particularly Arabia. Abdul Aziz then conquered Assir (1921) and Hedjaz (1925). It was then recognized by France, Great Britain, the United States and the USSR and was able to create the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on September 23, 1932 by merging the provinces of Nejd and Hedjaz. He became the first king of modern Saudi Arabia in Riyadh, capital of the new kingdom. The old gates (Derouiaza) allowed access to the historic city and today bear witness to this eventful history. They made it possible to protect, to let citizens pass through, as the geographer traveler Spelling Al-Yaʿqūbī (889 AD) has already described, and to enclose the old city. Among these gates, the following are selected: – Al Themiri, a renovated gate east of Riyadh, which still exists; – Al Souelem, gate north of Riyadh; – Dekhna or Manfouha, gate south of Riyadh; – Al Madhbah, gate west of Riyadh; – Al Shmeisi, gate southwest of Riyadh; – Al Qeri, gate east of Riyadh; – Al Wasitti or Weer, gateway to the east, between the gates of Al Thumairi and Al Qeri; – Al Mreqeb or Al Badiaaa, gate west of Riyadh; – Al Sharqiya, gate southeast of Riyadh.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

Saudi Arabia currently covers an area of 2,149,690 km2, ranking 13th in the world, just ahead of Mexico. It is more than three times the size of metropolitan France, which is nevertheless the largest country in the European Union. The kingdom is divided into 13 provinces that are administrative regions. Riyadh is also a province and is the second largest in the country. It is administered by a governor who is called a prince because he must be a member of the royal family. Given the expansion of the metropolis of Riyadh, which extends well beyond the municipal boundaries, the governor of the province also has planning and urban development powers. He heads the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA because Riyadh calls itself ar-Riyāḍ in Arabic) in liaison with the Minister of the Interior and the King. The metropolis of Riyadh is divided into 15 municipalities. It is administered by Tarek bin Abdulaziz Al-Fares, who has been in office since February 2018, and who heads the town hall of Riyadh, the central municipality. The mayor is a political or civil society personality with high skills. He heads the municipal services and supervises the administration of planning and coordination, urban planning and development projects, the central municipality having a large urban planning department. The Mayor is attached to the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs. He is under the authority of the prince. This municipal organization was gradually established with the creation of the new kingdom. At the beginning of the 20th Century, Riyadh was a rural territory rather than an urban one, the lifestyle was calm, simple and similar to that of a provincial city. Riyadh was characterized at that time by its very simple and joyful lifestyle, which attracted people. The map of Riyadh in 1950 shows a city that has not emerged from its historic walls. The first king of the new Kingdom, Abdul Aziz ben Abdel Rahman Al Saud, built the Al Muraba palace in the north of the city, promoted major works and brought together the ministries to establish his authority in the heart of Riyadh. Sunni Islam is the official religion of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and is of great importance to traditional society. The country is the cradle of Islam. Muhammad unified the various tribes of the peninsula in Medina. Hanbalism, which is one of the four schools of thought in Sunni Islam theorized by Imam Ahmed bin Hanbal (780–855), is well represented in Riyadh. There is also a large Shia minority (around 5% of the population), which is mainly in the east of the country. The Saudi population of Riyadh respects the practice of Islam and in particular the Friday prayer. Riyadh currently consists of approximately 65% Saudis and 35% non-Saudis.

Energy Transition in Metropolises

Governmental zones

27

Malls

Government offices

Gardens

Urban development zones

City center

Industrial zones

Main roads

Developed urban zones

North

Low populated zones

Figure 2.2. Riyadh Development Plan4. For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/boisgibault/energy.zip

Riyadh’s population has been growing at an increasing rate since 1970, when it was just over 400,000. The annual growth rate has always been between 3% and 10% over the past 50 years, with a few peaks at 11% or 12% in the 1970s, which explains why the limit of 7 million inhabitants was 4 Map made by the co-author.

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exceeded in 20195. The annual growth rate is expected to decline in trend, but the figures are striking, with no equivalent in Europe. This surprising growth is due first of all to the rural exodus that has pushed Bedouin populations to come to the city and settle down. The country is also a religious attraction with Muslim pilgrims from all over the world coming to Mecca to do the Hadj, one of the five pillars of Islam. Riyadh, growing very quickly, has also created professional opportunities. Foreign companies have settled in and a new immigrant population has come to offer their imported labor. The population has increased by two to six times (+100,000 inhabitants in 1950, +200,000 inhabitants in 1965, +400,000 inhabitants in 1970, +800,000 inhabitants in 1977, +1,600,000 inhabitants in 1987, +3,200,000 in 1997, +6,400,000 inhabitants in 2017). Year 2035 (e) 2030 (e) 2025 (e) 2020 (e) 2015 2010 2005 2000 1995 1990 1985 1980 1975 1970 1965 1960 1955 1950

Population 9,058,394 8,547,001 7,952,861 7,231,447 6,218,322 5,220,217 4,252,232 3,567,444 3,034,951 2,325,243 1,566,059 1,054,860 710,374 407,540 226,770 155,544 131,468 111,123

Growth rate (per year, in %) 1.17 1.45 1.92 2.27 3.56 4.19 3.57 3.29 5.47 8.23 8.22 8.23 11.75 12.44 7.83 3.42 3.42 –

Growth 511,393 594,140 721,414 1,013,125 998,105 967,985 684,788 532,493 709,708 759,184 511,199 344,486 302,834 180,770 71,226 24,076 20,345 –

Table 2.1. Population trends in the Riyadh metropolis

It is essential to closely monitor population growth, as well as the number of families and to make estimates on housing demand and consumption. More comprehensive estimates and revisions during the implementation of the 5 Source: United Nations data, Population Division, available on the World Population Review website.

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development plan are made every 5 years. The average age of Saudi women is 19 years, while that of men is 18 years. Men under 25 years of age will account for 20% of the labor force over the next 10 years. Families in Riyadh have increasing needs for land, housing, work, water, food and energy. This is why public services and transport are very important to facilitate daily life and are essential elements in the development of the metropolis. In the future, young married Saudi Arabians will have to live longer in their parents’ homes due to the rising cost of living. This has an impact on the real estate market, rentals, construction and home purchases. In traditional society, social relations in Riyadh had a great depth, based on love, respect and trust. That is why Riyadh was known for its good social cohesion. The Saudis favored their friends over themselves. Families were very close, as if all these families were one through good relations between parents and children. The doors of the villas were always open. The children considered any house in the neighborhood to be their own and entered it. If the families had dinner, the children would join the meal and be well received. Traditional Saudi society is a model in family and tribal ties, which is the strength of this society in general. But these family ties have weakened over time by lifestyle changes and globalization. This rapidly growing metropolitan population, of a young age, has highlighted the important challenges of education. King Abdul Aziz quickly encouraged the creation of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Higher Education, which organized the construction of modern schools, institutes and universities in all specialties. The Scientific Institute in Riyadh was established in 1950. King Saud University (Saud ben Abdul Aziz) was founded in 1957. Riyadh’s main university now includes 19 colleges and five institutes of higher education and is located in the northwest of the city. The University of Imam Muhammad Ibn Saud, which was established on September 10, 1974 under King Faisal ben Abdelaziz Al Saud, has become a world-class cultural educational institution. In 2000, there were 545 primary schools, 300 middle schools, 143 secondary schools and 48 adult education schools. This contributes directly to strengthening the attractiveness of the metropolis and facilitates growth by training young qualified graduates who can integrate themselves into the world of work. The population growth and the international importance gradually gained by the metropolis after the Second World War resulted in the establishment of the following international organizations:

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

– the General Secretariat of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf; – the Arab Bureau of Education for the Gulf States; – the United Nations Development Program; – the Arab Center for Security Studies and Training; – the World Organization of Global Communications; – the World Health Organization office; – the UNICEF regional office; – the headquarters of the World Bank branch; – the office of the Food and Agriculture Organization; – the regional office for the Middle East Committee for the Blind; – the Gulf Authority center; – Gulf Television; – the sports federations of the Arab States; – the Arab States Olympic Committee; – the Arab Institute for Urban Development of the Organization of Arab Cities. The development first came from the exploitation of the Al-Hassa oil fields in the east of the Kingdom. Al-Hassa Oasis, one of the largest in the world, is located in the desert of the eastern province of Ach-Charkiya, 60 km from the shores of the Arabian Gulf, near Bahrain. This province is the largest in Saudi Arabia, ahead of Riyadh, with a Shia majority population. In the west of the Kingdom, the commercial activity of the Hijaz, with the port of Jeddah and the governorates of Mecca and Madinah, was also partially transferred to the capital as soon as it became established in its role as economic capital. The public sector has played an important role in supporting Riyadh’s growth and this has resulted in an increase in the number of state and territorial officials. The development and urban planning teams have been set up to anticipate problems and plan the metropolis for the future. Riyadh’s water consumption, which was growing as fast as its population, was becoming a major issue and showed the limit of the capital’s central position. It was necessary to organize sources of drinking water supply without which the

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desert metropolis could not survive. Seawater desalination has emerged as the solution and work has begun on the Arabian Gulf coast, 400 km from the capital. The desalinated water from the Jubayl plant, one of the largest in the world, has seen its production increase to 4 million m3 of drinking water per day. It provides about 830,000 m3 of drinking water per day in Riyadh, which represents more than half of its needs.

Figure 2.3. Photo of the old city of Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

Figure 2.4. Photo of Riyadh, the modern city with the parallel urban roads of King Fahad and Alolaya on either side of the Kingdom Tower (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

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2.2.2. Development, construction and housing of Riyadh 2.2.2.1. Major developments in Riyadh Saudi society, which was nomadic, is becoming an urban society. The population is increasingly concentrated in large cities such as Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam. Riyadh is designed to give a new face of modernity to contemporary Arabia. This arrangement makes a compromise between Sunni Islam in force and the desire to project Riyadh into globalization. In the 1950s, powers were centralized in the middle of the Nedj Plateau. Cairo Square has become the city’s main road and motorway junction with an inordinate tangle of ramps, footbridges and walls. All around this square, prestigious buildings and luxurious shopping centers attract their daily flow of customers, visitors and curious people. It is the new center of Riyadh, signaled by gigantic neon lights and rich public lighting, which barely conceal the fact that this center is only here as a passage, a place in motion, an empty place, a non-place. According to American standards, Riyadh would be a 50 km square dedicated to the automobile, and whose urban planning would be difficult to read, like Los Angeles (Pichegru 2001). Now there are new central office locations such as Al Kindi Square and Riyadh Gallery. The metropolis of Riyadh continues to expand northwards. New inhabitants settle there or move from south to north, for the following reasons: – housing construction is permitted by the land use plan; – the desire to breathe the fresh air from the north; – the desire to have a better quality of life; – traffic is easier than in the south of the city. There are several spatial planning approaches and they combine three complementary approaches: – the sectoral approach, which refers to the distribution of equipment and services in the form of site selection and thematic distribution schemes; – the zonal approach identifies areas that suffer from drawbacks and have a vocation to provide them with support in the form of bonuses, derogations, tax exemptions; – the territorial approach, which refers to a division of the territory into local or regional entities that must develop an integrated project. Each territory has a plan or project.

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Whatever its scale, the territory is a project area that enjoys a certain degree of management and development autonomy, while the area is under a specialization or derogation space of a reference territory. It is the relative importance of these approaches in combinations that provides a development framework. Now in Riyadh, it seems that the general trend is to maintain sector-wide approaches that are evolving in their form and that involve significant ad hoc adjustments. The decline in zonal approaches at the national level is in favor of territorial approaches that encourage the implementation of partnership-development projects in limited and possibly competing settings. Some of the Riyadh sites have equipped themselves with heavy infrastructure considered strategic for opening up the Kingdom to trade and welcoming foreign investment. The principle of Chinese special economic zones has been analyzed. Large and populated, they are not industrial areas but an organized territory. From 1967 to 1975 A new academic publication published in 2017 estimates that Riyadh’s growth was achieved in six stages (Al-Hathloul 2017). Without attempting to break down a progressive development, the period 1967–1975 (Middleton 2009) is adopted, characterized by developments marked by speed of execution. Riyadh covered an area of 45 km2, resulting in the design and implementation of a global plan for the development that was marked by modernity for the time. Public services were then accessible to all in the capital. The urbanization of Riyadh is also due to cultural factors. As schooling became compulsory, families wanted to get closer to schools and came to the city. Second, traditional society had very strict codes for clothing (hijab) and non-mixing. Riyadh, through its growing urban cosmopolitanism, has gradually allowed more relative freedom. We see couples and women unveiled in public spaces and shopping malls. The Riyadh Development Authority was established on June 20, 1974 by Cabinet Decision No. 717 as the supreme authority (Othman 1995). It is presided over by the Prince Governor of Riyadh and his deputy. Its members are representatives of all stakeholders, including the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Economy and Planning, the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Affairs, the Ministry of Water and Power, the Ministry of

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Communications and Information, the Ministry of Transport, the Municipality of Riyadh, the Saudi Power Company, the private sector represented by the Riyadh Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the people of Riyadh6. The current King of Saudi Arabia, His Highness Salmane ben Abdelaziz Al Saud, came to the throne on January 23, 2015. He played an important role in Riyadh’s urban planning. Born on December 31, 1935, he attended elementary school at the Prince’s School in Riyadh, which was built by King Abdul Aziz in 1937 with the aim of educating his children there. He studied religious sciences as well as modern sciences. On March 16, 1954, he was appointed Deputy Prince of the capital Riyadh and then Emir of Riyadh Province until 1960. He resigned and then became Prince Governor again from 1963 to 2011. On November 5, 2011, the Royal Saudi Palace appointed him Minister of Defence. On June 18, 2012, he was appointed heir to the Crown but also Deputy Prime Minister before taking up the highest office 3 years later. His Highness Salmane ben Abdelaziz Al Saud advocated the harmonious development of the capital with the other regions of the kingdom. A balanced planning of the different regions through a regional strategic plan was needed to control the growth of cities in the regions. The development of the capital and the regions required a global vision and strategic programs. All elements of regional growth should be considered as part of a unified plan and integrated into the national development strategy, as well as into the Saudi State’s 5-year plans. He supported the creation of the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA) in 1974 when he was Prince Governor of the capital. Among the most important missions of the ADA, from its creation, we could note: – urban and strategic planning and administration; – operationality and coordination; – monitoring, studies and information.

6 See the website of the Riyadh Development Authority: http://rda.gov.sa/ada_a ? i=1.

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The Authority’s relationship with strategic urban planning stakeholders was becoming important (Al-Hathloul et al. 1975). The constructive projects of the various neighborhoods had to be coordinated with the overall strategic plans of the metropolis and the province. His Highness Salmane ben Abdelaziz Al Saoud has been familiar with the planning issues of the metropolis and the territory for more than 50 years. Its many achievements, with the Riyadh Development Authority, have included the construction of hospitals, hotels, universities, vocational training centers, housing, palaces, television towers, mosques, stadiums; the development of parks, agricultural land, tourist areas, roads, squares; the renovation of old city gates, historic monuments; the launch of events such as the annual Al Janadriyah Culture and Heritage Festival, with a book fair awarding King Faisal and King Abdallah Prizes for the best book translation. From 1975 to 2000 The metropolitan development policy was then carried out by the Riyadh development authority, which became operational. The Qasr Al-Hukm city center has been preserved. The main axes have consisted of keeping expropriation to a minimum; to be present before private investment; to follow market and supply and demand mechanisms; to renovate and improve architecture rather than rebuilding more modern buildings. These objectives have been achieved in three phases: – a phase ended in 1988 and consisted of renovating the municipality, governorate and police headquarters; – the following phase took place from 1988 to 1992 and consisted of completing the architectural concepts of the Imam Turki ben Abdallah Mosque and Al Masmak Square; – the last phase of the development plan focused on building the confidence of the private sector to be actively involved in the development process. During this phase, many institutional headquarters were built, such as those of the High Court and Civil Defense. The development program for the historic city thus enhances the historic heritage of the capital, going back to the end of the 18th Century when Riyadh secured its political and religious position in the Nejd region. The city of Riyadh has kept unique buildings, old quarters in an oasis of palm

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trees, farms and agricultural areas. The Riyadh Development Authority (ADA) continued its mission: – by transforming Riyadh’s historic sites into national cultural centers; – by preserving the old districts to serve as nuclei for urban and cultural development; – by developing the metropolis while preserving natural resources; – by encouraging development agenda.

private

investment

and

contributions

to

the

Figure 2.5. Photo of a preserved historical monument (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

The diplomatic district development program (Al-Alsheikh et al. 1990) began in 1975 when the Cabinet decided to move the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and diplomatic missions from Jeddah to Riyadh. As a result, the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA) has developed the strategic plan for the design and implementation of the new diplomatic district to accommodate foreign embassies and regional and international organizations based in Saudi Arabia. This district is located northwest of Riyadh and covers an area of 8 km2. The district’s infrastructure includes a 50 km road network, new public and private buildings and green spaces with public lighting.

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Wadi Hanifa’s development is that of a valley located in the center of the Nejd plateau. It is the most important natural area of the metropolis, which, with its basins and tributaries, forms a long ecological zone. Since the early 1970s, the Wadi Hanifa spring has been used to meet the growing demand for water, but a decade later, this source was no longer sufficient. The water table had fallen well below sustainable limits. In order to stop the environmental deterioration of the valley, the Riyadh Development Authority has decided to stop all exploitation of this source to preserve and renovate it because of its unique ecosystem, its strategic location, its entertainment area, its tourist potential and its ability to bring together urban and citizen projects in the valley. The renovation of Wadi Laban is that of a valley that extends from west to east to Wadi Hanifa. It includes the development of artificial canals, new streets, street lighting, a cornice, a guidance system and improvements to the urban traffic management system to serve farm owners. This project, carried out by the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA), preserves the tributaries of Wadi Hanifa, which are the lungs of Riyadh. It includes the planting of palm trees, local plants, in a landscape with sidewalks and alleys.

Figure 2.6. Photo of a garden, lake and water jets in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

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Figure 2.7. Photo of greenery developments in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

King Abdul Aziz’s historic center was established in 1998 and has become one of Riyadh’s most important cultural and heritage sites. The center has been created as a national monument and hosts an exhibition on the history of the Arabian Peninsula. The center reflects Riyadh’s heritage, culture and history. It has modern and versatile facilities that transform it into a cultural oasis where visitors can enjoy themselves. The center consists of a public park, a national museum, a palace, traditional buildings, a library and a mosque. Salam Park has become a leisure area in Riyadh. It is a natural point in the Qasr Al-Hukm district. When the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA) began working on the project, it developed a vision to establish a family park with multiple environments where visitors can enjoy the good times. As a result, the park has been developed with green spaces, public services and playgrounds for children. King Fahd’s National Library now plays a major role in national heritage and local cultural production. It is also a key metropolitan landmark and a symbol of urban development. The library building is located in the heart of Riyadh city and overlooks Al Olaya Road in the east and King Fahd Road in the west. Since its creation, the library has been a success in helping students

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and researchers. Its public garden, which borders the library building to the east, is a complementary element and a space reserved for future extensions. In fact, the development program of King Fahd’s National Library adopted a unique design concept and focused on optimizing land use with particular attention to the functional aspects of the library. The seat of the Criminal Court is a functional and urban asset in Qasr AlHukm. This project is part of a program of the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA) to revive Riyadh’s historical, administrative and cultural heart and to develop metropolitan public services, a residential environment and economic activities. The project consists of integrating the latest technologies necessary to accelerate administrative and judicial procedures. The building is also equipped with several modern and advanced systems, including the waterbased fire suppression system that uses gas in some areas where important court documents are stored. The building has surveillance cameras and the integrated control system manages all lighting, alarms, etc. To ensure smooth traffic throughout the building, the north entrance is reserved for senior officials, while the south entrance welcomes the general public. A parking area is located in the southern part of the building, with shops and offices.

Figure 2.8. Photo of the Turki ben Abdallah Mosque in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

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Figure 2.9. Aerial photo of the diplomatic district of Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

The High Court building has been located in the city center since 2001. This is an integrated, functional and architectural positive point, still in Qasr Al-Hukm. The first phase of this development program began in the mid1970s and included the Principality of Riyadh, the municipality, as well as the police and the province of Riyadh. The second phase included the mosque of Imam Turki ben Abdallah, the Qasr al-Hukm Palace and its surrounding squares, public squares, roads, as well as some old gates and parts of the ancient Riyadh wall. The latter was completed in 1991 and then allowed the construction of the High Court. The Great Mosque of Riyadh is the very example of the integration of religion into daily life. Thus, the many mosques in the metropolis and the province of Riyadh are important monuments. For decades, the mosque of Imam Turki ben Abdallah played a key role as the Great Mosque of Riyadh. The Riyadh Development Authority (ADA) has therefore decided to rebuild it on its original site and build about 10 more in the province. From 2000 to today

Since 2000, the development of the metropolis has been oriented toward the northeast because of the development plan implemented. At that time, the

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developed area of the city of Riyadh was 304 km2. This plan included the following steps: – extension of the central axis of Riyadh, facing north/northwest, to absorb central commercial and administrative functions; – design of a highly developed road network to better connect Riyadh to the main cities of the Kingdom; to connect Al Dammam to Hedjaz and Al Dammam to Al Khardj; to relieve congestion in the city center for heavy goods vehicles; to facilitate traffic between the various districts of Riyadh by a new six-lane outer ring road over a distance of 94 km; – implementation of a pyramid scheme for residential areas to better define population density and provide the necessary services to these areas; – development of two metropolitan industrial zones, one central over 451,000 m² to accommodate 50 industrial companies, the other south-east of Riyadh over 19 km² to accommodate 1,050 industrial companies. The development of the postal and telecommunications sectors was important in the city in the 1990s. Saudi Post Corporation has deployed 148 central post offices, 30 local branches, 935 postal outlets and 62 street letter boxes. Riyadh, which is the headquarters of Arabsat, the Arab satellite communication organization, has set up telecommunications networks. Telecommunication services (fixed telephones, mobile phones, Internet and data transmission) are provided by companies that are either predominantly publicly owned, such as Saudi Telecom Company (STC), or privately owned, such as Etihad Itisalat Company (Mobily), a Saudi-Emirati joint venture; Zain Company, a Saudi-Kuwaiti joint venture; or Atheeb Telecommunications. By 2014, in the metropolis, 1.4 million fixed lines had been connected, or 30% of the kingdom; nearly 1 million households were broadband subscribers, or 33% of the kingdom and nearly 4.2 million households had Internet access, or 26% of the kingdom (Annual Statistics Book 2013). The mobile phone is very widespread and provides access to new services. For this most recent period, construction and housing have remained dynamic and the Riyadh Public Transport Network (RPTN) has taken shape. 2.2.2.2. Buildings and housing in Riyadh In 2016, several plans structuring new districts and settlements in Riyadh were implemented by the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA). They focus

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

on the planned development of new Saudi communities, served in an efficient and modern manner by a network of high-quality public services, public transport and main streets serving multiple types of units with different housing units. In addition, numerous global development projects for large housing units have been launched at various sites around the city of Riyadh, resulting in the creation of complete and integrated blocks of good quality housing according to international standards and adapted to Saudi society. These projects were carried out on large open areas. However, some of these projects are located on the borders of the metropolis, still poorly connected and far from public services. This situation presents a problem that needs to be addressed by the Riyadh authorities, given that these newly developed neighborhoods still have a low population density. The development of Riyadh’s suburbs and overall development projects are feasible because of a strong public–private partnership in order to respond effectively to the proposed policies and procedures. It is clear that the public sector plays an important role as the contracting authority in ensuring the successful implementation of these programs. The public sector can also serve the partnership effectively by ensuring good access to public services for a wide variety of habitats. The private sector emphasizes its efficiency and proper execution of projects, within the framework and conditions predefined by the Municipality of Riyadh. During 2010, Riyadh’s planning authorities granted 26 projects that were accredited by the Riyadh Development Authority (ADA). These major projects are part of the broader urban development of the Arabian Peninsula, initiated in Dubai and Abu Dhabi and in other cities in the subregion. They have the following characteristics: – they are carried out on large arid surfaces, on the edge of the metropolis, at the gates of the desert and require connection to public services; – they represent communities integrating the essential elements according to master plans that include new medium quality housing, located in areas of increasing density, with new shopping centers and large open areas;

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– the proposed improvement in habitat and quality of life is more important than in traditional suburbs; – investors in these real estate projects are not necessarily the developers because, in most cases, the property can be sold to buyers. When building a Saudi house, the architect’s job is to find the right balance between seeking winter sunshine and, on the other hand, protecting against the heat of summer. Here is a basic principle on which many bioclimatic houses have been built: the most occupied rooms and bedrooms must face south and east, so that you can enjoy the sunrise while keeping cool at the end of the day. Sunlight should be limited in the kitchen to avoid overheating. The greenhouse provides heat gain in winter. Spaces that do not require much heat are located to the west or north. As such, we can distinguish some essential steps for the construction of a new Saudi house. It is necessary to: – analyze the terrain, the environment and the climate; – design the plan with a compactness of the house and a good distribution of the rooms according to the orientations of the facades; – insulate with great care to avoid heat loss in winter and to keep it cool in summer; – capture the sun’s heat for natural heating, while protecting yourself from summer radiation; – store energy in the mass of the building, dampen temperature changes using thermal inertia; – provide for air renewal using natural or controlled ventilation; – promote natural lighting by still paying attention to glare and overheating. What is essential is to give great importance to the technical aspects of housing design in accordance with the desert climate of the region. Theses have already studied new approaches to housing in Riyadh (Al Mohammad 2004) and its evolution (Al-Dolaimi 1992) but concerns about energy efficiency in housing are more recent.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

Figure 2.10. Constructions in Aldariah (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

The thermal regulations applicable in Riyadh are being strengthened in order to reduce energy consumption. Since March 2014, the competent Saudi authorities have been implementing a law on thermal regulations. A new building can only be delivered to its new owner if it has a certificate of thermal compliance issued by the electricity company. Architectural firms and prime contractors must prepare plans and construct new buildings in compliance with this new thermal regulation. It concerns the insulation used according to the type of construction and a heat transfer objective in accordance with the new Saudi building laws. Measurement indicators must show the details of the installation of the building’s thermal insulation. The objective is to reduce energy consumption and CO2 emissions in Riyadh as much as possible by encouraging buildings to keep a suitable natural temperature for the longest possible period of time, without having to switch on air conditioning equipment. On the other hand, good thermal insulation helps to protect buildings from temperature changes and high temperatures that alter the physical and mechanical properties of external facades, roofs and crack walls. Thermal insulation is defined as the means by which energy can be conserved and saved through heat reduction or heat loss from buildings and equipment. Saudi specialists say that energy efficiency is the rationalization of energy. In summer, the heat passes from the outside of the building to the inside, while

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45

in winter it is the opposite. The amount of heat transferred depends on several factors: the difference in temperature between the inside of the building and the outside; the nature of the materials, binders, coatings such as ordinary cement, bricks, building stones and wood that have their own characteristics in terms of heat transfer that depend on their chemical composition. Materials that contain air, gas and vacuums are considered to be poor heat transmitters. The use of thermal insulation and energy efficiency techniques is only just beginning in Saudi Arabia. Local studies show that the heat transferred through walls and roofs in summer is 70% of the desired heat, the rest coming from windows and openings. This requires electrical energy consumption in summer to cool the building to about 70% of the total energy consumed by the building. Good thermal insulation reduces energy consumption for air conditioning but also limits the passage of heat through walls and roofs, which reduces costs. The advantages of thermal insulation techniques are as follows: – comfort: people lose and receive heat through several means, but the human body keeps a constant temperature at 37°C throughout the life. It can release additional heat through perspiration, for example. All these means leading to additional heat releases are tiring for humans. This is why these thermal insulation techniques are used to give people a comfortable temperature so that they can perform their tasks correctly; – reducing energy consumption: a large part of thermal insulation is provided by air conditioning, particularly for cooling in the summer and heating buildings in the winter. This means that the energy consumed can be reduced through thermal insulation systems. This reduction depends on the successful completion of the design, construction, choice of materials and choice of equipment. A good thermal insulation system will reduce the electrical energy consumption of social and commercial housing by up to 40% of the energy consumed by electrical equipment; – reducing the cost of energy: as oil is abundant in Saudi Arabia, the cost of energy and thermal electricity is cheaper than in other parts of the world. However, by adopting a thermal insulation system that extends the building’s heat transfer period, this leads to a reduction in electricity consumption, which reduces the load on the networks at the peak of use, which is beneficial to the metropolis and the occupants; – reduced investment and maintenance costs: the use of a good thermal insulation system reduces the material capacity required in the event of

46

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

cooling and heating. This limits the necessary investments, construction costs, operating and maintenance costs by protecting the equipment over time; – reduced noise pollution level: thermal insulation systems promote acoustic insulation, thus reducing the noise levels that can be significant in Riyadh if you live near a major road; – water vapor control: high water content heat leakage, whether in the form of water or water vapor, can cause damage to buildings. Thus, thermal insulators can use closed or rear cells to prevent the penetration of water vapor that also comes from condensation. It is also possible through a well-thoughtout design of thermal insulation systems to control the level of the air conditioning and put a dam to stop the passage of water vapor; – crack reduction: in buildings, there is sudden expansion and contraction of materials. Some buildings do not have the flexibility to withstand these rapid changes in the event of a thermal shock. Air-conditioned buildings are exposed every day to the high heat of Riyadh and the high thermal amplitude. Cracks may appear depending on the nature of the materials, thermal conductivity and the ability to ensure thermal stability; – lightening of construction loads: conventional building materials can be effectively replaced in order to reduce the level of construction loads. For example, lightweight styrene blocks can be used to provide more than 95% of the weight of the block used in roofing. Cement can also be replaced to save more than 95% of the weight of the cement; – fire resistance: good thermal insulation techniques help to improve fire resistance. Some thermal insulators are resistant to high temperatures, such as rock wool and glass and perlite wool; – the contribution to environmental protection: it is clear that the use of air conditioners emits gases that are harmful to the environment, such as carbon dioxide and nitrogen oxides produced by the combustion of the energy required for their operation. With the mandatory application of the new Saudi thermal insulation standards, teams have been trained to carry out inspections on construction sites in Riyadh to ensure that the prime contractor complies with the thermal insulation techniques in force. As Riyadh’s real estate stock is recent, thermal renovation operations are nevertheless necessary and are increasing.

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2.2.3. Transport from Riyadh Riyadh is first connected to the world and other cities in the country through its airport, railways and roads. King Khaled’s international airport is located north of the city. Designed by American architects, it was inaugurated in 1983. With 225 km2, it is one of the largest airports in the world in terms of surface area, after Damman. Airport development in the kingdom has reached a new peak; the General Authority of Civil Aviation (GACA) has unveiled plans to expand and build 28 airports over the next 10 years. The airport is in an expansion phase, with a three-phase program that has been launched to create a fifth terminal and upgrade the first four terminals to accommodate 35 million passengers per year. The Saudi railway network includes 449 km of passenger network and 569 km of freight network between Riyadh and Damman, via Ahsa and Abqaiq, and a second line is planned. A dry port in Riyadh forms an intermodal terminal directly connected by road and by rail by extension to the port of Damman. Four hundred kilometers of lines connect production and military sites with export and residential sites. The Saudi Railway Organization (SRO) is implementing a development program worth around €20 billion. This involves the construction of three railway lines that would link Riyadh and Jeddah (950 km), Dammam and Jubayl (115 km), as well as Mecca, Jeddah and Medina (54 km). The Saudi Railway Company is planning a fourth project, which aims to link the Al Jalamid mining region in Riyadh with a 1,300 km railway line. The development of the road network has become a necessity with the expansion of the metropolis, which has led to an overload of the traffic system. It has become necessary to address this problem to relieve congestion in the heart of the city. Among the urban roads that have been built and expanded in Riyadh are: – the road of King Fahd; – the road of King Abdullah; – Abu Bakr As-Saddiqet Al Orouba roads. King Fahd’s road is one of the three main traffic routes linking north to south Riyadh. It therefore actively contributes to the success of Riyadh’s development authority’s efforts to relaunch and open up the city center so that it can best fulfill its political, administrative and commercial role. As

48

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this road crosses the center, its design took the form of a tunnel open below the ground surface to avoid splitting the city in two and to protect adjacent residential areas from noise and air pollution. The urban road is on two different levels, one for high-speed traffic and the other for slower service roads, with sufficient entrances and exits and pedestrian crossings.

Figure 2.11. Photo of urban road in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

King Abdullah’s road extends across 25 km and has been widened and renovated to meet the following objectives: – transform the road into a highway with three main lanes and two service lanes, in both directions; – triple daily traffic from 190,000 to 520,000 vehicles per day;

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– integrate the road into the urban environment by increasing entry and exit at intersections; – prepare the road to accommodate the metro line and future stations; – integrate advanced traffic management systems; – improve traffic safety. The Abu Bakr As-Siddiq and Al-Orouba roads have been designed to significantly increase traffic capacity and ensure safe and efficient operation. The plan is to extend the Abu Bakr As-Siddiq road by 5 km south to Salah Al-Din Al-Ayoubi road and by 6 km east to Al Orouba road. The goal of this project is to serve 560,000 vehicles per day, thereby reducing congestion, the number of hours spent on the highway and the kilometers traveled. It can be said that Riyadh’s road network is very good, with wide and modern roads and two motorways in Mecca and King Fahd that provide a good link between north and south.

Figure 2.12. Photo of Prince Sattam Hub in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

With this road network, there are modern taxis with a meter everywhere in the city, especially on the main roads. The taxi can be booked in advance or hailed on the road. The drivers speak English.

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

In 2018, Saudi women were allowed to obtain a driving license and therefore drive a vehicle in the metropolis, which is a revolution for the country. Professor Gérard François Dumont had highlighted the particular human rights situation of Saudi women (Dumont 2012) as set out in the 1948 Universal Declaration, which all UN Member States should apply. This new regulation has multiple consequences for car manufacturers hoping to sell more vehicles in Saudi Arabia and for traffic forecasts in Riyadh. The metropolis, like Los Angeles, is very large and dedicated to cars. Regulating car traffic flows, preventing traffic jams and improving the flow of urban traffic is a top priority. Riyadh’s public transport network (RPTN) was designed in 2012. The extension of public transport has become a second priority to improve traffic flow. The master plan has, as its centerpiece, the successful operation of the metro and parallel buses. The aim is to provide all segments of the metropolitan population with appropriate public transport services by diversifying the mobility offer. The Governor of Riyadh Province and the Chairman of the Riyadh Development Authority have established a Transport Plan Committee that also includes the Minister of Municipal and Rural Affairs, the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Transport. The committee set out the phases of the project and the timetable based on the results of the technical studies, drawings and implementation plans prepared by the Riyadh Development Authority. The Riyadh metro was the emblematic achievement. It is of the automatic type, with 6 lines, 176 km of tracks and 85 stations. The international call for tenders was launched in line batches, both for construction and for operation and maintenance. The signing ceremony for the construction contracts took place in 2013, in the presence of the Governor of Riyadh. The allocation of operations and maintenance was known in September 2018. The lots were thus awarded: – lines 1 (blue) and 2 (red) have been awarded, for construction, to a consortium comprising Bechtel, Almabani General Constractors, Consolidated Contractors Company, Siemens and Aecom and for 12 years of operation to RATP Dev and SAPTCO; – line 3 (orange) was awarded to a consortium comprising Bombardier, Ansaldo STS, Impregilo SPA, Larsen & Toubro Limited, Nesma & Partners, Hyder Consulting, IDOM and Worley Parsons Arabia for construction. It will be operated and maintained by Ferrovie dello Stato Italiane, Alstom and Ansaldo STS;

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– lines 4 (yellow), 5 (green) and 6 (violet) have been awarded to a consortium comprising FCC Construction SA, Samsung C&T Corporation, Alstom Transport, Strukton Civiel, Freyssinet Saudi Arabia, Tecnica Y Proyectos and Setec. They will also be operated and maintained by Ferrovie dello Stato Italiane, Alstom and Ansaldo STS. The metro improves metropolitan traffic and contributes to meeting environmental objectives to control fine particulate matter and greenhouse gas emissions. Finally, the bus is also possible, with a choice between those of SAPTCO, which is the public company, and private buses. Metropolitan commuting to work is generally done by low-income people, with others preferring cars. Long journeys also exist by bus, from city to city or to neighboring countries such as Jordan, Egypt, Turkey and Syria. 2.2.4. Riyadh’s challenges for energy transition It was after the Second World War that oil exploration and exploitation made Saudi Arabia one of the most powerful countries in the Middle East. In 1945, King Abdul Aziz concluded an agreement with President Franklin D. Roosevelt that placed Saudi Arabia in a good economic orbit. The kingdom has transferred the exploitation of its oil resources to the United States. It is a considerable market that has bound the two countries for decades because the projects take so long to implement and have made the kingdom rich. The consequences are not only economic but also geopolitical and have brought Saudi Arabia into the international arena. In the same year, the kingdom became a member of the United Nations (UN) and the Arab League. On September 14, 1960, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) was established at the Baghdad Conference and Saudi Arabia quickly joined this new organization. It also became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2005. The metropolis of Riyadh has benefited from the oil returns and has grown in importance as the country has become a major regional power. Proven oil reserves in Saudi Arabia have steadily increased since the Second World War and are among the largest in the world, along with Venezuela. By 2018, they accounted for about one-fifth of the world’s total conventional oil reserves and half of them came from eight gigantic oil fields

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

such as Ghawar and the neutral zone between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. In 2018, the kingdom is the second largest producer of crude oil in the world, behind the United States, the second largest exporter of oil behind Russia, a major exporter of natural gas and the first largest producer of electricity from oil in the world. The kingdom also has large refining capacities, which also allows it to produce petroleum products. Saudi Aramco (Saudi Arabian Oil Company) is the Saudi national hydrocarbon company that owns almost all of the kingdom’s hydrocarbon resources (reserves and production). It is the world’s largest oil company and is headquartered in Dhahran, in the east of the country. The kingdom’s energy production continues to increase with GDP and the population in 2019. The country’s oil revenues, which represented onethird of GDP in 2000, tend to decline as the economy diversifies. This oil windfall has disrupted the country’s economic history. However, since 2013, due to the fall in oil prices and the limitations on crude oil production decided by the Vienna agreements, GDP has stagnated and even declined in 2015 and 2016, before recovering in 2017 (forecast at $796 billion in 2019)7. 1990

2000

2010

2016

2019 (e)

Population (million inhabitants)

16

21

27

32

34

GDP (US$ billion 2010)

294

379

528

645

796

Power generation (million TOE)

368

476

531

671

+

Net exported energy (million TOE)

307

374

349

447

+

Total primary energy resources (millions TOE)

58

98

186

210

+

Electricity consumption (TWh)

65

117

219

317

+

CO2 emissions (million tons)

151

235

419

527

+

Table 2.2. Statistics from Saudi Arabia8

7 Figures from the International Monetary Fund used by the Treasury Directorate General in September 2018 for the note: Key economic indicators of the Saudi economy. 8 International Energy Agency – Key statistics for Saudi Arabia 1990–2016.

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Total primary energy resources are rising sharply and include all energy resources mobilized by Saudi Arabia through local production, imports fewer international exports and bunkers and adjusted for stock changes, in order to conserve only resources for domestic consumption. The hydrocarbon stock has enabled the country and its capital to afford modern infrastructure, with a particular effort made in the electrification of the capital from oil and in the networks. Forty-eight thermal power plants were first built throughout the kingdom. They use fossil fuels and operate with a steam boiler. The boiler uses fuel oil, viscous petroleum products or natural gas. Thermal power plants can be conventional or combined cycle, improving performance and reducing air emissions. It is the steam that drives the turbine, which in turn drives an alternator that produces electricity. The country has also built 28 dams, seawater desalination plants and expanded its ports. With this cheap energy, the capital Riyadh and the country have been one of the poles of attraction for new industries. They were most often created by foreign contractors executing turnkey projects, first through imports of machinery, equipment and services and then through increasing foreign investment. Petrochemistry has thus become the kingdom’s second largest sector of activity. Intensive oil exploitation has also had an effect on the structures of Saudi society. This one was tribal, nomadic and oriented toward agriculture. Oil has opened up this society to a consumer society that is becoming more urban and connected. It is also an explanation for Riyadh’s exceptional population growth. The metropolis has equipped itself and organized a flourishing cultural life with recreational activities, thought, literature and the arts. It has become a forum for scientists, thinkers and a source of scientific influence. Electrification and street lighting became important issues as new neighborhoods were built, new metropolitan roads were delivered with intersections, bridges, tunnels that required safety and security factors for its users using the roadway. The rapid development of Riyadh’s metropolis has exceeded the expectations of researchers and planners. It imposed on the administrative authorities the best planning for water and energy, since water is a scarce resource, while oil was abundant and cheap. The five-year plans also had to organize the electrification of buildings (residential, administrative and commercial), public transport and industries. These plans are therefore of great importance for the urbanization and economic development of the

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

capital, which, since 1998, has had 924 companies employing 87,000 employees, for a population of 3 million inhabitants that will more than double in 20 years. Total primary energy resources are rising sharply and include all energy resources mobilized by Saudi Arabia through local production, imports, less international exports and bunkers and adjusted for stock changes, in order to conserve only resources for domestic consumption. Electricity production amounted to 338 TWh in 2018 in Saudi Arabia. Production capacity exceeds 80 GW in 2018 and cannot meet the country’s electricity needs, which are increasing by 7% per year. The country is therefore seeking to increase its installed capacity, first by increasing combined cycle power plants from 35 in 2005 to 74 in 2014 and through cogeneration (15 GW in 2013)9. It is now seeking to decarbonize its electricity production by investing in civil nuclear power and renewable energies. Riyadh requested information in 2018 on the technologies available to build two nuclear reactors with more than 1 GW each. The objective is to build 16 nuclear reactors for 17 GW by 2040. The Saudi Electric Company (SEC), a public holding company, was founded in 2000 by the merger of regional electricity companies. It is the country’s main electricity producer, the manager of electricity transmission and distribution and holds stakes in independent power producers, including the Qurayyah combined cycle power plant (3,927 MW in total) on the Arabian Gulf coast. The Commission for the Regulation of Electricity and Cogeneration (ECRA) was created in 2001 to ensure the proper functioning of electricity, gas, water and cooling distribution. The electricity sector is in the process of being deregulated, with a planned separation of production activities from transmission and distribution activities. The Saudi Electricity Company carried out all three activities and created National Grid, a wholly owned subsidiary, to separate the transmission grid. The Saline Water Conversion Corporation (SWCC) is the public seawater desalination company that multiplies new infrastructure. Deep well water is exploited, filtered and mixed with desalinated water in many treatment plants in and around the metropolis. It is also the second largest producer of electricity that is considered a by-product. Saudi Aramco is 9 Third communication from Saudi Arabia to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, December 22, 2016.

Energy Transsition in Metropo olises

55

making efforts to reeduce the ennergy consum med to prodduce and reffine each barrel of oil, buildingg cogeneratioon plants for its own needds and now sselling its C. The counntry aims to install i 120 GW G by 20300 to meet surplusees to the SEC demandd. Electricity entereed the city of Riyadh in n 1951, whiich is relativvely late ost 20 years old. The meetropolis considering that thee new kingdoom was almo mal power plants p for ellectricity prooduction of Riyaadh has buillt five therm (2,862 MW). M They belong to thhe SEC. Two o power plannts are locateed on the westernn edge of thee city, on thee Jeddah road d. The otherr three are m more than 50 km away, well distributed on the norrthwest, norttheast and ssoutheast routes. Substations S w power and with a distribution transform mers, such ass the one in New Hiteen, weree required too connect larg ge universityy campuses.

Fiigure 2.13. Th he five power plants in Riya adh (source: Riya adh Developm ment Authority))

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

Figure 2.14. Photo of a thermal power plant in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

Figure 2.15. Photo of pylons for electricity transmission in Riyadh (source: Riyadh Development Authority)

Energy Transition in Metropolises

57

The transmission and distribution networks were built to carry electrons from all sides of the metropolis. The Saudis began to illuminate homes and shops, of course, but also mosques, palaces and public spaces, taking advantage of cheap oil, without having any notion of energy efficiency at first. The objective was to quickly equip the metropolis in its rapid growth, in a modern logic. The authorities have gradually been centralized in the middle of the Nejd plateau, which has been the subject of priority electrification. Electricity has become essential for the development of the metropolis, which has been carried out in accordance with American urban planning principles: grid layout, straight lines that make it easier to draw power lines, deployment of power transformers to supply power to expensive public facilities (palaces, hospitals, schools, universities, metro), mosques, shopping centers, public lighting for urban highways, sophisticated interchanges, leisure facilities (stadiums, sports clubs, amusement parks), up to the city’s borders. Electricity has helped to soften the extremely rapid urban revolution by providing comfort and security to the uprooted new urban dwellers who have recreated a network of family solidarity in the neighborhoods built during the housing explosion (in particular Al Rawda and Al Rabwa). Some parts of the city are true urban villages, cut off from each other. Electricity has made it possible to better link them together, in the heart of the city’s central administration and in the area where the inhabitants come from. Cold networks are developing due to high temperatures. Heat is collected in the buildings served and evacuated to a cooling plant. These networks have a lower environmental impact than room air conditioners. For construction, the challenge of energy transition is to continue and strengthen the thermal regulations introduced in 2014 and to ensure that they are properly applied in Riyadh. For optimal energy use, air conditioning and comfort, the temperatures of Riyadh houses should be adjusted according to the day cycle of its occupants. No.

Periods of time

Hours

Temperature

1

Sleep

10 p.m. to 6 a.m.

16°C

2

Waking up

6 a.m. to 8:30 a.m.

19°C

3

Working hours

8:30 a.m. to 4 p.m.

16°C

4

Evening event

4 p.m. to 10 p.m.

19°C

5

Prolonged absence

More than 1 day

12°C/14°C

Table 2.3. Recommended temperatures in the habitat in Riyadh

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

This requires systematically equipping Riyadh homes with new equipment such as thermostats that are automatically activated to regulate the temperature. The use of water in homes in Riyadh is also an important ecological transition issue. Water is the most precious resource in Saudi Arabia. Desalination of seawater to produce drinking water provides 60% of the needs and is costly to the kingdom by consuming a lot of energy. The transport and distribution of this water, which has become drinkable from the Arabian Gulf to Riyadh, causes leaks that represent 20% of the water bill. The remaining 40% of metropolitan needs are met by local artesian wells10. For a family of four, the annual consumption of fresh water in Riyadh is between 120 m3 and 200 m3. A 3–6 L or dual control flush can save 35% water. Showers also save water (60 L) compared to the bath (120 L). Watering the plants in the morning or evening, when the heat is lower, prevents premature evaporation. Electricity consumption related to washing represents more than one-third of the electricity consumption of a household well equipped with household appliances. Heat pumps are developing rapidly in Riyadh because they use the free calories in the outdoor air, within reach in the environment, to return them to the indoor units and thus heat the home, limiting the use of traditional energies and greenhouse gas emissions. 1 kWh of heat produced by a heat pump generates about four times less CO2 than 1 kWh of heat produced by a fuel boiler. In addition, for the same convenience, a heat pump can considerably reduce emissions of certain other pollutants (NOx and SO2 in particular). Controlling energy use and the use of renewable energies are more important than ever. The heat pump is one of the heating solutions that makes it possible to make the most of the natural and renewable energies present in our immediate environment. With regard to housing in Riyadh, the challenges for the energy transition include improving construction techniques, implementing and complying with new standards, generalizing efficient equipment, but also changing behavior in terms of energy consumption, water and waste management. As for transport, the introduction of the metro is good news. The city’s urban planning, its size and the high temperatures make soft mobility very 10 Investment Climate in Riyadh, 2015.

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difficult. The authorization granted to women to drive in 2018 is very popular and will increase traffic. The Saudi woman sees the car as a secure personal space, allowing her to stay away from the crowd and respect modesty, while at the same time being a new space of freedom. Saudi Arabia has established its center of excellence for energy efficiency, the Saudi Energy Efficiency Center, which disseminates good practices and empowers energy service companies and associated service providers by granting professional licenses that are necessary to conduct an energy audit in the country. This research aims to understand the articulation between the major interests of the kingdom and its capital, as well as the energy policy implemented at the national and metropolitan levels. These energy interests, which aim to anticipate the aftermath of oil, have been confirmed by semidirective interviews with Saudi personalities. The objectives could be achieved by implementing and enforcing the national energy policy strategy, creating a major building project that promotes building integrated solar energy, reducing the use of cement in the Riyadh residential park building. In fact, by focusing on the energy sector and then on the housing sector, we can more precisely identify the problems posed by the links between consumption patterns, technological choices, energy constraints and public policies. Energy will necessarily have to provide an answer to the vital questions that the beginning of the next millennium will raise for humanity, through ever more advanced technical solutions. Admittedly, energy strategies in Riyadh must decline the transition from the economically desirable to the technically possible, but also be part of the socially acceptable. With the rise of environmental awareness in Saudi Arabia, the choices will be multicriteria. Thus, the term sustainable growth will cover a reality that is perceptible in our daily lives. Meeting the energy needs of households is a requirement for the kingdom. The desire for more comfort, more equipment, more mobility, combined with the growth of the metropolitan population, generates increased energy needs represented by the rising phase of a curve that we would like to see in a bell. The traditional Saudi energy system based on economic growth, on “abundant” and cheap oil, is giving way to an alternative paradigm based on a more rational use of diversified energy sources. This difficult adaptation requires a coherent energy management policy. This applies in particular to everything relating to the construction,

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Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts

operation and management of the built environment. The construction sector is a very technically complex activity. Nevertheless, and in order to correct the fundamental shortcomings and facilitate the development of this sector, particular action must be taken in the following areas: – local production of building materials to encourage short circuits and fight against scarcity; – improving building materials to make them more sustainable, ecoresponsible and energy efficient; – technical and financial assistance to contractors to incorporate new thermal regulations that impose minimum standards for energy saving; – improving the training of project managers. In this sense, particular emphasis must be placed on the training of supervisors and construction workers, who often come from the agricultural sector. The workforce is mobile, moving from the modern to the informal sector and can find themselves designers, builders of housing without adequate training; – reducing energy consumption on construction sites and in the construction industry by improving production techniques, modernizing processes and empowering all stakeholders. For the built environment, possible interventions on the existing housing in Riyadh and in the kingdom are: – the thermal renovation of buildings, which is based on three principles: protecting the walls against solar radiation, making the best use of natural ventilation and building inertia. The principles are those of natural air conditioning, therefore of the so-called bioclimatic architecture; – interventions on air conditioning installations to save energy; – solar water heating and electricity production by photovoltaic cells to make buildings with positive energy. In general, improved building design is possible through: – increased insulation; – the right location and size of windows; – the proper structuring of the building elements; – the suitable orientation of the building and the shade cast on it.

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The shape and orientation of a building are important factors in limiting heat loss. Indeed, heat losses by conduction or convection are proportional to the external surface of a building. Compactness is the rule if you want to limit energy costs. The shape coefficient, which is the ratio of the external above-ground surface area to the total volume of the building, must be as small as possible, while avoiding that this reduction in shape coefficient is at the expense of areas benefiting from solar energy gains. Convection and air exchange losses are a function of the building’s upwind position and the orientation of the openings. To achieve better energy control in housing, waste due to poor housing construction must be stopped as part of an appropriate housing policy, including air conditioning. It is less expensive to make a house with air circulation zones than a closed house that needs to be cooled. For common building materials, stone, brick, concrete, etc., the interior temperature is closely related to the thickness of the walls and internal partitions. Thus, the orientation of the windows toward the direction of the prevailing winds is likely to have a significant influence on indoor ventilation. The main requirement for satisfactory ventilation is to provide openings both on the “windward” side of the building and on the “leeward” side. It is essential to choose the right materials. The most suitable materials for desert climate of the BWh type on the Köppen scale, offering thermal comfort with negligible air-conditioning/heating input, are (1) for the metropolis of Riyadh and the inland regions of Saudi Arabia: lightweight concrete, with a thickness sufficient to provide a RQ value necessary for local conditions (20–25 cm) is the simplest and most economical solution; the most interesting solution is offered by composite walls consisting of insulation placed on the outer surface; (2) for the coastal regions of Saudi Arabia: materials such as brick, concrete, agglomerate hollow aggregates, cellular concrete and insulated panels can give full satisfaction provided that their thicknesses provide the required thermal resistance. But to be successful, thermal regulations in Saudi Arabia must be strengthened and implemented for the entire lifecycle of the building: design, construction, operation and demolition. Energy related to the operation of the residential sector includes energy consumed annually by households for cooking, lighting, heating, air conditioning, domestic hot water, television and miscellaneous equipment. It

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is still low in traditional Saudi housing, but the increase in living standards is driving up the rate of household equipment and, consequently, energy consumption. Admittedly, this consumption has a behavioral component depending on everyone’s habits. The deterioration of Saudi Arabia’s energy balance, which is reflected in the explosion of consumption in all economic sectors, the deficit energy balance and environmental problems, should encourage political decision-makers and industrial actors to do everything possible to avoid uncontrollable risks. Thus, in the residential sector, the right information, the availability of efficient products such as low-energy light bulbs, regulations and incentives are essential tools to guide behavior toward controlling energy consumption. The main components of a coherent public policy for energy saving must include: – an appropriate pricing policy, fair energy taxation and actions that give correct economic signals to consumers; – the marketing of more economical equipment at reasonable prices; – actions to eliminate the worst performing products from the market (standards or voluntary agreements); – raising public awareness of the country’s energy issues. It is the relationship to time, comfort, consumption and waste to change lifestyles directly or indirectly, voluntarily or under duress: - the direct route is direct action by the public authorities toward the population through information, awareness-raising and other policies; - the indirect path refers to the transformation of lifestyles and their foundations, i.e. the very structures (social, economic, etc.) that condition them. The constrained or authoritarian way is not always desirable and can apply when governments decide to ration energy, for example: – raising awareness also among companies in the energy sector so that they can contribute more actively to energy saving (improving yields, encouraging their customers, energy saving certificates, etc.); – the obligation to which the consumer or supplier of equipment, or even the energy producer, is subject to know the consumption for a given use (metering, labeling, etc.).

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Thus, these signals can contribute to significant energy savings (with investments that have the advantage of flexibility because they can be mobilized in small increments) and, consequently, to keeping energy resources depletable for longer. In this way, Saudi Arabia will save currency and capital, reduce its debt and preserve its environment. The world is still far from an optimized global management of natural resources. But we are moving toward it at least on the following three levels: trade, the balance between production and consumption and the environment. On trade, Saudi Arabia joined the WTO in 2005 and participates in negotiations to facilitate international trade, lower tariff and non-tariff barriers and combat unfair practices. For the balance between production and consumption and the harmonious development of commodity markets, a network of agreements and product-specific consultation groups is emerging. Finally, for the environment, the need for global management of global warming issues is already beginning to emerge with the Paris Climate Agreement (COP21) and the Green Climate Fund. Riyadh, as part of globalization, is becoming aware of the finitude of its oil fields and does not want to be the world’s only hydrocarbon reserve anymore. Thinking is underway to decarbonize the economy through new nuclear and renewable energy programs. Constant efforts are being made in the metropolis to better build and move around in a space that was designed in the American style, before current environmental concerns. 2.3. The example of the European Metropolis of Lille in France 2.3.1. Presentation of the European Metropolis of Lille Status: The city of Lille is the capital of the Hauts-de-France region Since 2015, the European Metropolis of Lille has been a public establishment for intermunicipal cooperation. It is part of the Franco-Belgian Eurometropolis Lille-Kortrijk-Tournai. – Latitude: 50° 37' N. – Longitude: 3° 04' E. – Altitude: 25 m. – Climate: Temperate oceanic type, CFb in the Köppen classification.

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– Size: 611.45 km². – Population: 1,143,572 inhabitants (2016). – Language: French. – Religion: Secular republic. – Population growth rate: 0.15% per year. – Non-French population: Information not provided. – Density: 1,872 inhabitants/km2. – Organization: A total of 90 municipalities, including two associated with Lille (Lomme and Hellemmes) grouped together in the metropolis. – President: Damien Castelain. Box 2.2. Characteristics of the European Metropolis of Lille

Figure 2.16. Location of the European Metropolis of Lille11

11 Map made by the author.

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Lille is a city in the north of France founded in 640 by the giants Lydéric and Phinaert. Saint-Pierre Collegiate Church, a religious building dating back to 1066, testifies to the importance of the city. Lille then belonged to the county of Flanders and developed rapidly because of the manufacture of woollen cloth and its river port on the Deûle that facilitated trade in Flanders. Through aristocratic marriages and wars, Lille was later attached to the Duchy of Burgundy (1369), and then became part of the Spanish Netherlands from Charles V to Philip IV of Spain (1500–1667), which was a golden age for the city. King Louis XIV conquered the city in 1667, which then became French. During the French Revolution (1789), the Industrial Revolution came from Great Britain and the Benelux countries, i.e. from the North. Lille then became an industrial metropolis in the 19th Century. The steam engine and coal made it possible to industrialize metallurgical, chemical and especially textile (cotton and linen) production. To overcome the disadvantages of communal fragmentation, the Communauté urbaine de Lille (CUDL) was created in 1966. In the 1980s, the urban community was hit by the industrial crisis in textiles, coal mining and steel. In 1996, the CUDL became Lille métropole communauté urbaine (LMCU). In 2004, Lille was the European Capital of Culture. On January 1, 2015, by the law of January 27, 2014 on the modernization of territorial public action and the affirmation of metropolises (MAPTAM), the European Metropolis of Lille (MEL) was created as a successor to the LMCU. It is a public establishment for intermunicipal cooperation (EPCI) with its own tax system, which does not constitute an additional layer, and which has enhanced powers to respond to its new metropolitan function. The metropolis has more than 1.1 million inhabitants initially spread over 85 municipalities, which then incorporated the five new municipalities of Weppes’ community of communes, an area of 611 km2 extended to 647 km2. This metropolis is the second largest French agglomeration in terms of population density (1,785 inhabitants/km2) and the fourth largest in France after Paris, Lyon and Marseille. It is now being built with the 90 municipalities represented by 184 elected representatives, including 20 vice presidents, who were appointed following the vote of the metropolitan council on December 15, 2016. Among the 90 municipalities, let us mention the city of Lille (236,782 inhabitants – INSEE 2016), the city of Roubaix (96,953 inhabitants), the

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poorest in France12, the city of Tourcoing (98,170 inhabitants) and the city of Villeneuve d’Ascq (63,085 inhabitants), four municipalities with more than 60,000 inhabitants that account for 40% of the metropolitan population.

Figure 2.17. Map of the European Metropolis of Lille showing the 90 municipalities constituting the metropolis, on the border with Belgium (source: map of the European Metropolis of Lille, Geographic Information Department)

City of Lille

Metropolis

Share (%)

2016

236,782 inhabitants

1,143,572 inhabitants

20.7

2011

234,033 inhabitants

1,119,712 inhabitants

20.9

2006

232,432 inhabitants

1,113,427 inhabitants

20.9

Table 2.4. Population of Lille (source: INSEE) 12 Compas study, published in partnership with the magazine La Gazette, published by La Voix du Nord on January 28, 2014, indicates that 45% of the population of Roubaix lives below the poverty line.

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For these demographic reasons, the number of elected officials from the city of Lille is relatively small compared to elected officials of the metropolitan area, unlike other European cities. Indeed, out of 184 elected metropolitan officials, 33 represent the city of Lille, or 18%. By way of comparison, the Nantes Metropolitan Council (600,000 inhabitants) is made up of 97 elected members from the municipal councils of the 24 municipalities. Forty-seven elected officials (48%) come from the “city center” of Nantes (293,234 inhabitants), which has a greater impact on the urban area. The city of Lille is paradoxically less populated than it seems, ranking 10th among French cities13. This means, at the political level, that the city of Lille cannot impose its vision alone, in terms of development for example, but must deal with the other municipalities of the metropolis. The French MAPTAM law specifies the competences of local authorities by establishing both the notion of lead partner, for the exercise of competences, and also the Local Conferences on Public Action (CTAP), bodies for consultation between authorities. This conference of territories was set up by the new president of the Hauts-de-France region and is not “Lille and the surrounding desert”. On April 18, 2014, less than 3 weeks after the municipal election results, the community council met to elect its president. Adopting the provisions of Article L. 2122-8 of the Code général des collectivités territoriales, CGCT (general code of local authorities), the meeting at which the election of the executive is held was chaired by the oldest member of the community council. Damien Castelain, a geographer by training and mayor of Péronne-en-Mélantois, with no political label, was elected president of the Urban Community of Lille, with 108 votes during this session. He thus became the first president of the intermunicipal system not to be a member of the Socialist Party. He replaced an emblematic figure of the Socialist Party, Martine Aubry, Mayor of Lille and outgoing president of Lille metropolitan urban community. This political situation is unprecedented for a president of the metropolis who is not the mayor of the city of Lille. This raises the question of how the metropolis articulates its new daily competences with the city, the region and how spatial planning policies are affected by this change. Damien Castelain chaired his first community council on May 12, 2014. The community council of December 19, 2014 met for the last time in the capacity of Lille metropolis urban community. The Metropolitan Council met 13 INSEE, size of the most populated cities in France, 2016 census.

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for the first time on February 13, 2015 and this change was presented as a major opportunity for the territory and its inhabitants. The implementation phase of the European Metropolis of Lille, with a budget down to €1,599 million in 2015, was a busy one for the 2,700 agents. Since then, the budgetary scope has changed, with the enlargement to include five additional municipalities, the introduction of a new metropolitan tourist tax and new powers, in a context of declining allocations from the French State. Overall budget

€1,625 million

Operating revenue

€1,339 million

Investment income

€286 million

Total income

€1,625 million

Management expenses

€989 million

Financial expenses

€60 million

Total operating expenses

€1,049 million

Capital expenditure

€438 million

Principal repayment of debts

€138 million

Total capital expenditure

€576 million

Total expenditure

€1,625 million

Debt at the end of 2017

€1,580 million

Table 2.5. Budget of the European Metropolis of Lille 2017 (in millions of euros)

As early as December 19, 2014, an order was issued appointing the city’s general staff, i.e. the new deputy directors general. Some have been recruited from outside, others from Lille metropolitan urban community. Of the 50 or so management positions, 13 directors have been confirmed in the new organizational chart. Others, no longer having any management role, had to quickly reposition themselves within the 38 open positions published on the internal job exchange. The European Metropolis of Lille has set up a project management assistance service, entrusting the definition of positions in new departments and internal and external recruitments to a private recruitment firm. This means that a territorial agent who worked in Lille metropolitan urban

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community was able to see his responsibilities evolve and have to apply for his own position in the new metropolis. This voluntary method could create tension by putting managers in competition on their own jobs. Although previously mobility was voluntary, and jobs guaranteed, people could suddenly find themselves unemployed between two jobs. The movements of agents confirmed that the metropolitan level was the most popular for professional development. It was the subject of an influx of internal and external applications, while the municipal level seemed to be shrinking, with agents and skills that escaped it. Contract workers could feel threatened when they were often very efficient. They feared that statutory territorial officials would take precedence over them, regardless of skills. The initial organizational chart of April 13, 2015 organized the metropolis around 10 raked poles, attached to the Director General of Services, with the General Secretariat, Finance, Human Resources, Administration, Economic Development and Employment, Territorial and Social Development, Planning and Housing, Displacement and Accessibility of the Metropolis, Strategic Planning and Governance, Networks and Services. These poles were divided into departments, services, functional units and missions. For example, the energy component was organized both within the Planning and Housing Division in the “Sustainable Development and Energy Transition” department, which was responsible for the Territorial Air Climate Energy Plan, and within the Energy Department of the “Networks and Services” division, which was more particularly responsible for the technical aspects of energy distribution. This organization chart has changed little since then. The last cluster was strengthened and renamed Networks, Services and Transport Mobility and more professional mobility occurred in the organization The historical competences of Lille Metropolis urban community date back to 1966. The Chevènement-Voynet law in 1999 reviewed the competences of urban communities. Since then, they have been extended by the MAPTAM law. The European Metropolis of Lille currently operates in 20 areas to serve users. Territorial and social development: Economy and employment, agriculture and food, digital development, time office, youth, citizenship and crime prevention. Spatial planning: Housing, urban planning, urban policy, transport and soft modes.

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Sustainable development: Waste, energy (electricity, gas distribution and heating networks), nature and environment, noise measurement, air quality, energy transition and electromagnetic waves. Promotion of the metropolis: Sport, culture, tourism, Europe and international and Hello Lille. Living environment: Creation of natural spaces, roads, accessibility and handicaps, water and sanitation, crematorium, heritage maintenance and public spaces. Box 2.3. Competences of the European Metropolis of Lille

Skills related to energy, air and climate were identified, putting them at the top of the table. They are: – the economy and employment, agriculture, digital development, the time office for skills in the field of territorial and social development; – housing, urban planning, urban policy, transport, soft modes, waste, energy, nature and the environment, noise measurement, air quality, energy transition, electromagnetic waves for skills in the fields of spatial planning and sustainable development; – the creation of natural spaces and roads for skills in the field of living environment. On the other hand, food, youth, citizenship, crime prevention, the promotion of the metropolis and the living environment seem to be less linked skills, even if they are very important. The metropolis is the organizing authority for public services in its territory. Its skills are being strengthened, particularly in the areas of energy, air and climate, with the management of air pollution. By capitalizing on its sustainable development expertise and, more particularly, on the implementation of the Territorial Air Energy Climate Plan, the metropolis has gradually developed its expertise. It has taken over from the municipalities the important role of organizing authority for the public distribution of electricity, gas and heat, known by the French acronym AODE, to rationalize the complex management of energy networks inherited from the past. It can create and operate specific district heating and cooling networks. These urban refrigeration networks are still underdeveloped, even if France holds a leading

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position in the European Union. They operate as heating networks in the opposite direction. They evacuate heat from buildings and transport it to an air release point. This requires evacuation units and pipes that are expensive to build, but the environmental impact is better than conventional air conditioning systems. The city also has the competence to deploy and maintain infrastructures for charging electric and hybrid vehicles can support actions to control energy demand and contribute to the energy transition. 2.3.2. Development, construction and housing of the European Metropolis of Lille 2.3.2.1. Major developments in the European Metropolis of Lille The metropolis considers that development operations are accelerators of transformation. They are defined as public and private interventions on a territory to transform it and create new opportunities to build. Through its planning department, which will seek to plan for the next 20 years, the city studies projects and initiates consultations as project owner, in compliance with binding procedures and existing laws. The metropolis or another public or private actor will seek land control, which consists of obtaining the real rights of occupation and management of a property. It takes different legal forms, such as the acquisition of land where possible or the signing of an amphiteotic lease and more flexible contracts with the owner. The local urban plan or intermunicipal local urban plan is the main planning document for urban planning at the level of the municipality (known by its French acronym, PLU) or intermunicipality (PLUI) in France and defines various development areas. The sustainable development and planning project (PADD) expresses the objectives of the municipality or intermunicipality at more than 10 years. The territorial coherence scheme (SCOT) defines the project of a territory, which can group several intermunicipal entities, and brings it into line with public policies and regional master plans. For example, the Territorial Coherence Scheme (SCOT) of Lille Metropolis, approved on February 10, 2017 by the Board of the Syndicat mixte du SCOT de Lille Metropolis, covers three intermunicipalities that have formed this union: the European Metropolis of Lille and the

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communities of municipalities Haute-Deûle and Pévèle Carembault. As the leader in local urban and planning documents, this SCOT is compatible with higher ranking State and regional documents, in particular the regional planning, sustainable development and territorial equality plan (known by its French acronym, SRADDET). The SCOT imposes its guidelines on local urban planning documents, according to a principle of compatibility. The new PLU of the metropolis comes into force in 2019 and defines the orientations of the territory, the rules of land use and the destination of the land. The operational phase of a development operation begins and requires, in an already highly urbanized area, deconstruction and sometimes depollution. The metropolis designs new buildings, new spaces, new axes, and new networks on plots that allow public or private project managers to build their programs and create natural spaces. Often, in these historic places, the preservation and enhancement of an architectural heritage element is required. The specifications may also require the development of a greenway, the creation of a car park, the connection to the networks, and the integration of a new bus line to support a social promotion process within the framework of urban policy. Among the major developments of the last 50 years of the urban community that has become a metropolis are sports facilities such as the Villeneuve d’Ascq stadium and the Pierre Maurois stadium; cultural spaces such as the renovation of the Vieux-Lille, the Lille metropolis museum of modern art; transport infrastructures such as the metro, the Euralille district with the Lille Europe high speed train TGV station, and the ring road; technical projects such as the Lomme national interest market, the Antares incinerator, an organic recycling center, the EuraTechnologie technology center, the Marquette-lez-Lille and Ovilleo wastewater treatment plants. 2.3.2.2. Construction and housing in the European Metropolis of Lille For housing, the new Urban Community of 1966 had to deal with a difficult dilemma between demolishing unsanitary neighborhoods and households or renovating them. The destruction of the working-class district of Saint-Sauveur was undertaken to build more modern, newer in the city center. Associations opposed this policy, which led to the disappearance of entire islets even though the buildings were very old. Pierre Mauroy, elected Socialist Mayor of Lille from 1973 to 2001 and President of the Urban

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Community in 1989, supported the request for the classification of this historic heritage as a protected area upon his arrival at the Town Hall. His idea was to oppose the promoters and to prefer a policy of maintaining the working classes in the heart of the city. He definitively saved Old Lille in 1982 by abandoning a peripheral boulevard project that was to cross the cathedral of Notre-Dame de la Treille, one of the gems of the city center.

Figure 2.18. Photo of the Chambre of Commerce & industry, Grand Lille, with its 76 m high belfry and this emblematic neo-Flemish style. It was built at the beginning of the 20th Century and testifies to the industrial importance of the city. The energy renovation of this type of building is complicated14

The Grand Place, the Place du Théâtre and the Vieux-Lille then became the old parts of Lille, even if they were not the oldest. Vauban, a French military engineer during the reign of Louis XIV, preserved former buildings north of the city center. A popular neighborhood for people and immigrants since the economic crisis, it has therefore escaped destruction and is gradually being renovated to become a picturesque and commercial residential area with many bars, restaurants and shops. The direct consequence has been a gentrification that has led to an increase in property prices in this district, which is now very popular. The architectural style of traditional housing is described by rows of 14 Author’s personal photograph.

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Flemish-style houses, of about three floors, in a mix of bricks and stones, identical in proportions and rhythms, but different in the details of the decorations.

Figure 2.19. Photo of historic houses in the city center of Lille15

The European Metropolis of Lille, which has now become a leader in housing policy, wants to make housing accessible to as many people as possible. To do this, it combines a major program of social and intermediate rental housing (3,000 in 2017), the renovation of social and private housing, the takeover of the Housing Solidarity Fund known by its French acronym FSL and the foundation of the first solidarity land agency in France to help the most modest households. It has adopted a Local Habitat Program, which has been extended until 2020. Among the new housing construction projects, we can see that the developments envisaged by the metropolis promote urban, social and functional mix, i.e. housing with shops, offices, mobility and green spaces while respecting the industrial and cultural heritage: – Saint-Sauveur: construction of 2,400 housing units (35% social rental housing, 30% social accession and intermediate rental housing and 35% 15 Author’s personal photograph.

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vacant); 35,000 m² of offices; shops; 20,000 m² of business premises; public facilities and development of a 3.4 ha park; – Euralille 3000: densification of the high speed train, TGV station district, France’s third largest business district. Construction of 250,000 m² of shops, housing, restaurants, cafés, office space (with Metropolitan Square); – l’Union: creation of a center of excellence, construction of an econeighborhood with housing and development of a park in an 80 ha industrial district in Roubaix, Tourcoing and Wattrelos; – Fives-Cail: construction of a new mixed neighborhood (housing, offices) on 25 ha of industrial land;

Figure 2.20. Photo of the former Tossée wool combing factory in Tourcoing, which is 16 being renovated into 139 new homes in the Union’s eco-neighborhood

– Rives de la Haute Deûle: new phase of development of an econeighborhood;

– Euraflandres: development of public spaces around Lille Flandres station. The European Metropolis of Lille could be the French version of the Detroit Metropolitan Area in the US state of Michigan, a few years late, due 16 Author’s personal photograph.

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to its harsh climate, changing industries, declining population and dilapidated buildings undergoing renovation. The city of Detroit was already known as the “Renaissance City” in the 1980s. Going down Woodward, the main avenue and the adjacent parallel streets from the north, past “8 Mile Road”, made famous by the music of American rapper Eminem, the city center was a picture of urban desolation that was inconceivable in Europe. This rebirth was expected for 30 years, from 1984 to 2014, and took a long time to take effect. The construction of the Joe Louis Arena Sports Center, the Renaissance Center, the People Mover aerial metro, the organization of the Formula 1 Grand Prix and the Motor Show, and the revitalization of the Greek district were not enough; the city was declared bankrupt in 2013. In September 2015, Lille launched the fourth Lille3000 show, called Renaissance, which presented the city of Detroit in its most positive cultural aspect, in partnership with the Museum of Contemporary Art in Detroit, which shows that situations are never frozen in time. There is a paradox in this metropolis. It is reflected in proactive public policies pursued for decades that have not prevented a very significant deterioration in the economic situation in some neighborhoods. The concentration of populations in difficulty is increasing in sensitive neighborhoods, while a certain prosperity exists in peri-urban areas for a privileged population living in beautiful individual houses. The Lille urban planning agency has conducted studies to better understand its metropolitan fracture phenomena. There is a correlation between the profile of families moving and the selected neighborhoods. The family of executives will move to the wealthy commune. The social mix tends to disappear in the different metropolitan districts, which runs counter to a certain conception of the European city. The European Metropolis of Lille has thus become one of the most segregated cities in France, with situations of extreme poverty and the particular case of Roubaix, one of the poorest cities in France, which has 45% of its inhabitants below the poverty line. The economy has no longer been industrial but has become a service economy, with traffic feeding the black market. Inequalities are more difficult to measure. Fuel poverty is common and part of a more global poverty that the metropolis is struggling to overcome with the Nord department, which has retained social skills. The health supply, for example, is good while the health indicators for a certain segment of the population are poor. All this illustrates a contradiction of the French State with a centralized culture that is, nevertheless, accentuated by acts of decentralization. Urban

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planning remains a top-down exercise in France, with a series of regulatory documents that must be articulated (regional schemes, territorial coherence schemes, local urban planning) with a hierarchy of standards, while politicians will praise proximity, the local without giving it the financial means to carry out its mission. The country has difficulty inventing a true emancipated territorial federalism (Vanier 2015) that is not always in the hands of the central government. 2.3.3. Transport of the European Metropolis of Lille For transport, the two major investments mentioned above were the construction of the metro and the high speed train TGV station linking Lille to Paris, Brussels and London by Eurostar. Here are some dates of the major stages of contemporary transport in the metropolis: – in 1963, the passenger terminal at Lille Lesquin airfield was inaugurated. It will expand with the arrival of the freight terminal (1972), a new terminal (1996) for more than 1.5 million passengers per year (14th position in France); – in 1978, field surveys made it possible to carry out the first work on metro Line 1, which concerned the section between the garage workshop in Villeneuve d’Ascq and Place de la République; – in 1982, the Urban Community created the Compagnie des transports lillois, which was created by the merger of the two public transport companies: the Compagnie générale industrielle de transports and the Société nouvelle de l’électrique Lille-Roubaix-Tourcoing; – in 1983, the first 9 km section for 13 stations on Line 1 of the metro was inaugurated at République station by François Mitterrand, President of the French Republic; – in 1988, the Euralille project created not only the high speed train station but also offices, a shopping center, a concert hall and an indoor arena; – in 1989, the Compagnie des transports lillois merged with two other companies operating transport in the Communauté urbaine de Lille to form the Transports en commun de Lille, which became Transpole in 1994; – in 1993, President François Mitterrand returned to Lille to inaugurate the arrival of the first high speed train. In 1994, the expressway north of

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Lille was inaugurated. This northwest bypass connects Highway 22 to Highway 25 from the north and relieves some of the traffic congestion; – in 2000, the Urban Community launched its first urban transport plan with three priority objectives: reducing transport pollution, improving the living environment and the quality of public spaces and controlling changes in travel practices. This plan was revised in 2011 to cover a new 10-year period from 2010 to 2020. That same year, Line 2 of the metro was inaugurated, holding the then record for the longest metro line in the world (32 km and 44 stations); – in 2004, the Roubaix Canal was partially restored to navigation as part of the Blue Links cross-border project. The activity of the canal, which was very important when it was created at the end of the 19th Century, ceased in 1985; – in 2011, the canal is fully open to recreational boating; – in 2018, a new public service concession for urban passenger transport is awarded to Keolis for a period of 7 years and a sum of 2 billion euros. That same year, they decided to invest €1 billion over 8 years to renew rolling stock and infrastructure (bus, tramway, metro); create new lines; install access control and an information system in the metro. – Two automatic metro lines. – One tramway operating on the Grand Boulevard, and one tramway project is under study to connect Lille stations to the airport. – One bus network (550 km serving 89 out of 90 municipalities, 36 urban lines, 32 peri-urban lines, 24 regional lines) and des Lianes, high service level bus lines (seven urban lines and four peri-urban lines). – A total of 468 buses running on natural gas. – Two train stations in Lille Flandres and Lille Europe (TGV, Eurostar). – A1, A22, A23, A25, A27 motorways linking the metropolis to Paris, Dunkirk, Valencienne, Belgium (Tournai, Kortrijk and Brussels), the Netherlands and the boarding terminals for Great Britain. – Lille Lesquin Airport. – V’Lille self-service bicycle service and bicycle paths. Box 2.4. Transport networks of the European Metropolis of Lille

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The metropolis encourages soft modes of transport such as cycling and walking that are adapted to its climate, size and low flat altitude. Its transport networks are dense and are an asset for the future. However, there is the problem of inclusive mobility, i.e. the ability for all metropolitan residents to access public services efficiently and economically and to commute to work. It can be seen that the deployment of digital accessibility to public services has reduced physical accessibility. People are moving away from the metropolitan center to access cheap housing. The home-to-work flow is increasing and becoming an important issue because it creates car dependency and negative externalities (Louafi et al. 2013). The scissor effect observed is that the average income level decreases in inverse proportion to the transport cost associated with remoteness. The Lille urban planning agency again conducted a study in 2014 on fuel poverty linked to mobility conditions and fuel price fluctuations, which was a precursor to the yellow vest crisis that France experienced. University studies have sought to quantify the structural accessibility of Lille’s metropolis in terms of public transport through the construction of indicators. The first research (L’Hostis et al. 2004) constructed a model to address the spatial planning policy objectives of the transport system to avoid traffic jams. The second Canadian research (Richer and Palmier 2012) also sought to quantify the structural accessibility of the territory by public transit through the construction of a multicriteria indicator (crossing criteria of time, intensity of relationships and difficulty of travel). It yielded results provided by a multimodal accessibility calculation tool developed at the Centre d’études techniques de l’équipement Nord-Picardie, which was intended to help decision makers in Lille. The methodology used the Public Transport Accessibility Level method used in strategic planning. These studies help to find the best solutions to reduce congestion in the city and therefore reduce petrol and diesel consumption and fine particulate emissions. Another challenge for transport in the metropolis is the efficiency of its accessibility and its connections with other metropolises, particularly through the articulation of road, conventional and high-speed rail and air modes (L’Hostis and Bozzani 2006). It appears that the metropolis has an airport that is not considered to be of international rank, which could be perceived as a drawback, but intermodality with road and high-speed rail solves this problem by offering new efficient combinations.

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The mobility of people and goods is also designed at the level of the Eurométropole Lille Kortrijk Tournai, which was created on January 28, 2008 as a European grouping for territorial cooperation with 147 French and Belgian municipalities. The purpose of this grouping is to promote crossborder cooperation between France and Belgium (Walloon and Flemish regions).

Figure 2.21. Photo of Tournai, Belgian city of the Eurometropolis Lille-KortrijkTournai. The cathedral and belfry survived the Second World War, which destroyed part of the Eurometropolis. The houses in the Grand-Place have been rebuilt in the traditional Flemish style, with stepped gables17

While questions about the representation (Grosjean 2018) of a cross-border territory still arise with the rise of nationalisms, it seeks to encourage crossborder mobility by developing the supply of mobility by bicycle, bus, train, road and river, wants to promote good practices in eco-construction and sustainable energy projects, as well as new motorizations. Biofuels are used downtown, with experiments to recycle fried oil into biodiesel and to set up financial assistance to help individuals acquire a housing that allows the use of biofuels. The European Metropolis of Lille has 100% of its fleet of urban buses powered by compressed natural gas vehicle (CNGV). CNGV is methane and stored under pressure in specific tanks inside buses. Although CO2 emissions are reduced by 25% compared to gasoline, CNGV still comes from the planet’s hydrocarbon resources. The city’s objective is now to transform this CNGV into bio CNGV to further reduce greenhouse gas emissions. This 17 Author’s personal photograph.

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involves developing the local biomethane production chain to supply the transport chain. In terms of electromobility, in 2018, the European Metropolis of Lille signed an agreement with the Bolloré Group to deploy 270 charging stations for electric and hybrid vehicles throughout the city in 2019 and 2020, in public spaces, car parks and park and ride facilities. The private company, which manufactures the charging terminals, will first deploy 167 double charging stations, or 334 recharge points, in Lille and in the 40 most populated joint municipalities. Then, in the interest of territorial equity, the services will be extended to the 90 municipalities of the metropolis. The challenges are to find the necessary space in the metropolis for these facilities that encroach on residents’ parking spaces, to estimate additional electricity consumption and to finance the project through sustained use of the service. There is an industrial challenge. Should we sell electric cars that will need charging stations or set up a car-sharing system? How should services be priced? Citizens would use bike sharing more easily than car sharing because cars are not always kept clean over time. 2.3.4. Challenges of the European Metropolis of Lille for the energy transition With the industrial revolution and the appearance of steam engines, the energy supply of factories has become an issue. Today, there are examples of these steam engines in museums, including one dating back to 1867, at the Lille Arts et Métiers library. The city of Roubaix built the first factories in France, particularly for textiles, with standardization and massification of production because of the installation of steam engines at the beginning of the 19th Century. Wool and cotton raw materials were imported from all over the world. Roubaix has become the world capital of wool processing with automated production. Roubaix manufacturers demonstrated social innovation and entrepreneurial boldness by opening subsidiaries around the world. Prosperity lasted until the 1960s when the crisis began to affect the factories that were to gradually disappear. The Wasquehal coal-fired power plant18 was built in this context of industrial growth in 1907 but was not 18 Sources: History of the power plants in the Lille region, regional group of thermal production in the North (Sence 1919–1974).

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enough to supply the agglomeration. The electricity company of Northern France chose the city of Comines to build a new coal-fired power plant in 1920, Comines 1. The year 1922 saw the commissioning of the first three 25 MW turbine-generating units, followed by two others of the same capacity in 1925 and two others of 30 MW in 1930 (345 employees). The installation was at the time the most powerful in France. After the Second World War, the northern electricity company became part of Électricité de France (EDF), a public electricity company created at that time. The Comines 2 coal-fired power plant was built after the Second World War by EDF. Comines 1 and 2 were gradually decommissioned from 1952 onwards and were permanently out of service in 1968. This shows that local initiative and the private sector were the pilots of these energy infrastructures until the Second World War and that the industrial use of coal was an energy transition.

Figure 2.22. Photo of Roubaix Town Hall. Built in 1911 on the Grand-Place, Roubaix City Hall is monumental, as the city was a world industrial capital at the beginning of the 20th Century19

In 1946, General de Gaulle nationalized French electricity production to create the national monopoly public company Électricité de France (EDF) in the interest of post-war reconstruction. Among the major achievements of the 1970s, the Gravelines thermonuclear power plant was built by EDF to supply electricity to the region that became Hauts-de-France. The involvement of local authorities was much less than in the construction of Comines 1, and France strengthened the centralization of its State and its decisions, in order to be able to carry out major infrastructure projects in a country to be rebuilt after 19 Author’s personal photograph.

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the Second World War. The Gravelines thermonuclear power plant started up in 1980. It produced 31.5 billion kWh in 2017 (compared to 37.5 billion kWh in 201520), i.e. almost all regional consumption and 8.3% of French nuclear electricity. The six reactors produced less in 2017 due to six program shutdowns (partial visits and reloading). The plant experienced four simultaneous scheduled outages, reducing its availability rate to 76.8%. The French electricity system, which must ensure the balance of electricity supply and demand at all times, had to compensate by using other means of production, in particular thermal power stations, which contributed to increasing the country’s CO2 emissions in 2017. Gravelines is the European Union’s first nuclear power plant in terms of installed capacity and the second largest in the world. It consists of six 900 MW nuclear units with an installed capacity of 5,400 MW. The surface area of the nuclear site is 150 ha. It is on the seafront of the municipality of Gravelines (59) because the reactors are cooled by water from the North Sea. The nuclear complex is located 20 km west of Dunkirk, 30 km west of Belgium, 25 km east of Calais, 80 km northwest of the European Metropolis of Lille, i.e. very close to one of the most populated urban areas in the European Union. It is the main supplier of electricity to the European Metropolis of Lille. The Bouchain thermal power plant, near the metropolis, had been operating on coal since 1970. It was converted to heavy fuel oil and ceased production in 2015. In 2016, a new natural gas-fired combined-cycle power plant replaced it on the same site, with an air-cooling tower that can be identified from afar. For gas, the port of Dunkirk has become an exceptional gas hub: the entry point into the national territory for gas from Norway, which has just been reinforced by cargo discharges of liquefied natural gas from all over the world, with the opening of the Loon Plage LNG terminal in 2017. Consequently, with such large and nearby nuclear and hydrocarbon resources, the metropolis’ energy transition is becoming particularly complex. We should both decarbonize energy consumption and reduce the share of nuclear energy. Is this possible, realistic and desirable? This explains why the term energy transitions is sometimes used in the plural in the academic literature (Boisgibault 2012). 20 Électricité de France (Gravelines en bref).

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Officials in the city of Lille and the former Nord-Pas-de-Calais region tended to consider the Gravelines nuclear reactor as a major national-level infrastructure for which local authorities had little influence, even though they benefited from the economic spin-offs of this production. They had difficulties discussing it, as if it were a subject that everyone knew about but was not spoken about. The work of geographer Roger Brunet (Brunet 2011) reminds us that we must not think in a purely hexagonal way. The Lille metropolis is in a megalopolis, which is the European backbone called the blue banana. Lille is close to the French Gravelines power plants and, to a lesser extent, to Chooz but also to three other European nuclear power plants, those of Tihange (1975) and Doel (1975) in Belgium and Borssele (1974) in the Netherlands. These nuclear productions do emit little carbon dioxide, but negative externalities related to uranium mining in Niger, its transport, treatment and storage of waste are much debated. The contract signed in 1978 between the Dutch electrician and Areva involved sending the radioactive waste to The Hague’s reprocessing plant and returning it to Zeeland, a densely populated area, for landfilling. Energy networks were built up over the 20th Century. Today, the metropolis is crossed by electrical pylons that carry very high voltage lines to transformers that reduce the voltage to supply the distribution network. The architecture seems complex, given that the electricity transmission network does not traditionally cross cities. It remains very present in the metropolis today because of the industrial installations that were once important, such as in Roubaix, for example. In its constitution, the urban community included industrial areas that were electrointensive and had direct access to the electricity transmission grid. The map of the electricity transmission network in the metropolis shows that the very high voltage line (400,000 V) bypasses Lille to the south and goes up to the east, to bring in electricity from the Gravelines and DK6 power plants (thermal power plant). It crosses the main business areas of the south and east, forming, with the other high and medium voltage lines, a tangle that has developed over the years. The two main 400,000V/225,000V electrical transformer substations, strategic nodes of the network, are: – Weppes substation, west of the map;

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– the Avelin substation, south of the map, near Seclin, which is directly interconnected with the Avelgem substation in Belgium. A new 400,000 V two-circuit overhead power line is under study near Gavrelle in the southwest. These two power transformer substations convert 400,000 V electricity to 225,000 V so that it can be transmitted to the metropolis. Then, eight 225,000 V/20,000 V distribution transformer substations are distributed throughout the metropolis (Lille, Roubaix Tourcoing) to inject electricity into the distribution network.

Figure 2.23. Electricity transmission network and transformers 21 in the European Metropolis of Lille

Each of the 85 municipalities of the urban community of Lille (which later became 90 municipalities of the metropolis) had its own organization with regard to the distribution of electricity and gas until January 1, 2015, the date of the constitution of the metropolis, which was given the task of being an 21 Map made by the author.

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organizing authority for the distribution of energy. For gas, the 85 municipalities were divided into two groups (a group of 18 municipalities and a group of 67 municipalities): – 18 municipalities, owners of the gas distribution network, directly conceded the operation to Gaz Réseau Distribution France (GRDF), the French distribution system operator for gas; – 67 municipalities were members of SIMERE in Lesquin, the metropolitan union of energy distribution networks chaired by Damien Castelain. This syndicate receives from Enedis an operating fee intended to finance its annual structural expenditure for the fulfillment of its mission and an investment fee from the member municipalities calculated on the investment expenditure. By applying the specifications, Enedis also contributes to the financing of work carried out to improve the aesthetics of the structures. For electricity, the 85 municipalities were divided into four groups: the 67 municipalities of SIMERE, plus a group of seven municipalities, a group of 10 municipalities and the city of Loos: – seven municipalities were members of the Radinghem regional electricity union, a single-purpose intermunicipal union created in 1926 in Radinghemen-Weppes, which has 12 member municipalities; – 10 municipalities directly conceded the operation of the electricity distribution network to Enedis, the French distribution grid operator for electricity; – the municipality of Loos with its own Municipal Electricity Board, which provides services other than the simple supply of electricity. The Radinghem union was itself a member of the Fédération d’électricité de l’arrondissement de Lille (FEAL). Municipalities Aubers Beaucamps-Ligny Bois-Grenier Deûlémont Ennetières-en-Weppes Erquinghem-le-Sec Fournes-en-Weppes

Metropolitan perimeter No Yes No Yes Yes Yes No

Radinghem union Adherent Adherent Adherent Adherent Adherent Adherent Adherent

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Fromelles Illies The Bassée Le Maisnil Radinghem-en-Weppes

Yes Yes No No Yes

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Adherent Adherent Adherent Adherent Adherent

Table 2.6. Municipalities belonging to the Radinghem union

LILLE URBAN COMMUNITY

GAS DISTRIBUTION 85 municipalities

18 municipalities

67 municipalities

SIMERE

ELECTRICITY DISTRIBUTION 85 municipalities

7 municipalities

Radinghem Region Electricity Union

10 municipalities

Municipality of Loos

Loos Electricity Authority

Federation of Electricity of the Lille Neighborhood (FEAL)

GRDF

ERDF

Figure 2.24. Organization of gas and electricity distribution before the creation of the European Metropolis of Lille (on December 31, 2014): initial diagram produced by Lille Metropolis in its climate-energy territorial plan22 22 Graphic made by the author.

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The SIMERE electricity syndicate is now dissolved. The seven municipalities of the metropolis that were members of the Radinghem union are now represented by the metropolis, which has a double membership for both public lighting and electrical distribution. The Fédération d’électricité de l’arrondissement de Lille (FEAL) continues for the time being, with its very particular entanglement. It also has as its purpose the exercise of the power to grant and organize the public distribution of electricity by being composed of 47 municipalities from: – the community of communes of Pévèle-Carembault; – the community of communes of Haute Deûle; – the Syndicat d’électrification des communes de la région de Mons en Pévèle (SERMEP); – the Intercommunal Electrification Syndicate of the Radinghem region; – the commune of Pont à Marcq. The Loos power station remains a special case and continues to be so. For gas distribution, the metropolis has recovered the 18 gas contracts directly, replacing the 18 previously owned municipalities. These reorganizations can be described as significant since January 1, 2015, with a simplification of structures, an increase in the power of the metropolis as an organizing authority, particularly because of the energy team of the networks and services pole that was created following the MAPTAM law. The metropolis is taking advantage of this reorganization to review relations with ERDF, GRDF and to resume contracts in a more favorable balance of power. For heat, it should be added that six municipalities owned a district heating network whose operation was granted by a public service delegation. The following four maps were given by the European Metropolis of Lille – Geographic Information Department – to show the heat highway in orange, the heat network in red and, in yellow, the buildings adjacent to a plot intersecting the 100 m buffer zone around the network.

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Figure 2.25. Map of the Lille–Mons-en-Baroeul heating network (source: map of the European Metropolis of Lille, Geographic Information Department)

Figure 2.26. Map of the Roubaix heating network (source: map of the European Metropolis of Lille, Geographic Information Department)

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Figure 2.27. Map of the Wattignies heating network (source: map of the European Metropolis of Lille, Geographic Information Department)

Figure 2.28. Map of the Wattrelos heating network (source: map of the European Metropolis of Lille, Geographic Information Department)

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The European Metropolis of Lille, becoming the owner of the networks and the licensing authority is radically reorganizing the balances that previously existed between Lille as a metropolitan urban community and the energy distributors. To sum up, the metropolis now has 8,589 km of electricity networks covering all metropolitan municipalities; 567,532 electricity subscribers; 5,590 gigawatt hours (GWh) of distributed electricity, which is equivalent to the annual production of a Gravelines nuclear reactor. For gas, it owns 3,960 km of gas networks covering all metropolitan municipalities; 324,672 gas customers; 7,943 GWh of gas distributed. It is the leading gas network with biomethane injection in France with six sites in the region for a production of 212GWh per year. Finally, for heat, it has nine multifuel boiler rooms that produce distributed heat through six heat concession contracts; 99 km of heat network for 625 delivery points (housing, tertiary activity, public buildings); 440 GWh of heat distributed to network users, equivalent to 46,000 homes. The European Metropolis of Lille is positioning itself with its Territorial Climate Energy Plan as a leader in its territory to conduct the energy transition and to meet the challenge of climate change. It had an initial and voluntary strategy by setting metropolitan objectives for 2020 based on low carbon emissions and energy efficiency (30% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions and 10% reduction in energy consumption in 2020 compared to 1990) and the increase in local renewable energy production (five times more in 2020 compared to 2007). The city had called on Jeremy Rifkin (Rifkin 2013) in 2012 to accelerate its transformation toward the third industrial revolution. Without questioning the city’s work with the American economist, the metropolis continued on its own and launched the elaboration of a new Territorial Air Energy Climate Plan in 2017 to update the 2013 plan. This new plan includes the air component and sets a course for 2030. It should strengthen targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions, energy consumption, developing renewable energy, improving air quality and adapting to climate change. The 90 municipalities of the metropolis play a decisive role because they have a significant real estate portfolio and spend on average more than 4% of their operating budget on energy expenses. The metropolis provides them with a solar cadastre with a financial calculator and a tool for predimensioning solar energy production installations. The sunshine rate is not as favorable as in southern Europe, Africa or the Middle East, but the

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improvement in the efficiency of photovoltaic modules and solar thermal collectors, as well as the lower costs, make projects possible. Examples of small wind turbines being installed in the metropolis are marginal. The Regional Directorate for the Environment, Planning and Housing always remains cautious in the opinions it issues. It uses sentences such as “the implementation of various monitoring and verification measures is included in the study and will help to explain that the impacts are really acceptable and that the measures taken are sufficiently effective”. Finally, for geothermal energy, the Bureau de recherche géologique et minière (BRGM) has produced an atlas on the geothermal potential of the region and the metropolis. He concludes that the potential is strong for 26% of the surface area of Nord and Pas-de-Calais areas and in some parts of the metropolis. The geothermal potential exists, particularly for the chalk aquifer which covers part of the metropolis, with very interesting characteristics: shallow groundwater depth and high exploitation rates. 2.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in metropolises First of all, it is necessary to summarize comparatively the characteristics of the two metropolises studied. Status Latitude Longitude Country Continent Altitude Climate Surface area Language Religion Population 2018 Growth rate of growth Density

Riyadh Capital of a State 24° 37' N 46° 42' W Saudi Arabia Asia 600 m BWh 1,554 km² Arabic Sunni Islam 6,907,000 inhabitants

European metropolis of Lille Capital of a region 50° 37' N 3° 04' E France Europe 25 m CFb 611 km² French Secularism 1,143,572 inhabitants

4% per year

0.15% per year

4,444 inhabitants/km²

1,872 inhabitants/km²

Table 2.7. Comparison of the two metropolises studied

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Riyadh consolidated its status as a capital with the creation of Saudi Arabia in 1932. The small town lived peacefully until the Second World War. Its rapid development then occurred with the discovery and subsequent exploitation of hydrocarbon reserves. Riyadh can be considered as a modern city, built in the desert, which is growing very rapidly. Lille has a much older and more complex history, similar to Old Europe, since its history has been rich since the Middle Ages, as shown by its religious buildings. European cities first developed often around the cathedral, the collegiate church Saint-Pierre in the case of Lille, around craft activities, such as textiles for Lille and trade. They have experienced multiple wars and have been able to change tutelary powers. Lille only became definitively French in 1667, thanks to King Louis XIV. The second period of growth and urban change was the industrial revolution. Lille has used the term metropolitan France in the name of its urban community since January 1, 2015 and groups 90 municipalities in an industrial conurbation unique in France. Geographically, Riyadh is in the Middle East, the European Metropolis of Lille in Europe; the first is located in a desert climate (BWh), the second in a temperate ocean climate (CFb) where living conditions are easier for humans. They are both in the northern hemisphere, but not at the same latitude, Riyadh being 30° further south, 139 km from the tropical cancer. Riyadh is the capital of one of the world’s best endowed countries in terms of hydrocarbon reserves. Lille is in a mining basin where coal mining has played an important role in its history but is now over. The two metropolises are 4,705 km apart as the crow flies. We could connect them by car, which would be 1,000 km more, by going down from Europe to Turkey, crossing the Bosporus Strait, crossing the Asian part of Turkey, Syria, Jordan to reach Saudi Arabia. The instability in the Middle East does not allow this journey to be made by road today. In terms of urban planning and development, Riyadh has established its master plans over the past 50 years to cope with the strong growth in its population to build buildings, infrastructure and networks. It appears as a modern metropolis with an American-style grid pattern that has built straight urban all-car roads. In Europe, cities have no roads but alleys, streets, avenues, boulevards, expressways, bypasses and ring roads that are never straight. Lille respects this medieval logic and is marked by its glorious past, which is reflected in its plan, buildings and arteries. Old Lille bears witness to the city’s architecture before the industrial revolution. Major developments and important recent achievements are nevertheless to be noted and project Lille

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into the 21st Century. Even if this metropolis is modern, we are returned to its past, with all this subtlety, this culture of a city that today is French, which belonged to several European powers in the past and which has been built in successive strata over the centuries, keeping the best. At the demographic level, the contrast is also striking. Riyadh reached a population of 1 million in 1980, the same level as the urban community, which became the European Metropolis of Lille. Riyadh has a population that exceeds 7 million in 2019, which is now almost seven times higher than the population of the European Metropolis of Lille. Indeed, the population of the city of Lille and its urban community has not changed much over the past 50 years at constant perimeter. Lille has remained at around 230,000 inhabitants and its metropolis at 1.1 million inhabitants (991,555 inhabitants in 1968) according to the Institut national des statistiques et études économiques (INSEE). In 45 years, the two metropolises have evolved very differently, with different priorities. Access to drinking water for a population that is growing so fast in the desert is fundamental for Riyadh, less so for Lille. Riyadh’s population growth rates are difficult to understand for Westerners who do not realize the changes taking place in the Gulf countries. Saudi Arabia is beginning to grant tourist visas after opening new tourist sites to the international public. In the past, only Western businessmen and women could travel to Riyadh by invitation and witness urban transformations. Religious tourism is still very important in Saudi Arabia and attracts pilgrims from all over the world. They converge on the holy places of Mecca and Medina. The cradle of Islam, Saudi Arabia includes the two most sacred mosques of this religion: Masjid al-Harâm in Mecca, the destination of the annual Hajj pilgrimage, and Al-Masjid Al-Nabawi in Medina, where the Prophet Muhammad is buried. In terms of energy, Riyadh lives on the country’s hydrocarbon stock, which is burned to supply the capital with electricity. The networks are very recent to connect entire new districts and accommodate more than 250,000 additional inhabitants per year. Recent buildings consume too much with air conditioning. But the stifling heat is hampering economic activity. Urban transport is mainly carried out by car. Metropolitan energy consumption is exploding, yet still benefiting from cheap petroleum products to supply the five power plants, but for how long? Saudi Arabia, with its GDP per capita that has surpassed France, has recently invested heavily in its cities and has

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launched a plan to create six new cities, including the King Abdullah Economic City. Lille compares itself by promoting the flow energies that remain marginal to supply its buildings, transport and factories with energy. Its infrastructure is older and has had to be modernized; its population has remained stagnant despite its desire for economic renaissance and the very limited arrival of migrants; its public finances are under severe budgetary constraints, its energy consumption is also stagnant. The comparison could be summarized as follows: Riyadh, which was a small town, has become a major metropolis of over 7 million inhabitants; the agglomeration of Lille, which was a major industrial center of the industrial revolution, has remained this metropolis of just over 1 million inhabitants; the world population has increased from 1 billion inhabitants in 1800 to 8 billion inhabitants in 2020. We could add that it is a modern metropolis facing an old metropolis, a new world facing the old world. It is not that simple. Most European metropolises could be described as old metropolises compared to those of the United States and emerging countries. But the bets are not made. The executive powers of European local authorities are not giving up and are struggling in the face of an announced decline to capitalize on a rich heritage and project themselves into innovation and modernity. In particular, they want to be at the forefront of the fight against climate change and thus create new dynamics. 2.4.1. Priority to controlling energy consumption in metropolises Metropolises must control their energy consumption, both to save money and to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Appropriate regulations, good facilities and proactive action plans are essential. Riyadh is an instructive example of a metropolis for which energy efficiency was not the priority. The first step was to develop the urban territory to cope with the influx of new populations and provide good living and working conditions. With oil abundant and cheap, electricity and gasoline were at a negligible cost. Consequently, urbanization has spread rapidly, seeking to give an image of modernity, comfort and social progress with the construction of beautiful residential villas, office buildings, palaces, mosques and monumental infrastructures using unlimited air conditioning. The initial lack of public transport, urban roads and American-style grid layout have favored the use of powerful air-conditioned vehicles. The use of

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bicycles is less adapted to this urban space, which is too big and too hot. The consequence is an explosion of energy consumption and polluting emissions in a kingdom that has become much richer and world champion with 16 tons of CO2 emitted per inhabitant per year23. Lille, on the other hand, has always had to install heating systems for harsh winters, and to be concerned about its energy supply and mobility. The business district and the two stations (Lille Flandres and Lille Europe) are easily accessible by foot or bicycle, which makes travel within the city easy but more complicated at the level of the urban agglomeration to bring together the various peripheral municipalities, even if the metro and buses are efficient. The culture of energy efficiency is much more developed even if the all-nuclear policy in France in the 1980s may have led people to believe in cheap, sustainable electricity. Prior to COP21 in December 2015, countries that were signatories to Annex 1 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, such as the European Union, were required to meet emission reduction targets (Boisgibault and Mozas 2012) and were subject to the EU emissions trading scheme. Lille, its urban community and then its metropolis, wanted to be exemplary through multiple initiatives. Saudi Arabia, which ratified the Kyoto Protocol on January 31, 200524, was not in Annex 1 and was therefore not constrained until the Paris Climate Agreement changed the situation. This explains a later awareness to implement adaptation and mitigation measures to climate change. On November 3, 2016, Saudi Arabia signed the Paris Climate Agreement and was committed. Some observers will criticize the kingdom for being too lukewarm and for always aligning itself with American positions to minimize the conclusions of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), particularly at COP24 in December 2018. However, people’s minds are changing in Riyadh, as evidenced by the introduction of thermal regulations for construction. The kingdom’s third communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change reflects the awareness of climate change and the finite nature of hydrocarbon reserves. Lille is subject to European directives, in particular those on energy efficiency 2012/27 which is currently being revised and on the energy performance of buildings 2018/844, but not Riyadh. These new 23 United Nations, carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, metric tons of CO2 per capita (CDIAC). 24 Website of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

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European directives should require Member States to apply a justified, precise, verifiable and non-discriminatory method for determining the conversion factor from electrical energy to primary energy, which will decrease to 2.1. The choice of this factor is an essential energy policy decision, particularly for new thermal regulations for buildings. The logic is to effectively lower this coefficient and to reason in terms of final energy rather than primary energy, so as not to penalize the electrification of residential heating. However, electric heating, which emits less CO2/m2/year than oil heating, raises the peak electricity consumption and this can cause balancing problems for the grid operator. Air quality in urban areas is becoming a public health issue. Energy efficiency must be achieved in all buildings and mainly in transport. Industry is less present in metropolises because factories are more likely to be located outside cities. For the old factories, as in Roubaix, they have closed or been driven out of the city center. The very design of urban space, its urban planning and its evolution over time show how it has adapted to human activity, its environment and climate, sometimes with resilience, to find the best energy solutions. This is evident in urban buildings, public lighting and urban passenger and freight transport. Urban buildings: They are recent and old, with a significant historical heritage in European cities, both public and private. The age of the building stock is an issue as it is easier to apply new standards for buildings to be built. Energy renovation is always expensive and delicate. Residential buildings are often co-owned, with owners who are not occupants, leading to more complicated decision making. The purpose of a building is urban planning. It corresponds to what it was built for. The Urban Planning Code distinguishes five destinations for construction, of which only the first four are applicable to the metropolis: housing, commerce and service activities, facilities of public interest and public services and other activities in the secondary and tertiary sectors. The fifth destination, which corresponds to agricultural and forestry exploitation, applies to rural areas. It is the container. The use of a building corresponds to the content, with a residential use, with private stock and social housing and any other use. Destination and use do not have the same purpose. For the destination, the authorities will examine urban planning standards such as the local urban plan and the nature of the buildings. It is possible to change the destination of a building

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provided that you make a prior declaration. If work is necessary, the application for a building permit is equivalent to an application for a change of destination. The notion of use makes it possible to balance the residential with office buildings in order to protect the dwellings in particular. To transform a living space into another use, the prior authorization of the metropolis may be required. The purpose of this measure is to protect the housing stock by limiting the conversion of residential dwellings into offices or the development of housing exclusively for tourists. In cities, the objective of the energy transition is therefore primarily to consume less energy, to heat and cool better, to insulate better from inside and outside, to build and renovate better and to try to develop energy microproductions in new buildings. The 2012 thermal regulations in France set an obligation to respect a primary energy consumption of less than 50 kWh per m2 of net floor area per year. This requirement is modulated according to the size of the buildings and the geographical area, with 65 kWh per m2 per year in Lille compared to 40 kWh per m2 per year in Nice. It will be replaced by the 2020 thermal regulation, which should also take into account a carbon criterion. This means that the emission of greenhouse gases during the construction and operation of a building is also important to regulate. New buildings built after 2020 should produce as much energy as they consume but also limit their emissions over the entire lifecycle of the building. Saudi Arabia’s 2014 thermal insulation regulations follow the same trend, perhaps less advanced, but they may have two advantages: a recent building stock under construction and simpler regulations that do not hinder project owners and prime contractors. The NBIC revolution helps in the goal of consuming less and emitting less. Home automation, smart meters, miniaturized sensors and connected objects have entered the residential environment to allow better interaction between the occupant and the devices. By equipping a house with nonintrusive sensors, we can measure temperature, humidity, lighting and presence. These data can be sent to a monitoring server which, using an algorithm based on a data history, can detect anomalies and, through artificial intelligence, make recommendations. BIM, which stands for Building Information Modeling, is more a matter of information and communication sciences. It is becoming a key factor in achieving the required objectives, especially in urban commercial buildings. It models the data of the building and its infrastructures. These are working

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methods and a 3D parametric digital model that contains structured data. BIM allows the sharing of reliable information throughout the life of a building, from design to demolition. The digital model is the digital representation of the physical and functional characteristics of this building. BIM is more than just software or technology. It is a working method that creates virtual models for analysis, energy simulations, controls and visualizations. The digital model allows better collaboration between all stakeholders on a building, through data exchanges, throughout the lifecycle. It allows a better control of construction, operation and maintenance costs by simulating possible options. Construction techniques and good maintenance must be constantly improved. The evolution of materials is also important for the high low-carbon energy efficiency of urban buildings. Saudi vernacular architecture was designed to regulate the internal temperature, using walls with high thermal inertia, dark interiors and small openings to cope with the high heat and wide temperature ranges of the day. The solid clay brick Lille is easy to manufacture and install. The buildings have the advantage of being compact and offer a correct summer comfort. On the other hand, thermal performance is not excellent in winter. With globalization, we are witnessing a convergence in the construction of office buildings, with a certain reluctance in Europe to build skyscrapers. Materials evolve like glazing, which becomes, for example, dynamic and capable of adapting thermal and light characteristics to the needs of the building. One of the major challenges is the financing of the energy renovation of urban buildings, by developing a fair green tax system, a onestop shop, energy saving certificate mechanisms, fund guarantees for lowincome households, energy transition tax credits dedicated to energy saving works and renewable energy equipment, zero interest rate eco-loans and renovation assistance measures. The fight against fuel poverty is a priority in cities that may have more difficult neighborhoods, with a population that does not have the means to finance energy renovations. Public lighting: It is also a major challenge for metropolises. The question is whether the metropolis should operate this service itself internally, with dedicated agents, or whether it outsources this service to a private company through a public service delegation or public–private partnership contracts. The citizen wants to be able to return home in the evening, at night, in complete peace and quiet and public roads must be illuminated and the light intensity can be adjusted. The objective of the energy transition will be to find the right equipment, both streetlamps and

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light bulbs; to install them properly; and to operate them properly while ensuring proper maintenance. European metropolises previously used combustion to produce a flame, which required a lot of labor to start, extinguish and prevent fires. They then used incandescent or discharge lamps, i.e. with a miniature filament surrounded by a glass envelope or with electrodes that create discharges. The latter are very common in the form of fluorescent tubes and pressure sodium vapor lamps. Equipment has evolved considerably from post-war gas lamps to LED bulbs that use the principle of electroluminescence. The lighting can be autonomous with solar panels and small wind turbines combined and intelligent with sensors that modulate the intensity of light. Proper operation and maintenance of streetlights reduces energy bills and greenhouse gas emissions. We must find the right balance between the economies that push for public lighting to be switched off in the middle of the night and the need for citizens’ safety, which requires light. Urban transport: They concern people and goods. Street transport can be used such as walking, scootering, cycling, mopeds, motorcycles, cars, vans, trucks, buses, coaches; rail transport such as subways, trams and trains; inland waterways transport such as gondolas, kayaks, motor boats and bus boats; cable transport such as funiculars and cable cars; air transport such as helicopters and planes. The objective for the metropolis is to make traffic flow more smoothly, avoid traffic jams, provide good access to all the city’s districts, facilitate commuting between home and work, and reduce air and noise pollution. Riyadh’s urban planning, climate and size make it ideal for car use, while Lille offers pleasant and gentle mobility. The challenge of the energy transition will be to decarbonize urban transport, mainly by limiting the use of conventional combustion cars in city centers. This can be done by developing public transport; by encouraging the use of new mobility such as bicycles, scooters, boat buses; by introducing electric cars and natural gas buses for vehicles; by establishing urban tolls; and by building appropriate infrastructure such as pedestrian and bicycle lanes, bus and carpool lanes, railways and charging stations. The urban landscape is marked by a strong anthropization of the environment and will seek to develop the collective good. It is a question of greening to contribute to better air quality and public health, and of creating car parks on the outskirts to encourage citizens to use public transport in the city center. If the parking space can create a rivalry in the city center, because of its rarity, it will create less in the outskirts. Energy efficiency improvement schemes have a limited impact on the urban landscape, if

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properly implemented, since we remain in a highly mineralized universe. They will improve air quality, which is crucial as a public good and for public health. Electric and hybrid cars and associated car-sharing services are rapidly being deployed in metropolitan and peri-urban areas because they are particularly suitable for short distances at limited speed because they do not emit CO2, and engines do not make noise and their range is limited to 500 km. This requires recharging the batteries. The option of using hydrogen to power a fuel cell, which is a generator, has the advantage of producing electricity directly for the engine. This is done by the meeting of hydrogen (H) with oxygen (O) through oxidation on one electrode of hydrogen coupled with the reduction on the other electrode of oxygen from the air. The generator only discharges water. Conventional electric vehicles, hybrid vehicles and hydrogen vehicles require a dual public–private network of charging stations for electricity and hydrogen. For electric charging stations, it is necessary to provide slow recharging, for example at night at home and semiaccelerated and accelerated recharging during journeys. The kiosks must be designed for private car parks, co-owned buildings, petrol stations, company car parks, public car parks and roads. They can be installed indoors and outdoors, in wall and floor configurations. For the supply of hydrogen, which takes place in 5 minutes, hydrogen charging stations must be installed in metropolises, on motorways and roads to supply adapted individual cars, taxis and public transport vehicles. A third network to be deployed in metropolises must be added, which concerns car sharing. The user is no longer obliged to buy his vehicle, which he occasionally uses in the city. He goes to an electric vehicle station and can use an available model for a subscription and adapted pricing. New information and digital technologies are facilitating the use of these electric vehicles through applications that geolocate charging stations and available vehicles, assist in navigation and subscriber account management. There is uncertainty in determining the speed of deployment of the electric vehicle fleet and its associated energy consumption in metropolises. Additional installed capacities of power plants are to be expected and can be

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polluting depending on the fuel used. There are controversies over the rare earths that are essential to produce batteries and their recycling. For biofuels, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), which is a gaseous fuel consisting of butane and propane, and compressed natural gas (CNG), which is composed of methane stored at high pressure, three additional pump networks are also required. The distribution of biofuels and LPG is most often integrated into existing petrol stations but requires the organization of the supply chain. LPG is used for passenger cars, which is highly developed in the Netherlands. CNGV is used instead for buses and trucks, in petrol bicarburation, which makes the vehicle more autonomous. Finally, for soft mobility, self-service stations for motor bikes, bicycles and scooters must also be intelligently deployed. Metropolises are faced with organizing about 10 additional networks for new fuels, new engines, self-service vehicles, managing the uncertainty of their sustainability and controlling all the new associated energy consumption. 2.4.2. Microproduction of energy in metropolises Microenergy production is possible in urban buildings (collective residential buildings, administrations, offices, sports facilities, religions, education and health) and in individual city houses. They should develop with the new thermal regulations that encourage the construction of positive energy buildings (known by the French acronym BEPOS) that can contribute to the creation of positive energy metropolises. Are positive energy metropolises desirable? We understand the important role of urban planners, building owners and architects in building these intelligent and sober buildings in metropolises. There are several possibilities for urban constructions, which can be combined with each other, but they are not without constraints: – solar thermal and photovoltaic energy makes it possible to produce heat and electricity in the city but favors landlords to the detriment of tenants, who do not have their roofs freely available; – the small wind turbine has a necessarily limited size of wind turbines in the city, with a vertical or horizontal axis, which reduces the installed power accordingly;

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– solid biomass (wood, branches) emits pollutants during its combustion, which has led metropolises to ban chimney fires in cities; – cogeneration also emits pollutants by burning fuel oil, fossil gas, biogas, wood; – geothermal energy requires a good land location. There is a drilling risk that must be covered by an innovative mechanism; – micromethanization, which degrades organic matter from household waste to produce biogas (CH4) and digestate, requires space and can release bad odors for the neighborhood; – the lifecycle analysis of new installations must be carried out to see where the equipment comes from, how it is recycled, to carry out a multicriteria, multistage environmental assessment that favors short circuits and local industry. One of the difficulties in metropolises is that the occupants of buildings are not necessarily the owners or co-owners, which implies a more complicated decision-making process and that land ownership is weak. The urban energy producer has several options: – self-consuming, individually or collectively, electricity, heat, biogas produced partially or totally, because of storage systems; – sell the production or a residue of the production to an energy operator at a feed-in tariff or at market price with a premium, with the granting of a green certificate if it is renewable energy that is part of a public support policy (CtoB); – sell the production or a residue of the production to a neighbor or a third party at an agreed price by mutual agreement (CtoC). Traditional urban energy distribution networks have been designed in a monopolistic framework to sell energy, possibly to buy it, but not to allow multiple transactions in a local market. We then understand the need to strengthen the traditional network by local loops of intelligent networks which, through hybridization, could make these exchanges possible and experiments are numerous in metropolises. The most spectacular recent development in metropolises comes from the blockchain chain. By allowing the trade of electricity blocks from neighbors to neighbors through smart meters and by encouraging local consumption at

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the time of production, it can stabilize the grid and help decentralization. Each block is validated by the network nodes called “miners”, according to techniques that depend on the type of chain. Once the block is validated and time stamped on a register, it is added to the chain. The transaction is then visible to the consumer, as well as the entire network. However, the question arises as to whether positive energy buildings should be intensified and generalized. Indeed, while the reduction of energy consumption is unanimously accepted, energy microproduction increases construction times; makes design, operation and maintenance more complex; involves risks and can damage aesthetics, especially if the metropolis is old. The profitability of building-integrated projects is low, and some people wonder if it is worth it. The development of batteries and innovative digital solutions is essential to give more flexibility, more autonomy and more reactivity. Positive energy buildings are often grouped together in econeighborhoods that are often the subject of a specific strategic framework. The objective of the energy transition in metropolises is to intelligently develop these microproductions of renewable energies. A resident can become the owner of the area where photovoltaic modules are installed, i.e. system operator, electricity supplier and consumer actor. Social injustice can be reinforced with the tenant who does not have the same freedom to develop such “electricity” or local electricity production projects. It is therefore important to involve tenants, beneficiaries of social housing in this energy transition through specific offers, as Germany does through its Mieterstrom law for collective self-consumption in residential buildings. 2.4.3. Peripheral power generation units and networks Instead, the 20th Century fought against the idea of a positive energy metropolis (MEPOS) that seemed absurd, polluting and dangerous. With the development of the urban population, it quickly became apparent that energy needs were becoming very high. In the past, in traditional houses, everyone fetched water from the source, produced heat with a wood fire and light with candles or kerosene lamps. Progress has been made in removing these microproductions, which were polluting and dangerous to public health, in order to provide connections to drinking water, sewerage, electricity, gas and telecommunications networks. This has involved the construction of major power plants on the outskirts of metropolises and the deployment of these

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energy transmission and distribution networks. Energy decisions have been centralized at the level of the relevant ministry, in the interest of the nation and its citizens. In the case of the European Metropolis of Lille, the Gravelines nuclear power plant and the Dunkirk gas hub were built to secure energy supplies. In Riyadh, the five thermal power plants were also built to secure the electricity supply. In addition to the basic supply, peak electricity consumption must be anticipated, and the right balance guaranteed at all times. The microenergy microproductions on the buildings seen above, while interesting, remain marginal, as does the use of hydrogen in cities. Metropolises have a particular problem with the management of waste that comes back daily in large quantities. The efficient collection, sorting and recycling of household waste is an important issue for hygiene and cleanliness. This inexhaustible resource is recovered by recycling and reuse, methanization and incineration. The urban space wants to favor short circuits and the circular economy. Garbage collection is done by dump trucks. It is difficult for them to travel too many kilometers to the household waste incineration plant. The latter is necessarily at the gates of the metropolis. Riyadh still uses basic landfills and is considering its strategy for household waste management. The metropolis of Lille has found an innovative solution with the Antarès energy recovery center in Halluin, which was commissioned in 2000. The 347,929 tons of non-recyclable waste received in 2016 produced 173,899 MWh of electricity (134,615 MWh sold to EDF for more than 7 million euros and 39,069 MWh self-consumed), an annual production that corresponds to the annual consumption of 25,000 households. The energy transition in metropolises requires that this problem of household waste be addressed, with the best possible recovery through the production of heat and electricity. The household waste incineration plant is also a thermal power plant whose energy production is not negligible. The metropolis, unable to produce all the energy necessary for its consumption, will have to buy it. The deregulation that has taken place in the European Union and is arriving in Africa and Saudi Arabia is leading to a multitude of suppliers and the end of regulated electricity and gas tariffs. The direct consequence is an increased responsibility for the metropolitan teams to build the specifications, launch calls for tenders, analyze the results and select the best offers. In terms of budget, it is becoming more difficult to forecast long-term electricity and gas prices, which have become volatile while traditional tariffs were stable. Electricity market prices have even experienced extreme phenomena in the European Union, occasionally becoming negative.

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The metropolis must manage quantities to guarantee supplies for city dwellers and fluctuating prices, with much shorter time horizons since suppliers will have to compete on a regular basis. The metropolis may lose its direct relationship with traditional electricity and gas suppliers, former public monopolies, to a private supplier or a purchasing group or broker who is an energy trader on behalf of third parties. The complexity is such to manage price and quantity risks that there is a strong temptation to delegate this competence to obtain the most comprehensible and global offer. Reliable networks are then necessary to transport electricity, gas, heat and water in the metropolis and to collect waste that promotes the circular economy. The scheme is the installation of a large energy production unit outside the urban space and transport, then the distribution of this energy in the metropolis to meet all needs. In Riyadh, power lines were built with the beginning of electrification in 1951, along straight axes. In the case of Lille, the very high voltage line passes south of the metropolis and coincides to some extent with past and present business areas. Pressure drops prevent distances from being too far apart between large production units and the city dweller, the final consumer. Proper maintenance of networks in urban areas prevents disasters, especially when it comes to natural gas that is explosive. Finally, the digital revolution will enable private and professional consumers to be equipped with new tools to better manage energy consumption and change behavior. The aim is to save energy and arbitrate consumption according to prices in order to encourage erasure during peak periods. The extension of smart grids into short circuits is limited by urban density, spatial constraints and additional risks and produces this hybridization with traditional grids. A major problem of this increased complexity remains to manage the peak electricity consumption, by adjusting supply and demand at all times, to avoid the untimely interruption that is more dramatic in metropolises. New green energy production facilities are often featured prominently in the press, even though their impact on the metropolis’ energy balance is low. At the same time, when the city’s energy security is based on a nuclear power plant, coal-fired power plants and thermal power plants, metropolitan teams remain very discreet on the subject, not wanting to arouse the fear of city dwellers about the risks and pollution that this can generate. The challenge of the energy transition, for large production units destined for metropolises, would be to reduce the use of hydrocarbons to decarbonize electricity production and reduce greenhouse gases. Coal-fired power plants

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are expected to be the first to close. However, Poland, which hosted COP24 in December 2018, has started construction of its last coal-fired power plant in Ostroleka. This 1,000-MW power plant uses 3 million metric tons of Polish coal per year. Poland has, at Bełchatów, the largest open-pit coal mine in the European Union and a large coalfield in Silesia. Coal is far from disappearing from the global energy mix, as shown by the International Energy Agency’s projections. In France, the closure of the last four coal-fired power plants is difficult to organize socially, because of the job losses it will cause. An English broker reminds us that coal-fired power plants still work because insurers still accept to insure the associated risks. However, in the city, there is currently an awareness in the world of insurance and reinsurance. Reports are coming out to restrict coverage for this industry. Companies have announced that they no longer wish to insure new coal-fired power plant construction. In the period 2006–2010, insurers had been dragging their feet to grant policies to building-integrated photovoltaic projects that affected roof waterproofing and, in particular, the 10-year guarantee. They told the young start-up companies that they lacked claims histories. Times have changed and the financial sector, banking and insurance, plays a decisive role in this new ongoing transition, especially since they are also important institutional investors. They are directing their responsible investment policies toward the green economy at the expense of hydrocarbons. Are oil-fired and combined-cycle natural gas thermal power plants also to be closed? For the supply of metropolises and to guarantee electricity supply, it is understood that a safety system must be organized in the event of failure of production units and that peak consumption, which may only last a few hours or days per year, must be guaranteed. The nuclear issue is also very difficult because this carbon-free energy presents risks related to uranium supply, waste management and recycling, and the landfilling of final waste. The Chernobyl and Fukushima accidents are still remembered. On the other hand, technology is evolving favorably, installations are safer, reactors may be smaller, the electricity produced does not emit CO2 and we can see its advantages for the basic supply of a metropolis. Finally, dams, large photovoltaic plants, large onshore wind turbines and methanization units can only be located away from dwellings. By connecting

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them to the electricity grid, they make a useful contribution to the energy supply of metropolises, despite their intermittency. The question arises as to why European countries have developed such large wind farms in the North Sea, while France has not yet succeeded. Offshore projects of more than 300 MW have been commissioned by Denmark (Anholt 400 MW, Dan Tysk 300 MW), Germany (Bard 400 MW), Great Britain (London Array, 630 MW, Greater Gabbard 500 MW, Walney 370 MW, Sheringham Shoal and Thanet 300 MW), Belgium (Thornton Bank 325 MW) and the Netherlands that have smaller wind farms. These large installations, which can exceed 100 offshore wind turbines, supply electrical power to coastal metropolises. Marine winds are stronger and more regular and wind turbines are more powerful, which limits the problem of intermittency. Regions and metropolises, because of their master plans and their Territorial Climate, Air and Energy Plan, are beginning to express themselves more strongly on their energy mix that they no longer want to be subject to. They set up action plans, citizen initiatives and choose appropriate suppliers, taking into account the sustainable development dimension. They exchange best practices among themselves in their associations. The power of local authorities is increasing with the decentralization process, although their financial resources are a matter of concern. In France, the territorial organization is particular and differs from other countries, particularly Saudi Arabia. The municipalities owned their electricity distribution networks. They could operate their networks under direct management or entrust their networks to an electricity grant holder or give this competence to a departmental energy union. Whatever the territorial organization, the communal block and metropolises play an increasing role in the energy transition and want to guarantee their security of energy supply.

3 The Energy Transition in Rural Areas

3.1. The characteristics of energy in rural areas The word rurality comes from the Latin word that means the countryside. Rural areas are often defined “implicitly” as non-urban areas, with villages, hamlets, agricultural landscapes and forests. They can be defined by substraction, as what is neither a city nor a peri-urban employment hub in the inner city. Paul Claval (2015) in Penser le monde en géographe challenges us by forcing us to ask ourselves if urban space is opposed to rural space. The integrative definition emphasizes the notion of low-density spaces and their living environment closer to nature. Reticular capitalism, which promised to deploy networks in all territories for water, energy, television, Internet and telecommunications, suggested that rurality was becoming interconnected and, consequently, no longer opposed to cities as traditionally. Technological progress could suggest a fairer society, with campaigns now linked to the world. Energy in rural areas can be analyzed with the same criteria as in metropolises, i.e. through the prism of production and consumption for housing, transport and industry. Housing is less dense, passenger and freight transport is more diffused than in cities, but space is more available for industries. It is the industrial dynamics and changes in rural areas that are particularly interesting to look at here. The representation of rural areas is not compatible with images associated with industries, which are characterized by pollution, greenhouse gas emissions and noise. Local productive systems are the subject of studies by geographers and economists. At what point are the spaces no longer rural

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts, First Edition. Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani. © ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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when industries are established there? The development of production units in rural areas challenges the binary definition between urban and rurality. The comparative advantages of rurality are easily understandable with cheap labor, lower input costs, greater availability of land, low land costs and remoteness from residential housing. The campaigns have been part of the industrialization of Europe for more than two centuries. As metropolises have gradually pushed factories out of their perimeter due to questions of cost, nuisance, noise, pollution and safety, industries are becoming less urban. Manufacturing industry participates in the organization and dynamics of rural areas. And conversely, rural areas play a role in the geographical dynamics of industrial activities. Research on the evolution of industrial campaigns in Germany (Roth 2008) is instructive because the population density of this country is twice as high as in France and its industry is strong. An analysis of the changes in industrial activity in rural areas over the past decade shows the importance of the logic of urban loosening. More than a quarter of the workforce in rural Baden-Württemberg, Franconia and the eastern fringes of the Rhine-Ruhr region is engaged in manufacturing. One could think of an inevitable increase in productive activities in the countryside and therefore in energy consumption, but this logic is hampered by the fact that Europe is deindustrialized in a globalized world. In emerging countries, this logic is possible with population growth without being certain in developing countries that do not take off due to corruption or war. Yet research (Guilluy 2010) reveals a situation very different from the usual caricatured representations and draws cities and rurality undermined by social and cultural separatism, with a deep crisis of “living together”. The hyper-metropolization that we see in Europe, the Middle East and Africa does not always benefit rural areas, which can lose their physical access to public services and feel increasingly forgotten. The growing conurbations at the gates of cities are becoming difficult to manage, leading to increased attention from public authorities who are demanding “suburban” plans to ease tensions. They sometimes neglect rural affairs, which are calmer. The World Bank1 highlights a decline in the world’s rural population from 66% in 1960 to 45% in 2017, with wide disparities across continents. Over the same period, the rate decreased from 38% to 20% in France; from 77% to 53% in Senegal; from 69% to 16% in Saudi Arabia, showing the very rapid rural exodus in the last country.

1 United Nations Population Division’s World Urbanization, 2018.

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In Senegal, studies show that rurality is a source of poverty (Camara 2002). The decline of the trafficking economy, which referred to all economic relations associated with the marketing of agricultural products, particularly groundnuts, has left most of the countryside in disarray. The groundnut basin regions have become centers of emigration, which shows the failure of development policies to fill this gap. In France, the standard of living in rural areas is also lower than in metropolises, although exact statistics are difficult to obtain because of poorly defined rural boundaries that do not correspond to the administrative division. The rural population needs energy to live and work in agricultural and artisanal enterprises. Rural areas have more space to build and operate small off-grid systems, large grid-connected power plants and for heat production. The question is whether decentralized off-grid electricity production is more relevant than centralized electricity production with networks. The examples of Pays de Fayence in southern France and Bokhol in Senegal were chosen to illustrate these challenges. The distance from Fayence to Bokhol is 3,800 km as the crow flies. It is the African coastal route of the first sailors and airmail aviators, Jean Mermoz and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry (1929, 1943). The car journey is 1,000 km longer, following the Mediterranean coast of France and Spain, crossing the Strait of Gibraltar and following the Atlantic coast of Morocco, Western Sahara, Mauritania to reach Senegal. This route remains difficult for Westerners to travel by car today due to tensions and untimely roadblocks, with à la carte tolls, in Western Sahara and Mauritania. From south to north, it corresponds to the western route of migrants traveling back to Europe through the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla. The Pays de Fayence is located 30 km from Cannes and Saint-Raphaël. Two hydroelectric power stations have been built on the Siagne. The Malpasset arc dam was built north of Fréjus and commissioned in 1954, with a reservoir that filled in several years as the flow of the Reyran River was so low. It encroached on the southern part of the Pays de Fayence, which did not yet exist as an intermunicipality. It collapsed in 1959, killing 423 people in the floods. As a result of this disaster, the 20 MW Saint-Cassien dam was built after 1966. In 2011, a 7.3 MW ground-mounted photovoltaic solar power plant was commissioned. Bokhol is a rural area located in northwestern Senegal. A 20 MW ground-mounted photovoltaic solar power plant has been built and has been operating since the end of 2016.

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Fayence and Bokhol are not coastal territories in the strict sense of the term, although they are not so far from the Mediterranean for the former (about 30 kilometers from Mandelieu/Cannes) or from the Atlantic Ocean for the latter (about 100 km from Saint-Louis). Coastal and island territories are particular rural areas that can benefit from the sea or ocean and form small isolated systems. The climates of these two rural areas are, according to the Köppen classification, CSa for the Pays de Fayence and BSh for Bokhol, i.e., for the first terrain, a temperate Mediterranean climate with four seasons and a Sahelian-type climate with a dry season and a rainy season for the second. Annual precipitation is fairly low and about the same, with good sunshine and high heat. Heating is not essential but rather a supplement for winters in the French Riviera. Air conditioning is not very widespread in rural areas. 3.2. The example of Pays de Fayence in France 3.2.1. Presentation of Pays de Fayence Status: Fayence is a municipality which is the seat of the Pays de Fayence This community of communes (public establishment for intermunicipal cooperation) is located in the Var department, in the Region Sud, ProvenceAlpes-Côte d’Azur of France. – Latitude: 43° 37' N. – Longitude: 6° 41' E. – Altitude: 360 m. – Climate: Temperate Mediterranean, CSa in the Köppen classification. – Surface area: 402 km². – Language: French. – Religion: Secular republic. – Population: 27,684 inhabitants (2016). – Population growth rate: 1.8% per year. – Non-French population: Not communicated. – Density: 69 inhabitants/km2.

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– Organization: Nine municipalities grouped in the community of communes. – Date of creation: 2006 by transforming the multipurpose intermunicipal syndicate, itself following the intermunicipal electrification syndicate. – President: René Ugo, Mayor of Seillans. Box 3.1. Characteristics of the Pays de Fayence

Figure 3.1. Map of the Pays de Fayence (source: community of communes of the Pays de Fayence)

The origin of the toponym Fayence is uncertain. It could derive from the Latin term Fagentia/Faventia loca, the pleasant place, or from Fagus, the beech tree. The Fayence plain was occupied since the Neolithic period with millstone carvings in the Bronze Age. The first buildings appeared in Roman times, at the beginning of our era, with villas and an aqueduct. The

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Provençal lords had to fight the Saracens who invaded south-eastern France as early as 830. Saracen is the name given at that time to people of the Muslim faith. Today all that remains from the Middle Ages are the Saracen gate from the 13th Century and the remains of the castle of the bishops of Fréjus who regularly came to Fayence on holiday until just before the French Revolution (1789). At that time, the church of Saint John the Baptist and the clock tower were built. Fayence has become a free city of 2,600 inhabitants, the capital of a small canton. In the 19th Century, the Fayençoise economy suffered a crisis due to poor oilseed harvests, growing competition from Spanish and Italian oils and the phylloxera epidemic that killed the vines. The rural exodus to coastal cities reduced the population of the municipality to 1,042 inhabitants in 1905. The arrival of the electricity network, the train, the airfield with the largest gliding center in Europe and the motorway in 1960 relaunched Fayence.

Figure 3.2. Map of the community of communes of the Pays de Fayence. This map shows the black borders of the Pays de Fayence. The red indicates an increasing altitude to Mount Lachens at 1,715 m. The very high voltage line is shown with all pylons in blue for the Var. The two main blue star production units are connected to this network. The Siagne is the eastern limit of the Var. The remains of the Malpasset dam are on the southern limit with its former reservoir, which was on the Pays de Fayence2. For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/boisgibault/energy.zip

2 Map made by the author.

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Pays de Fayence is a community of communes that was created by prefectoral decree of August 21, 2006. It replaced the multipurpose intermunicipal syndicate (SIVOM) of the Pays de Fayence pursuant to Articles L 5214-21 and R 5214-1 of the General Code of Local Authorities, by taking over the competence of the organizing authority for electricity distribution (AODE). This 1972 SIVOM had itself replaced an electrification union that had been created in 1966. This historical particularity explains why the Pays de Fayence is not a member of the departmental electricity union, the Symielec Var, whose headquarters are in Brignoles. The Pays de Fayence refused the merger project with the agglomeration community of Fréjus-Saint-Raphaël and integrated the commune of Bagnols-en-Forêt into the intermunicipality on January 1, 2014. It now consists of nine municipalities: Fayence (seat, 5,818 inhabitants in 2016 compared to 4,872 in 2006, an increase of 19.4% in 10 years), Callian (3,223 inhabitants), Mons (853 inhabitants), Tourrettes (2,952 inhabitants), Tanneron (1,651 inhabitants), Montauroux (6,474 inhabitants), Saint-Paul-en-Forêt (1,760 inhabitants), Seillans (2,656 inhabitants) and Bagnols en forêt (2,800 inhabitants), the total of which is over 28,000 inhabitants for the Pays de Fayence. The only academic literature found on Fayence is that of the geographer professor Yves Lacoste, who came with his students from the University of Paris Vincennes in 1976. This illustrates the fact that rurality does not attract enough interest from researchers. In his major work (Lacoste 1976)3, he explained that he organized an internship that immerses students for a few days in a society and territory whose challenges and tensions they must untangle. Such an internship is even told from the point of view of a resident of the Var commune of Fayence who saw students from the University of Vincennes arrive in July 1976 who investigated and proposed an exhibition on the market on the last day of their stay to present the fruits of their research. It was the mayor of the time, Robert Fabre, socialist mayor of Fayence from 1961 to 1995, who welcomed the professor, i.e. the father of the current republican mayor, Jean-Luc Fabre. Didier Pruvost and Fabienne Caillaux Thoraval4 give the point of view of two students of Professor Lacoste:

3 Fayence is quoted on page 203, in the 2014 argued version. 4 Pruvot and Caillaux Thoraval 1978.

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“Getting out of the university enclosure, trying to put more than one theoretical concept into practice, getting to grips with the realities on the ground, testing what can be achieved in practice when you think that geography can be something other than the accumulation of knowledge: these are the different questions that led us to participate in the Fayence expedition. We had agreed to carry out a critical analysis of the evolution of the municipality and to report on it to the population through an exposure. Thus, once there, we dissect the commune and its surroundings using three main sources of information: study of maps at different scales and observation of the landscape; examination of documents, archives, statistics; and surveys of the population”. Since then, the population of Fayence and Pays de Fayence has grown fourfold over the past 50 years to 26,761 inhabitants, with the population of Fayence having reached 5,670. Growth rates are high (+3.4% per year between 1982 and 1990, +3.3% per year between 1990 and 1999, or 2.6% per year since 1999). They correspond to twice those of the Var for the same periods, which creates challenges in terms of development and increases energy consumption. Nearly 40% of the employed working people in the Pays de Fayence work outside the Var (mainly in the Alpes-Maritimes in Cannes, Sophia Antipolis and Antibes) and their mobility is very dependent on the car. An important challenge is to limit diffuse urbanization in the plain and on the slopes in order to preserve the landscapes of cork oak forests in particular.

Figure 3.3. Photo of the town of Callian, in the Pays de Fayence. This photo shows the Esterel mountain range in the background, the heart of the village, its castle and its church with its steep slope that makes cycling difficult (source: Callian Town Hall)

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3.2.2. Development of the Pays de Fayence 3.2.2.1. A territorial coherence scheme currently being adopted The Pays de Fayence community of communes is a public establishment for intermunicipal cooperation (EPCI), which is not strictly speaking a territorial authority with a general right to administer its affairs. Its purpose is to associate municipalities within a space of solidarity in order to develop a common project for the development and planning of the space (article L 5214-1 of the CGCT). However, it has its own tax system. It differs from other French intermunicipal structures by its smaller population. We speak in France of conurbation communities when there are at least 50,000 inhabitants, which is the case for Fréjus and Saint-Raphaël, of urban communities of more than 450,000 inhabitants and of metropolises for the most populated urban areas, such as the European Metropolis of Lille. In April 2014, following the municipal elections of March 23 and 30, 2014, two candidates ran for the office of President of the Community of Communes, namely Mr. René Ugo, Mayor of Seillans, and Mr. François Cavallier, Mayor of Callian. The first won with 19 votes to 12 for his opponent. Both have become key interlocutors for this research. The new statutes of the community of communes, adopted on December 18, 2013, specify that the statutory amendments relating to competences are made in accordance with the provisions of Articles L. 5214-16 to L. 5214-20 of the General Code of Local Authorities. The community of communes has the competences indicated in Box 3.2. – Spatial local planning, urban planning, signage, digital development, service to economic activity zones, Lake Saint-Cassien. – Economic development, agriculture, pastoralism, forestry. – Waste management, water, sanitation. – Sport, tourism, culture. – Children and public services. Box 3.2. Competences of the community of communes of the Pays de Fayence

Competences related to spatial planning, economic development, intermunicipal pastoral orientation plans and the local agricultural development strategy, waste management, drinking water and sanitation are

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important for energy, air and climate issues. The others are less related to the energy transition. Concerning the territorial coherence scheme (SCOT) of the Pays de Fayence, it was adopted by decision of December 19, 2017. The Region Sud, as an associated public entity, received the request for an opinion by letter dated January 12, 2018 and delivered a favorable opinion with reservations. It warns in particular of the particularly ambitious demographic objectives, encourages the implementation of a system to monitor population trends, considers that the objectives in housing production seem overestimated, recommends strengthening landscape and urban planning quality. It also recommends organizing urban extensions in the form of new central centers bringing together structural facilities and new equipment by equipping itself with land management and development tools making it possible to define a real urban project, particularly for the Pays de Fayence plain and village entrances. In March 2018, the regional mission of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur environmental authority will add that the Pays de Fayence must specify the provisions of the SCOT aimed at regulating the development of areas dedicated to photovoltaic park installations. The office of the community of communes is made up of the nine mayors and holds executive power. Each mayor has a vice-presidency and leads a commission (call for tenders; culture; forestry; natural areas and water; finance, general administration and social affairs; tourism; sport, youth and new technologies; waste management and sanitation; economic development and agriculture; spatial planning and urban planning). The Community Council is composed of 32 delegates and is the deliberative body. The community of communes has temporarily settled in Mas de Tassy in Tourrettes and has renovated high-quality premises at the bottom of the village of Fayence. One wonders how the canton’s coordination was going before and whether, on the subject of energy, air and climate, this relatively new stratum will make it possible to manage the best interests of the citizens. The Community Council makes important decisions in the field of energy and devotes most of its budget to it. A discussion with President René Ugo shows that, on the subject of the development of the plain, the community of communes can have a real added value compared to the municipalities. Indeed, some municipalities have granted building permits without any real consultation to open shops and supermarkets in the plain. This has led to

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landscape sprawl, unfortunate urbanization and traffic that is too heavy for the access road alone during rush hour. 3.2.2.2. Major developments in the Pays de Fayence Roman aqueduct The Pays de Fayence is crossed by many small rivers such as the Siagne, Siagnole, Biançon, Camandre, and Reyran, some of which look like streams in summer, but with flows often operated by water mills. The water of the Pays de Fayence comes from a karst network from the springs of the Siagnole and Siagne rivers. Many resurgences exist on these rivers downstream. These rivers are in contact with Jurassic limestones and Triassic rocks. Among the notable developments in this territory, let us recall the construction of a 42 km aqueduct by the Romans about two millennia ago to carry water from the springs of the Pays de Fayence to Fréjus. The Roman aqueduct was mainly buried in the part of the Pays de Fayence, then aerial in its lower part. Portions were swallowed up in the reservoirs that formed after the construction of the Malpasset and Saint-Cassien dams. There are still many remains such as the Carved Rock, the arches of Esquine, Escoffier, Senequier, Bouteillère, de La Moutte, Argalon, Bérenguier, Bonnet and the Porte de Rome in Fréjus. It is a monumental job. The channeling of water for people and agriculture dates back to the beginning of our Christian era. Today, the Water Department of the municipalities of the Pays de Fayence treats and distributes drinking water to the inhabitants. Drinking water is collected and analyzed every month by the departmental public health laboratory. This water and sanitation competence has just been shared. Two hydroelectric power plants on the Siagne The Siagne has its source in Escragnolles. It flows at the end of the Pays de Fayence between the Var and the Alpes-Maritimes and flows into the Mediterranean Sea at Mandelieu. The Siagne basin covers 556 km2 and has an average flow rate of 11 m3 per second. An authorization order was signed in 1886 to build the first hydroelectric power plant in Siagne, with a head of 350 m, equipped with two Pelton turbines with a unit power of 4.8 MW. In June 1891, a presidential decree declared the extension of the waterable perimeter of the Siagnole canal to the Pays de Fayence to be of public interest. In 1952 and 1972, this hydroelectric power plant in Siagne was renovated and automated. Downstream from the Siagne, a water intake at Montauroux and a headrace supply the lake of Saint-Cassien because the

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alluvial groundwater tables and the Biançon are low. The Biançon flows into the Siagne and another low head hydroelectric plant has been equipped with two Kaplan turbines with a capacity of 2.6 MW. The Pays de Fayence could claim this electricity produced by Siagne as part of the territorialization of energy. Malpasset Dam After the Second World War, a new dam project was studied on the edge of the Pays de Fayence. The Var departmental council, the contracting authority, had carried out preliminary studies and specifications and entrusted the project management to the design office of the civil engineering firm André Coyne, very well known for having built many similar dams. In 1954, the 20 MW Malpasset arch dam was commissioned on the Reyran stream, which rises in the Pays de Fayence and flows into the Argens at Fréjus. The reservoir was filled for 5 years due to low Reyran flow, droughts and disputes with mining concessions. On December 2, 1959, following torrential rains, the unthinkable happened. The Malpasset dam broke, causing a 40 m wave and a spill of 50 million m3 of water and mud that killed 423 victims and a thousand animals, from the downstream end of the site to the Mediterranean. Multiple constructions were destroyed with the new section of the A8 motorway. The country has been very affected by this national disaster, which is the greatest French civil disaster of the 20th Century. André Léotard, who had been elected Mayor of Fréjus in 1959, managed the event. Twelve years of proceedings were concluded by a decision of the Council of State on May 28, 1971, which ruled out force majeure and any human liability for the failure of the dam. The structure was technically compliant, but the foundation gave way. The metamorphic rock, the gneiss, could not withstand the pressure of the vault. The Malpasset sur le Reyran site has been preserved and has become a place for hiking where you can still see reinforced concrete blocks and scrap metal rods, downstream of the ruins of the old dam, to the north of the municipality of Fréjus. The reservoir has disappeared. Its surface area of 2 km2 encroached on the three communes of the Pays de Fayence of Bagnols-en-Forêt, Montauroux and Callian. Every year, the municipality of Fréjus brings together the Pays de Fayence for a commemoration ceremony to ensure that the duty of remembrance is perpetuated for the younger generations.

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Figure 3.4a. Remains of the Malpasset dam

Figure 3.4b. Remains of the Malpasset dam (continued)5

5 Author’s personal photographs.

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Saint-Cassien Dam and the development of its banks Another major development in the Pays de Fayence was the construction of the Saint-Cassien embankment dam in 1962, three years after the tragic breakup of Malpasset. Saint-Cassien was commissioned in 1965. It is a hydroelectric power plant located in the commune of Tanneron, fed by the Biançon, a river that flows only in the Pays de Fayence and by the Siagne inlet. This dam is granted to the operator Electricité De France, has a height of 66 m, a peak length of 210 m and a peak width of 10 m. The dam retains 60 million m3 of water over 4.2 km2, i.e. a volume 20% higher than the former Malpasset reservoir. The installed capacity of the Saint-Cassien power plant is 20 MW. The water turbined with Francis turbines is returned to the Biançon, which flows into the Siagne and is found in the Tanneron-le-Tignet reservoir, which has two other turbine units, as described above. The new reservoir, the largest in the Esterel, has submerged part of the Mons-Fréjus Roman aqueduct route mentioned above. The lake offers many tourist activities, from swimming to pedal boats, water games, fishing for carp and catfish, rowing, hiking and catering. The water is cloudy with mud but refreshing. For the population and tourists who come to the recreational base, the technical difficulties of expropriating and building the dam are a very distant past gone in favor of new issues such as family leisure, swimming safety, water quality, biodiversity conservation and forest fire prevention. Lake Saint-Cassien has created a real tourist dynamic (beaches, pedal boats, restaurants, etc.) that seems to have replaced its primary function of producing electricity. However, there are Electricité De France signs indicating that the uses of the dam are electrical energy, drinking water supply, flood control and that swimming remains dangerous according to the prefectural decree of June 16, 1977. As part of its responsibilities for the development of the shores of Lake Saint-Cassien, the community of communes has taken care of the electrification of the shores of the lake to stop the use of generators. This example illustrates that the community of communes, which now has about 20 employees, has taken on the subjects of energy and climate. It is responsible for ending regulated electricity tariffs, knowing that Pays de Fayence is not connected to the natural gas distribution network, by standardizing specifications for issuing calls for tenders to electricity suppliers. Pays de Fayence High School Project It reveals the difficulties of rural municipalities’ relations with the State. The Pays de Fayence has two middle schools, Marie Mauron (600 students)

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and Léonard de Vinci (600 students). The 300 students, who reach the end of junior high school when they turn 14/15 years old, are separated and forced to go either to Le Muy Val d’Argens high school or Saint-Raphaël Antoine de Saint-Exupéry High School. This requires 2-3 hours of daily transportation by departmental roads. Petitions have been received to build a new high school. Professor Gérard François Dumont of the Sorbonne remembers the time when he was rector of Nice and gave a favorable opinion of this school in 1998. His successors have ignored nearly 20 years of new petitions. The situation turned around and on April 5, 2017, the President of the Region Sud, Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, Christian Estrosi, came in person to the Pays de Fayence to announce the completion of the high school. He explained to the MP, mayors and the population that the region has programmed a budget of 40 million euros, that there will be a year and a half of studies to start the construction site in 2019 on the land adjacent to the high school for an opening in the fall of 2021. The local press relayed the information and a sign was erected: here the region opens a high school for 750 students. The Regional President then changed, and the project was no longer moving forward. The elected representatives of the Pays de Fayence requested a new meeting in the region on February 19, 2018 and learned that this school was no longer relevant, with three other priority high schools already to be built in the Var in a tight budgetary context. Callian Photovoltaic Park After the introduction of favorable feed-in tariffs for photovoltaics in France in July 2006, the Mayor of the municipality, Mr. François Cavallier, was approached by project leaders and agreed with a start-up private company to build and operate a solar photovoltaic farm, on a site along the SaintCézaire road, 2 km from the village center, going up into the forest. This 7.2 MWp photovoltaic6 park is built on the 21 ha of a former landfill closed in 1994 because of a private investment of 24 million euros. The peak watt (Wp) is the unit used for solar energy and corresponds to the maximum power of a device. More precisely, it is the power that a photovoltaic cell can deliver under optimal and standardized conditions of sunlight (1,000 W/m2) and temperature (25°C). The photovoltaic effect will 6 Scientific poster by the author “industrialisation d’un village varois par l’énergie solaire” (industrialization of a Var village by solar energy) awarded at the Young Researchers' Day at the Institut de géographie de Paris (2014).

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convert the sun’s phhotons into ellectrons. Thee inverter theen converts thhe direct current into i alternatiing current.

Figure 3.5. 3 Photo of th he Callian sollar photovoltaiic power plantt. This photo sshows the photovolltaic solar pow wer plant on th he old landfill, l, protected byy a fence grid d, with the exterior layout l to inforrm the visitor through t didac ctic panels (so ource: Eneryo company after request to the ge eneral manage er)

Figure 3.6. Plan of th he Callian pho otovoltaic powe er plant, show wing the archite ecture of mpany after re equest to the general g manag ger). the project (sourcce: Eneryo com on of this figurre, see www.is ste.co.uk/boisg gibault/energyy.zip Forr a color versio

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The various on-site study tours confirm that the Callian solar photovoltaic power plant was built quickly, with the municipality of Callian as project owner. The meeting with President René Ugo of the Pays de Fayence community of communes on April 27, 2015 confirmed that the community of communes was not involved in the design and construction of the project. This is explained by the creation of intermunicipality in 2007, which did not yet have all the current skills and resources. The mayor of Callian, François Cavallier, vice-president of the Var departmental council, was instrumental in the conduct and success of this project. He also had solar roofs built on Léonard de Vinci and Marie Mauron middle schools, investments of €262,000 and €240,000, respectively. The work was carried out by a large private group, with no financial impact on the taxpayer. Joint production has been 460 MWh/year since 2016. The events for the construction of the Callian ground-based photovoltaic plant took place as described in Table 3.1. Date

Events

October 2008

Signing of a lease agreement between the municipality of Callian and the young subsidiary.

July 2009

Proposal for connection to the electricity grid received from Enedis.

July 2009

End of the impact study, with a naturalistic inventory over three seasons.

August 2009

Submission of the building permit application.

October 2009

Revision of the approved urban planning document (land use plan).

November 2009

Issuance of two building permit decrees by the prefect.

December 2009

Launch of the public inquiry procedure.

January 2010

Consultation of banks for the financing of the project.

February 2010

Confirmation of the two building permit orders, following the purging of the third-party recourse.

September 2010

Consulting companies for the construction and maintenance operation of the project.

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December 2010

France is launching a photovoltaic moratorium until March 2011 because the sector is booming. Contracts with feed-in tariffs for electricity are suspended, which is a major concern for the entire sector.

January 2011

Signing of construction, operation and maintenance contracts. New photovoltaic tariff order: – tariff for ground-based photovoltaics in metropolitan France is equal to 10.24 euro cents/kWh, for the period from October 1, 2012 to December 31, 2012;

March 2011

– obligation for the grid operator (most often EDF) to purchase 100% of the electricity produced over 20 years; – annual indexation of the tariff to an index close to inflation for 20 years, with an indexed base of 20%. Photovoltaic tenders organized by the Energy Regulation Commission for projects >100 kWp.

March 2011

Signing of financing contracts.

September 2011

Commissioning of the installation.

November 19, 2011

Inauguration of the photovoltaic power plant by personalities.

January 2012

Signing of the power purchase agreement.

February 2012

Callian Bulletin no. 62 which reports on the inauguration of the power plant (p. 10).

Table 3.1. Events of the construction of the Callian photovoltaic power plant

The characteristics of the project, presented for investment decision, were accepted on the following basis, by setting up external financing to reduce the amount of equity capital and benefit from a leverage effect. – Project land tenure: 21 ha. – Estimated installed capacity: 7.4 MWp (i.e. one-third of the installed capacity of the Saint-Cassien dam). – Estimated investment amount: €24 million. – Number of photovoltaic modules installed on the site: 40,000. – Number of full-time equivalent hours: 1,350 net hours. – Production: 10 Gwh.

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– Turnover excluding taxes per year: 3.28 million euros. – Earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization: €2.45 million. – Internal rate of return on the project: 8.3%. Box 3.3. Characteristics of the preliminary design of the photovoltaic power plant

In this arrangement, the municipality of Callian pays nothing and benefits from the rental income from the land for 30 years and from the tax benefits, namely the Territorial Economic Contribution, the flat-rate taxation on network companies and the property tax. After a first year of operation in 2012, stakeholders confirmed that the facility was operating properly by announcing the data in Box 3.4. – Number of hours of sunshine: 1,515 h. – Electricity production: 11.2 GWh. – Turnover: €3.65 million. – Coverage of population needs: 5,000 people (compared to 20,000 for the Saint-Cassien dam, which has a better load factor). – CO2 avoided: 1,650 tons (150 g/kWh). – Jobs during the construction phase: 80 people. – Jobs in the operational phase: Five full-time equivalent employees. – Estimated annual revenues for the municipality: - 82,000 euros for renting the land; - 35,000 euros in tax benefits. That is more than 117,000 euros per year for 30 years, i.e. 3% of the municipal budget. Box 3.4. Characteristics of the solar power plant after 1 year of operation

A politically committed detractor stated in a conference that such a photovoltaic project was not virtuous because it was not participatory, that it did not enter the social and solidarity economy and that it was purely capitalist for the young company that developed it. The answer was that the project was successful, with risk-taking worthy of remuneration, that the population was involved and had accepted this achievement with relative

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indifference. The municipality thus sees these revenues increase, even if it does not directly benefit from the electricity produced, which is fed back into the grid. The inhabitants of Callian do not pay less for their electricity because the tariff equalization is still in force in France, i.e. all the inhabitants of the national territory pay the same price for electricity. This photovoltaic solar power plant, which projects the Pays de Fayence to 2040, wanted to take advantage of a short regulatory shooting window to benefit from the feed-in tariff of 30 euro cents per kWh, indexed for 20 years, in force from July 2006 to December 2010. It does not receive any regional or European subsidies. The project promoters had the talent to quickly position themselves on this site, obtain all the authorizations from the decentralized State services, complete the bank financing, construction, connect the plant to the grid and sign the electricity sales contract with Electricité De France’s purchase obligation agency. In December 2010, after a boom in the sector, the government decreed a moratorium and a change of rule to clear up “speculation”. The consequence is that photovoltaic projects have stopped, causing companies to fail. Callian was able to get out of the slump by completing the construction of the plant and starting operation before the rules changed in favor of calls for tenders organized by the Energy Regulation Commission. The new centralized tendering procedure mechanism organized by the Energy Regulatory Commission has resulted in less favorable feed-in tariffs (12 euro cents/kWh instead of 30 euro cents/kWh in July 2006), limited sites and to some extent excluded small players with limited financial resources. Eneryo might not have been selected in a competitive procedure against more established players such as Electricité De France or Engie and might have considered at first sight that the feed-in tariff was insufficient to make its efforts profitable. This makes it possible to affirm that this project would not see the light of day under these conditions today. In terms of green growth, the construction of the Callian power plant was able to mobilize up to 80 people, with the involvement of Schneider Electric, and the project was an unusual and very sustained activity for the village, with positive effects on shops, restaurants and cottages. During the operating phase, the activity has decreased since the plant is operating well on its own. There is one full-time local recruitment on site to monitor, clear and maintain, as well as additional workload for the stakeholders: operating company, equipment suppliers, banks, insurance companies, Electricité de

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France, the French power grid operator, decentralized State services, and Callian City Hall. This additional activity can be described as green growth. However, it creates few new full-time jobs. In this example from Callian, the project promoters certainly looked for the best site, with the best sunshine. It can be assumed that they have put several municipalities and sites in competition with each other. Objective criteria for sunshine and financial conditions for access to the site played a role. More subjective criteria, such as the relationship with elected officials and stakeholders, are also important. This project could therefore not have taken place, could have gone wrong with the moratorium or could have been carried out elsewhere. The mayor, in order to complete his municipal budget, transforms himself into a real manager to attract companies and entrepreneurs and competes with colleagues from the same canton and the same department. This already existed for the establishment of supermarkets and various industries. This is reinforced by energy deregulation, with greater risk being taken due to the uniqueness of the projects. The construction of the Callian photovoltaic farm was the subject of a building permit issued by the Prefect, in accordance with the procedures specified in Articles R 421-1 to R 424-3 of the Town Planning Code. The electricity production activity requires an operating permit issued by the Minister of Energy for such a capacity of 7.4 MWp. The documents to be provided are in the decree of September 7, 2000 on the authorization to operate electricity production installations. In terms of spatial planning, the urban planning documents had to be adapted. This project illustrates successful re-territorialization in a chaotic regulatory environment. The location of the old landfill was very well chosen and is an explanation for its success. Other projects may have turned into disasters. Methanization offers many possibilities in rural areas and projects are being considered in the Pays de Fayence. It allows the organic and energy recovery of sorted biodegradable waste. In the Var, this concerns organic household waste; green waste; livestock and equestrian center effluents; residues from perfumeries, oil mills and winemaking; unsold products from supermarkets and food shops; and sludge from sewage treatment plants. Biogas produced by fermentation can be burned to produce electricity and heat or injected into a distribution network to supply buses, industry and buildings.

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3.2.3. Transport in the Pays de Fayence Transport in the Pays de Fayence is mainly by road, which is a weakness, compensated by an airfield that serves as a gliding center and attempts to make access to this territory easier. The construction of the “Central Var” railway line, of general interest, from Meyrargues to Nice in 1881, after the annexation of the county of Nice by France in 1860, was a strategic work to connect this new population to the Republic. This sinuous train, with a metric track, i.e. a smaller track gauge than the French rail network, employed a large part of the inhabitants of the canton, in particular the loggers. The railway company of southern France was created in 1885. From October 1889 to July 1890, the Siagne viaduct, a 44 km long river that marks the border between the Var and Alpes-Maritimes departments, was designed by Gustave Eiffel and built under the direction of engineer Jules Rival, with 900 metric tons of scrap metal. Note that it is 229 m long between the Pays de Fayence and Le Tignet (Alpes-Maritimes), and it allowed the train to pass 72 m above the Siagne. The viaduct was inaugurated on July 1, 1890, with great pride. Various sections of the line were opened in the 1890s and put into service, such as the Fayence station. The journey from Meyrargues to Nice took 11 hours. After the 1914 war, the line was organized into four sections, with the Draguignan-Grasse line crossing the Pays de Fayence. After steam traction, electric railcars were used, marking a first energy transition between the two world wars. The destruction of the Second World War would be fatal to this line. On August 15, 1944, some 260,000 fighters of the French “B Army”, led by General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, landed in Provence, liberating Grasse and France from the south. On August 24, 1944, a German commando blew up the Siagne viaduct at 5 a.m., to slow down the Allies. Tanneron station became the terminus of the line to the east of the Pays de Fayence, before the Siagne river. The line was definitively closed on January 2, 1950, depriving the communes of the Pays de Fayence of a precious interconnection, which had been set up to open them up and relieve the Nice-Marseille line. In 1954, the State gave the right of way and all the works to the municipalities free of charge because the Compagnie des chemins de fer du sud de la France, which became the Compagnie des chemins de fer de Provence, was unable to rebuild the destroyed works. The stations of the

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Pays de Fayence closed and road transport becomes the only way to reach the villages perched on the hillside. The Pays de Fayence airfield, in the plain, was created by the decree of September 30, 1929, signed by the President of the Republic Gaston Doumergue and the Minister of War, André Maginot. It actually opened in 1934 on land that would be extended to 45 hectares and which was intended for military reconnaissance operations until the end of the war. Gliders arrived after the Second World War and it became the most important gliding center in Europe. The exceptional climate allows you to practice gliding 365 days a year in a magnificent setting ranging from the Alps to the Mediterranean. It is a real hub of activity around gliders and small planes that are housed in hangars and that can easily be seen taking off and landing. Small planes tow single or two-seater gliders for take-off using a cable. When the pair reaches the desired altitude, the cable is untied to give the glider full autonomy. It can measure 20 m in span, reach 100 km/h and pass within 50 m of the slopes. It descends in 20 minutes for initiation flights or longer depending on the winds. The airfield can accommodate military helicopters for maneuvers. Small private planes and helicopters could bring personalities, but this is rare and very noisy. At the end of 2016, the airfield established a program to be implemented to reduce greenhouse gas and air pollutant emissions resulting from the airfield’s direct and ground operations, such as small aircraft taxiing and vehicle traffic. This activity was mentioned, with the landscapes, so as not to build wind turbines. In terms of the road network, the A8 motorway linking Aix-en-Provence to the Côte d’Azur and Italy was opened in 1961 and made it possible to better connect the Pays de Fayence to the Paris, Lyon, Marseille, Toulon, Nice and Italy axes via the Les Adrets exit. This exit 39 makes it possible to reach Lake Saint-Cassien and the departmental road D 562 GrasseDraguignan by crossing the plain of the Pays de Fayence, at the bottom of the perched villages. The other road (D4) links the Pays de Fayence, through its villages of Saint-Paul-en-Forêt and Bagnols-en-Forêt, to Fréjus and SaintRaphaël, two twin towns. Consideration is currently being given to improving intermunicipal service by creating new sections of road as traffic jams are becoming more frequent in the plain road, with large areas having developed and roundabouts. The main problem is reducing the car dependency of the inhabitants of the Pays de Fayence for commuting to work and school and shopping on the plain.

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A public bus service has been launched by the department to connect the communes of Pays de Fayence and the major cities of the Var such as Draguignan and Saint-Raphaël/Fréjus. A single fare of 3 euros per trip is applicable. The entry into force of the law on the new territorial organization transferred transport competence from the department to the region. On September 1, 2017, the Region Sud resumed this public transport service by renaming it ZOU and issuing calls for tenders to reassign coach drivers to these now regional road lines and school transport. The network works but the buses are not full, and the frequencies are limited. Curiously, soft mobility is not always adapted to this territory. The bike is difficult to ride. The slope to access the villages perched on the hillside is too steep (up to 15°) for cycling to be possible for everyone. The heat also makes such a physical effort painful in summer. Finally, the plain road is not equipped with cycle paths and has too much traffic in season for a cycle ride to be pleasant. Walking is of course possible and encouraged thanks to the many hiking trails around Lake Saint-Cassien and in the hinterland. On the other hand, it does not really give the possibility to go from home to work, since jobs are more on the Coast, nor to go shopping because the supermarkets have been converted into plains with large car parks. The ascent on foot to the perched villages is tiring and you have to protect yourself from the sun in summer. However, there are still traditional markets in the village squares, small shops and mini markets that allow villagers to buy supplies on foot. 3.2.4. Challenges of the Pays de Fayence for the energy transition The energy challenges in the Pays de Fayence concern the control of consumption, electricity transmission and distribution networks and local production through the two hydroelectric plants in Siagne, the Malpasset and Saint-Cassien dams, the Callian solar photovoltaic plant and microproductions. 3.2.4.1. Energy consumption First of all, the energy consumption of the Pays de Fayence is difficult to calculate because it was traditionally done at the level of the nine separate municipalities for electricity. However, if we estimate that the French household consumes an average of 4,710 kWh/year and that the Pays de

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Fayence has about 13,000 households, this adds up to 61.2 million kWh/year. For gas, villages do not have access to the natural gas distribution network, so consumption is individual, per cylinder. The same applies to fuel oil, wood and coal used for heating. As the private car is essential to go shopping in supermarkets, to go to work, or to leave the village, petrol and diesel are among the types of energy consumption to be assessed. Finally, school buses rotate too much for high school students daily. 3.2.4.2. Energy production Water and energy resources have always been a problem in southern Europe. In the Region Sud, electricity production covers less than half of regional needs. The Var is particularly exposed to regular outages in winter, during peak consumption periods, since the vast majority of its electricity does not come from the region and its consumption increases. The hinterland of Var is isolated from coastal cities, making the situation even more critical. This explains why the energy projects of the Pays de Fayence, hydroelectric and photovoltaic, have always been encouraged and that the production capacities could cover the energy needs of the community of communes but are not self-consumed today. For the Callian photovoltaic power plant, the logic of opportunism seems to have first prevailed over the programmatic logic, with little interaction between the municipality, the pilot of the project, the intermunicipality, the department and the region for the call for skills. This photovoltaic project is a great achievement, which was fortunate to end well. In 2011, the public authorities took back control of this territorialization because of the launch of calls for tenders by the Energy Regulation Commission. The two hydroelectric power plants in Siagne (9.6 MW and 2.6 MW) produce 46 million kWh and 9 million kWh of electricity per year, respectively. The Saint-Cassien dam (20 MW) produces 44 million Kwh of electricity per year. The Callian photovoltaic power plant (7.3 MWp) produces 10 million kWh of electricity per year. 3.2.4.3. Supply–demand balance This gives a total of 109 million kWh per year of electricity produced in the Pays de Fayence, which covers the estimated annual electricity consumption of 61.2 million kWh for 13,000 households. The Pays de Fayence would therefore be a positive energy territory without knowing it. The problem is that consumption is underestimated. On the one hand, energy consumption other than electricity is not calculated here and precise data are not available (gas tanks, wood, coal, fuel oil and petrol). On the other hand,

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households are not the only electricity consumers in this area, which also includes public buildings, shops and supermarkets. For the production part, it can also be argued that the two hydroelectric power plants in Siagne are located between the Var (Pays de Fayence) and the Alpes-Maritimes and that the Pays de Fayence cannot take over 100% of this electricity production. There is a lack of energy metering at the intermunicipal level that would make it possible to accurately monitor energy efficiency measures and a phenomenon of territorialization of energy that did not previously exist before the deregulation of public electricity and gas monopolies. The contracting authorities are not the same for the various power plants mentioned above. They were the Var department for the Malpasset dam, the State for Saint-Cassien and Tanneron-Le Tignet, with a concession given to Électricité de France (EDF). EDF took over the concession of the Siagne hydroelectric power plant, which was built in 1886, well before its creation (1945). The European Commission has given France formal notice to liberalize hydraulic concessions. A decree relating to the terms and conditions for the allocation and operation of these concessions was published in the Official Journal on April 30, 2016 and could involve the Pays de Fayence again if a semi-public company is created. The Direction régionale de l’environnement, de l’aménagement et du logement (DREAL) represents the French State for authorizations and carries out inspections and controls of installations. For the photovoltaic power plant, it was the Callian town hall that played the role of project owner. This illustrates the great complexity of the French territorial organization, with an administrative millefeuille that piles up municipalities, intermunicipalities, departments, regions and the State with competences that evolve over time and become entangled. 3.2.4.4. Electricity transmission The Region Sud is an electric peninsula since only one single very high voltage (400,000 V) electric axis starts from the Tavel substation, near Avignon, to serve the regional conurbations of Aix-en-Provence, Marseille, Draguignan, the Pays de Fayence (Biançon substation), then the Broc-Carros substation near Nice. The Draguignan, Biançon and Broc Carros substations transform 400,000 V into 225,000 V to supply Fréjus/Saint-Raphaël, Cannes/Mougins/Antibes and Nice, i.e. major urban areas that are in an electrical dead end. The network is therefore fragile, even if it has recently been reinforced by a safety net.

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Figure 3.7. Map of the Var with its very high voltage line. This map shows the only 400,000 V line in bold red that crosses the Var department and the Pays de Fayence. Red power transformers reduce the voltage from 400,000 to 225,000 V to supply the 225,000 V red lines. The yellow transformers lower the voltage to 20,000 V to allow the distribution of electricity7. For a color version of this figure, see www.iste.co.uk/ boisgibault/energy.zip

In concrete terms, the Pays de Fayence and particularly Lake SaintCassien, is crossed by an electric motorway. Two Beaubourg electric pylons, identifiable by insulators and plates, more than 50 m high and weighing more than 30 metric tons of steel, are on each side of the lake. The 400,000 V very high voltage wires cross the lake potentially creating an electromagnetic field above the Les Arbousiers restaurant, which operated with a diesel generator until 2015, without access to the electricity grid. However, these two oversized pylons blend into nature. They do not appear in any tourist photos. We no longer pay attention to them when they do indeed alter the landscape. There is no opposition to them, while people are mobilizing against wind turbines. These metal pylons are immobile, quiet and consist of a ventilated assembly of frames and angles forming a lattice that allows you to see through them. They are ancient, indispensable and part of this anthropic landscape. 7 Map made by the author.

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Figure 3.8. Very high voltage lines crossing the Pays de Fayence. This photo shows the impact of very high voltage lines on the landscape of Lake Saint-Cassien, which has become a leisure center in the Pays de Fayence8

3.2.4.5. Electricity distribution The Syndicat mixte de l’énergie des communes du Var (SYMIELEC Var) is a union created in March 2001, under the auspices of the Association des maires du Var, to enable efficient organization and management in the field of public electricity distribution. This Union is an intermunicipal public establishment that now groups 127 municipalities in the Var, representing 80% of the department and 55% of the population. Most of the communes of the Pays de Fayence are not part of it, with the exception of Saint-Paul-enForêt and Bagnols-en-Forêt, which is very complicated to understand. SYMIELEC is managed by a college of elected representatives from the member municipalities, who are responsible for defining the guidelines under the responsibility of the union president. SYMIELEC has naturally become the privileged interlocutor of the municipalities for all questions relating to the field of electrical energy and the supervisory authority for the public service mission provided by the grid operator. The Var is one of the 18 departments to which the urban electrification regime applies. This means that the grid operator is responsible for project management for works such as line extensions, reinforcement and safety and finances the construction of the 7 Author’s personal photo.

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works necessary to operate the public service entrusted to it by the local authority. For transport issues, it is impossible to do without this dependence on cars and school buses for high school students. The actions involve improving road access to the Pays de Fayence by planning an additional road that would make it possible to relieve the traffic jams that form on the single departmental road Grasse-Draguignan to strengthen public transport by a shuttle bus that could serve the nine municipalities more frequently, by building the school, which seems very compromised, by revitalizing local shops in the heart of the villages. As for action on vehicle motorization, rural areas can gradually switch from diesel to petrol through tax incentives but have little influence on technological developments. Let us take the example of the car whose electricity is produced from hydrogen. Hydrogen has a good yield of 33 kWh/kg, two and a half times better than natural gas and three times better than diesel. It does not emit greenhouse gases, pollutants or particles. Rural areas are waiting to be equipped with electric charging stations and hydrogen stations and will undergo changes, without being a driving force, in a context of low purchasing power. 3.3. The example of Bokhol in Senegal 3.3.1. Presentation of Bokhol Status: Rural community of Bokhol, whose capital is the village of Bokhol Bokhol is located in the department of Dagana, Saint-Louis region in the Republic of Senegal. – Latitude: 16° 31' N, on the southern bank of the Senegal River. – Longitude: 15° 24' W. – Altitude: 10 m. – Climate: Semi-arid climate with two seasons: the dry season and the rainy season. BSh in the Köppen classification. – Area: 638 km2. – Language: French (in Article 2 of the 2014 Constitution). – Religion: secular republic (in Article 1 of the 2014 Constitution). – Population: 20,000 inhabitants (estimate).

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– Population growth rate: 2.8% per year. – Composition of the population: Wolof (53%), Peulh (46%), Moor (1%). – Density: 31 inhabitants/km2. – Organization: 44 localities are part of the rural community. – Date of creation: 2008 by decree No. 2008-749 of July 10, 2008, following the erection of the village of Gae. – Mayor: El Hadji Fall Fall Ndiaye Gueye. Box 3.5. Features of Bokhol

Figure 3.9. Map of Senegal with Bokhol9

9 Map made by the author.

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Figure 3.10. Map of Bokhol10

Bokhol is a rural commune in Senegal that lies within the Sahel zone. The Sahel refers to the strip of Africa that marks the climatic and vegetation transition between the Sahara Desert to its north and the savannahs and territories to the south where the rains are heavier. The Sahel flows from Senegal to Sudan. We are talking about 10–14 African countries, depending on the geographical definition of the Sahel. Considered within the Sahel belt are Senegal, Cape Verde, Algeria and Mauritania, to its south, Burkina Faso and Nigeria, and to its north, Mali, Niger, Chad and Sudan. To these 10 countries, we can add the four countries of the Horn of Africa, namely Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia, to reach the Red Sea. Bokhol is a little-known rural Senegalese municipality in the West that made headlines when it granted a 50-ha plot of land in August 2013 to build West Africa’s first ground-based photovoltaic plant, one year after the submission of the Synergy 2 project as part of a call for demonstrations launched by the Senegalese Ministry of Energy. 10 Map made by the author.

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This achievement is the result of reflections and initiatives that were taken at the level of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (also known by its French acronym UEMOA) and the Republic of Senegal at that time. Prior to this project, one of the book’s co-authors was invited to the 40th anniversary of the West African Development Bank (also known by its French acronym BOAD) in Lomé, Togo, in November 2013 (Boisgibault 2013) by its President, Mr. Christian Adovélandé, and to the Africa Power Forum 2014 (Boisgibault 2014) in Dakar, Senegal, to participate in discussions on the energy transition in the subregion. During the introduction, all experts and symposiums like to recall that Africa is an energy giant but an electric dwarf. Among its exceptional wealth, this continent has exceptional potential for hydropower, wind and solar energy. Its rivers and areas are considerable assets for developing new means of renewable energy production (Elliott 2018). Name of the river

Countries crossed

Mouthpiece

Length without tributary (in km)

Bandama

Ivory Coast

Lahou Lagoon

1,050

Congo

DRC – Republic of Congo

Atlantic

4,700

Draâ

Morocco

Atlantic

1,100

Gambia

Gambia/Guinea/Senegal

Atlantic

1,130

Mono

Togo/Benin

Atlantic

467

Niger

Sierra Leone/Guinea/Mali/ Niger/Benin/Nigeria

Atlantic

4,184

Nile

Ethiopia/Sudan/Egypt/Rwanda/ Tanzania/ Uganda/Burundi/ DRC/Eritrea/Kenya

Mediterranean Sea

6,650

Ogooué

Gabon

Atlantic

1,200

Okavango

Angola/Namibia/Botswana

None of them

1,600

Orange

South Africa

Atlantic

1,860

Senegal

Guinea/Mali/Mauritania/Senegal

Atlantic

1,790

Volta

Burkina Faso/Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire

Atlantic

1,346

Zambezi

Zambia/DRC/Angola/Angola/Namibia/ Botswana/Zimbabwe/ Mozambique/Malawi/Tanzania

Indian Ocean

2,574

Table 3.2. African rivers over 1,000 km long

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For the 40th anniversary of the West African Development Bank in 2013, the Presidents of Benin, Togo, Niger and Mali and many high-ranking personalities honored the event with their presence. It would be impossible to name all the participants. The present co-author particularly remembers the late Thierno Bocar Tall, President of the African Biofuel and Renewable Energy Company (ABREC) and Kako Nubukpo, who had just been appointed Minister of Foresight and Public Policy Evaluation in Togo. The co-author had appreciated participating in the thematic session on green growth challenges for the West African Economic and Monetary Union, in a panel composed of representatives from the African and West African Development Banks, the West African Economic and Monetary Union, the German bank KfW, African academics and entrepreneurs and a former Prime Minister of Mali. During this session, two subthemes were discussed: – Green growth: What niches for West African Economic and Monetary Union member states? – Areas and means of solar energy development where the co-author made a presentation on the opportunities, areas and means of solar energy development in the West African Economic and Monetary Union. In the words of the conference proceedings, it was noted that the green growth agenda is an opportunity for West African Economic and Monetary Union member states if the challenges of its implementation are met. Indeed, it should be noted that in most countries in the region, the pressure on natural resources and ecological services (ecological footprint) exceeds their capacity to produce a continuous supply of renewable resources and to absorb the waste resulting from their consumption. To achieve the transition to green growth, Member States must work to optimize the use of natural resources, limit waste and pollution and strengthen the resilience of populations and economies to external shocks. In this context, several niches are available to them, including: – the field of renewable energies (solar, hydro, bioenergy), according to the potential of the territory; – the field of agriculture, particularly irrigated agriculture; – the field of waste treatment; – the housing sector; – public lighting.

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Emphasis was also placed on energy efficiency solutions. The implications of this approach are to strengthen the links between diagnostics and project design, consolidate an enabling environment (intersectoral coordination, legislative and regulatory provisions, etc.) and mobilize external and national funding. These elements were included in the nationally determined Planned Contributions that were submitted for COP21, with the conditionality of international funding. With regard to the development of solar energy, it is identified that the most appropriate technologies for the subregion are ultimately all available technologies, namely: – photovoltaic (PV) and concentrated thermal (CSP) technology for electricity production; – solar thermal technology, for heat production. Solar maps should be made to show the high radiation potential. The costs of importing equipment are becoming more and more reasonable. However, the West African Economic and Monetary Union must create an environment conducive to renewable energy by establishing an appropriate institutional framework, strengthening networks, putting in place the right public policies to support it, and adapting planning and urban development rules. For the financing component, pending the operationality of the Green Climate Fund, three initiatives were mentioned: – the African Biofuel and Renewable Energy Company (ABREC), which has set up an assistance facility and an investment fund (ABREC Capital) in which the West African Economic and Monetary Union Commission and the West African Development Bank are stakeholders; – the African Development Bank (AfDB), which launched its 50 Fund to develop energy infrastructure and put in place the right facilities for the Member States; – the West African Development Bank, which was called upon to develop opportunities for collaboration with other institutions for shared awareness of green growth, joint support for national dialogue in regional Member States, and planning and co-financing of additional investments to improve the quality of growth. It is also expected to actively support solar projects.

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The end of the exchanges of this thematic session of the 40th anniversary of the West African Development Bank in Lomé had these recommendations: – strengthen human resources capacities in the field of renewable energies, at the subregional level; – increase value chains, in particular with the transfer of clean technologies; – promote renewable energy research and development; – rehabilitate the Regional Solar Energy Center; – conduct a detailed prospective study by 2050 on solar energy and plan the necessary developments. On June 12 and 13, 2014, the co-author continued his tour of the West African Economic and Monetary Union by honoring the invitation to participate in the African Power Forum in Dakar, Senegal. This country, which seemed to be poor in hydrocarbon resources, discovered an offshore deposit that could turn it into a crude oil producer. He submitted his planned contribution for the national level in September 2015 for COP21 in Paris. The plan Sénégal émergent (PSE) is bringing the developmental vision by 2035, by implementing it in a 10-year strategy and a 5-year action plan. The country also notes decreases in rainfall and temperature increases creating disruptions in the availability of water and fisheries resources. Flow rates in the Senegal and Gambia rivers have declined by more than 50%. The Ferlo, which is a semi-desert sylvo-pastoral area and a watercourse in the northeast of the country, is drying up and the groundwater tables are dropping. For the energy sector, following the IPCC 2006 methodology, Senegal has committed to mitigation measures with unconditional and conditional options for the 2010 reference year and the 2020–2030 commitment period. Among the unconditional options to reduce emissions by 6% by the year 2030 compared to the “normal business course” scenario, the construction of photovoltaic power plants is planned to reach a total installed capacity of 160 MWp, with 150 MW of wind power and 144 MW (522 GWh) of hydro. The development of rural electrification is mentioned with 392 electrified villages (diesel/solar), the installation of 27,500 domestic biodigesters, the distribution of 4.6 million improved stoves for firewood and 3.5 million for charcoal, the production of thermal insulation materials based on Typha, the

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promotion of more efficient equipment for food cooling, energy audits, biogas production by recycling food waste and the creation of a Dakar/Guédiawaye express bus line. The overall cost of unconditional options for “energy sector” mitigation is estimated at $1.36 billion, plus an additional $1.7 billion to realize the conditional options, which include, for example, the construction of a 50 MW concentrated solar power plant. These costs are included in the overall envelope of $21.5 billion to implement Senegal’s nationally determined planned contribution for mitigation and adaptation, for all sectors, unconditional and conditional options. The Moroccan organizers of the Africa Power Forum 2014 in Dakar launched the issue by recalling that Africa’s average annual growth rate is around 5%, that energy resources, fossil and renewable, are abundant, but that the continent has an energy deficit that is detrimental to its population and its economic development. They cited the January 2014 report of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA). This agency was founded in Abu Dhabi in 2009: “In 2010, 590 million Africans (57% of the population) did not have access to electricity. If current energy trends do not change, Africa will have 655 million people (42% of the population) in 2030” and “extending access to electricity to the entire African population requires only 900 TWh (one terawatt hour equates to one trillion Wh) more over 20 years”. The co-author made his presentation in Dakar on “Beyond speeches and intentions, how to boost the regulatory and institutional framework to develop renewable energies in the West African Economic and Monetary Union?” and intervened in a panel composed of a World Bank official, a Moroccan lawyer, the president of the regional electricity regulatory authority and moderated by a partner of an international audit firm in Senegal. This conference made it possible to accelerate the understanding of West African electricity issues and to establish fruitful contacts at a time when the Bokhol photovoltaic solar power plant was already under design and had signed the contract to resell the green electricity to be produced at Senelec. In terms of the conclusions of the work, the synthesis highlighted the following seven points, which were based on the themes of the round tables. 3.3.1.1. The need for a vision Speakers at a round table in Dakar deplored the lack of vision of the countries concerned and the absence of a providential person creating value

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systems centered on principles. Without this vision and projection into the future, there can be no planning and without planning, there can be no meaningful development. The question is not so much about the choice of energies, because the choices to be made will depend on the geographical criteria of each country, but rather on the strategy to be implemented for universal access to electricity, promised at each election. All too often, choices are dictated by urgency and political concerns. Another participant pointed out that Morocco has made very significant progress with its solar plan, as part of a vision that goes beyond the duration of a legislature and ignores electoral deadlines. As such, Morocco’s constitutional monarchy system, which also makes the King Commander of Believers, provides a stability that is not found in all African countries and is an asset for major infrastructure projects. 3.3.1.2. Energy choices to ensure security of supply Untimely power outages in major West African cities are an important issue. The race against the lack of installed capacity in urban areas should also lead to significant progress in rural electrification. Malfunctions lead to the use of generators, with oil or diesel engines, which make it possible to compensate for network outages. The consequences are increased greenhouse gas emissions and a high financial cost of importing equipment and fuels. Many African States have now become aware of the unsustainable nature of such production. Most African countries have set themselves targets for electricity production from renewable sources. The solution may also come from technological advances in renewable energy, energy efficiency and storage, such as the mobile phone revolution that has equipped 600 million Africans in less than 10 years. This could make it possible to build microgenerators of electricity at lower cost in isolated sites, bypassing traditional transmission and distribution infrastructures. 3.3.1.3. Production capacities and regional integration Eight West African Economic and Monetary Union member states are all part of the 15 member states of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Nigeria and Sierra Leone are the six ECOWAS countries that are not part of the West African Economic and Monetary Union. The narrowness of African national energy markets and risks are obstacles to mobilizing the capital needed to develop electricity generation, transmission and distribution infrastructure. Regional integration can facilitate the development of high-

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capacity power plants, enable the deployment of a more extensive and resilient transmission network and pool infrastructure to attract investment. Integration is all the more urgent to organize as countries are already potential exporters of electricity, especially those that rely on hydropower, which has low operating and maintenance costs when the dam is impounded. The production of future dams, such as Inga III (4,500 MW) in the Democratic Republic of Congo; Renaissance (6,000 MW) in Ethiopia; Medio Kwanza (6,000 MW) in Angola and Mphanda Nkuwa (1,500 MW) in Mozambique, could be shared between several countries. The leaders considered that regional integration at the level of the West African Economic and Monetary Union but also ECOWAS made it possible to provide concrete responses to the inadequacy of electricity supply and demand. It should be recalled that the West African Power Pool (WAPP) was established by a decision on December 10, 1999 of the 22nd Summit of the ECOWAS Assembly of Heads of State and Government with the aim of ensuring a reliable supply of electricity in the West African subregion. Its vision is to integrate the operation of national electricity grids into a unified regional electricity market with a view to ensuring, in the medium and long term, a regular, reliable and cost-effective supply of electricity to the populations of ECOWAS Member States. 3.3.1.4. Social development and pricing Electricity pricing in West Africa has also been questioned. What access to electricity and what price should people accept? The gradual increase in the price per kilowatt-hour has been successfully implemented in some East African countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya to balance the accounts of production companies. Tariff modulation also has virtues by considering rebates for consumers who would agree to consume less at times when the industry needs abundant energy. Good governance requires the proper use of public funds and voices are being raised to stop subsidies ($2 billion per year) to national electricity companies that serve those who already consume electricity but not those who do not yet have access to it. The State must ensure that public services honor their commitments to electricity companies and at the same time provide energy for all public services, with education and health as a priority. Administrations must set a good example by consuming less and encouraging utilities to improve their day-to-day management. The latter must also have the means to collect their outstanding debts and Kenya and Nigeria are setting an example in this regard.

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3.3.1.5. The regulatory framework The local representative of the World Bank summarized the virtuous circle of good governance through a dialog leading to a strategic vision, itself translated into realistic action plans. Economic growth and its dividends must be used to reduce poverty. Finally, risks and profits must be linked to each other and rewards must be proportionate to penalties. Energy governance is linked to the country’s governance (efficiency of administration, soundness and stability of the banking and financial sector, neutrality of the judiciary, law enforcement, etc.). We must move away from emergency management, a business-like approach, inefficient subsidies to find the right planning, its respect over time, healthy and transparent competition, with performance guarantees, credible promoters and fair market prices. Three levers have been identified as likely to boost the West African regulatory and institutional framework. They are reminiscent of the process the European Union went through to liberalize its electricity and gas markets in the early 2000s: – the use of the private sector to produce electricity: independent private production, development of self-generation and opening up the sector to competition; – separation of transmission functions from production and distribution activities: African producers need access to the electricity transmission grid to market the electricity produced. Like EDF in the 1990s, the transmission system is an essential infrastructure that is generally owned and managed by the incumbent operator. A non-discriminatory right of access must be guaranteed to these producers against payment of a user fee. This tariff covers all costs related to the operation of the transmission network without cross subsidizing the production activities carried out by the incumbent operator. The transmission system operator must be independent, have its own accounting system that makes it possible to calculate the tariff for the use of the network and be legally and patrimonially separate from the incumbent operator; – the establishment of a sectoral regulatory authority to supervise markets and set tariffs in a sector open to competition: it must take the form of an independent administrative authority that is not subject to any regulatory power exercised by the State.

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3.3.1.6. Energy efficiency The AEME (Agence pour l’économie et la maîtrise de l’énergie du Sénégal) advocated for energy efficiency, for the establishment of dedicated structures at local, national and regional levels and for structured actions, with three simple rules: avoid a dispersion of projects and interlocutors; have a good understanding of the actions undertaken and implement them in a coherent and effective manner. This requires new mechanisms to support energy efficiency investments, reliable information systems, convincing evidence, incentives, technology deployment, involvement of the private sector and commercial banks and training. 3.3.1.7. African intelligent cities The challenge of African urbanization is major, with metropolises that will have to be well developed. The current solution of using independent generators, with oil or diesel engines, results in pollution and a very high financial cost, linked to the import of equipment and fuels. African states have now become aware of the unsustainable nature of such power generation and the COP21 climate conferences are expected to accelerate the energy transition in its territories. The Africa Smart Grid is an information system that balances electricity supply and demand at all times. Today’s choices in terms of urban planning, transport and infrastructure must favor low-cost and energy-efficient development models that respect the environment and human rights, which this better balance should make it possible to achieve. The Africa Power Forum 2014 was the opportunity to sign a partnership agreement between the Agence marocaine pour l’efficacité énergétique (AMEE) and the Agence nationale pour les énergies renouvelables du Sénégal (ANER) represented respectively by Mr. Saïd Mouline and Mr. Djiby Ndiaye. This new south–south cooperation, between Morocco and Senegal, involves the exchange of expertise and support to develop renewable energies and energy efficiency. Two years after this conference of the Africa Power Forum in Dakar, on October 22, 2016, the President of the Republic of Senegal, Macky Sall, inaugurated the 20MWp Synergy 2 photovoltaic power plant in Bokhol. It is the first industrial scale photovoltaic solar power plant connected to the grid in West Africa. The questions we are asking ourselves are how such a project could have been carried out so quickly in Senegal. The analyses,

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reflections and call for expressions of interest were certainly launched by the Ministry in 2014. However, the implementation has been very rapid in a country where industrial projects have a reputation for being slow to succeed. How was Senegal able to act faster than the other seven countries of the West African Economic and Monetary Union? In methodological terms, the reconstruction of the events was made possible by interviewing the company that became a financial partner of the project in 2015, Greenwish Group and its founder Charlotte AubinKalaidjian; by attending a conference given in Paris on January 12, 2019 by the Director Generals of Senelec and the Agence nationale pour les énergies renouvelables du Sénégal (ANER), Messrs Mouhamadou Makhtar Cisse and Djiby Ndiaye, reviewed for this occasion, and thanks to the assistance of Bara Diagne, on the ground. 3.3.2. Development of the Bokhol site The project therefore began to take shape in 2012 with the submission of the Synergy 2 project as part of a call for demonstrations launched by the Senegalese Ministry of Energy. Greenwish Group, a London-based start-up company, has acquired a 95% stake in the project. This company specializes in the development of renewable energy projects. An investment vehicle has been created to support this project. It brings together international investors and 45% of Senegalese interest, including the Caisse des dépôts et consignations du Sénégal (CDC). This round table makes it possible to keep almost half of the dividends from the photovoltaic project in Senegal. The investment amounted to €26 million. The project was financed by the African Development Bank, Africa 50 and the Global Environment Facility (GEF). The land selected is located in Bokhol, along National Road 2, near Dagana and is connected to a high voltage/medium voltage (HV/MV) source substation, operated by SOGEM, which is close to the chosen site, on the other side of the road. This position is operated by SOGEM (Société de gestion de l’énergie de Manantali). The Member States of the Organization for the Development of the Senegal River (OMVS), which is an intergovernmental development organization created in 1972 to manage the Senegal River catchment area (289,000 km²), created SOGEM to carry out the Manantali hydroelectric project, which is operated by an independent

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operator. The SOGEM creation agreement specifies in Article 5 that States may entrust SOGEM with the operation and maintenance of any other energy production and transmission facility. The promoters of this 20 MWp photovoltaic power plant wanted to ensure that the infrastructure was well integrated into Bokhol’s natural environment. They have not fenced off this infrastructure to ensure the free movement of people, livestock and wildlife. They thought about the flow of surface water. The clearing plan was submitted to the Senegalese Water and Forests Authority for authorization. A track has been created to allow better movement of livestock to pasture areas. Land movements have been optimized to limit borrowing, erosion and material disposal. Land borrowings were made on nutrient-poor soils, after approval. The environmental and social impact study has been carried out and shows that there are no particularly protected species for fauna and flora on this site. The preservation of the living space of existing wildlife is ensured by a strict environmental management plan. The sequence of steps was summarized in summary Table 3.3. From 2012 onwards

Submission of the Senergy 2 project following the call for expressions of interest launched by the Senegalese Ministry of Energy.

August 2013

The project was selected by the Ministry of Energy. The municipality of Bokhol granted a 50-ha plot of land to the project for a rent of 8 million FCFA per year (12,195 €/year).

November 2013

Co-author’s participation in the 40th anniversary of the West African Development Bank in Lomé for a paper on solar energy in the West African Economic and Monetary Union.

December 2013

Signing of the power purchase agreement with Senelec.

January–December 2014 June 2014 February 2015 June 2015

Development of the technical solution. Participation of the co-author in the Africa Power Forum in Dakar for a paper on solar energy. Greenwish Group became the financial partner of the project. Selection of Vinci Energies following a call for tenders.

October 2015

Signing of the partnership with Bokhol.

January 2016

Approval of the financing by the African Development Bank.

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February 15, 2016

Start of construction work on the photovoltaic power plant.

May 11, 2016

Installation of photovoltaic modules previously approved on site.

September 30, 2016 October 22, 2016

February–March 2018

Receipt of the plant work. Inauguration of the photovoltaic power plant by President Macky Sall. Distribution of the book “L’énergie solaire après Fukushima, la nouvelle donne” in the Ivory Coast and then West African Universities thanks to Université Virtuelle de Côte d’Ivoire (UVCI) and the GM Savoir Association.

2017–2018–2019

Construction and commissioning of Senergy (30 MW) in Santhiou-Mékhé, Malicounda (22 MW) and Ten Mérina (30 MW) in Mérina Dakhar.

January 12, 2019

Conference in Paris of the Director Generals of Sénélec and ANER in the presence of the co-author.

February 24, 2019

Re-election of President Macky Sall.

Table 3.3. Steps in the construction of the Bokhol photovoltaic power plant and monitoring

The land was definitively secured by the signature of the partnership with the rural commune of Bokhol in 2015, which provides positive benefits for this territory and in particular the electrification of the commune, a contribution to the education, training and employment of young people in the commune, support for the financing of school, health and agricultural infrastructure (solar irrigation systems). Vinci Energies won the tender to build the plant. The 75,000 polycrystalline photovoltaic solar panels were delivered to the site and the plant was built in 8 months, a record time. The connection to the MV/HV source station was quick, due to the geographical proximity, which made commissioning easier. The promoters of this project have announced that the kilowatt-hour will be sold at 40% of the average price of the Senegalese energy mix. Senelec’s feed-in tariff for green electricity runs for 20 years and amounts to 0.10 euros/kWh indexed at 4% per year for the first 5 years, then 2% over the following 15 years.

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Figure 3.11. Plan of the Bokhol photovoltaic power plant. This photo shows the proximity of the source substation and the cable shown in green that connects the substation to the power transmission grid (source: Greenwish Group after request to the President)

Name

Senergy 2

Installed power

20MWp

Cost

26 million euros

Surface area

40 ha

Closure

No

Developer

Greenwish Group

Manufacturer

Vinci Énergie

Number of modules

75,000

Electricity sold to

Senelec

The Energy Transition in Rural Areas

Term of the power purchase agreement

20 years

Estimated electricity production the 1st year

34GWh

Feed-in tariff

0.10 euros/kWh indexed

Estimated turnover for the first year

3.5 million euros

Table 3.4. Characteristics of the Bokhol photovoltaic power plant

(i)

(ii) Figure 3.12a. Photographs of the Bokhol photovoltaic plant (source: Greenwish Group after request to the President)

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(iiii)

(iv)

(v) okhol photovo oltaic plant Figure 3.12b. Photogrraphs of the Bo quest to the President) P G after req (source:: Greenwish Group

nd, chassis system, s base,, tilt and COMME ENT ON FIGU URE 3.12. (i) Sandy groun elevatioon of photovooltaic modulles. (ii) Abseence of fencees, free moveement of view w with phottovoltaic goats near n cables and grasslland. (iii) Overall O n. (iv) Chasssis system oon which moduless fixed at an angle, faccing the sun photovooltaic modulees are fixed and technical rooms. (vv) Aerial phootograph ows of photovvoltaic moduules. showingg the correctt parallel aliggnment of ro

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One challenge is to prevent sand and dust from affecting the plant’s performance. If the maintenance and upkeep is properly carried out and the plant is produced as planned, the Senegalese government would save 3 billion CFA Francs per year (€4.5 million), or 58 billion (€88 million) over the 20 years of the contract. Senergy 2 should make it possible to avoid the emission of 23,000 tons of CO2, which rightly excited President Macky Sall during his inauguration speech, a few weeks before COP22 in Marrakech. In the developments associated with the plant, solar street lighting is installed, and solar home kits are distributed in the eleven villages around the plant that do not have access to electricity. High-voltage lines passed through this territory without providing electricity. Villages cannot be directly connected to high-voltage power pylons. This situation resembles a village crossed by a highway without access ramps to use it and which would have nuisances without the associated benefits. Solar water pumping is being implemented to improve village agricultural yields. The progress of rural electrification through the extension of the electricity distribution network should then take over to supply villages and the region with electricity. Training young people in these new renewable energy professions, for technicians, engineers and entrepreneurs alike, is of prime importance in West Africa. On November 10, 2017, in Paris, on the fringes of the COP23 climate conference, the GM Savoir association donated 200 new copies of the book L’énergie solaire après Fukushima, la nouvelle donne to the Université Virtuelle de Côte d’Ivoire (UVCI) represented by its Executive Director, Tiemoman KONE. The official ceremony for the donation and dissemination of the book took place on February 13, 2018 in Abidjan, on the university’s premises, and brought together, for 2 hours, representatives of some 15 Ivorian universities and research laboratories. From March 15 to 16, 2018, UCVI continued the distribution of the book in Togo during the fourth annual conference of the West and Central African Network for Research and Education (WACREN). The beneficiaries were the education and research networks of the French-speaking countries of the subregion (Togo RER, Mali RER, Niger RER, Faso RER, etc.). UVCI reported that the beneficiaries did not hide their joy at seeing such initiatives become sustainable between countries in the subregion. The objective is to stimulate intellectual reflection: should renewable energy projects be developed in cities, rural areas or deserts? Should we do

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small projects in isolated sites or large projects connected to the networks? Should we build projects integrated into the building or the ground? Which renewable energy and energy efficiency sectors should be developed as a priority in West Africa? How can we capitalize on the successful experiences of other West African Economic and Monetary Union member states? On January 12, 2019 in Paris, in the presence of the co-author, the Managing Director Mouhamadou Makhtar Cissé, accompanied by Djiby Ndiaye, recalled that Senelec only deals with electrification in urban areas, while rural electrification is delegated to the Agence sénégalaise de l’électrification rurale (ASER). ASER has therefore delegated project management and roadworthiness testing for rural electrification concessionaires. In Bokhol, Senelec therefore only acts as a buyer of the green electricity produced, thanks to a 20-year purchase contract at an indexed CFA rate. Mouhamadou Makhtar Cissé also mentioned the construction of the Senergy (30 MW) photovoltaic plants in SanthiouMékhé, Malicounda (22 MW) and Ten Mérina (30 MW) in Mérina Dakhar. He indicated that Senegal’s electricity generation capacity had more than doubled from 2012 to 2019 to reach 1,264 MW, that power outage days had fallen from 38 days in 2011 to 2 days at the end of 2018 and that electricity prices were falling. Mouhamadou Makhtar Cissé indicated that Senelec has finally obtained a positive balance sheet and was able to do without the annual subsidy paid to it by the Senegalese State, which amounted to 105 billion CFA (160 million euros) in 2012. He added that these significant improvements in the Senegalese electricity sector were to the credit of outgoing President Macky Sall in the campaign for his re-election. 3.3.3. Bokhol’s challenges for the energy transition The Bokhol project is part of the energy policy of the Republic of Senegal, which is part of the West African Economic and Monetary Union, created in 1994. This Union has a Common Energy Policy (CEP), which is currently being implemented as part of the Regional Sustainable Energy Initiative (IRED). The regional programs for the development of renewable energies (PRODERE) and energy saving (PREE) should enable the West African Economic and Monetary Union’ Commission to achieve its target of 82% of green energy by 2030. PRODERE is successfully operating by installing solar kits, solar streetlamps, solar micro-power plants and low-

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energy lamps in the Member States. Bokhol is a successful public-private partnership project that complements the public funding already available: – the Energy Development Fund (EDF), initially endowed with 250 billion CFA Francs from the specialized institutions of the Union (Commission and the Central Bank) and a contribution from the Kingdom of Belgium, has existed since 2010; – the Infrastructure Fund (IF), dedicated to financing energy infrastructure, is also managed by the West African Development Bank (BOAD); – the Facilité régionale d’accès à l’énergie durable, FRAED (a regional facility for access to sustainable energy), dedicated to the financing of renewable energy infrastructure, is also being set up, in conjunction with the African Biofuel and Renewable Energy Company (ABREC). It improves the conditions for the profitability of renewable energy projects and provides technical and financial assistance to States in the development of renewable energy projects. Its initial allocation is 50 billion CFA Francs. No less than 45% of Senegalese had no access to electricity, 20% in cities and 60% in rural areas. President Macky Sall had made access to energy a campaign theme and the increase in the country’s installed capacity from 573 MW in 2012 to 1,264 MW in 2019 was very well received by the population. Senegal now wants to become the green energy locomotive of West Africa. After the success of Bokhol, the launch of the construction of the other three photovoltaic plants and the 150 MW Taïba Ndiaye wind farm, the outlook in West Africa seems favorable. A doubling of capacity installed in Senegal leads to a decrease in the price per kWh. The cost of production has already dropped from 97 CFA francs (15 euro cents) in 2012 to 44 CFA cents today (7 euro cents). The cost of electricity in Senegal was one of the highest in the world. The system works even better when the CFA franc/euro parity is guaranteed. If African countries were to leave the CFA zone, the new exchange rate risks on 20-year power buyback contracts would have to be examined closely. The other countries of the subregion will want to follow the same trajectory and the spaces are available in African rural areas. President Macky Sall is a former Minister of State, Minister of Mines, Energy and Water in the government led by Mame Madior Boye and former Prime Minister of Senegal. He is a geological engineer and geophysicist

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trained at the Institut des sciences de la terre (IST) in Dakar, then at the French École nationale supérieure du pétrole et des moteurs (ENSPM) of the Institut français du pétrole (IFP) in Paris. He is a member of several national and international associations of geologists and geophysicists, as his autobiography reveals. His re-election to the Supreme Court in the 1st round with 58% of the vote on February 24, 2019 was due to many factors, not the least of which was the improvement in the energy sector. Speakers at the 2014 Africa Power Forum in Dakar deplored the lack of vision and a providential man. History will tell if President Macky Sall and Senelec’s General Manager, Mouhamadou Makhtar Cissé, appointed in April 2019 as Minister of Oil and Energy, are finally the visionaries Senegal needed. Senegal’s strong growth in electricity consumption was estimated at least 6,500 GWh in 2030 according to the report on the strategy for energy management in Senegal 2030 (GROUP performance). It is growing by 176% to 2030, at an average annual rate of +6.2% per year, compared to 2013, and requires the necessary production resources to be matched. 3.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in rural areas First of all, it is necessary to comparatively summarize the characteristics of the two rural territories and the photovoltaic projects studied.

Status Latitude Longitude Country Continent Altitude Climate Surface area Language Religion Population Growth rate of growth Density Photovoltaic power plant Power consumption

Pays de Fayence Community of nine municipalities 43° 37' N 6° 41' E France Europe 360m Csa 402 km² French Secularism 27,684 inhabitants 1.8% per year 69 inhabitants/km² Callian 7.4 MWp

Bokhol Rural community 16° 31' N 15° 24' W Senegal Africa 10m BSh 638 km² French Secularism 20,000 inhabitants 2.8% per year 31 inhabitants/km² Senergy 2 20 MWp

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Cost Surface area Fences Developer Construction and maintenance Photovoltaic modules Electricity sold to Duration of the power purchase agreement Financial arrangement Production first year Feed-in tariff Revenues from operations first year

24 million euros 21 ha Yes Eneryo

26 million euros 40 ha No Greenwish

Schneider Electric

Vinci Énergie

40,000 EDF

75,000 Senelec

20 years

20 years

Project financing without assistance 11.2 GWh 0.30 euros/kWh indexed

Project financing without assistance 34 GWh 0.10 euros/kWh indexed

3.65 million euros

3.5 million euros

159

Table 3.5. Comparison of the two rural territories studied

The two photovoltaic plants therefore generate the same turnover from the sale of green electricity, while Bokhol has an installed capacity almost three times greater than Callian, on a double surface area. However, the investment in Bokhol did not cost much more than Callian’s. This illustrates the progress of nanotechnologies that produce more efficient and cheaper photovoltaic cells that are grouped into photovoltaic modules. The absence of fences in Bokhol, unlike Callian, may seem anecdotal. For geographers, borders are important. Westerners separate industrial space from public space, private property from public domain. It is also a question of security, confidentiality, protection of people and equipment. Bokhol’s experience of integrating the production tool into its environment, with the circulation of people and livestock in the facilities, is to be followed to see if it shows its effectiveness. It may be surprising to note the absence of solar thermal energy on these two rural lands, both on single-family homes, public buildings and farms, when the sunshine data are excellent. The solar water heater technology is proven, reliable and well adapted to the south of France, West Africa and the Middle East. The collectors are outside, composed of an absorber that

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converts the sun’s rays into heat, and an exchanger whose water heats up when it comes into contact with the absorber. Flat plate or vacuum tube collectors are connected to the hot/cold water piping of the house. The water between cold and hot comes out thanks to the sun, at no cost. It is circulated naturally thanks to the thermosiphon or thanks to a circulator and an appropriate regulation. Domestic hot water is stored in an insulated storage tank for use in the kitchen or bathroom. Individual solar water heaters are highly developed in rural Tunisia, for example, and have proven their reliability. Use in metropolises is possible, for municipal swimming pools and individual and collective housing. The situation is similar for local biogas or biomethane production (CH4). The biodigester is the technical solution adapted to rural areas. It uses organic waste, including livestock manure, to produce biogas and a fertilizer, digestate. The equipment can be simple, with a septic tank for organic waste and a system of barrels in which the gas is trapped and then directed through tubes to the house. In these flow energies, investment in equipment is important, operation is fuel free and low cost. The lifecycle analysis of new installations must be carried out to see where the equipment comes from, how it is recycled, to carry out a multicriteria, multistage environmental assessment that favors short circuits and local industry. 3.4.1. Dynamics of positive energy territories Rural areas offer a different perspective from metropolises in that they have more land at a lower population density. The countryside is unique with oak forests, the Esterel mountains, villages perched on the hillside, small rivers that flow into the Mediterranean for the Var; irrigated agricultural territories for rice cultivation, baobabs, the Senegal River for the Saint-Louis region. These landscapes have been modified by mankind by cultures, roads and developments. However, the problem is the same: the activities, the population, the buildings and the traffic are less than in the city. Energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions are lower than in urban areas, even if rural areas can accommodate agricultural cooperatives and industries that cities can’t. Rurality is less well connected to public services and networks. Its access to water, energy, education, employment and culture is more difficult. Energy management is carried out in buildings (public,

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private and agricultural), public transport, public lighting and industry. Municipalities and intermunicipalities buy energy, and this becomes more complex with deregulation, different suppliers and the end of regulated tariffs. They can own the energy distribution networks as in France and must grant operating and maintenance concessions. Rural areas have more space to produce energy, either on farm buildings or on available land, for more or less important projects. It can initiate energy projects, often renewable energy projects, knowing the geography of the territory and the needs of local populations. However, it does not always have the skills available for project management, particularly due to an increasingly complex regulatory framework and continuous technological developments. In rural areas, citizens aspire to experience an alternative way of living, with more autonomy and often in an eco-responsible way. Housing is in single-family homes, farmsteads rather than co-owned buildings. This is the principle of the vegetable garden. In temperate climates, the citizen wants to be able to grow his vegetables and his fruit trees to consume himself, i.e. consume his harvest directly, in a short circuit, in autonomy. He can also logically seek to self-consume the green electricity and heat he produces. He already does so with the wood fire in the chimney for heating or the stove and insert, which are more efficient, in a house that can do without oil heating in the spring. When the construction is new, the new thermal regulations apply to move towards a low-energy building and a positiveenergy building. For the old fleet, the necessary thermal renovations are more complicated. The occupant is not always the owner, qualified providers are difficult to find in rural areas, funding is not available, mechanisms are too complicated. The evolution of rural areas toward positive energy territories is in line with the improvement of housing stock, the development of positive energy buildings, with communal land available for larger scale projects, such as wind farms, ground-based photovoltaic solar power plants, methanization units, dams, deep geothermal energy, wooden boilers and efficient household waste incineration units. Solar and wind energies are collective goods that will develop because they are accessible to all and their consumption by an additional individual does not reduce the satisfaction of others, as long as the installation does not harm the landscape, which is the limit of wind power compared to photovoltaics. The opportunity lies in making the most of the territory’s geographical characteristics to produce green electricity or heat in order to self-consume or sell the surplus to the electricity operator for additional income. Citizens

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in rural areas have more room to consider innovative energy projects, even if they do not always have the means to do so. They seek energy autonomy with equipment that is rarer in cities because it has often been banned and is not necessary because of better access to the networks. These energy sources favor short circuits. However, the citizen who has built his energy autonomous house with short circuits wants a security back up and the possibility to remain connected to the public network to avoid the power cuts that we see in West Africa. It has become unacceptable in Europe to have power cuts, even in rural areas. Rural areas will experience a hybridization of networks, with the large traditional networks that guarantee this security of supply and local loops that develop in habitats that produce heat, electricity and are modernized to be positive energy buildings. For spatial planning, this challenge of centralizing or decentralizing the means of energy production is major because they are not the same equipment and networks to be installed. Selfconsumed microgenerations in short circuits do not therefore put an end to traditional networks but lead to this hybridization. Intermittence management and energy storage are key issues to be addressed. In terms of the Social and Solidarity Economy, the creation of energy production cooperatives is an important issue that lags behind Germany in France. Internet coupled with mobile phones has gradually arrived in the last 10 years in the Pays de Fayence and Bokhol and has changed habits: social networks, online bookings and access to information. In Fayence, the municipal services had organized a connected workspace where the citizen could use a computer for 5 euros per half-hour in an annex of the town hall. With the development of connections at home and on mobile phones, this space will no longer be necessary, like the telephone booths that have closed. In Bokhol, the population is equipped with laptops and has access to the same services as the inhabitant of Fayence, whereas the latter was better equipped previously, with electricity and fixed telephone networks. The technology has allowed the resident of Bokhol to skip steps and enter directly into the progress of wireless technology. The deployment of Linky smart meters, which was intended to help rural areas better manage their energy consumption and manage positive energy buildings, is encountering strong resistance in rural France. This technical progress seems too perfect to be honest and causes fears ranging from potentially harmful electromagnetic radiation to the untimely intrusion of a

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new spy box. However, rural areas seek development and technological progress, but they want to remain calm and maintain their identity by opposing this urban area, which is often synonymous with stress, insecurity and health risks. Consequently, there are opposing forces fighting against each other. The Pays de Fayence, with its two hydroelectric power plants in the Siagne, its Saint-Cassien dam and its 7 MW photovoltaic plant, has almost become a positive energy territory without knowing it. The difficulty is to accurately count the monthly energy consumption for electricity, gas, fuel oil, petrol, wood and coal at the intermunicipal level. The two photovoltaic projects in the Pays de Fayence and Bokhol, which are located in two very different rural areas, have similarities. As previously explained, the amount of investment and turnover of the two photovoltaic plants are similar, while the Bokhol plant is almost three times more powerful than the Pays de Fayence plant. This illustrates the drastic cost reduction that has occurred in 10 years in photovoltaic modules and, at the same time, the reduction in guaranteed feed-in tariffs. Photovoltaic has been evolving very rapidly over the past 10 years towards better yields at significantly lower costs. The International Energy Agency confirms the growing competitiveness of solar photovoltaics in its World Energy Outlook 2019. Photovoltaics will surpass wind power by 2025, hydropower by 2030 and coal by 2040, in terms of installed capacity. Most of the new capacities will be industrialscale solar farms for which it will be necessary to find space in rural areas. New photovoltaic solar parks compete with new coal-fired power plants almost everywhere in the world. The Agency’s projections suggest that cost parity with existing thermal power plants cannot be achieved without government support, but this depends on the territory and sunshine. In the Agency’s “new policies” scenario, the position of renewable energies and coal is reversed in the electricity mix: the share of electricity from renewable sources rises from 25% in 2018 to around 40% in 2040; coal follows the opposite trend. For the profitability of the two photovoltaic projects studied, the financial package is identical, in the form of non-recourse project financing, with a high debt contracted by an ad hoc company carrying the project, which is repaid through electricity sales over 20 years. The land of the power plant is more expensive to lease in the Pays de Fayence than in Bokhol, which has a positive impact on the profitability of the Senegalese project.

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These two rural areas are crossed by high-voltage lines but are obliged to develop their own electricity production capacities. The financial package is identical, in the form of project financing, with electricity resales to the public operator, secured by a 20-year contract that guarantees a feed-in tariff. This revenue reimburses a debt incurred to make the initial investment. The two start-ups that developed the two projects subcontracted the construction site of the power plant to a much larger company. This reflects the globalization of financial arrangements and feed-in tariff regulation that has emerged in West Africa, as opposed to the granting of green certificates. In both installations, it is the agility of these two young companies, developer and project manager, that surprises. These are, respectively, two small companies that are not known and that have no history in the territory selected and no compromises with elected officials. The public–private partnership has worked well and has succeeded in bringing exceptional projects to fruition because they are new, in areas where not much is happening. The public authorities may feel a favorable balance of power when faced with a young company that has to demonstrate its ability to deliver in order to survive. Another common point is the vision of an elected official who initiated the project, believes in it and supports it throughout its implementation and especially in the difficulties. The project owner has properly assumed its responsibilities by correctly defining the specifications, choosing the prime contractor who guarantees a turnkey service and monitoring the progress of the work. One wonders why it was possible to build a photovoltaic farm but not a middle school. It is probably the dynamics of the private sector that finds a turnkey solution that does not require public funding. These two projects have boosted two rural areas that were not used in such investments. They have generated related projects, on the roofs of colleges in Pays de Fayence and the installation of solar streetlights in Bokhol, which raise the question of access to energy and the energy autonomy of a territory. This awakens the local initiative that had lost its habit of taking an interest in its energy destiny, trusting the State and reticular capitalism to be properly supplied with electricity, gas and petrol through the distribution networks. In Senegal, the constant power cuts and lack of access to electricity in rural areas have made this difficulty a political issue. As rurality consumes energy and by now producing more easily with decentralized renewable energies, it is tempting to compare local consumption with local production in a given territory. The aspiration to

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become a positive energy territory is recent and understandable in rural areas, but it makes no sense in metropolises that will not succeed. Rural areas are often subject to technological progress but, out of political will and because of their available space, they can also carry out pilot projects for green energy production and energy storage experiments that cannot be carried out in metropolises. For example, methanization is very suitable for rural areas, less so in metropolises, due to the presence of manure, dung and space for installations. The same applies to any experimentation that requires space, such as, for example, storage by converting electricity into hydrogen by electrolysis, which is an innovative process that can be tested in rural areas. 3.4.2. Complex regulations and rurality The importance of public regulations is no longer to be demonstrated in order to ensure proper coordination between national schemes and local plans. In France, the trend is toward overregulation and administrative complexity, which slows down projects. These constructions of green electricity and heat production plants are part of a process of design, consultations and authorizations that have moved from over the counter to more structured calls for tenders. Examples of downward revisions to feed-in tariffs in Europe, regulatory changes for tariffs, wind development areas and tax benefits are indicative of the complexity and frequent changes in public policies that must adapt to a rapidly changing technological environment. A well-located site can help develop a good project but can be at risk if there is a change in regulations. The multiple remedies that take place after the construction of the wind farm weaken investors and project developers. Landscapes must be protected but must not prevent economic development. It is an important issue for rural areas to manage this conflict of interest. One result of observations is that the Callian photovoltaic power plant was only possible thanks to a regulatory firing window, decided by the State, from 2006 to 2010. Surprisingly, this research leads to the conclusion that the same installation could not have been rebuilt in the same place and under the same conditions 5 years later, due to the change in the rules of the game, in favor of the calls for tenders issued by the Energy Regulation Commission. These calls for tenders had the advantage of allowing the State to take control of the capacity to install and the spaces to be developed, but

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reduced feed-in tariffs and excluded the smallest players. For Bokhol, the speed of implementation can be explained by a strong political will that goes back to the President of the Senegalese Republic and a regulatory framework that is perhaps simpler than in Europe. The decentralization of decisions has given municipalities more autonomy to decide on the right locations in order to develop renewable energies from 2006. Inter-municipalities and regions are the links that have become important in the decision-making process, with the prefect and the decentralized services of the State issuing administrative authorizations in France. As a result, land use planning was in danger of becoming archaic because of photovoltaics and wind power in rural France from 2006, when favorable feed-in tariffs were introduced. The alteration of certain rural landscapes due to the installation of more than 4,500 wind turbines has mobilized a very vigorous protest. The public authorities have sought to regain control to better manage the equipment and control the installed capacity objectives. He takes back his prerogatives, in case of disorders in rural areas. Many local initiatives were born in rural France from 2006 to 2010 but this created a mess with photovoltaic farms sprouting up all over the south, without always being able to connect them to the grid in a short time. The central government has changed the rules by taking the initiative by issuing invitations to tender for photovoltaics for medium-sized installations (from 100 to 250 kWp) and for large installations (above 250 kWp). The latter concerned very large roofs and Callian-type ground power plants. For large installations, a first call for tenders was launched after the moratorium in September 2011 (105 projects were designated on July 26, 2012 for 520 MWp); a second call for tenders was launched in March 2013 for 400 MW (winners designated on March 28, 2014); a third call for tenders was launched in November 2014 for a total capacity that was increased to 800 MW (winners designated in December 2015) and so on until now. In Senegal, calls for expressions of interest are issued by the Ministry of Energy, which controls the process. In both cases, successful tenderers must comply with specifications drawn up by the Ministry, the regulator and the competent services. In France, calls for tenders are published in the Official Journal of the European Union and the specifications can be found on the website of the Commission de régulation de l’énergie.

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This centralized procedure provides for stricter environmental and industrial requirements than the decentralized procedure prior to 2011 that Callian benefited from. This constant change in the rules of the game is very complex for rural areas, for all stakeholders and directly affects the discouraging spirit of initiative. As such, the Bokhol power plant project has capitalized on 10 years of sometimes unfortunate experiences in France from 2006 to 2016 and the highest level of the State, the Ministry and Sénélec take into account local constraints. To properly link local initiative with national and international objectives, the rise of intermunicipal and regional levels for energy, air and climate issues is a dynamic that emerges from field observations in France. It makes it possible to pool skills in this increasingly complex environment while allowing this regional relay to be part of a country’s territorial organization. But the decentralization of powers costs money in a constrained public budget. The end of regulated electricity and gas tariffs is also a new regulatory headache in rural areas, with European and soon African deregulation of electricity and gas markets. To weigh more heavily in the face of the private suppliers that are multiplying after the dismantling of public monopolies, rural areas must find the best organization and build joint specifications to buy their electricity and gas. French law provides that municipalities may organize the public service for the distribution of electricity and gas within the framework of groupings, usually in the form of an intermunicipality or an energy union. These become the licensing authority instead of the municipalities. As such, it operates in the following three areas: – the negotiation of the concession contract; – the signing of the contract and the control of the concessionaire; – the exercise of project management for certain network works in rural municipalities. In the French rural electrification system, as opposed to the urban system, project ownership is distributed in the concession specifications. The financing of investments on the network is the responsibility of the licensing authority, which will increasingly be the intermunicipality or the departmental electrification union and no longer the municipality. By choosing intermunicipality as the level of proximity and the region as the

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leader for energy and climate, to the detriment of the municipality and the department, the public authorities have set a new framework in 2015 in France. Special cases will remain in mountain areas; islands may also be suitable for pilot energy experiments. The question is whether the rural territory can, by itself, achieve a vision for energy transition. While it has been demonstrated that rural areas can carry out innovative energy projects with relays, the vision necessary for this energy transition is difficult to achieve from the local rural base due to the complexity of the issues involved. It is indeed the confrontation of this reality on the ground with major globalized objectives that is necessary to create the dynamics of spaces and resolve conflicts of use. 3.4.3. Landscapes and rurality Landscape is the interaction between the natural environment and human action. It incorporates the consequences of human action. Among the major structures observed are the electrical pylons with 400,000 V lines crossing Lake Saint-Cassien and onshore wind turbines. These infrastructures can claim to be the sequelae of human action because they are metal structures more than 50 m high that are placed in the countryside. The visual impact is evident in rural areas with electrical pylons older than wind turbines, built in the 1970s with the development of the nuclear park. The two 30 metric ton steel electric pylons of Saint-Cassien, one of which is on the shore of the lake, overlook the leisure and nautical base. The developers did not seek to have these very high voltage lines around the lake or buried. Why can we say that these pylons have merged into this southern landscape of cork oaks when wind projects on the same territory have triggered so much passion to be banned? There no longer seems to be any attention paid to these 50 m high pylons, which are not opposed. They are immobile, quiet and made of this aerated assembly of frames and angles forming the characteristic latticework of the Beaubourg pylon. We can see through it. These pylons are perceived as essential to recover the electricity produced by the dam and to supply the coast. It is a public service that is part of the human landscape. They never appear in tourist photos. The Internet search for images of the lake finally confirms the complicity of citizens who do not photograph them and hide them on brochures, often unconsciously. Bokhol is in a similar situation, also crossed by high voltage lines. It is

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assumed that the population of Bokhol does not complain about the power pylons that carry the high voltage lines, even if they do not directly benefit from this current. They tell themselves that it is progress for others but tomorrow for them. The wind turbine, on the other hand, has moving blades. This is more embarrassing because it attracts attention. Its noise and white color make it less compatible with the landscape. It is perceived as an object that is not essential, whose merit is not proven. It serves private interests that are not well known. However, reactions seem disproportionate in rural areas between the approving silence of the high voltage pylon in one case and anger for wind turbines.

4 The Energy Transition in the Desert

4.1. The characteristics of energy in the desert The desert is an arid region, without rainfall or vegetation. Living conditions are hostile to humans and animals. Deserts are found in the polar regions, tropical regions and equatorial regions. The desert is difficult to map. The first maps of Africa date back to the 16th Century when the Portuguese and other Europeans sailed along the African coasts, traveled up rivers to the Sahara and the Sahel, then opened the route to India by stopping over in the Arabian Peninsula, particularly in Oman. Mapping the SaharanSahelian space and the desert of the Arabian Peninsula has always been problematic due to the lack of landmarks in the sand dunes. Geomorphological and geo-archaeological surveys can reveal the presence of fine sediment deposits whose origin is sought. Archaeological discoveries occur in the desert, such as those of Egyptian tombs or the Nefud desert (Shipton et al. 2014), in northern Saudi Arabia, and bear witness to ancient human activities. Deserts can have large reserves of minerals and hydrocarbons. Desert drilling operations are taking place in Africa and the Middle East. The desert is exploited for its natural resources, phosphate in Morocco and oil in Saudi Arabia. These resources of hydrocarbons or other minerals are finite. Sooner or later, the exploitation of these deposits will reach its limits, either by depletion of the veins or by excessive cost to dig even deeper. How can we better use the bare surface of the desert swept by the sun and wind? How can this hostile space be made productive for society by

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts, First Edition. Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani. © ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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preserving it? How can this exceptional solar irradiation and wind in tropical and equatorial deserts be used to generate usable heat and electricity? The examples of Ouarzazate in Morocco and Neom in Saudi Arabia were chosen to illustrate what can be done. Ouarzazate is a city and province in southcentral Morocco. It is in the middle of a plateau south of the High Atlas Mountains. A solar energy complex called Noor is being developed by Saudi company ACWA. It is in its first phase (160 MWp). The entire solar project covers a field of 3,040 ha and it is expected to produce 580 MWp, using three different technologies. Neom is a project led by Prince Mohammed Ben Salmane to create a futuristic city powered by large wind and solar power plants in the Arabian desert, in the far northwest of Saudi Arabia, on territory that encroaches on Egypt and Jordan. The distance from Ouarzazate to Neom in northwest Saudi Arabia is 4,200 km as the crow flies, following the 30th parallel north. To connect the two territories by car, it would be necessary to drive along the northern seashore along the Saharo-Arab desert, which is too arid and about the size of the United States. To do this, it would be necessary to reach the Mediterranean coast at Oujda, the border city between Morocco and Algeria, follow the Algerian coast, cross Tunisia, follow the Libyan and then Egyptian coasts to the African border, which is the Isthmus of Suez, crossed by the canal of the same name. Then, the land journey would continue through the Sinai, the Asian part of Egypt, to the Gulf of Aqaba, which would have to be crossed by boat to avoid passing through Israel and Jordan. A bridge is planned to connect the two countries via the Island of Tiran but has not yet been built. This is 1,300 km more than as the crow flies. Unfortunately, this journey is now impossible to make because it is too dangerous. The border between Morocco and Algeria is closed; other borders are often contested; Libya is in destruction; regimes are threatened by terrorism; infrastructures are weakening. 4.2. The example of Ouarzazate in Morocco 4.2.1. Presentation of Ouarzazate Status: City and capital of the province of Ouarzazate in the DraâTafilalet region of the Kingdom of Morocco – Latitude: 30° 55' N. – Longitude: 6° 54' W.

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– Altitude: 1,100 m. – Climate: Hot desert, BWh in the Köppen classification. – Surface area: 26 km² at the gateway to the Sahara Desert. – Languages: Arabic and Amazigh (in Article 5 of the 2011 Constitution). – French is a lingua franca. – Religion: Islam (in Article 3 of the 2011 Constitution). – Population: 71,000 inhabitants. – Population growth rate: 2.3% per year. – Non-Moroccan population: not reported. – Density: 2,730 inhabitants/km2. – Mayor: Abderrahman Drissi. Box 4.1. Characteristics of Ouarzazate

Figure 4.1. Map of the roads of Morocco with an insert on Ouarzazate. This map shows road access to Ouarzazate. The city is close to the El Mansour Eddahbi dam lake. The signage of the solar complex has been represented by an oval, north of the lake1

1 Map made by the author.

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Thinking of the descriptions of the Moroccan desert by the geographer Yves Lacoste, who was born in Morocco, we find these immense spaces of the Atlas with this aridity and unlimited sun that could become an asset. Morocco is naturally short of hydrocarbons and is forced to import its energy. The kingdom has two agencies: the Agence nationale pour le développement des énergies renouvelables et de l’efficacité énergétique, renamed the Agence marocaine pour l’efficacité énergétique (AMEE) and the Moroccan Solar Energy (MASEN), created in January 2010. The latter is in charge of the project management of the Moroccan Solar Plan. This plan consisted of installing a capacity of 2,000 MWp of solar energy production by 2020. In addition to 2,200 MW for wind power and 2,120 MW for hydropower, it was necessary to reach the targets of 42% in 2020 and 50% in 2030 for renewable energies to account for the kingdom’s total electricity capacity. Five sites were pre-selected for the solar component in Ouarzazate, Ain Bni Mathar, Foum Al Oued, Boujdour and Sebkhat Tah. Ouarzazate has a particular spatial configuration and physical and natural characteristics. Researchers believe that this is a source of climatic, geological and biological risks (Bounar et al. 2015) whose impact is visible on ecosystem components. The city of Ouarzazate plays an important role in the structuring of the regional space through its demographic weight, its tourism outreach and its administrative role as provincial capital. Measures have been proposed to manage its risks through a prevention plan and a master plan. This analysis did not take into account the spectacular NOOR solar project that was already being implemented at that time. For the site on the edge of Ouarzazate, the project was divided into four lots; NOOR I, NOOR II, NOOR III, NOOR IV, each of which was the subject of a specification and a specific call for tenders for the required technology. MASEN first secured a 3,040 ha plot of land. A solar project that will end up at 582 MWp, the power of half a nuclear reactor even if the load factor is lower, seemed very risky, due to the concentrated solar technology that was desired. MASEN launched the first call for tenders in spring 2010, to which 180 international consortia responded, pre-selected 19 candidate consortia in a first round and, in December 2010, announced the list of four finalists to build the first 160 MWp tranche (NOOR I). European interests were scattered in this final, with the Germans and Spaniards being the favorites in the four finalists.

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In August 2011, the co-author visited the site to see the vastness of the desert and the maximum sunshine. At the exit of Ouarzazate, on the N10 road to Errachidia, we could see a sign announcing the future site and surveyors taking measurements.

Initial plot of the solar complex site: 2,500 ha Additional plot 1: 255 ha Additional plot 2: 130 ha Additional plot 3: 155 ha Total: 3,040 ha (30.4 km2) Figure 4.2. Cadastral map of the Ouarzazate solar complex. This map was given by a Moroccan agent from the land registry office to the co-author during an on-site study trip. It shows that three parcels have been added to the original land

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PARIS

NOOR 30.4 km²

PARIS 100.5 km²

100.5 km2 NOOR 30.4 km2

Figure 4.3. Comparison of NOOR’s surface area with that of Paris, France2

Figure 4.4. Sign announcing the NOOR construction site in 20113. This photo was taken in August 2011 on site and already shows the three technologies envisaged. The deadlines were met since NOOR 1 (160 MWp) was inaugurated in February 2016

The German hopes were going to be dented by the bankruptcy of their finalist, reducing the list of finalists to three. In September 2012, MASEN announced its final choice for the final winner of the first NOOR I tranche.

2 Graphic made by the author. 3 Author’s personal photograph.

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This is ACWA, a Saudi company created in 2002 and owned by the Al Muhaidib and Abdullah Abunayyan groups that proposed to build lot 1 with parabolic trough sensors. ACWA Power International was the leader of a consortium that included two Spanish groups. They won by offering an estimated peak hour price of 1.6187 MAD per kWh, 21% lower than the next offer. Moroccans still need the North for financing: the first phase of the Ouarzazate power plant is estimated at $1 billion, of which $200 million comes from concessional loans contracted with banking institutions and development agencies, including the Agence Française de Développement, the French Development Agency. On January 23, 2013, MASEN announced the launch of the second prequalification process for potential developers of the next two phases of the Ouarzazate solar energy complex (also called NOOR II and NOOR III). NOOR II is an extension of 200 MWp also in the form of parabolic trough mirrors. NOOR III is a 150 MWp extension, using solar tower technology, i.e. a field of mirrors concentrating the sun’s radiation on a receiver at the top of a tower. At the same time, the construction of NOOR 1 began on May 10, 2013 with a launch ceremony presided over by His Majesty the King of Morocco. The tariff agreement was signed in November with ONEE (Office National de l’Electricité et de l’Eau potable) to guarantee a feed-in tariff of 1.62 MAD per kWh for green electricity. On August 1, 2013, MASEN announced three pre-qualified consortia for NOOR 2 and four consortia for NOOR 3. The year 2014 was the year of the ramp-up of the construction site of the first phase NOOR I. The mirrors were transported to the site by large trucks. The mirrors were supplied by a German company from Nuremberg, which was acquired by the Saudi company ACWA at the end of 2013. Construction activity was exceptional for this territory, with a total of 1,800 people mobilized in Ouarzazate and Casablanca. The local integration objective was to achieve 30% of the budget on a mandatory basis. International companies have kept the technological batches. Moroccan companies have worked as subcontractors for earthworks, construction, mechanics and electrical circuits. On November 17, 2014, the German mirror manufacturer announced that it had delivered more than 530,000 mirrors for the construction of NOOR I.

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On January 9, 2015, following a financing agreement the previous month with the lenders, MASEN announced the selection of the successful bidder for the design, financing, construction, operation and maintenance of the NOOR II and NOOR III solar power plants and selected the same lead partner as for NOOR 1, namely ACWA Power, which is still working with a Spanish company.

Figure 4.5. Parabolic trough mirrors used for NOOR I and NOOR II. This photo illustrates the technology used. The parabolic trough mirrors used for NOOR I and NOOR II warm up a heat transfer fluid circulating in the central tube by concentrating the sun’s rays (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the communication department)

Figure 4.6. Rows of parabolic trough mirrors, NOOR I and NOOR II (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the communication department)

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Award 1

Award 2

179

Award 3

NOOR I

NOOR II

NOOR III

NOOR IV

September 2012

January 2015

January 2015

November 2016

Winner: ACWA + Aries TSK

ACWA + Sener

ACWA + Sener

ACWA + consortium

Power of 160 MWp

200 MWp

150 MWp

72 MWp

Parabolic trough mirrors

Parabolic trough mirrors

Solar tower

Photovoltaic

3 hours of storage

7 hours of storage

7/8 hours of storage

No storage

Electricity price: MAD1.6187/kWh

1.36 dirham/kWh

1.42 dirham/kWh

0.46 dirham/kWh

Table 4.1. Comparisons NOOR I, NOOR II, NOOR III and NOOR IV

MASEN confirmed that NOOR II uses, like NOOR I, parabolic trough solar thermal technology and that the power plant aims for a capacity of 200 MW with a storage capacity of 7 hours. The estimated price per kilowatt-hour during peak hours is 1.36 MAD. NOOR III introduced solar tower technology with a capacity of 150 MW (instead of the 100 MW initially announced) and a storage capacity of between 7 and 8 hours. The price per kilowatt-hour resold is 1.42 dirhams, barely more expensive than NOOR II, proving that the two technologies are more or less equal. If we convert 1 euro into 10 dirhams, green electricity here amounts to 14 cents per kWh, i.e. at a cost comparable to that of Callian, but above all to that of the two future EPR Hinkley Point nuclear reactors sold to the British. In the summer of 2015, construction work on NOOR II and NOOR III began in the field and MASEN completed the overall project by launching the final prequalification procedure for the development of NOOR IV, the last phase of the Ouarzazate complex. It was 70 MW to be equipped with photovoltaic technology, which originally seemed less suitable for the hot desert heat. Interested companies had until September 28, 2015 to bid. In November 2015, COP21 was held in Paris. It was an opportunity for meetings and communication with the co-author at Le Bourget (Boisgibault 2015), inviting

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colleagues from the Sorbonne University research laboratory and subsequent communications (Boisgibault 2016).

Figure 4.7. Photo of the construction work on NOOR II. This photo shows the importance of the equipment to build NOOR II (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the Communication Department)

Figure 4.8. Photo of the solar tower and NOOR III flat mirrors (heliostats). This photo illustrates the technological difference between the parabolic trough mirrors of NOOR I and II and the solar tower of NOOR III (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the Communication Department)

The end of the construction site, its inauguration and the commissioning of NOOR I on February 4, 2016, was an important event. Morocco silenced the

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skeptics and showed the world that concentrated thermodynamic solar energy worked in the desert. It continued the construction of NOOR II and NOOR III, announced the successful bidder for the last lot, NOOR IV, and held COP22 in November 2016 in Marrakech, one year after COP21 where the Paris Climate Agreement was verbally approved by 195 countries and the European Union, or 196 parties.

Figure 4.9. Overview of NOOR I. This photo illustrates the end of the NOOR I project and its commissioning (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the Communications Department)

Figure 4.10. Overview of NOOR I. This photo illustrates the immensity of the project, which was successfully completed through an unprecedented partnership between Moroccans and Saudis (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the Communications Department)

Noor IV, with a capacity of 72 MWp, has therefore completed the Ouarzazate solar complex and increased the total capacity to 582 MWp. The

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last batch was commissioned in 2018 on an area of 137 ha. The final investment of 750 million dirhams was also developed by a consortium of private investors led by Saudi ACWA Power, which again won the international tender. The exploitation phase is always carried out according to a tripartite independent production scheme integrating the ONEE. The feed-in tariff per kilowatt-hour is 0.46 MAD, one of the most competitive tariffs ever obtained on the world photovoltaic market. This feed-in tariff is also much lower than those of NOOR I, NOOR II and NOOR III. The lower costs of photovoltaics and its greater robustness in the desert challenge other solar energy technologies. NOOR IV was financed by the German Development Bank for 659 million MAD.

Figure 4.11. Photo of the power block of NOOR – Ouarzazate. This photo shows the power block which is the central part of the power production. It consists of a boiler that creates steam through contact of the heat transfer fluid and water. The steam produced drives a turbine that produces electricity (source: MASEN after request for authorization from the communication department).

On April 26, 2018, His Majesty King Mohammed VI chaired a working session to review the progress of Masen’s renewable energy projects. Present were the Head of Government, Saadeddine El Othmani, His Majesty’s King’s Advisor, Yassir Zenagui, the Minister of Energy, Mines and Sustainable Development, Aziz Rabbah, the Director General of the National Hydrocarbon and Mining Board, Amina Benkhadra and the Director General of the National Electricity and Drinking Water Board, Abderrahim El Hafidi and the President of Masen, Mustapha Bakkoury. The latter informed His Majesty the King that the solar complex would be completed in 2018, with the next commissioning of Noor II and Noor IV to be operational in May 2018 and Noor III in October 2018. The deadlines for this entire project were met, which is an achievement, given the importance and innovative nature of the project.

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From 2019, the Moroccan electricity system will become both an importer and an exporter. This depends on the hazards of solar, wind and water conditions, but also on the comparative costs with electricity on the Spanish market. Morocco is strengthening the electricity interconnection infrastructures that link it to Europe. The feasibility study for a third line, with a capacity of 700 MW with Spain and 1,000 MW with Portugal, has been launched. There are currently two submarine electricity interconnection lines between Morocco and Spain, with an exchange capacity of 1,400 MW. 4.2.2. Spatial planning in Ouarzazate A project of this magnitude has important consequences in terms of spatial planning, even if we are in the particular case of an uninhabited area in the Sahara Desert, a few kilometers from the city of Ouarzazate. The accessibility of the site is important for such a project since the equipment, and in particular 530,000 mirrors and NOOR IV photovoltaic modules, came by truck. Ouarzazate is at the crossroads of the following two routes: – the N10 road, east-west axis from Agadir to Errachidia, by which the site is accessible; – the N9 road, a north-south axis, which starts from Marrakech, passes through the Tichka pass (altitude 2,260 m) to descend toward Zagora. The N9 and N10 roads are in good condition, cross magnificent landscapes but remain steep, especially the one from Marrakech to Ouarzazate, in the Atlas Mountains, at an altitude of over 2,000 m. They could be described as good two-lane roads, i.e. with one lane in each direction. It was decided to relocate a desert track and strengthen the road infrastructure. Ouarzazate also has an airport that facilitates access for personalities, professionals and tourists. The comings and goings of trucks, confirmed by videos posted by residents on social networks, have created negative externalities and pollution. It is a necessary evil that stopped with the end of this pharaonic project in 2019. The electrical energy produced by the solar complex is released by the 225/60 kV substation in Ouarzazate, which is located near the complex, as well as by other substations to be built. The construction phase is the riskiest and a period of high activity and excitement. It has created up to 1,800 direct

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jobs as well as indirect jobs that are not always sustainable, since the activity fills hotels, restaurants and animates local life with various positive economic benefits. The operating phase of NOOR I therefore took place during the NOOR II, NOOR III and NOOR IV worksites, which have been progressively brought into operation. A first development challenge is to consider whether it is necessary to invest massively in road (expansion of the N9 and N10) and hotel infrastructure during the 8 years of a construction site that will stop to operate the built facilities. The second challenge, in terms of the dynamics of spaces, is to see how such a unique achievement can create activity and employment in the long term and attract a creative class (Florida 2002) to create a virtuous circle of prosperity. The Ouarzazate solar complex is connected to the raw water network, which must ensure its water needs. The water supply system has been put into service on site. This network is composed of strategic infrastructures set up by the Office national de l’électricité et de l’eau potable − Branche Eau (ONEE) and makes it possible to connect the complex to the Mansour Eddahbi dam reservoir. This dam is located on the wadi Draa river, immediately downstream of the confluence of wadi Dades which carves out the Dades valley. The competent ministry states that the structure has been designed to combat regional disparities, desertification and the improvement of the living standards of the inhabitants. The Draa watershed covers an area of 15,000 km2. It has a highly variable hydrological regime with annual inflows ranging from 68 to 1,800 million cubic meters per year and an average of 420 million cubic meters, while flows can range from 0.1 m3/s to 5,300 m3/s, an extreme case that was observed during the 1949 flood. The construction of this 70 m high vault dam on a foundation was not initially done to cool a solar complex. It has made it possible to produce electricity and ensure a regulated volume guaranteeing the irrigation water needs of some 8,000 palm trees and 14,000 ha of various crops spread over successive levels along the 160 km of the valley between Agdz and M’hamid. The topography and favorable geological conditions made it possible to build this dam: on the left bank and in the wadi area, it is based on a lava breccia cut by andesite dykes; on the right bank, it is based on trachitic andesite porphyry cut also by andesite dykes. Andesite is a gray volcanic rock of intermediate composition. It belongs to the magmatic

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calco-alkaline series and is characteristic of the volcanism of subduction zones. The Mansour Eddahbi dam has a free weir spillway that spills over three quarters of the length of the beams. Downstream of the dam, the spilled water is directed into the Draa Gorge by powerful retaining walls. On the right bank, the dam also includes a bottom discharge and a multilevel mill water intake to use the dead section of the reservoir. This water intake is associated with a 210 m long supply tunnel and the hydroelectric power plant with an installed capacity of 10 MW. It can produce 20 million kWh per year through its two vertical axis units. It will therefore be interesting to measure the impact of the new water use for the solar complex on the decrease in the flow rate used for irrigation and power generation. The supply system consists of a raw water intake from the dam’s reservoir via a metal structure with a 30 m long submerged part. This cantilevered structure is held by guy wires anchored to the foundation massif. The water is drawn in by two pumping stations with respective flows of 190 L/s and 170 L/s. The sampled liquid passes through a pre-treatment station to reduce its suspended solids content. The water is then transferred via an underground network of pipes, 19 km long between the water intake and a semi-buried storage tank (30,000 m3 capacity) at the solar complex. A 22 kV power line network provides the necessary power supply for the operation of all these structures. Finally, a remote management system makes it possible to control all the raw water supply structures. According to information from MASEN, no more than 1% of the annual capacity of this water infrastructure will be required to meet the needs of the complex, which will have to be verified over time. For the developments, a distinction is made between off-site and on-site infrastructure in the village of Tasselmante, in the municipality of Ghassate. Off-site developments are mainly the site access roads, whereas on-site developments are the water reservoir and drainage channels. The presence of His Majesty the King of Morocco in the working meetings illustrates the fact that the construction of the solar complex and the specific facilities are managed at the highest level of the kingdom, in a centralized manner, by the monarch with his competent ministers. The city of Ouarzazate and the Province have only had an implementing role in this project but are seeking to benefit from the economic spinoffs.

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4.2.3. Ouarzazate’s challenges for the energy transition COP22, in December 2016, put Morocco at the forefront of the international scene. The Moroccans, in a rather exemplary way, had submitted their initial communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in October 2001, their second communication in November 2010 and their Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) in June 2015. The latter planned to: – reach more than 50% of the installed electrical power from renewable sources by 2025; – reduce energy consumption by 15% by 2030; – substantially reduce fossil fuel subsidies in line with reductions already undertaken in recent years; – substantially increase the use of natural gas through infrastructure projects that allow the import of liquefied natural gas (LNG). This contribution distinguished an unconditional objective (a 13% reduction in GHG emissions in 2030 compared to projected emissions in the same year under the “normal course of business” scenario) from a conditional objective (an additional reduction of 19% achievable under certain conditions, which would bring the total reduction in GHG emissions in 2030 to 32% compared to projected emissions in the same year under the “normal course of business” scenario). At the inauguration of NOOR I in Ouarzazate in February 2016, the Director General of the Office national de l’électricité et de l’eau potable (ONEE) gave a summary of Morocco’s renewable energy situation. Solar

Wind turbine

Hydropower

1,000 MW committed

2,200 MW committed

2,120 MW committed

160 MW in operation (NOOR I)

800 MW in operation

1,770 MW in operation

350 MW under development (NOOR II and NOOR III)

550 MW under development

350 MW of Pumped Energy Transfer Stations (PETS)

400 MW under selection

850 MW under contract

13 dam projects

Table 4.2. Renewable energies in Morocco, end 2015

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Note that 34% of the installed capacity in 2015 came directly from renewable energies. The objective is to raise this target to 42% in 2020 and 52% in 2030, i.e. more than 10,000 MW of renewable energy capacity to be achieved by 2030. These exceptional developments in progress and to be carried out should be put in perspective with Yves Lacoste’s historical vision of the modernization of Morocco in the 20th Century: “extension of the road network, creation of European-style urban districts, preserving those of Moroccan cities, while respecting, for the most part, the territory of each of the tribes. Indeed, at the very beginning of the 20th century, it was no longer agricultural land that aroused the appetite of imperialists, who, whether German, British, French, Spanish, Italian or even American, coveted Morocco’s mineral resources in particular. Because of this competition from imperialism, France, although it has been responsible for restoring order in Morocco, cannot (since the Algeciras conference in 1906) claim some priorities in the distribution of mining concessions” (Lacoste 1976). Hexagonal platforms cannot be replicated from the time of the French protectorate and Marshal Lyautey. The model has changed, with a Europe in chronic stagnation and a Morocco teaching it solar energy. There is an urgent need to strengthen the European initiative to “build a EuroMediterranean energy bridge”, organized by the Italian Presidency of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission in November 2014, and to support the establishment of the three Euro-Mediterranean “platforms” in Brussels, for gas, Rabat for electricity and Cairo for renewable energies. By setting itself the ambitious objective of increasing the share of renewable electricity capacity to 52% by 2030, Morocco is meeting its growing electricity needs and increasing its electricity export capacity to Europe. By 2018, the penetration rate of renewable energies in its electricity mix had reached 34% with an installed capacity of more than 2,840 MW, suggesting that the 2020 target will be achieved. While Morocco was an important energy importer, its dependence on the outside world has decreased significantly. According to the Ministry of Energy, Mines and Sustainable Development, energy imports decreased by 59% in 2018 compared to 2017 to 2,430 GWh. Electricity demand is thus covered to the extent of 6.2% by imports from Spain, compared with 16% in 2016. The

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third interconnection line with Europe and the new capacity will enable Morocco to export electricity and reduce energy bills and the trade deficit. On November 7, 2018, the African Development Bank signed a letter of intent with MASEN (Moroccan Agency for Solar Energy) to endorse new cooperation under the Desert to Power Programme. The objective of this partnership is to help African countries, particularly those on the southern edge of the Sahara Desert in the Sahel region (Mauritania, Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Chad and Sudan) to develop renewable energy projects best suited to their geography and specific energy needs. Morocco joins the operational and financial experience of the African Development Bank to share the successful experience of Ouarzazate with other member States of the African Union. 4.3. The example of Neom in Saudi Arabia 4.3.1. Neom’s presentation Status: Futuristic city project Neom comes from Neo (new in Latin) and M for Mostaqbal (future in Arabic) New Future, which will be an independent economic zone located west of the current city of Tabuk. – Latitude: 29° 07' N. – Longitude: 35° 04' E. – Altitude: from the Red Sea to 2,500 m. – Climate: hot desert, BWh in the Köppen classification. – Area: 26,500 km² on three countries, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt, at the gateway to the Nefoud desert. – Languages: Arabic. – Religion: Sunni Islam. – Population: It will gradually establish itself during the development of the project, which will last 7 to 10 years. – Population growth rate: Very high expected. – Density: Increasingly important.

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– Organization: The project is being developed by the Saudi Arabian Public Investment Fund (PIF; $500 billion). – Date of creation: October 24, 2017. – Founder: Prince Mohammed ben Salmane Al Saud. Box 4.2. Features of Neom

Figure 4.12. Map of northwestern Saudi Arabia. Map made by the co-author to show the islands of Tiran and Sanafir on the border of Saudi Arabia and Egypt that are included in the Neom project

Saudi Arabia appears as a vast desert platform constituting an extension of the African continent from which it is separated by the collapse ditch of the Red Sea. It is the largest country on the Arabian Peninsula with 2,253,000 km², with an inclined configuration from west to east. The highest part is located at the extreme west. The marked and mountainous terrain rises to an altitude of 3,000 m and runs along the Red Sea. The lowest parts gradually move eastward. Indeed, the east of the kingdom towards the coast of the Arabian Gulf is a flat area teeming with large oil reserves that have become the country’s greatest asset. A major feature of Saudi Arabia is the preponderance of the desert, which is dotted with a fairly wide variety of geological shapes, landform sizes and even the colors of the sandy dunes that cover vast desert and arid areas. The

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only green area remains the southern (southwest) part of the Sarawat Mountains (Asir–Sarat–Asir Mountains). It stands out strongly with the rest of the country. The central and western parts of the country are formed by plateaus (Nejd) while the northern, southern and eastern parts are huge seas of sand, both geomorphically and in terms of density and presence of human settlements. The north-western region is gradually establishing itself as an important center of intensive agricultural production (Tabuk province) and has very promising archaeological sites such as Al-Ula, Al-Djof and Al Bidaa, which represent a still unexploited tourist potential. Tabuk is the capital of 570,000 inhabitants in the eponymous province of Tabuk. It had an important role in the time of the caravans. Close to the borders of Jordan and Egypt, Tabuk has the country’s largest military air base. It is also known for its castle that sheltered pilgrims coming from the northern route to Mecca. The arid climate is classified as BWh by Köppen, like that of Riyadh and Ouarzazate. Temperatures in summer fluctuate between 26°C and 46°C and between −4°C and 18°C in winter, with freezing. Snow falls every 2 or 3 years while rainfall is regular from November to March, with rainfall ranging from 50 mm to 150 mm. On April 25, 2016, Saudi Arabia decided to launch an ambitious 14-year national plan called Vision 2030, which includes the Neom project. The objective of this program is to bring about a profound transformation of the Saudi economy. Vision 2030 aims to make the kingdom’s economy an efficient, modern and diversified economy with different sources of income. It is thus implementing numerous reforms in several sectors such as tourism, health, education, culture and mining. The Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed Ben Salman says “Vision 2030 is a 15-year economic roadmap for the Kingdom”4. Vision 2030 seeks to promote companies in Saudi Arabia in order to attract foreign investors and create strong cross-border links. By seeking to increase transparency and build confidence in investment activities, Saudi Arabia seeks to integrate global capital markets to the maximum extent possible. In order to achieve greater efficiency and minimal waste, the kingdom ensures zero tolerance for corruption and insists on global transparency and accountability.

4 The vision of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 2030.

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Among the strengths of Vision 2030 is the kingdom’s desire to move away from oil rents, as Saudi Arabia aims to increase the share of its non-oil exports in the gross domestic product (GDP) from 16% to 50%. In the same vein, it wants to increase non-oil government revenues, which amount to $43–$266 billion. Thus, in Vision 2030, the detoxification cure with black gold has a very important place. This cure is possible for the kingdom if other sources of income are available such as foreign direct investment (FDI). The Kingdom is seeking to increase the percentage of FDI in GDP from 0.8% to 5.7% (world average). Finally, the plan also aims to influence various aspects of the country, including reducing the unemployment rate from 11.6% to 7% and increasing women’s participation in the labor market from 22% to 30% (Kronfol 2016). The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia wants to increase the private sector’s contribution to GDP from 40% to 65%. Indeed, for the next 20 years, Saudi Arabia will follow this development plan to the letter. The kingdom has already started down this path since in January 2016, as part of this Vision 2030, a huge sovereign fund, denominated in U.S. dollars, was created. From July 2007, the subprime crisis began in the United States, affecting the subprime mortgage sector. It resulted in a liquidity crisis that triggered a banking crisis when in September 2008 several U.S. financial institutions went into insolvency and, for some, were saved at the last minute by the U.S. Federal Reserve (called the Fed). Among the many dramatic consequences, the price of oil has fallen with the fall in demand. This decline has largely affected the Saudi economy and the standard of living of Saudis, since more than 70% of the kingdom’s economy depends on oil (Devaux 2009). Saudi Arabia has realized that it must be more than a global oil reservoir. With regard to the economic reforms adopted by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the objective has been to diversify the economy toward the non-oil sector, increase private sector participation and liberalize the economy to some extent. Thus, after Saudi Arabia’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2005 and the crisis, several sectors were opened up to foreign capital, such as the banking sector. These reforms have also improved foreigners’ view of the Saudi economy, as evidenced by the increase in FDI. The Saudi General Investment Authority (SAGIA), a national FDI regulatory authority, which was created in 2000, has grown in strength. Combined with legislative developments that have severely limited the number of sectors not allowed to foreigners, it has made the Saudi

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economy much more attractive, as shown by the steady increase in FDI inflows over the past 10 years5. In addition, another emblematic measure has made the international community aware of the importance of the changes in Saudi Arabia. These were the opening of the capital and the listing on the stock exchange of the state-owned oil company Saudi Aramco. This major oil company is the economic mainstay of Saudi Arabia, which controls the kingdom’s huge reserves (more than 261 billion barrels) and employs more than 61,000 people. According to Prince Mohammed Ben Salman, the opening of Aramco’s capital should ensure transparency in the management of oil. Thus, the transformation of this public oil company into a global industrial conglomerate was a key factor in Vision 2030. In 2019, the stock exchange listing has still not taken place and some observers wonder if the project is still relevant. This means that Vision 2030 was very (too) ambitious in its initial version and that the Crown Prince may no longer have the room to maneuver he had when Vision 2030 was launched, following various cases, which also affects the Neom project. On the other hand, the introduction of increased taxation of Saudis in the kingdom is a reality that has been confirmed. The Saudi government sees this as a double benefit since it could reduce the subsidies allocated to the population while increasing its income through taxation. The 5% value added tax (VAT) was introduced January 1, 2018. Corporate income tax is payable, withholding tax applies to payments of dividends, royalties and bank interest; employer contributions are deducted from salaries. These new taxes followed a drop in GDP growth to 1.7% in 2016 from 4.1% in 2015, which was caused by the decline in world oil prices. The downturn in the Saudi economy worsened in 2017, with a 0−0.7% GDP recession for the first time since 20096. Saudi Arabia committed in November 2016 to reduce its oil production from 400,000 barrels to 10 million barrels per day, as part of the Vienna Agreement. The objective of this agreement was to halt the fall in oil prices. The agreement was renewed on the basis of the same quotas in 2018. As a result, the kingdom’s

5 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). 6 Figures from the International Monetary Fund used by the Treasury Directorate General in September 2018 for the note: Key economic indicators of the Saudi economy.

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production volume is expected to increase only marginally in 2019, even though the new Jizan refinery has started production. The dynamism of the construction and infrastructure sectors, as well as the increase in housing demand due to population growth, have contributed to Saudi Arabia being less affected than other exporting countries by the fall in oil prices. Saudi banks withstood the global liquidity crisis well in 2008 as moderate credit growth did not push banks to finance themselves outside the country. Saudi banks have followed a rather conservative credit policy. In addition to diversifying its economy and launching major works, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has also created jobs, given the low cost of its energy, in five sectors defined as priorities: automotive, metallurgy, construction, packaging and consumer goods, with products from these sectors being mainly imported. A policy of financial consolidation in the public sector has been implemented, with public accounts receiving a good rating since the 1990s. However, by 1998 there was a certain level of public debt and repeated budget deficits, which limited the room to maneuver on the budget. However, because of the rise in oil prices before the financial crisis, oil revenues rose from $280 billion between 2000 and 2004 to $750 billion between 2005 and 2008. This sharp increase has led to the formation of budget surpluses, a reduction in public debt and an increase in the amount of public external assets held by the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), which amounted to about $450 billion at the end of 2008. The financial crisis and falling oil prices caused GDP to fall in 2015 and 2016. It increased again in 2017 and 2018 and is expected to reach $796 billion in 2019. The debt profile is on the rise, with public debt expected to reach 20% of GDP for the first time by the end of 2019. One of the key measures of Vision 2030 is the conversion of the PIF into one of the world’s largest sovereign wealth funds. The PIF aims to raise $2 trillion by 2030 to cover four areas: – to participate in the establishment of monetary reserves; – to increase direct investment abroad; – to help increase the money supply through credit facilities, exchange rate stability and guarantees for the issuance of sovereign debt; – to finance economic reforms and economic diversification.

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In March 2019, Saudi Aramco announced that it would acquire from the PIF a 70% stake in the capital of the petrochemical group SABIC, a $70 billion transaction that will fund the PIF’s cash flow to immediately finance the national transformation plan. Monetary reserves have a direct role in Saudi Arabia’s geopolitics as they create large financial and, in particular, interbank flows. In a context of high global debt, the kingdom has been the creditor of several American banks. Moreover, it is clear that such a sovereign wealth fund, which is an investment machine, can generate significant profits if it is well-managed and makes it possible to finance Vision 2030 and Neom, with public–private partnerships and foreign investment. The Vision 2030 project aims to accelerate renewable energy in the postoil era. Indeed, although Saudi Arabia has significant solar and wind energy sources, the kingdom had not yet developed the renewable energy electricity and heat production sector. Vision 2030 wants to change this by focusing on large wind and solar energy (photovoltaic and thermodynamic concentrated solar energy). The aim is to build new green power plants with a local content requirement that will provide an outlet for Saudi factories manufacturing solar panels, mirrors and wind turbines (200 GW in 2030). Contracts will be awarded by a competitive international tendering procedure launched by the Ministry (30%) and by an over-the-counter procedure by the PIF (70%). In gigawatts 1 GW = 1,000 MW

5-Year target 2018–2023

Revised 5-year target 2018–2023

12-Year objective 2018–2030

Large wind turbine

2.4 GW

7 GW

16 GW

Solar photovoltaic

5.9 GW

20 GW

40 GW

Thermodynamic solar energy

0.7 GW

0.3 GW

2.7 GW

Total RNE

9.5 GW

27.3 GW

58.7 GW

Table 4.3. Estimated installed capacity in renewable energies in Saudi Arabia

To achieve this objective, the Saudi government intends to take the necessary steps to research, develop, build plants and pre-select 35 sites. The kingdom has the means to produce sophisticated equipment since it already has inputs such as silica and petrochemicals. It plans to invest in this sector in

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order to develop it as quickly as possible through industrial public–-private partnerships. The Saudi power transmission grid is capable of absorbing and managing 13.5 GW of intermittent renewable energy and will therefore need to be strengthened and extended to 35 pre-selected sites to enable them to be quickly connected to the public grid. Neom is a border project west of Tabuk, in the northwest of the country, which is part of the broader Vision 2030 project. 4.3.2. Development of the Neom project − Surface area of 26,500 km2 (like Massachusetts). − 468 km of pristine coastline along the Gulf of Aqaba. − Average temperature 10°C lower than Gulf Cooperation Council countries. − Wind speed of 10 m/s ideal for wind power. − 20 MJ/m2 solar irradiation ideal for solar projects. − Unlimited water reserves for desalination because of the Red Sea, which accounts for 10% of world maritime trade, and the Gulf of Aqaba. − Renewable energy mix between 9 MW wind turbines, 58 MW photovoltaic and concentrated solar energy, 4 MW marine energy – 71 MW in total. Box 4.3. Characteristics of Neom’s energy projects

In 2016, the Ministry of Energy, Industry and Mineral Resources established the Renewable Energy Project Development Office (REPDO) to implement the Kingdom’s National Renewable Energy Program), in line with Vision 2030 and King Salman’s renewable energy initiative. REPDO is the leading renewable energy body and federates the independent organization King Abdallah City for Atomic and Renewable Energy (KACARE), the regulator for electricity and cogeneration (ECRA) and the Saudi Electricity Company (SEC). It is in charge of preparing and launching international calls for tenders. The program aims to rapidly increase the share of renewable energy in Saudi Arabia’s energy mix and achieve the revised target of 27.3 GW by 2023 and 58.7 GW by 2030. The investments considered could reach 14 billion euros (60 billion Saudi riyals).

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Neom’s map is presented in promotional brochures but the project does not yet have a development plan. The scope of the Neom project includes the two islands of Tiran and Sanafir, which are located at the exit of the Gulf of Aqaba, between Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It rises north to cross the Jordanian border and extends almost as far east as Tabuk in a kind of irregular sixcornered polygon of 26,500 km2 that follows 468 km of the maritime coast of Tabuk province. On the Egyptian side, the two islands are in the Red Sea, off the coast of Sharm el-Sheikh city in the Sinai. An agreement was signed between Saudi Arabia and Egypt in April 2016 to build a bridge across the Island of Tiran to link the two countries. On the same date, the agreement went further by providing, in a second phase, for the transfer of the two Egyptian islands to Saudi Arabia. This decision, motivated by financial reasons, has been the subject of much controversy in Egypt, being perceived as the abandonment of sovereignty over the strategic Strait of Tiran. This strait allows Israel and Jordan to exit the Gulf of Aqaba and reach the Red Sea. Indeed, the port of Eilat is located in the extreme south of Israel, north of the Gulf of Aqaba, Aqaba being also the Jordanian coastal city in the eponymous Gulf. Egypt had control of the Strait of Tiran, between its Sinai coast and the island of Tiran. We remember the Six-Day War in 1967, one of the triggers of which was Egypt’s blockade of the Strait, which led to a strong Israeli response. UN Security Council Resolution 242 was adopted on November 22, 1967 to end this conflict and guarantee freedom of navigation on the international waterways of the region, including Israel’s access to the Red Sea. In June 2016, the Egyptian Administrative Court was seized and initially opposed the transfer of the two islands to Saudi Arabia. But a year later, the Egyptian Parliament endorsed the transfer of the islands, a decision validated by Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court. The borders between Saudi Arabia and Egypt are sensitive and shifting and Neom wants to create a cross-border area there. Major energy projects do not mix well with areas that are experiencing geostrategic tensions. Investors and lenders want stability to carry out major projects that take place over several years for the design and construction of infrastructure and over decades for the operation and full repayment of debt. In fact, there are three interlocking projects in northwestern Saudi Arabia, in the three related provinces of Tabuk, northern Madinah and Al Jawf:

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– the Neom project, strictly speaking, of a futuristic city over 26,500 km²; – the Al Ula project, which is a little further south in the province of Medina. It consists of developing international tourism in this oasis around the archaeological site of Mada’in Saleh, which has been classified as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. A museum of archaeology and popular heritage was opened in 1987 and presents the history of the region based on archaeological sites; – the project to equip the Nefud desert with large solar and wind energy installations in Al Jawf province. It is the translation in terms of renewable energies that is studied here, even if it goes beyond the scope of the Neom project itself. What new energy consumption is expected for Neom’s future inhabitants and the arrival of tourists who will have to be transported, fed and housed? How are the calls for projects in this northwestern region organized now to launch major solar and wind farm projects?

Figure 4.13. Photo of the Arabian desert7. This photo shows that the earthworks and the risk of silting up are issues to be managed when building large solar power plants and wind turbines

On October 3, 2017, REPDO organized a ceremony to open the eight responses to an auction that had been launched six months earlier to build the kingdom’s first 300 MWp solar power plant in Sakara. On February 6, 2018, this contract was awarded to the Saudi company ACWA, which had won all four lots of the Ouarzazate solar complex. 7 Author’s personal photograph.

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On August 29, 2017, REPDO launched an international call for projects to build the kingdom’s first 400 MW wind farm in Dumat Al Jandal. This site was selected by the Saudi government, after preliminary studies, because of its good exposure to Class 2 (up to 8.5 m/s) and Class 3 (up to 7.5 m/s) winds. Dumat Al Jandal is known for its ancient city, which is undergoing partial restoration, located in northwest Saudi Arabia, in the province of Al Jawf, 37 km from Sakaka by National Road 80. The annual production of wind power on this site is estimated at 1.4 TWh. On January 29, 2019, REPDO launched a call for expressions of interest for seven solar projects with a combined capacity of 1.51 GWp for an estimated investment cost of US$1.51 billion. The projects are divided between Qurayyat in Al Jawf province (200 MWp), Medina (50 MWp), Rafha (45 MWp), Alfaisaliah (600 MWp), Rabigh (300 MWp), Jeddah (300 MWp) and Mahad Duhab (20 MWp). Four additional solar projects are expected to be the subject of further calls for expressions of interest in 2019, namely Saad (600 MWp), Alras (300 MWp), Wadi Adwawser (70 MWp), Qurayyat 2 (40 MWp) and the 850 MW Yanbu wind project. This brings the number of projects for 2019 to 12, for an installed capacity of 3.4 GW at the national level.

Figure 4.14. Map of the 35 Saudi sites pre-selected for renewable energy (source: REPDO)

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By selecting from among the 35 planned sites in the kingdom, the projects that are located in the northwest are as follows, closest to Neom’s territory: – Midyan (large wind turbine, call for tenders not planned in 2019); – Sourah (large wind turbine, call for tenders not planned in 2019); – Tabuk Nord (solar photovoltaic, call for tenders not planned in 2019); – Tabuk (concentrated thermodynamic solar energy, call for tenders not planned in 2019); – Al Masa’a (solar photovoltaic, call for tenders not planned in 2019); – 4 MW of marine energy in the Gulf of Aqaba, not mentioned in the sites and the national program led by REPDO but by the promoters of the Neom project. It cannot be said that Neom receives special preferential treatment for calls for expressions of interest in renewable energy projects. The project deployment program is relatively balanced at the kingdom level, although the eastern part of Saudi Arabia, on the borders of the United Arab Emirates and Oman, has no such program. 4.3.3. Neom’s challenges for the energy transition Neom is reminiscent of the Desertec project because of its size. Desertec was a very large scale solar energy project that planned to exploit the solar potential of the Sahara by installing thermodynamic solar power plants to provide Europe with a sustainable supply of green electricity. In 2009, the Desertec Foundation was created to advance the implementation of the project by bringing together 55 companies from 19 countries that became shareholders of Desertec Industrial Initiative, a private company created for the occasion. At the same time, the Medgrid project planned to create a Mediterranean loop of interconnected electricity transmission networks to carry electricity on both sides of the Mediterranean, in line with the dynamics of the Union for the Mediterranean. The Desertec project did not succeed as initially envisaged. Ambition has declined with the economic crisis and the failure of partner companies. In June 2011, the Desertec Industrial Initiative signed a cooperation agreement with Masen (Moroccan Agency for Solar Energy). One could say that the NOOR project in Ouarzazate is a successful resurgence of the Desertec project.

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The hypothesis that Neom did not succeed as initially envisaged is possible because of geopolitical tensions, a political weakening of the Crown Prince, the precedent of King Abdullah’s economic city. This new city was launched in 2006, further south, in the province of Mecca and was slowed down in its development by the economic and financial crisis of 2008. However, projects to build power plants from renewable sources should not stop in the northwestern region and throughout the kingdom. Tenders are being launched, the first worksites are being awarded and the pace should accelerate to meet the increased targets of 27.3 GW by 2023. 4.4. Lessons learned from the energy transition in the desert First of all, it is necessary to summarize comparatively the characteristics of the two deserts studied. Ouarzazate

Neom and surroundings

Desert

Sahara

Arabian Desert

Status

Capital of a province

Futuristic city project

Latitude

30° 55' N

29° 07' N

Longitude

6° 54' W

35° 04' E

Altitude

1,100 m

From 0 to 2,500 m

Country

Morocco

Saudi Arabia

Continent

Africa

Asia

Climate

BWh

BWh

Surface area

26 km²

26,500 km²

Language

Arabic and Amazigh

Arabic

Religion

Islam

Islam Will develop

Population

71,000 inhabitants

Growth rate of growth

2.3% per year

Will develop

Density

2,730 inhabitants/km²

Will develop

1st large solar power plant

NOOR

Sakara

Power consumption

580 MWp

300 MWp

Beginning of the construction site

2012

2019

End of construction work

2019

2023

National RNE plan

6,000 MW in 2020

27,300 MW in 2023

Table 4.4. Comparison of the two deserts studied

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Comparing Morocco and Saudi Arabia, we see a very different energy situation. Morocco has no hydrocarbon reserves while Saudi Arabia has the second largest reserves in the world. Morocco, by necessity, started investing earlier in renewable energy projects and has succeeded in its projects in hydropower, large wind and solar energy. Saudi Arabia started its renewable energy program late. It has only three experimental production units in operation: a wind turbine installed by Saudi Aramco (2.75 MW), a photovoltaic solar power plant on the Saudi Aramco car park (10.5 MWp) and a second integrated solar power plant on the roofs of the King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center for 3.5 MWp, bringing the total to 16.75 MWp. Saudi Arabia has a greater financial power than Morocco and has even greater ambitions. When flying down the vertical from the European Union to West Africa and traveling in the Arabian Peninsula, you are surprised by the size of the deserts of the Sahara and Arabia. The desert space does not really exist in the European Union. It challenges by its new potentialities. A lifeless space, with an immense rocky or sandy landscape, it is subjected to extreme temperatures and exceptional radiation. Can we really talk about an energy transition in the desert? The richness of the desert is in the subsoil, with hydrocarbon reserves, as in Algeria and the Middle East and minerals. The challenge now is to exploit the potential of these desert areas on the surface to produce electricity. The green electrons produced make it possible to push back the limits of the desert, which is progressing with global warming. Senegal and other Sahelian countries are already seeking to do so with the Great Green Wall. We are therefore in the process of reclaiming abandoned areas, because of the production of electricity and the planting of trees, both of which can be combined. This energy transition can be achieved through both microgenerations and macrogenerations. The former are marginal while the latter become potentially important, with an acceleration in progress: – microgenerations of electricity and heat have the enormous advantage of not requiring networks and operating on a self-consumption basis. They can allow nomads to survive in desert environments, in isolated camps and dwellings. It starts with biomass, i.e. here the fire of twigs, wood, organic matter to heat at night and cook food. Then, light equipment can capture the sun’s rays and wind to produce direct current, transform it into alternating

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current by inverters and store it to power lamps, mobile phones, telecommunications equipment and water pumping stations; – macrogenerations, centralized electricity production units, such as large dams, the Ouarzazate solar complex and new Saudi solar and wind projects, have the advantage of better meeting the urgent demand for electrification in metropolises that are experiencing strong demographic growth, given their installed capacity. The question is whether these macrogenerations, most often electric, are intended to ensure the country’s growth or whether they should be exported and how the electricity transmission network will adapt. Can the heat produced by concentrated solar power plants directly supply industries before being converted into electricity? Morocco is one step ahead with its experience and success in building and implementing its solar plan. The Saudi company ACWA has gained undeniable experience in Ouarzazate and will be able to use it in its own country, north of the Arabian desert. The emerging vision is to turn Saudi Arabia into a green electricity exporting powerhouse, with the completion of major solar and wind projects for an installed capacity programmed at 58.7 GW in 2030, for which tenders are beginning to be issued. The power will be sent to Egypt, which is better connected to Saudi Arabia since the transfer of the two islands in the Strait of Tiran, the project to build a bridge between the two countries and the Neom cross-border project. From Egypt, Saudi green ultra-high voltage electricity will seek to recover the Mediterranean power loop to the European Union that was envisaged with the Medgrid project but undermined by the Arab revolutions and the Libyan and Syrian wars. Saudi Energy Minister Khalid Al-Falih made statements to this effect at the World Economic Forum in Davos in January 2017. He already announced investments of between $30 billion and $50 billion in renewable energy to install 9.5 GW in 2023, a target that has since been revised to 27.3 GW, mentioning the idea of exporting electricity. Egypt, Cyprus and Greece are already working on an electricity interconnection project using a 2,000 MW submarine cable to be built over a total length of 1,707 km at a cost of €4 billion. It would position Egypt as a regional power hub between Saudi Arabia and the European Union. Saudi Arabia could thus export its future overproduction from the northwest of its territory to Egypt and Europe and receive remuneration. This would allow the

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kingdom to revive its tradition of exporting energy and set an example for the environment. But should all deserts be covered with solar panels, reflective mirrors, wind turbines and power lines? What are the environmental consequences of too rapid a growth of renewable energies in the desert? How to find the right balance between their development and respect for the sandy areas? All the answers to these questions are not yet known and show that there are no easy solutions to energy transition.

Conclusion

C.1. Solutions for metropolises Political will, supportive public policies and regulations, the effectiveness of public procedures for calls for projects and taxation play a decisive role in encouraging – and forcing – public and private actors to change their behavior in favor of a low-carbon economy and to undertake green projects. Supranational agreements are being put in place and reinforce obligations (COP21, supranational directives). They are now setting targets for 2030 and 2100 with a milestone of carbon neutrality in 2050. However, nation states retain a certain freedom to transpose them and define their energy policies, each at its own pace, according to its own specific energy mix. To promote renewable energy, for example, some states have opted for an obligation to purchase green electricity produced with guaranteed feed-in tariffs. Other countries preferred to grant green certificates to producers who sold their green electricity at market prices. For energy efficiency, thermal regulations have been introduced as well as financing mechanisms such as energy performance contracts and energy saving certificates. There is a need for a transparent and independent evaluation of existing public policies, ex post and regularly, at the level of each country and a group of homogeneous countries (European Union, African Union and GCC) to determine the most effective public policies to stimulate local action. For the exchange of good practices, clubs in countries, metropolises and rural areas can be used to establish new international thematic cooperation projects. Regulation is therefore necessary, but too many

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts, First Edition. Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani. © ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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regulations or too many changing regulations can kill civic and entrepreneurial initiatives. Indeed, local action is becoming too complex, lead times are getting longer, costs are rising. This discourages metropolitan and territorial teams, businesses and citizens who have an interest in collaborating. The objective is therefore to achieve this carbon neutrality by 2050, as recommended in the last IPCC report, in order to be able to consider containing the increase in the average temperature below 2°C and to strive to limit this increase to 1.5°C by 2100. Natural carbon sinks (oceans, forests and meadows) should first be preserved and supplemented with artificial sinks to capture and store CO2. Then, the objectives of the European Union, recently revised upwards again, are applied to the horizon 2030 (compared to 1990), namely: – reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 45% (previously 20% and then 40%); – increase the share of renewable energy to at least 32% (previously 20% and then 27%); – improve energy efficiency by at least 32.5% (previously 20% and then 27%). These ambitious objectives of the 27 countries of the European Union (450 million inhabitants in 2020 with the exit of the United Kingdom) are proposed here to be extended to the 55 countries of the African Union (1.3 billion inhabitants in 2020) and to the six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (55 million inhabitants in 2020), i.e. to 1.805 billion inhabitants of 88 countries in the Europe, Middle East and Africa zone. This population could exceed 5 billion by 2100, according to projections by the National Institute of Demographic Studies. It will of course be necessary to adapt the targets to each country, depending on the level of development and the determined expected contributions already communicated to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The vision to be shared at the EMEA level is to better fight global warming together within the framework of the Paris Climate Agreement, to preserve peace, which the European Union has always been able to do in its area since its creation, and to promote social justice. Wars are a dramatic constant in the area, often for reasons of religious fundamentalism and access to oil, with migratory

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consequences that are complicated to manage. Country risk is a barrier to international investment. The Green Climate Fund must be stepped up to finance renewable energy and energy efficiency projects in the area and the UN must ease tensions through effective and unifying actions. To synthesize the research results, summary tables of issues and solutions are drawn up for each of the three types – metropolis, rural area, desert – in this large space (Europe, Middle East, Africa). The challenges concern energy consumption, energy production and networks. Energy consumption is classified according to buildings, transport, industries and services, which are the three main energy consumers and greenhouse gas emitters. For energy production, we distinguish between production connected to the networks and self-consumed production, which is much more marginal but on the rise. For networks, a distinction is made between energy networks and passenger and freight transport networks. The objective of reducing greenhouse gas emissions will be divided into three equal parts of 15% between buildings, transport and industry and services, in metropolitan and rural areas, by simplification. This overall objective is put into perspective with the pragmatic solutions to be implemented. For the desert, the solution would be to use only flow energies, from the wind and the sun, and to sanctuarize the stocks of hydrocarbons and underground rare metals, in other words, to increase the share of renewable energies to 100% in this particular area. To these local solutions, recommendations should be added for international trade, international tourism for the international road, maritime and air transport sector, which consume energy and emit greenhouse gases. There are many flows of people and goods within the Mediterranean and the EMEA region. Flows and transits are also coming from and going to the rest of the world. Urban energy consumption – Reduce the energy consumed (electricity, natural gas, fuel oil, heat, wood) for conventional uses and public lighting. Urban buildings

– Increase energy efficiency by at least 32.5%. – Do not exclude tenants and beneficiaries of social housing from the energy transition.

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Urban transport (people and goods)

– Reduce urban transport by car and truck, with petrol and diesel combustion. – Reduce energy consumption.

Industries and services

– Increase research, services and employment related to the short circuit energy transition. Urban energy production – Reduce thermal and coal-fired power plants.

Connected to networks

Self-consumption

– Increase the number of renewable energies integrated into the building with injection into the electricity, gas and heat networks. – Switch off the oil-fired collective heaters and oil generators in the city. – Increase microgeneration of electricity, biogas and heat for individual and collective self-consumption. Urban networks

Energy networks

– Secure and decarbonize energy networks. – Improve circulation.

Transport networks

– Secure and decarbonize transport networks. – Develop networks for soft mobility.

Table C.1. Summary of issues for metropolises

– Strengthen thermal regulations for low-energy and positive-energy buildings. Solutions for urban buildings. Objective: reduce CO2 emissions by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Develop energy performance diagnostics (EPD), make audits mandatory. – Generalize energy labeling of buildings. – Improve indoor and outdoor thermal insulation, materials, construction techniques and equipment. – Improve ventilation, air conditioning, heating and cogeneration systems.

Conclusion

209

– Switch off the oil heating system. – Generalize home automation, smart meters and building information modeling. – Develop intelligent technological systems. Make the counters readable. – Accelerate thermal renovations. – Promote energy saving certificates. – Encourage renewable energies integrated into the building such as solar thermal, photovoltaic, small wind, geothermal. – Build eco-neighborhoods with local electricity and heat production, smart grids. Promote individual and collective self-consumption. Experiment with the blockchain. Solutions for urban buildings. Objective: reduce CO2 emissions by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Collect rainwater. – Improve behaviors. – Develop fair green taxation, funds of guarantee for modest households. – Combat fuel poverty. – Improve and develop social housing. – Invest in quality public buildings. – Increase tax credits dedicated to energy saving works and renewable energy equipment; renovation grants; zero interest rate eco-loans; innovative financing and guarantees; appropriate insurance policies.

Table C.2. Solutions for buildings in metropolises

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– Limit and improve the flow of passenger and freight traffic. General solutions for urban transport. Objective: reduce CO2 emissions by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Test urban and reverse tolls. Adapt parking pricing. – Improve the efficiency of engines, equipment, accessories, vehicle auxiliaries (tires, start and stop), biofuels. – Reduce vehicle fuel consumption. – Teach eco-driving. – Changing fuels: LPG, CNGV, electric cars, hybrids and hydrogen vehicles. – Penalize and prohibit polluting vehicles. – Vehicle pollution sticker.

General solutions for urban transport. Objective: reduce CO2 emissions by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Strengthen vehicle approval and independent pollutant monitoring. – Circulate alternately during pollution peaks. – Limit the speed. – Combating urban sprawl and traffic jams by adapting urban planning to better mobility. – Developing intelligent transport systems and intermodality. – Report traffic jams, free parking spaces. – Arrange the taxi and bicycle bus lanes. – Test taxi, truck and car licenses. – Design quiet neighborhoods, speed bumps and pedestrian areas.

Solutions for urban transport, specific to people

– Promote carpooling, car-sharing. – Increase vehicle occupancy rates. – Build car parks on the outskirts of metropolises and improve interconnections. – Incentive rates for transport in common.

Conclusion

211

– Develop river freight transport and rail in the city. – Support modal shift. Solutions for urban transport, specific to goods

– Reduce the ton-kilometers transported. – Adapted pricing for tolls and parking. – Establish a fair environmental tax system for urban freight transport.

Table C.3. Solutions for transport in metropolises

– Develop and make mandatory energy audits and ISO 50001 standards. – Develop energy efficiency measures and count the energy consumed in services and plants. – Improve the management system of energy. – Share good practices for services and industries. Solutions for urban industries and services. Objective: reduce CO2 by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Promote energy saving certificates. – Develop anti-pollution regulations and the safety of industrial sites in cities. – Opt for short circuits, local production, recycling. – Improve processes, machines, utilization rates, optimization of non-continuous operating modes (standby, undercapacity). – Finance studies of heat recovery projects by the heat fund, energy diagnostics for SMIs, energy feasibility studies on all technical themes (measurement plans, compressed air, cooling and ventilation).

Table C.4. Solutions for services and industries in metropolises

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Solutions for urban networks Solutions for urban energy networks

– Secure traditional networks. – Develop smart grids. – Evaluate the energy efficiency potential of the networks.

Solutions for urban energy networks

– Promote the hybridization of traditional networks with intelligent local loops. – Experiment with peer-to-peer blockchain transactions on mini networks. – Transfer the competence of the city’s energy distribution authority to the metropolitan level. – Develop natural gas and heating networks. – Secure traditional networks. – Develop public transport networks, green metro, biogas buses, trams and intermodality. – Develop networks for soft mobility: bicycles, scooters, walking, river shuttles and urban cable cars. – Develop charging stations for electricity, LPG, CNG, hydrogen and LPG. – Develop urban car-sharing and bicycle-sharing stations.

Solutions for urban transport networks

Table C.5. Solutions for networks in metropolises

C.2. Solutions for rurality Rural energy consumption

Rural buildings

– Reduce the energy consumed (electricity, natural gas, fuel oil, heat and wood) for conventional uses and public lighting. – Increase energy efficiency by at least 32.5%. – Do not exclude tenants from the energy transition.

Rural transport (people and goods)

– Reduce rural transport by car and truck, with petrol and diesel combustion. – Reduce energy consumption.

Rural industries and services

– Increase industries and jobs related to the short circuit energy transition and the social and solidarity economy.

Conclusion

213

Rural energy production: increase the share of renewable energy to at least 32% – Reduce thermal and coal-fired power plants. Connected to networks

– Increase the number of renewable energies integrated into the building and ground with injection into the electricity, gas and heat networks. – Prohibit oil-fired individual heating systems.

Own consumption

– Increase green electricity production, biogas and heat for individual and collective self-consumption. Rural networks

Rural energy networks Rural transport networks

– Secure, decarbonize and develop energy networks in rural areas. – Secure, decarbonize and develop transport networks in rural areas.

Table C.6. Synthesis of the challenges for rurality

Solutions for rural buildings, to reduce CO2 by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Strengthen thermal regulations for low-energy and positive-energy rural buildings. – Develop energy performance diagnostics (EPD). – Generalize energy labeling of rural buildings. – Improve thermal insulation inside and outside. – Improve materials, construction techniques and equipment. – Improve ventilation and air conditioning systems.

Solutions for rural buildings. Objective: reduce CO2 by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Improve heating systems, cogeneration. Switch off the oil heating system. – Generalize home automation and smart meters. Make the counters readable. – Accelerate thermal renovations. – Promote energy saving certificates. – Encourage all renewable energy projects in rural areas and individual and collective self-consumption. – Improve behaviors. - Collect rainwater.

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– Develop fair green taxation, guarantee funds for low-income households. – Combat fuel poverty. – Invest in quality public buildings. – Increase tax credits dedicated to energy saving works and renewable energy equipment; renovation grants; zero interest rate eco-loans; innovative financing and guarantees; appropriate insurance policies. Table C.7. Synthesis of solutions for rural buildings

– Limit the speed. – Improve the efficiency of engines, equipment, accessories and auxiliaries of vehicles (tires, start and stop) and agricultural machinery. General solutions for rural transport. Objective: reduce CO2 by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Reduce vehicle fuel consumption. – Teaching eco-driving. – Change the carburations of buses and tractors: CNG, biofuels. – Penalize polluting vehicles with bonusmalus and appropriate taxation. – Develop intelligent transport systems and intermodality. – Promote carpooling, car-sharing, ondemand transportation, school transportation, public minibus taxis.

Solutions for rural transport, specific for people

– Increase vehicle occupancy rates. – Increase non-polluting public transport and soft mobility. – Use incentive rates for public transport.

Solutions for rural transport, specific for goods

– Develop river and rail freight transport in rural areas. – Reduce the ton-kilometers transported. – Divert trucks from departmental roads and villages.

Table C.8. Synthesis of solutions for rural transport

Conclusion

215

– Strengthen anti-pollution regulations for industrial sites. – Develop and make mandatory energy audits and ISO 50001 standards. – Develop energy efficiency measures in plants and services. – Count the energy consumed in factories. – Improve the energy management system.

Solutions for rural industries and services. Objective: reduce CO2 by 15% (1/3 of 45%) by 2030

– Improve processes, machines, utilization rates, optimization of non-continuous operating modes (standby, undercapacity) and equipment. – Share good practices by industry and rural services. – Promote energy saving certificates. – Generalize low-energy light bulbs. – Fund studies of heat recovery projects by the heat fund, energy diagnostics for SMIs, energy feasibility studies on all technical themes (measurement plans, compressed air, cooling and ventilation). – Develop industries and services for green growth and employment, short circuits and recycling.

Table C.9. Synthesis of solutions for rural services and industries

– Secure and develop electricity, natural gas and heat networks in rural areas. – Build mini biogas and heating networks.

Solutions for rural energy networks

– Evaluate the energy efficiency potential of the networks. – Promote the hybridization of traditional networks with intelligent local loops. – Transfer the competence of the city’s energy distribution organizing authority to an intermunicipal syndicate.

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– Secure and develop traditional transport networks in rural areas. Solution for rural networks of transport

– Develop public transport networks adapted to the rural territory (shuttle, on-demand transport and trains). – Develop networks for soft mobility: bicycles, walking and river shuttles.

Table C.10. Synthesis of solutions for rural networks

C.3. Solutions for the desert Energy consumption in the desert Desert buildings

– Non-existent by definition in the desert, so no consumption. – Tagging nomadism.

Desert transport

– Regularly audit the environmental impact of transport related to extractive activities. – Assess the environmental impact of tourism.

Desert industries

– Regularly audit the environmental impact of extractive industries and strengthen requirements. – Improve energy efficiency. – Preserve underground reserves.

Energy production in the desert: increase the share of renewable energy to 100% Connected to networks Self-consumption

– Develop electricity and heat production through solar and wind energy. – Exploit sun and wind for embedded systems for nomads. Networks in the desert

Energy networks

– Audit oil and gas pipelines.

Transport networks

– Sand tracks to be developed.

Table C.11. Synthesis of the challenges for the desert

Conclusion

Solutions for the energy transition Buildings Solutions for desert transport

217

– Better use of sun and wind. – None by definition of the desert. – Promote microgenerations in isolated sites (solar kit and mini wind turbine) for nomads. – Prohibit drilling in the desert. – Develop and make mandatory energy audits and ISO 50001 standards for the desert extractive industries.

Solutions for industries in the desert

– Improve the energy management system of the extractive industries. – Opt for short circuits and self-consumption of produced energy. – Improve processes, machines, utilization rates, optimization of non-continuous operating modes (standby and undercapacity). – Share good practices for the extractive industry and waste recycling.

Solutions for industries in the desert

– Protect rare metals. – Build large power plants from flow energies by analyzing the lifecycle projects to promote short circuits. – Build electricity transmission networks to connect future power plants with photovoltaic, concentrated thermodynamic and wind power.

Solutions for desert energy networks

– Develop energy pools, exchanges, hubs and consolidate the Euro-Mediterranean and West African electricity transmission network loops by improving interconnections for the international circulation of electrons. – Assess the energy efficiency potential of oil and gas pipelines in the desert.

Solutions for desert transport networks

– Develop, better mark out and secure the slopes, with solar-powered telecommunications stations.

Table C.12. Summary of solutions for the desert

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In concluding this book with solutions for the desert, an energy potential for humanity to be intelligently exploited and respected, we think back to Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s experience in the Sahara, by the air route of the Aéropostale, the French airmail company, from Toulouse to Senegal, by stopping in Morocco. In his famous book, he wrote the following dialog between the geographer and the Little Prince: “A geographer is a scholar who knows the location of all the seas, rivers, towns, mountains and deserts”. The geographer explains further that he is a geographer, but not an explorer and that there is an absolute lack of explorers: “It is not the geographer who goes out to count the towns, the rivers, the mountains, the seas, the oceans and the deserts. The geographer is much too important to go loafing about. He does not leave his desk. But he receives the explorers in his study. He asks them questions, and he notes down what they recall of their travels. And if the recollections of any one among them seem interesting to him, the geographer orders an enquiry into that explorer’s moral character.” – “Why is that?” asked the Little Prince. – “Because an explorer who told lies would bring disaster on the books of the geographer.”

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Index

B base, 11, 22, 122, 126, 154, 168, 190 batteries, 19, 101, 102, 104 biofuel, 6, 15, 80 biomass, 6, 14, 15, 201 biomethane, 6, 14, 15, 81, 91, 160 building positive-energy, 161 smart, 19 C carbon neutrality, 21, 205, 206 cars electric, 81, 100, 210 hybrid, 101, 210 chassis system, 154 conversion coefficient, 2 cylindro-parabolic mirrors, 8, 15, 177–180

ocean, 14, 15 primary, 2, 52, 53, 54, 97, 98 stock, 5, 14, 15 F, G factor conversion, 2, 97 load, 2, 127, 174 fermentation, 6, 129 gas pipelines, 4, 216, 217 geothermal, 6, 7, 14, 15, 92, 103, 161, 209 H, I heliostats, 180 hydraulics, 7, 15, 141, 143, 157, 174, 185, 201 hydrocarbons, 1, 3, 4, 14, 15, 106, 107, 171, 174, 207 inverter, 124

D, E dam, 46, 111, 114, 120–122, 126, 127, 133, 134, 146, 163, 168, 173, 184, 185 energy final, 1, 2, 97 flow, 18

K, L Köppen classification, 13, 22, 63, 112, 137, 173, 188 Linky, 162 LNG, 4, 186

Energy Transition in Metropolises, Rural Areas and Deserts, First Edition. Louis Boisgibault and Fahad Al Kabbani. © ISTE Ltd 2020. Published by ISTE Ltd and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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M, N, O methanization, 6, 105, 107, 129, 161, 165 NGV, 14, 15, 80, 102, 210, 212, 214 oil pipeline, 4 P, R peak watt, 123 photovoltaic effect, 7, 123 positive energy territory, 133, 163, 165 refinery, 193 S, T smart grids, 5, 106, 209, 212 soft mobility, 208, 212, 214, 216

solar concentrated thermodynamic, 8, 15, 181, 194, 199 photovoltaic, 6, 8, 14, 15, 111, 123, 124, 128, 132, 144, 148, 163, 194, 195, 199, 201, 217 thermal, 6, 8, 14, 15, 92, 102, 142, 159, 209 tower, 8, 15, 177, 179, 180 ton of oil equivalent, 1 U, V, W uranium, 1, 4, 84, 107 value chain, 3, 4 wind, 2, 7, 14, 15, 102, 140, 143, 157, 161, 163, 165, 166, 174, 183, 194, 195, 198, 199, 201, 209, 216

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