Encyclopedia Latina : history, culture, and society in the United States 0717258157, 2004023603

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History* Culture,

and Society

in the

United States

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For Reference

Burlingame Public Library

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Encyclopedia Latina History, Culture, and Society In the United States

Editorial

Board

EDITOR IN CHIEF and Latino Cultures Ilan Stavans • Lewis— Sebring Professor of Latin American Amherst College

ASSOCIATE EDITOR Harold Augenbraum

Executive Director, National

•

Book Foundation

PROJECT MANAGER Jennifer

M. Acker

ADVISORY BOARD Isabel Alvarez-Borland • Professor of Spanish, College of the

Marcus B. Burke Rodolfo O. de Department of

Curator, The Hispanic Society of America

•

Garza

la

•

Eaton Professor of Administrative

Political Science,

Richard Delgado

Columbia University; Vice

Professor of

•

University of Pittsburgh

Law

Law and

•

President,

Tomas

Science,

Rivera Policy Institute

Derrick Bell Fellow in Law,

•

Professor of

Modern Languages and

Ramona Hernandez • Director, CUNY Dominican City College of New York Menard

Law and Municipal

School

Margarite Fernandez Olmos City University of New York

Valerie

Holy Cross

Literatures,

Brooklyn College,

Studies Institute; Associate Professor of Sociology,

Author and Journalist

Doris Meyer • Weller Professor Emeritus of Hispanic Studies, Connecticut College; Visiting Scholar, Latin American and Iberian Institute and Southwest Hispanic Research Institute, University of New Mexico Frances Negron-Muntaner

Chon

A. Noriega

•

Filmmaker; Professor, Columbia University

Professor and Director, Chicano Studies Research, University of California,

•

Los Angeles

Louis A. Perez,

Ramos

Jorge

Vicki Ruiz

John

•

Jr.

• J. Carlyle Sitterson Professor,

• Journalist, Senior

Department of History, University of North Carolina

Anchor, Univision

News

Professor of History and Chicano and Latino Studies, University of California, Irvine

Phillip Santos •

Program

Officer,

Media Arts and Culture Program, Ford Foundation

Earl Shorris • Writer; Founder of the Clemente Course in the Humanities

Ray Suarez

•

Senior Correspondent “The

Eduardo Subirats David

L.

Torres

• •

NewsHour

Professor of Spanish Literature,

Associate Professor of

with Jim Lehrer,” Public Broadcast Service

New

York University

Management, Angelo

State University

ENCYCLOPEDIA

LATINA History, Culture, and Society in the United States

Man Stavans Editor in Chief

Harold

Augenbraum

Associate Editor

1 1492

Cuban

Cirolier

Missile Crisis

Academic Reference, an imprint of

Scholastic Library Publishing, Inc.

Danbury^ Connecticut

Published by Grolier Academic Reference, an imprint of Scholastic Library Publishing, Inc.

Danbury, Connecticut

© All rights reserved.

No

2005 by Scholastic Library Publishing,

part of this publication

Inc.

may be reproduced

or transmitted in any form

or by any means, graphic, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or

any intormation storage and

Cover image: by Margaret

retrieval system,

by

without permission in writing from the publisher.

Garcia: 12 Portraits of Latinos: Adriana,

Alma

Cervantes, Jose Luis

Lopez, Juan Rodriguez, Marian Elena Gaitan, Bill Martinez, Saint Leo, Glenna Avila, Ernie Sanchez,

Kay Reiko

Torres, Elias

Nahmias, and Cindy Ramirez.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Encyclopedia Latina: History, Culture, and Society in the United States/Ilan Stavans, editor in chief; p.

cm.

Includes bibliographical references and indexes.

ISBN 0-7172-5815-7 1.

2.

(set)

Hispanic Americans— History— Encyclopedias. Hispanic Americans— Intellectual life Encyclopedias.

4.

Hispanic Americans— Social conditions— Encyclopedias. United States— Ethnic relations— Encyclopedias.

5.

United

3.

— Civilization — Hispanic influences — Encyclopedias. Hispanic — Encyclopedias.

States

6. Civilization,

Augenbraum, Harold. E184.S75E587 2005 1.

Stavans, Ilan. IE

973’.0468’003-dc

2004023603

Printed and M^anufactured

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—

ANSI

of America.

Editorial Staff Mark Cummings PUBLISHER REFERENCE DIVISION SCHOLASTIC LIBRARY PUBLISHING •

Donna Sanzone EDITOR IN CHIEF GROLIER ACADEMIC REFERENCE

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Digitized by the Internet Archive in

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https://archive.org/details/encyclopedialati01stav

Table of Contents

of Color Plates

List

Lviii

Introduction

1

Alphabetical List of Entries

l:xv

Encyclopedia Latina

1:1

Appendix I: Primary Documents The Laws of Burgos (1512) Amendments to The Laws of Burgos (1513)

4:309

:ix

Louisiana Purchase Treaty (1803)

Louisiana Purchase, First Convention (1803)

The Monroe

lOoctrine (1823)

Treaty of Velasco (1836) Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848)

Gadsden Purchase Treaty (1853) Treaty of Peace between the United The Bracero Agreement (1943) Consitution of the

Appendix IL

States

and Spain (1898)

Commonwealth of Puerto Rico

Statistical

(1952)

4:357

Tables

Hispanic Population by Type: 2000 Hispanic Population by Type for Regions, States, and Puerto Rico:

1990 and 2000

United

Ten Ten

States,

Race and Hispanic Origin: 1970

to

2000

Largest Places in Total Population and in Hispanic Population: Places of 100,000 or

More

2000

Population with the

Highest Percentage Hispanic: 2002 Hispanic Population Projections: 2005 to 2070

Employed Civilian Population: 2002 Earnings of Full-Time, Year-Round Workers: 2001 Detailed Occupation of the

Appendix

III:

Latino and Latina

Members

ol (x)ngress,

1822-2004

4:363

Synoptic Table of C.ontents

4:365

Directory of Contributors

4:373

Index

4:383

vii

^

List of

VOLUME Plate

1.

Color Plates

VOLUME

1

Santa Clara Mission, Santa Clara Pueblo,

Plate

1.

3

Family in San Pedro, Cahfomia

New York

New Mexico

Plate 2.

Barbershop in Washington Heights,

Plate 2,

Virgen de Guadalupe

Plate 3.

U.S. Olympic

Plate 3.

Flaw Rid The by Jose Rodeiro

Plate 4.

Boxer

Plate 4.

Celebration of Mexican Independence

Day

Plate 5.

Chita Rivera on Broadway in West Side Story

Plate 5.

Baseball players

Sandy and Roberto Alomar

Plate 6.

Plate 6.

United States-Mexico border

Work by Diego Pdvera County Museum

Plate 7.

International Festival

Plate 8.

Spanish Language Analysis

Plate 9.

Isla del

crossing.

San Ysidro, California

Soy un Profugo

Plate 7.

Poster from

Plate 8.

Altar, Picuris

Pueblo,

Plate 9.

Labor

Cesar Chavez

activist

Plate 10. United

Plate

1 1

New Mexico

in vAlbuquerque,

New Mexico at

the Los Angeles

Day

Encanto

Plate 10. Pyro

Fami Workers’ demonstration

Woodcut from The Columbus

swimmer Pablo Morales

Plate 11. Las Castas

Letter to

Sanches (1493) Plate 12. Pacific

Ocean map

(1589)

VOLUME

VOLUME

2

4

Poster from The Lady from Shanghai

Plate

Plate 2.

Calaveras

Plate 2.

Tattoos

Plate 3.

Low-rider car

Plate 3.

Musician Arturo Sandoval

Plate 4.

La Lorona by Simon

Plate 4.

Virgin of Guadalupe

Plate 5.

Spiritual healer

Plate 5.

Artwork by Adal Maldonado

Plate 6.

Dress by

Plate 6.

Siriaco "Charro" Palacios

Plate 7.

Famrworker

Plate 7.

Soccer game

Plate 8.

Cigar factory

Plate 8.

Georgia fanner

Plate 9.

Mexican Independence Day parade

Plate 9.

Saint Augustine, Florida, copper engraving.

Plate

1.

Silva

Amiando Mafud

Plate 10. Lotena playing cards Plate 11. Graffiti in

New

York City playground

Plate 12. Mural by Antonio "Chico" Garcia Plate 13. Tijuana, Mexico, roadside banner

1.

Musician Carlos Santana

monument, Cahfomia

1673 Plate 10. Mexican singer Selena Plate 11. Poster from

Anna

in the Tropics

Introduction There

and determination

the definite desire

is

documented, widely knoivn

.

.

.

,

to

administered as a stimnlatinyi atid

—Arthur

at

late

well

histor)’,

coming generations.

inspiring tradition for

Since

have a

Schomburcj

Alfonsc:)

(1925)

adolescence I’ve been an assiduous reader of encyclopedias and have always inaiweled

the ambition behinci them.

the 18th century

knowledge

— Rousseau, Voltaire, Diderot, et — to encapsulate and systematize human al.

between

in

was the endeavor of the French Enlightenment philosophers of

It

But skepticism was an inescapable

covers.

of their plan. They

part

understood

— how could they not? — that the mind might be detennined, but the success of

adventures

is

More

limited.

Knowledge, by

than 200 years

definition,

not only unbounded but

is

there are reference volumes

later,

also unstable.

on just about anything

Or at least that is the impression one gets. In truth, fresh new planets in a galaxy, and the need to comprehend them

its

that

part

is

of

of knowledge

public inquiry.

areas

emerge

eventually evolves into

like

an encyclopedic endeavor. This

is

dates back to the colonial period,

and

Florida, Louisiana, Texas,

when

Spanish explorers and missionaries

California.

But

it

when

wasn’t until 1848,

lupe Flidalgo was signed, that the Spanish-speaking population in what

became

part

of what Thomas Jefferson had described

Tainos

in

The

as

States, their roots traceable to

there are

make

civilization in the

United

four-volume

a

came

States

in the

an utterly quixotic

no such

task.

Quixotic

place.” In their scope

encyclopedias are nonplaces.

is

a

synonym

product of the

Ur

artifacts.

The

approximate

a fully

fonned

my

better, they

in

which they

of utopian, a

Argentine Pampa.

first

I

dismissed the proposal

Greek word meaning “there

should be approached it.

as

one does

a

body

This means that encyclopedias

are conceived; that

position slowly changed.

A

I

is

is,

of water,

are, inevita-

transient, malleable, limited

proper angle,

;¥ por

qiic

no?

I

asked myself. For aren’t

thought of Samuel Johnson who,

in

all

1755, published

Dictionary of the Tnglish Dmgnagc, an attempt to encapsulate the entirety of

Shakespeare’s tongue in a single book. In shall

in the

picture.

endeavors equally transient?

his magisterial

the

million Lati-

entries appearing in their pages are but snapshots that, if placed at the

As days went by intellectual

moment

more than 40

is,

— and the impossibility of fully achieving comprehensiveness

defined only by the solid boundaries that contain bly, a

today the Southwest

fonn of an e-mail from Donna Sanzone, an

editor at Grolier, the reference division of Scholastic Publishing. At as

Cuada-

register of the diverse, versatile, multificeted Hispanic

me

to

settled in

the Treaty ot

is

history

every corner of the ample Americas, from the

Puerto Rico to the rancheros in Mexico to the Cauchos

invitation to

first

“the American project,” that

Rio Crande. Today

Anglo-l^rotestant nation north of the

nos in the United

modern

the case of Latinos in the United States. Their

be found that

much

put serious thought into

is it.

omitted,

The

let it

its

prologue, he wisely

not be forgotten that

relevance of Latino

life in

states:

much

“In this work,

likewise

is

when

it

peifonned.”

the collective consciousness of the

I

United

States

only

is

now

Would it really be possible to gather the intellectual and magnum opus? Like my predecessors the French encyclope-

taking place.

financial resources to create such a

every single aspect of the was skeptical— and intimidated, too. How does one apprehend religion to sexuality? The minority, from education to sports, from politics to cuisine, from upon, with hands, teeth, .... Oxford English Dictionary defines apprehend thusly: “to lay hold an overall transformThree years later the endeavor is complete, but not without having had remember on me. In 1985, when I first amved in the United States from Mexico, I dists,

I

ing effect

extent to which those being struck by the symphonic aspects of Latino life and the limited to that recognition, and the aspects were recognized nationally. I’ve devoted the past 20 years Encyclopedia Latina

devoted to the

lo

is

me

for

my own journey.

a zenith in

hispano in Anglo-America.

It’s

It is

nor does

not,

and deliberately

solely it

intend to be, a reference

book

as Latinos about Hispanic civilization in general, or about Latin America in particular. Inasmuch regions are contemplated, trace their history and genealogy to other regions of the globe, those although always from the perspective of Latino life north of the Ruo Grande. The three geo-

Hisgraphic areas defining the minority are Spain, the Spanish-speaking Caribbean Basin, and panic America.

At every clopedia.

stage

of the project,

Of course,

sought to bring out what

I

I

believe to be a

ency-

thinking

encyclopedias are convocations of knowledge. But having been a fre-

all

quent user— or, in the parlance of today, surfer— of these most peculiar tomes, I often find myself perplexed by their inability to stimulate. Thus, I encouraged the contributors involved to report as well as to analyze.

forum, advocating the topic at

hand

made

I

it

group deliberately

Latinos, a

by nature

clear at the outset that this isn’t

a political

would be impossible in particular since excluded from the mainstream— to eliminate all

or that ideological position,

this

is

While

it

of bias in the entries themselves. Also, inter-Latino relations are contradictory and fraught with conflict as well, the result of which is the fact that Latinos seldom speak with a unifying traces

voice.

To

the purpose of the contributions

Still,

carry out the task,

was

I

had the support of a

plines,

I

whose

existence

How does

one

appreciate

I

touch with

in

not to indoctrinate but to enlighten.

is

a

thousand different scholars in

and

first-rate editorial staff,

now more

collect the vast

and

than ever.

The

sought to explore

I

effort,

facets

needless to say,

knowledge of various

diversified

areas

myriad of disci-

a

of cultures

was monumental.

of Latino

civfrization?

For instance, what role did Mexicans and Puerto Ricans play in the U.S. Civil War? types of banking

rado the

late

methods were used by Spanish-speakers

19th century?

fast-food dish,

become

Where and

in response to

of the American diet?

a staple

what needs did the

And yet,

and incompleteness of the research done in various quarters lenge wholeheartedly. For what makes knowledge heftier verse panoramically, through different

filters,

New Mexico,

in Arizona,

it

that

if not

was

burrito, a

What and Colo-

Tex-Mex

precisely the evasiveness

drew me

to

embrace the chal-

the attempt to look at the uni-

while maintaining a rigorous form of pursuit?

Ignorance about one’s past handicaps one’s future.

The

search for a

title

Etymologically, Latin

is

was

hereby

“Pertaining to, characteristic has

been

in

like

vogue

StiU,

it

nally

from Latin America.

of,

in the It is

looking into a kaleidoscope that served to

a misappropriation.

or

composed

United

in the language

States since the late

thus important to

Condition (1995), that the term Latin America

Chileans in Paris whose objective

it

was

According to the

state, as

itself was

I

what unified

commitment, has

of the ancient

my

objective.

word means Latins or Romans.” the

20th century to define people origi-

my book

coined in the 1850s by

to describe, single-handedly, the

word

Latin,

a

The Hispanic

group of exiled

newly independent

was

in recognition

these geographically

and socioeconomically

different nations

Roman

code of law. But since

its

injudicial temis, to the

proven to be problematic.

riquez

OLD,

have done in

republics in the Southern Hemisphere. Their choice of the

the fact that

clarify

Intellectuals, scholars,

and educators

Ureha from the Dominican Republic— have complained

was

of their

appearance, the term

— most notably Pedro Hen-

that, as

an adjective, Latin con-

fuses rather than clarifies.

He

and others have suggested Hispanic- and Luzo-Amcricas

the Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries that go from Tierra del

Fuego

to

descnbe

Mexico.

to

Unfortunately, these alternative names have been rejected in the court of international public opinion.

United

In the

whose

States the population

ancestry

or has been called by others, a plethora of names,

more

panics, hispanos, and, for instance,

among them

(feminine: Latina).

embraced Latino, which,

itself

The

in

in an

between them

I’m concerned,

is

histoiv'.

Hispanic,

governmental endorse-

etymology,

empty

rhetorical rink. Suffice

masculine

is

indistinctively,

fascinating.

the middle of an identity

crisis,

a

For

it is

sometimes

same

in the

crystal clear that the

symptom of which

is

The Neiv York Times

article.

That

alternation, as

minority group

defines

it

this isn’t

is

in

the verbal ambiguity of society.

So, in spite of its misdirected etymological base. Encyclopedia Latina was chosen as the

recognition that, happily,

I

temi has

to say that neither

it

eclipsed the other. Indeed, newspapers such as The lVashin

ALTARES

fering. Spain’s mission in the

New

the building of churches as the

World

required

step in the pro-

first

of evangelization and conversion, and the

cess

cel-

ebration of the Mass was the most significant event

of the

in the life

faithful.

center of life and liturgy for the

Not

cas.

artistic

became the people of the Ameri-

Thus the

altar

surprisingly, the altars also reflected local

and

and continue to do

ritual traditions,

this

today from region to region, nationality to nationality,

in Latin

America and the United

States.

The

pride in Spanish heritage combines with the diversity

world. In fomial consecrated churches varied in their association with local saints

new

worship

at

the

altar, as

of the differences

well

as

that exist

models for

cultural

providing ample proof

throughout the Latino

altars are

altares

of the Latino people of the United

States

should not be Hmited to a discussion of formal

altars

located in churches.

They

and

much

share

their Spanish devotional counterparts

rations

structed in the

offerings, especially in

ture of the general populus. Spain

diverse peoples, traditions,

tions

and

home

An

altare

con-

of a Latino of Mexican descent

be different from one of

Dominican or Peruvian

of Cuban or

a Latino

descent.

Each

will display

votive objects and offerings associated with their

own

personal devotion and that of their Catholic and local traditions.

The sential

sents

votive offering (ex-voto) that

is

element on a personal or family

an attempt

at

the most esaltare

repre-

communication between human

beings and the spiritual world.

Through

and

their

home

reflects the

cults

and

was

objects, alms,

same attention to

found everywhere

assistance

from the

spiritual

deco-

ferings,

on

of

and Latin devo-

in the Catholic

and

a

wide

a table

The

world.

objects, or representations

altars that

local

of promises, humans give thanks and plea for

of such

a country

culture,

tions

with

have long been part of the folklore and religious cul-

America

especially,

equally diverse reflections of heritage and

region and popular folkloric traditions.

will

al-

and many other means of prayer and endless varia-

community.

The

homes

informal locations, in private

tars in

of religious traditions of the native peoples to

produce unique hybrids and

and devotions. The

presentation

of prayers and of-

with candles, flowers,

foodstuffs,

variety of other items can be traced back

to early Christian

and pre-Christian

practices. In Latin

such practices

(so-called pagan)

America and the United

may have

different as the Aztecs,

associations

Mayas,

States,

with cultures

Incas, Africans,

and

other native and immigrant peoples. All of their de-

© MICHAEL FREEMAN / BRUCE COLEMAN

Santuario del Senor de Esquipulas, Chimayo,

^ 78

New

as

Mexico.

INC.

— ALTARES

votional practices are illustrative of the piety of

who

families

Republic, in particular,

homes,

contributions of the few remaining indigenous Indi-

testifying to private

worship. Throughout

human

domestic

history people have

on the supernatural

call

of their feelings

as

felt

an expression

they confronted the mystenes of

as

and vagaries of nature. The

life

visual manifestation

of the relationship between the human and the divine

found

is

Roman

in the

fonn of votive

offerings.

For

wor-

Catholics, this local aspect of religious

of the ordinary people,

ship, seen as the religiosity

an approach that everyone could

make

express their religious values in their

is

sense of to

own

Latin America,

and

ages,

altars

it

not unusual to see

is

festooned with

of presenting

this tradition

milaj^ros (miracle gifts) tares

of Latinos

The of

in the

United

is

is

it

small.

offerings, ex-votos,

pounds the Hispano-European Christian

tradition in

of

altares for

Latinos

appeared on the

hill

in the 16th century.

of

Her

may

be seen

easily

as

the center of

Mexico and wherand worship. It also gives Mexican

religious devotion, in

ever Mexicans live

independent of Spanish

altares a distinct character,

origins, in

its

relation to pre-Hispanic cults. Candles,

and cut flowers

In addition to the

are

image

common gifts to Our Lady. of Our Lady of Guadalupe,

other things found on the Mexican Latino

altares in-

The

brought

as slaves

home

the organization of objects for the personal,

Just as supplicants kneel before the Catholic

altare. altar,

church or

in

home,

at

Africans find spiritual

own

sacred space,

World

that altar be-

sustenance kneeling before their

New

usually outdoors. In the

came an arrangement

encoded with the

ot offerings

memory of

often had to be

a past that

concealed for fear of punishment. Accompanied by music,

drumming,

food,

prayer,

and invocation,

prayers before the altars in the Caribbean held special

meaning

for African descendents

of slaves, many

Y oruba

land, areas rich

of them from the

and

in spiritual

Congo

or

artistic traditions.

Vestiges of African traditions can

personal Latino

States.

and the distribution of her image

so powerful

Mexican

that

Mexico City

in

so widespread

fruits,

and offerings of

dominated by the image of

Our Lady of Cuadalupe Tepeyac

im-

by the

Afro-Atlantic

that inspire the personal al-

richly varied tradition

Mexican descent

cult

gifts

statues,

of descriptions in churches large and

a variety It is

unique character. Throughout

al tares their

who were

the colonial period.

rich sacred

raphy, climate, history, economics, and society and

further complicated

is

dunng altar com-

ans and Africans

particular

and personal way. Those values are affected by geog-

give the

Dominican

customarily kept sacred images or ob-

jects in their

the need to

nations of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the

New

altares

found

New Jersey,

York,

in

homes

and other

altar as a place

brance and prayer, these

altars

tions as well as an infusion

in Florida,

with large

states

Caribbean populations. Inspired by of the Catholic

be found in

still

a similar vision

of offering, remem-

include regional varia-

of African

spirituality

dedicated to a complex pantheon of deities and rituals.

They

of several

are also the locus

artistic

media

sculpture, ceramics, painting, textiles, symbolism,

perfonnance

— that further enhance

their

and

power. In

addition to Christian objects, statues, and other offerings,

an

change

altar’s

its

dedication to a particular saint can

appearance and frame of reference from

number of different

perspectives associated with syn-

An

clude examples of local pottery, figurines (ancient to

cretism and disguised symbolism.

modern), paper flowers, papier-mache items, food-

to Santa Barbara, for example, contains the statue

stuffs,

and beverages. The

rated

for

the

November

Day of

altares

created and deco-

Dead ceremonies of

the

2 are especially interesting combinations

of Catholic,

traditional,

and

folkloric objects associ-

a

dedicated

altar

of

the Catholic saint and other symbols and colors associated with

Chango, the god of Thunder and Light-

ning for the Yoruba. Conflated with Santa

his

worship,

Barbara represents the dualities present in

Afro-CTiban religion. Her statue

ated with the ancestors and the recently departed.

Santeria, the

Elaborate with their skeletons, candies, and strange

rounded by

candles, offerings, beads, red

cloth, metal

implements representing the double ax

array of

gifts, altars

cated in the

for the

home and

Day of the Dead

in the

living

and the dead partake

grave

is

are lo-

cemetery, where the

in special feasts,

and the

replenished with food and drink and other

necessities for the

In the

voyage into the

afterlife.

Caribbean the hybrid syncretism that in-

fomis the creation of altares for people from the island

with which Chango

splits

objects of courtly power.

the

spirit

of the

skies.

sur-

and white

the heavens, and other

The

Cther

is

regal Saint Barbara

altars are

is

created in dedi-

cation to spiritual partners and patron deities

who

can offer help and comfort above and beyond the forces contained in a strictly Catholic arrangement.

79

*

ALVAPJ\.DO,

JUAN BAUTISTA

own

In the United States, Latinos brought their

versions and interpretations of Catholic

altars.

Never

Mexican

commerce and

era (1822-1848), foreign

immigration increased. However, the Mexican gov-

forgetting the original traditions of worship associ-

ernment’s distance from California caused

ated with their indigenous or European roots and

political unrest

regional necessities maintained over centuries of con-

institutions in California

quest, conversion

own

and contact. Latinos created

their

adaptations of the altar to keep their faith alive

in another period

of change and adjustment in their

Alvarado reached adolescence during the

from Spanish

Further Reading

and

New York:

McGraw-Hill, 1971.

the African Americas.

New York:

Mus.

for Afri-

groomed also a

for leadership fi-om

wedding was an event of great

the

groom was unable

1820s. His

1827

Juan Bautista Alvarado y Vallejo was the son ofJose Francisco Alvarado and Maria Josefa Vallejo, two inof Spanish ancestry. His

paternal grandfather, Juan Bautista Alvarado, arrived

1769 with Caspar de Portola and

Junipero Serra’s expedition to create Spanish bases

along the California coast from San Diego to

Monterey. They were part of the

first

group of Span-

They

ish colonists sent to settle Alta California.

built

of 21 missions and established presidios and

pueblos until 1822,

when

California

of the Mexican republic. In

became

a life that

Mexican, and Anglo

Bautista Alvarado

a part

spanned the

eras in California,

Juan

y Vallejo served (1827 to 1842)

as

servant and legislator, revolutionary governor,

and constitutional governor of California. Alvarado was

bom when

California

of Spanish colonists

who

was part of

called themselves Cali-

fornios ov gettte de razon to denote a social class apart

from Indians and

Africans.

By

ish colonial period, California

independent and

#80

the end of the Span-

had become

self-sufficient entity.

own

to attend his

wedding,

was

It

after

m-

drinking

Ata

a largely

During the

California politics in the late

first official

involvement began in June

of the diputacion

as secretary

emerged

key

as a

California. Disappointed

(legislature).

Nine

political figure in

with Mexican

rule,

he

organized a revolt against Governor Nicolas Gutierrez.

After instigating disenfranchised Californios and

Anglo adventurers

to revolt against

Mexico, Ava-

rado rallied a sizable force and seized Monterey in

November

1836.

Aong with

his

uncle Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo,

Avarado confronted

regional disputes

between north-

ern and southern Cafifornia through most of his career.

The southern

section of the territory resented

power in northern Califomia. By January 1837 Avarado proclaimed California free from Mexican rule and declared himself as governor. In June 1837 the Mexican government the concentration of political

sent a negotiator to pacify the rebellion in the Cali-

Avarado

fornia province.

the Spanish empire. His family was of the military class

social significance,

Alvarado was indisposed

years later he

in California in

Castro,

Although

settlers.

instead sending his half brother as proxy.

Avarado entered

Born: February 14, 1809; Monterey, California Died: July 13, 1882; San Francisco, California

civil

Dona Martina

excessively the night before.

ALVARADO, JUAN BAUTISTA

fluential military families

in

an early age. At the

the

that

lived

nephew, Alvarado, were

descendan t of early California

mored

colonial,

his

2001.

Carol Damian

a chain

They

era.

of Alta California. Mariano

age of 30, Alvarado married

Zarur, Elizabeth Netto Calil, and Charles Muir LoveU, eds. Art and Faith in Mexico. Albuquerque: Univ. of Press,

capital

Guadalupe Vallejo and

Farris. Face of the Gods: Art and Altars of

can Art, 1993.

N.Mex.

to

during the Mexican

Monterey, the

Neu’ Catholic Encyclopedia. Africa

transi-

important and respected upper-class families in Cafi-

Saints; Santeria.

fornia

Thompson, Robert

expelled,

—

Afro-Latino Influences; Art, Folk; Calaveras; Catholicism;

Muertos;

were reformed, Franciscan and mission lands were distrib-

uted for private use.

tion

Related Articles los

Government

the Californios.

Mexican California. After his father died of a fever, the young boy was raised by one of the most his maternal relatives, the Vallejos

new homeland.

Dia de

were

friars

among

much

independence arguing

that

stated

his

position for

California’s

governor

Mexico.

Finally,

bom, not foreigners from central in 1838, Mexico recognized Ava-

rado

official

governor of the “Department of

should be native

as

California.”

Avarado’s

first

major

task as official

governor in-

volved secularization of nfrssion lands. Secularization

— ALVAREZ, JULIA

was the most controversial matter of the

183()s. It

Osio, Antonio Maria, et

Memoir consisted of freeing neophytes (mission Indians) from religious control

and dividing mission lands and herds

of

Pitt,

Leonard,

llie Decline of the Californios:

more

Social Histor)’

Press, 1966.

and Anglos

grants to Indians, Californios,

land grants than any other governor dispensed

during the Mexican

A

of the Spmnsh-Speakifi^ Califoniians, 1846-1890. Berkeley:

Univ. of C'alif.

200 land

A

Press, 1996.

more than

for public distribution. Alvarado endorsed

Ihe Histoty of Alta California: Mcxicati California. Madison: Univ. ofWis. al.

Selected

Web

Site

The Alvarado Adobe Museum, San

era.

Pablo Historical Societ\^

http:/ /www.ci.san-pablo.ca.Lis/history.htm

During

from 1839

his last four years in office,

to

Arcela Nunez- Alvarez

1842, Alvarado reorganized the government stmc-

and administration.

ture

He

increased supervision

over the collection of duties on imports, improved educational infrastructure, instituted

management of

for the grants,

and began

to deal

new

ALVAREZ, JULIA

regulations

the missions, issued land

Born: March 27, 1950;

with the growing number

Bom

New

in

York

New

York City

City, Julia Alvarez

was

raised in

of foreign immigrants arriving in California.

an extended upper-class fimily in the Dominican

The Mexican government appointed

Republic. There she attended an American school

General Manuel Micheltorena

the governor of

as

Unable

California in 1842 to replace Alvarado.

owing

his obligations

fulfill

surrendered the

became

eltorena

to

to alcoholism, Alvarado

territorial affairs

Manuel Jimeno.

tary,

Brigadier

over to

On December 31,

California’s governor,

his secre-

1842,

Mich-

ending the

where the

girls

dressed like Americans and spoke and

read in English; her image of the United States was

fomied by

that early experience.

ther’s opposition to the

Leonidas Tmjillo, however, her family was forced to return to the

United

Mexican

ican

tempted

a

second revolt from

to prevent the

1

844

to

1

845 but

Anglo takeover of California.

failed

He

and

where she

States in 1960,

discovereci that her reality

After his retirement from politics, Alvarado at-

to her la-

regime of the dictator Rafael

longest period a governor had served during the era.

Owing

was not

that of an

Amer-

coming home, but that of an immigrant. The world of books became her refuge, a place to go

girl

in order to deal

traditional family

with her experiences. Alvarez’s

had the usual expectations of mar-

and motherhood

for her

and her

but

his family retired to

riage

Francisco.

the authc:)r pursued a college degree nevertheless.

cial

Rancho San Pablo, east of San He engaged in many unsuccessful finan-

ventures until his death, caused by bronchitis,

on July

Alvarado

13, 1882.

left his

family in a pre-

carious financial situation, and his descendants spent

over

a

decade engaged

in legal battles

ership of the rancho's 17,000 acres (6,900 legal dispute,

known

finally settled in

as

ownha). The

over the

“the Great Land Case,” was

1894; the

final

decree recognized

Having attended the Breadloaf Writers’ Conference at

Middlebury College

to the school

of

arts

and

in

in

Vennont, she

1971 graduated with

Related Articles

ciegree in creative writing

After teaching

Middlebury

tion

California; Californios; Colonialism.

of a

Conley, Frances. His

1885— 18SS.

in

from Syracuse University.

at several universities,

1988 and was named

she returned to full

San Pablo,

C'alif.;

Lucy

Lytle.

“A

San Pablo Hist,

History of a Me.xican Pneblo:

San Diego from 1825 to 1845.”

collec-

specific career direction. In 1991 the path of

ognition

life

would change

dramatically,

however,

as a

Sail Dici^o Histor)> 12, no.

3

Robert Kysd. Juan Alvarado of California, 1836-1842. Norman: Univ. of C'lkla. Press, 1998.

wnter.

How

the

Garda

Cdrls Lost Ihcir

the novel Alvarez recalls the experience

of being uprooted from her language and culture, and the homesickness and alienation she expenenced

(1966).

Miller,

first

of failed relationships, no family of her own,

Accetits. In Political

professor in

with the publication of the novel that led to her recGov-

and Mus. Soc., 1999. Killea,

life

her literary

of Cali/orfiia. Vols. 2-6. San

Exa’llcucy, Jiiati Bautista Alvarado,

ernor of A/ta California.

bachelor

of poetry, Honiccotninyi (1984), an examination

and no

Further Reading Francisco; History C'o.,

a

degree; in 1974 she was awarded a masters

At the age of 33 Alvarez published her

Histor)'

transferred

English in 1996.

148 owners of the old Rancho San Pablo.

Bancroft, Hubert H.

sisters,

in

her

new environment.

In

1997 she published

a

novel revisiting the Garcia character Yolanda, Yo.

81

ALVAREZ, LUIS

The

bmtality of the regime responsible for the

Alvarez family’s exile historical fiction

examined

is

work of

in her

published in 1995, In the Time of

which follows the lives of the Mirabel sisters, three of whom were murdered by the regime. Another historical novel followed, based on the Butterflies,

exemplary Dominican women. Salome (2000), tracing the

In

the

Name

of

of the celebrated

lives

1995; Something

lished in

Declare (1998)

to

autobiographical accounting of her teacher,

life

dren’s literature includes

based on a Dominican

The

an

writer,

as

And

and “hyphenated American.”

is

her chil-

Secret Footprint (2000),

How

fable;

Came

Tia Lola

to

Stay (2001), a child’s adjustment to divorce and a colorful

Dominican

based on Alvarez’s

aunt; later

andH

Cafecito Story (2001),

experiences maintaining an

Domini-

19th-century poet Salome Ureha, an anticolonialist

organic coffee farm in the mountains of the

who

Repubhc with her husband. Bill Eichner. Alvarez lives with Eichner on a farmstead in Vermont.

started a school to educate

women, and

daughter, Camila Henriquez Ureha,

of teaching

Vassar College,

at

who,

moved

to

her

after years

Cuba

to

can

Related Articles

join Castro’s revolution.

Although best known

Literature; Literature,

for her novels, Alvarez

tinued to pursue other genres, including numerous short stories

and

articles.

poems. The Other Side

Her second

collection of

was pub-

(El Otro Lado),

Dominican American.

con-

Further Reading Barak, Julie. ‘“Turning and Turning in the Widening Gyre’: Second Coming into Language in Julia Alvarez’s How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents.”

MELUS 23,

A

no. 11 (Spring

1998): 159-176.

How THE

Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents

CasteUucci Cox, Karen. “A Particular Blessing: StoryteUing as Healing in the Novels ofJuHa Alvarez.” In Healing Cultures: Art and Religion as Curative Practices in the Caribbean and Its Diaspora. Ed. by Margarite Fernandez Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert.

Hofiman, Joan M. For a period

after they arrived in this

Garda tried to invent something. Her ideas always came after

Identity,

country, Laura

department

this

new

stores to see the

country.

On his

free

the

wonders of

Sundays, Carlos

carted the girls off to the Statue of Liberty or

the Brooklyn Bridge or Rockefeller Center,

Laura was concerned, these were men’s wonders. Down in the housewares were but

as far as

the true treasures

women were

“‘She Wants to

Language, and

after.

23, no.

them

might be the ladder Jacob saw with angels moving up and down to heaven. The moment they lingered by a display, a perky saleslady approached, no doubt thinking a young mother with four girls in tow fit the perfect profile for the new refrigerator

Be

The Third

Called Yolanda

Sister in

How the

Garda

Review /LaRevista Bilingue

“JuUa Alvarez: Author, Poet.” Notable Hispanic American

Women. Book

11.

Detroit: Gale Res., 1998.

Rosario-Sievert, Heather. “Anxiety, Repression, and Return: The Language ofJuHa Alvarez.” Readerly/Writerly Texts: Essays on Literature, Literary /Textual Criticism,

Pedagogy

4,

and

no. 2 (Spring-Summer 1997): 225-239.

Rosario-Sievert, Heather. “Conversation with JuHa Alvarez.” Review: Latin American Literature and Arts 54 (Spring 1997): 31-37.

Margarite FeicnAndez Olmos

that this

ALVAREZ, LUIS Bom: June

13, 1911;

Died: September

1,

San Francisco, California

1988; Place

unknown

with automatic defrost or the

heavy-duty washing machine with the prewash soak. Laura paid close attention during the demonstrations, asking intelligent questions, but at the last

minute saying she

would talk it over with her husband. On the drive home, try as they might, her daughters could not engage their mother in conversation, for inspired by what she had just seen, Laura had begun inventing. Excerpt from

How the Garda

Girls Lost Their

Accents by Julia Alvarez (1991).

Luis Walter Alvarez earned the

work

in physics but

he

is

logical find that has so far

also

Nobel Prize for his remembered for a geo-

provided the most plausible

answer to the mass extinction of dinosaurs more than 65 million years ago. He was bom in San Francisco, California,

on June

13, 1911, to Harriet

Smyth and

Walter C. Alvarez. His father was a teacher and physician

who

Initially a

eventually

became

chemistry major

at

a medical joumaftst.

the University of Chi-

cago, Alvarez switched majors to physics

recommendation of a professor and earned

# 82

Now’:

(January-April 1998): 21-27.

1

Laura and her daughters would take the escalator, marveling at the moving staircase, she teasing

Martin’s Press, 2001.

St.

Girls Lost Their Accents .” Bilingual

sightseeing visits she took with her daughters to

New York:

on the

his

bach-

AMERICAN

elor of science degree

where he a

from

that university in 1932,

also received a master’s

degree (1934) and

doctorate (1936) in physics.

Alvarez began his career

the Radiation Labora-

tory of the University of California in 1936.

worked

He

also

the Radiation Laboratory of the Massa-

at

chusetts Institute of

Technology (1940—1943); the

Metallurgical Laboratory of the University of Chi-

cago (1943—1944), where he worked with physicist Enrico Femii; and

at

Alamos Laboratory of

the Los

part

of the Manhattan Project

Alvarez helped create the

onboard the

also

Efiola

Los Alamos,

at

bomb and was Gay when the bomb was first

atomic

dropped on Hiroshima, Japan. Although he admitted to being shocked by the devastation, he became a staunch supporter as a

would have been about 10

when

it

hit.

One

discovered on Earth,

K/T

it

miles (15

in

diam-

ot the largest craters ever

also

contained iridium

at

the

boundary^ lending credence to Alvarez’s expla-

nation.

The

father

of four children, Alvarez died of

cancer on September

1988.

1,

Related Articles Science.

Folger, Jim. “This Battered Earth.”

Webber, Robert

Discot'cr (January'

1,

L. Pioneers of Science. Philadelphia:

1994).

Adam

Hilger, 1988.

Selected

Web

Site

Nobel e-Museum. www.nobel.se/physics/laureates/1968/

of the nuclear weapons program

means of deterring

km)

Further Reading

the Manhattan Project (1944—1945).

As

FORUM

estimate that the asteroid that created the crater

eter

at

GI

Menard

Valerie

future wars. After witnessing

the catastrophic destruction in Hiroshima, he wrote

four-year-old son, Walter, explaining

a letter to his his

new

“What regrets have about being and maiming thousands ofJapanese

conviction.

a party to killing

I

morning

civilians this

that this terrible

are

tempered with the hope

weapon we have

created

may

bring

the countries of the world together and prevent fur-

Alvarez received the Nobel Prize in 1968 for de-

veloping the liquid hydrogen bubble chamber and for detecting

new

resonant

states in particle physics.

This discovery would eventually lead to the “eight-

way” model of elementary

quently, the theory of quarks

1977 Alvarez and

In

Approximately 500,000 Latinos served

World War 11. When these soldiers returned home, however, many were denied their rights as veterans. On March 26, 1948, 700 Mexi-

his

particles and, subse-

by Murray Gell-Mann.

son Walter,

a geologist,

met

in

Corpus

Christi, Texas, to

would look out for the rights of these and future Latino veterans. They named the organization the American GI Forum. Today the Forum continues to advocate for the rights of Latino veterans and their families.

Although many Mexican landowners supported Texas from Mexico, their loyalty was

dium,

not long remembered

amount of the isotope irisubstance more common on meteors and an ocean canyon near Ciubbio,

asteroids, in

significant,

however, was

found between cretaceous and as

the

K/T

sozoic Era,

boundary

when

this discovery,

cally

it

was

known end of the Me-

tertiary rocks

became

extinct.

From

Alvarez hypothesized that 65 million

km) wide, and

dense that

that the iridium

marks the

the dinosaurs

years ago, an impact (9.7

that

Italy.

by an

asteroid, at least 6 miles

the ensuing cloud of dust, so

blocked sunlight, could have catastrophi-

changed the

earth’s

environment, leading to the

dinosaurs’ extinction.

For

many

but in 1990,

scientists

War ended

discovered a submerged crater

near the Yucatan Peninsula that was 65 million years old and 185 miles (298

km)

in

diameter. Scientists

after the

Soon

in 1848.

Mexican-American

their land

would be ap-

propriated and their language rejected. At the turn

of the

2()th century, the

Tejanos lived

descendants of these early

in a segregated

world and were no

longer guaranteed the nghts to education or eco-

nomic advancement Still,

available to other U.S. citizens.

they served their country in two world wars.

After the second one, however, the Latino nity

began to ask

tunities It

years scientists refuted Alvarez’s theory,

fomi an organiza-

tion that

efforts to free

More

amied

forces during

discovered an inordinate a

in the

can American veterans, led by Hector Perez Garcia,

ther wars.”

fold

AMERICAN GI FORUM

guaranteed to

was

was born and

citizens

all

in

Mexico

in 1914.

moved

to

and oppor-

by the C'onstitution.

in this climate that Garcia

his family

aged by

for the equal treatment

commu-

grew up. He

At the age ot three, he

Mercedes, Texas. Encour-

his parents to value his education,

he never

neglected his studies and eventually earned

a

bach-

83

^

AMERICAN

GI

FORUM

degree in zoology. In 1936 he entered the

elor’s

inedicd school

at

the University of Texas at Galveston.

After completing a surgical internship at

Omaha, Nebraska, he

Hospital in

He

anny.

participated in the

Bronze

the rank of major.

He met and

in Italy,

Joseph’s

enlisted in the

European theater of op-

erations earning a

sillo,

St.

Star, six Battle Stars,

Wanda Fu-

married

and in 1946 the couple returned to

Christ! to establish his medical practice.

Corpus

Veterans Administration

refer patients to

him. As

it

at

local naval base.

While

sniper while fighting in the Philippines.

body was returned four years later, Rice Funeral Home in Three Rivers refused to open its chapel

wake and

for the

and the Forum organized

Longoria was eventually buried, with honors, lington National

soldiers also

rights

V. State

address

and concerns.

At the meeting, Garcia

Ar-

to advocate for the citizens. In

1954, the

titled

(LULAC) and

successfully argued be-

Supreme Court in Pete Hernandez, Petitioner, of Texas that Mexican Americans were en-

to

a

by

trial

a jury

of their peers.

More

important, the case secured U.S. constitutional landenlisted the help

of Gustavo

young Latino lawyer from Laredo, Texas, who would construct the group’s constitution. A formal tenet introduced by Gus Garcia was a commitment to nonviolent solutions for securing the “Gus”

at

group joined with the League of United Latin Amer-

meeting inviting

their issues

also

Washington, D.C.

in

of Latino veterans and

fore the

come and

Cemetery

The GI Forum continued

education. After learning that the problem was per-

Latino veterans across the state to

soon gained

Lyndon Baines Johnson,

the help of U.S. senator

ican Citizens

call a

a protest that

nationwide attention, not only for the group but

cluding disability checks, housing, and a college

he hatched an idea to

Longoria had to be

insisted that

buried in the segregated Mexican cemetery. Garcia

trying to address this prob-

difficulty receiving basic veterans’ benefits, in-

vasive,

his

denced by the treatment of Latino war heroes. With

who had difficulty

many of the

When

a

he could

the veteran’s hospital located at the

lem, Garcia discovered that

had

if

1945 by

killed in

for the prejudice that existed against Latinos evi-

turned out, these patients

were Mexican American veterans securing beds

asked

official

of Three Rivers, Texas, was

when

His practice garnered unexpected support a

and

dent.” Private Longona, a husband, father, and native

mark

status

on behalf of Mexican Americans.

The group helped

Garcia, a

bring an end to poll taxes, and

joined forces again with

LULAC

form

in 1964,

it

Service,

Employment, and Redevelopment (SER),

to

provided job training

a voluntary organization that

members. Other objectives included

and placement for Latinos. Modeling the success of

aiding the needy, developing leadership within the

preserving democracy, advancing multicultural un-

SER, the Forum created the Veterans Outreach Program (VOP) in 1973 to provide counseling and employment services to returning soldiers.

veterans and their families,

Today, the Forum hosts annual conventions for

rights

of

their

Latino community, combating juvenile delinquency,

derstanding, protecting

all

upholding loyalty to the Constitution, awarding

and preserving and defending the United

scholarships,

States

of America from

all

enemies. At the end of

which took place at the Lamar School auditorium, the American GI Forum was formed. the meeting,

The

first

was the liver

GI

issue tackled successfully

failure

Bill

of 1944. Utilizing the power of the pen, the sent letters

sentatives,

trating the plight

Tmman

disability

effort

would

checks and college

procunng Latino candidates

boards to provide

illus-

critical

to serve

representation for

Latino veterans.

The group’s most publicized victory came in 1949 and would be known as the “Felix Longoria inci-

^ 84

SER

and

VOP.

Involved in the

Forum to the end, Garcia died on July 26, 1996. The Forum’s motto — Education is Freedom and Freedom should be Everybody’s Business Garcia’s passion

— echoes

and dedication.

Related Articles League of United Latin American Citizens; United States; World War 11.

Civil Rights;

to senators, repre-

of Latino veterans. The

expand from securing

draft

programs including

Military,

and telegrams

and even President Harry

educations, to

5,500 members and continues to oversee several

of the Veterans Administration to de-

earned benefits to Latino veterans through the

Forum

on

by the Forum

its

Further Reading Allsup, Carl. The American tion.

G.L Fomm:

Mexican American Monograph

Mexican Am.

Origins and Evolu-

Series.

Austin: Ctr. for

Univ. of Tex. at Austin, 1982. Avila, Alex. “G.I. Fomm Founder Gave Voice to Flispanic Vets.” Rocky Mountain News (May 20, 1996). Cole, Melanie. “G.I. Jose: What World War II Means to Flispanics

Who

Studies,

Served.” Flispanic

Garcia, Ignacio

M.

(November

1995): 22-24.

Hector P. Garcia: In Relentless Pursuit of Justice. Houston, Tex.: Arte Publico Press, 2002.

ANARCHO-SYNDICALISM

Ramos, Henry A. J- Tfw

Amcricati G.I. Forum: In Pursuit of

ano Huerta, and Venustiano Carranza (who had an

Dream, 1948—1983. Houston, Tex.: Arte Fiiblico

the

alliance

Press, 1998.

Valerie

Menard

with the Casa del Obrero Mundial, which

was the premier labor union

Cmpo

Manifesto Anarquista del

Mexico, and the

in

Luz, which was the

most well known anarchist gi'oup

AMERICAN INDIANS.

Mexico)

in

in

Central Mexico.

See INDICIENDUS

Other movements

Heritage.

had anarcho-svndicalist

that

tendencies were the Chicano and United Fanner

Workers movements of the lower socioeconomic typically

thought of as

a call

workers of the world to unite and control

to the

own economic

their

is

prosperity, to break free of the

shackles of capitalism and big

government control

have hindered their freedom and advancement.

that

The

idea of anarcho-syndicalism

is

often associated

with working-class European uprisings and revolu-

and there

As an

197()s.

ethnic group, Chicanos have comprised primanly

ANARCHO-SYNDICALISM Anarcho-syndicalism

and

196()s

tendency to categorize

who were ing the

mon

status

and working-cla.ss people

fighting for their

own

movement. There was

civil rights

among Chicanos

belief

civil liberties

com-

the

time

the

at

dur-

that

organizing, protests, stnkes, and other types of civil

disobedience could unite Chicanos

more

therefore create

as a

whole and

equality within society.

Two

of the top leaders of the United Fann Workers dem-

unique versions of anarcho-

some of these anarcho-syndicalist practices were Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta. During the 196()s Puerto Ricans in the U.S. Northeast also initiated a grassroots movement em-

syndicalism (frequently without the label) through

ploying anarcho-syndicalist procedures to help unify

tions, style

is

also a

of philosophical and

practical thinking

this

along

with Marxism and Communi.sm. However, Latinos

have created their

their

own

own and

struggles

rebellions.

There have been

numerous movements throughout the

history of

onstrating

and organize the Puerto Rican working urban

areas,

and

Latinos in the United States that have manifested an

Two

ideology of anarcho-syndicalism, either through writ-

to bring

ten plans or declarations or through rebellious actions,

together for economic

or both.

and the

One

of the most noteworthy movements embody-

pira

New

in particular in

classes in

York

Crity.

of the major organizations that led the

lower socioeconomic

Young

directed

class

efforts

Puerto Ricans

empowemient were

Aspira

Lords Party. Founded in 1961, As-

its

resources toward helping future

ing an attitude of anarcho-syndicalism was the Mexi-

working-class Puerto Ricans realize their potential

can Revolution of 1910. This revolution had

and transcend

tremendous impact, of course, on Mexico but north of the border

as

a

also

thousands of Mexicans mi-

grated into the United States, and

it

even involved

some conflicts between Pancho Villa and the U.S. Anny. It can be generally agreed that one of the main causes

for the

Mexican Revolution was the

dictatorship of Porfino Diaz, and his lack of concern for the ma.sses

the

working

Many

were small fanners, employees rich

felt

that

and European

ment had become

of the working

industrial workers,

class

who

and service

Diaz was catering solely to the residents,

and

that the

dysfunctional in regard to

govern-

manag-

With the government in shambles, workers typically became connected with the Mexican generals of their local area, Paning the welfare of the people.

cho

Villa in

northern Mexico, Emiliano Zapata

in

southern Mexico, and Francisco Madero, Victori-

group

to a professional-class status

through education and organizing. The

had

a similar

purpose with

ganization was thers because

and

its

compared

a different

Y oung

means.

Lords Its

or-

to that

of the Black Pan-

of its similar militant

nationalistic stance

self-liberation ideologies that

derclass barrios together

brought the un-

through grassroots actions

and community outreach.

The

of the population, which constituted

class.

as a

anarcho-syndicalism theoretical approach has

remained constant throughout the within the United

States.

histoty'

of Latinos

Along with the Mexican

Revolution, the Cdiicano and United Fann ers

movements, and the Puerto Rican

movement of the lar

196()s, there

Work-

nationalist

have been other simi-

attempts of refonnation by other Latino ethnic

groups.

With the current Hispanic population ex-

panding, and the workforce in constant need of nonskilled

as

well

as skilled labor,

it

will

be of the

utmost importance for Hispanics to understand the

85

ANAYA, RUDOLFO

by anarcho-syndicalism

roles played in their history

an

artist

Mexican

and workers’ movements around the world.

Chavez, Cesar; Chicano Movement; Marxism; Mexican

Young

Fields.

Tlie Fight in the

success

New York:

Strangers to These Shores.

known old

Macmillan, 1990. Schaefer, Richard T. Racial and Ethnic Groups.

New York:

HarperCollins, 1996.

D. Martinez

Bom: October

New

Rudolfo A. Anaya

is

temporary Chicano

became an immediate

folk healer

to several generations

years.

critical

The

well-

of the novel. Ultima, an

and witch,

is

now

of U.S. students for

Me, Ultima has become

familiar

whom

typically their initial

introduction to Chicano writing.

(1979);

30, 1937; Pastura,

chord in the Mexican Ameri-

fictional character

In such novels

ANAYA, RUDOLFO

it

a

and has remained so over the

Mexican

Bless

Marcos

he would have to discover

in Bless

can population;

York: Harcourt Brace, 1997.

Vincent N.

Parillo,

own

change and stmck

and Ricardo Sandoval.

New

his

Lords.

Further Reading Ferris, Susan,

identity, a voice

Hispanic-Indian-New

Me, Ultima. The emergence of the novel coincided with the growth of the Chicano movement for social, economic, and political

on

Related Articles Revolution; Puerto Rican

so identified with his

as Fieart

of Aztldn (1976); Tortuga

and in subsequent works, including Albuquer-

Mexico

one of the founders of the con-

movement and among

literary

the most celebrated, versatile, and prolific of

can American writers. Fie

is

Mexi-

a novelist, a short story

writer, a poet, an essayist, an anthologist, a play-

wright, and an author of children’s literature and a

an editor of

travel journal, as well as

and

nals,

literary

most famous work, the novel

his

jour-

Bless

Me,

Ultima (1972), remains one of very few Chicano best-sellers.

cano

Having paved the way

Anaya continues

writers,

in the

for

younger Chi-

to play a pivotal role

development of the contemporary U.S. Latino

literary tradition,

with numerous awards in recogni-

tion of his achievements, including the 2001 National

Medal of Arts.

bom

Anaya was

in Pastura, a small village in the

eastern llanos, or plains,

desolate area for affinity

among

and

of

New

a spiritual

bond. His ancestors were

the original settlers of the Spanish land grants

and

additionally

by Native American

mother and

his ancestral roots

father

from within the his

New Mexico

youth; the tranquil

lifestyle

his father

of

his

life

Hispanic

#86

cultures

community

of the famiing,

settler

the free-spirited, no-

infomi the world of the young protagonist first

received a university degree,

can

cultures. Anaya’s

of the vaquero, or cowboy, culture of

autobiographical

extensive

were nourished

embodied contrasting

community of his mother, and madic

a barren,

which he nonetheless expressed an

in the area,

of

Mexico,

Athough Anaya which afforded him an

novel.

knowledge of English and North Ameri-

literatures,

those literary voices could not serve

© NATASHA LANE / AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS

Author Rudolfo Anaya stands in the archway outside his home in Abuquerque, New Mexico.

ANTI-SEMITISM

Summer and Shaman Wifiter

more

que (1992) and his detecdve fiction Zia

sought

(1995), Rio Grande Fall (1996),

the Atlantic Ocean. Anti-Semitism, understood as

a

relaxed religious atmosphere across

(1999), the author integrates a sacred mythic vision

the animosity, tacit and overt, by Chnstians against

from pre-Columbian

Jews, was thus already present from 1523 to the

fiction.

now

The works

recognized

phasis

on

as

also incorporate features that are

Anaya

literary hallmarks:

myth, and

tradition,

contemporary

traditions into

spirituality;

an

em-

the repeti-

tion

of certain types of characters (shamanic figures

and

seers

end);

patterns,

of

New

for

affinity

ment. Anaya’s

the U.S. Southwest; symbols

1880s onward, which rekindled anti-Semitic feelings

world and the

modem,

U.S. world but also

managed

stress

on the

as that

multicultural, scientific

of

people

a

to preserve significant elements

who

have

of their His-

panic and Native American heritage.

During World

flict,

which consumed

to

Read

(and/in)

Rudolfo

Teachhij^ Anwricati Ethnic Lit-

portions of northern Africa, and later involved the

and Japan. Jewish refugees arrived

States

A

Reference Guide. Ed.

Companion. Westport, Conn.: Creenwood

Gonzalez-T., Cesar A.,

ed. Rudolfo

Jolla, Calif:

“Rudolfo A. Anaya.”

Lab

Press, 1999.

Bh^raphy: Chi-

Vol. 82. Detroit: Gale Res., 1989.

and His

Anaya Albuquerque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press,

Writinj^s.

of Words: Rudolfo A.

as that

changed

also

became

MarCtArite FernAndez Olmos

and lived

toward Jews

feelings

vitriolic anti-Jewish

tacks are

known

extremist

Opus Dei

Wretched

stereotypes,

(television,

sect

America date back

when, escaping from the

In-

numerous crypto-

Jews (Jews who, during attempts by the Spanish and Portuguese to eradicate Jewish influence from the Iberian Peninsula, maintained their Jewish identity

while keeping

it

hidden under

mity to Catholicism),

as

a

well as

cloak of confor-

new

in

arrived

ano-

are

harbored

still

comments and

at-

of the Catholic Church.

which

are often based in reli-

newspapers,

Christians,

it

is

the

as

Christ

book

Protocols of the

The anonymous

Wise

of

Zion

is

an

Rio Grande, where

sold not only in bookstores but in newsstands.

present-day sympathizers ot Adolt Hitler’s rac-

views

also

deny

that the

place. Also, as a result

Jews

Jew

stnps,

moneylender, and members ot an inteniational

Some ist

comic

films, as

all-time best-seller south ot the

Iberian Peninsula,

for

have been carried out by the

to

music, and the Internet), such

anti-Semitic

ANTI-SEMITISM

on the

who

for decades in

cabala eager to take over the world.

quisition

magnet

Domingo Peron

of Argentina’s Juan

their identities,

Complex

killer,

to the colonial period,

a

nymity.

media

in Latin

provinces

also in

gions misinfonnation, are frequently featured in the

1982.

The Jewish communities

Holo-

and the Dominican Republic. But the

and Mexico,

Press, 1990.

cano Writers. Ed. by Francisco Lomeli and Carl R. Shirley.

Mafc

to

south of the Rio Grande. For example in Argentina

A. Anaya: Focus on

In Dictionary of Dterary

Vassallo, Paul, ed. Die

urban centers and

after the

Argentina and Josef Mengele in Brazil)

such

by Julio A. Martinez and Francisco A. Lomeli. Westport, Conn.: Creenwood Press, 1985. Fernandez Olmos, Margarite. Rudolfo A. Anaya: A Critical

La

most of Europe and then

under the protection of right-wing governments

Albuquerque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1996. Candelaria, Cordelia. “Rudolfo Alfonso Anaya Chicano Literature:

from the con-

former Nazis (most notoriously Adolf Eichman

Ed. by John R. Maitino and David R. Feck.

Criticism.

a distance

first

Southern Hemisphere

Bruce-Novoa, Juan. “Learning Anaya’s Bless Me, Ultima.” In

).” In

and other Latin

these

II

American countries kept

in Bolivia

Further Reading

(1937-

War

American shores before, during, and

Mexican American.

Mexico, and

Cuba.

caust, settling in

eratures.

ot Ashkenazic

in nations such as Argentina, Brazil,

United

Related Articles Literature,

fonn of anti-

as a

setting

wave

the arrival of a

novels present the Chicano cul-

later

ture as part of the

animosity then must be described

— for example, Yiddish-speaking, Eastern European Jews — from the

and hamiony with the environ-

for balance

but eclipsed, and the

all

dream sequences, archetypal

related to the natural

need

presence in the region was

by 1850 the Jewish

Semitism without Jews. That attitude changed with

real

and mystical motifs; the geographic

Mexico and

half of the 19th centur^c But

in the early

world and from leg-

both from the

an

of Independence that swept the Americas

Age

in Latin

taristic

America

Holocaust ever took

of the Middle East

conflict,

are at times portrayed as mili-

and anti-Arab.

Immigrant Latinos similar views.

A 2002

in

the United States harbor

sur\x'y

by the Anti-Detama-

87

^

ANTI-SEMITISM

New

League, headquartered in

tion

York

City,

44 percent of Hispanics born outof the United States were anti-Semitic. The size

established that side

among

decreases to 20 percent

on U.S.

soil.

Among

bom

those Latinos

by

the statements supported

more

the surveyed population are: Jews stick together

than other Americans, they always like to be leaders, they have too much power in the United States, they are

America, and Jews

loyal to Israel than to

more

are not as honest as other businesspeople.

The

sur-

vey concluded that “perceptions regarding Jewish

and power

control, influence tional canards tices

well

as

more

as

tradi-

about Jews, religion and ethical prac-

appear to be driving anti-Semitism

foreign-bom Hispanics.”

It

among

added, “For example,

over half of foreign-bom Hispanics (55%) agree with the assertion that ‘Jews don’t care what happens to

anyone but

own

their

kind,’

compared

26%

to

Hispanics born in the U.S.” Furthemiore, that “forty-four percent

it

bom

of Hispanics

were

compared with

responsible for the death of Christ,’ in the U.S.”

states

outside

the U.S. agree with the assertion that ‘Jews

26% of those bom

of

And,

“forty-six per-

cent agree with the statement that Jews are ‘more willing than others to use shady practices to get

they want,’ compared with

22%

what

bom

of those

in

the U.S.”

These numbers

are extremely

worrisome

— one of

almost every two Latino nonnatives and one out of every five natives

—in that they are higher than those

of African- and Asian Americans.

Critics

Defamation League survey have argued accurate.

people

—

Its is

sample population

—a

of the Antithat

total

it is

not

of 300

not representative of the various Latino

groups north of the Rio Grande and of their geographical spread.

Although individuals were given

the opportunity to use Spanish, there

is

also criti-

cism that the questions asked in the survey were not culturally fitted to the respondents

had an impact on the responses. tion harvested

well

as a shift,

is

valuable in that

signals a stand, as

Among is

the fact that those born outside the United States

home and

get their

news

and entertainment from Spanish-language media, as

by Latinos

by

accounts, sketchy. Latino understanding of the

all

Ho-

comes predominantly through the media, including books such as Anne Frank’s Diary of a Young Girl and movies such as Steven Spielberg’s Schindler’s List. There is not an estimable literary self in Spanish capable of making

locaust

often superficial and

is

people aware of the Nazi

atrocities. In

addition the

ignorance reaches further in time: an understanding

of the roots of conflict in the Middle East is frighteningly limited, as is the shaping of Zionism as a 19th-

movement

century nationalist

Europe.

that sprung

up

in

periods in history are even

More remote

well understood.

less

anti-Hispanic feelings

among Jews

are equally challenging, suggesting that

an attempt

Needless to

say,

to understand each other

in store.

is

The

rich his-

tory that Jews and Latinos share has gone through

ups and downs: from the 10th to the 15th

many

known

century, a period tians,

as

La Convivencia, Chris-

Muslims, and Jews were brought together in a

came to an end in 1492, when Queen Isabella and King Ferdinand issued an edict to expel the Jews from the Iberian Peninsula. South of the Pdo Grande and in the

fragile

coexistence in Spain.

It

Caribbean Basin, Jews have thrived inteUectuaUy, tistically, socially,

also

the

been the

pogrom

(a

in Argentina

ar-

and economically. But they have of

target

hostility, as

was the

case

of

violent anti-Jewish outburst) of 1919

—known

as la

semana

trdgica

—that

left

almost 100 people dead. Jews and Latinos in the

United

States are

unacquainted with their

common

transcontinental past.

There

is

also a geographical

Jews and Cubans

where they

and ethnic

barrier.

interact in Florida, for instance,

differ in

age and status (Cubans tend to

newspapers El Diario/La Prensa and

TV net-

economic groups).

StiU,

communities. Knowledge about Sephardic and Arab

Jews

as essential

are not a part

constituents of the Jewish minority

of the stereotype

among Cubans.

works Univision and Telemundo, where anti-Semitic

similar ignorance exists in California,

innuendoes are not an exception. In

teraction

#88

is,

mixed marriages and conversions are not uncommon. Yet Jews in that state are uninformed about other Latino groups, including Puerto Ricans and Mexicans. And Cubans approach Jews monolithically, perceiving them aU as descendants of Yiddish-speaking, Eastern European

ence between foreign-bona and native Hispanics

such

history

the infomia-

the explanations available to understand the differ-

at

Knowledge of Jewish

latter.

be younger and belong to middle and lower socio-

within the Latino minority.

frequently use Spanish

English, and sometimes only in the

and

in Spanish

and inight have

Still, it

news

native Latinos receive their

contrast, U.S.-

between Jews and Latinos

where the is

A in-

through the

ANZALDUA, GLORIA

pnsm of Mexicans and economic

that state,

non-Latinos It is

Central Americans. But in

even more pronounced than

is

Borderlands: The New MestizaILa Frontera

between Latinos and

disparity

in Flonda.

clear, then, that Jewish-Latino relations are at

United

a crossroads in the

best tool to adciress

States.

Education

is

“We’re going

the

and correct misconceptions. Since

metal from

and

cultural,

motherload.

ing up in urban centers such

New

San Antonio, mission

is

York

as

Chicago, Los Angeles,

and Miami. Their

City,

common

to explore a

and estab-

history

lish political partnerships.

Life;

Holmes

&

of Latiti America.

Tficjeii>s

eds.

Sheinin, David, and Lois Baer Barr,

New

Stavans, Han.

New

.

New

Studies

Borrowed Words:

.

.

A

Anglo teacher when

was trying to do was tell her how to pronounce my name. “If you want to be American, speak ‘American.’ If you don’t it, go back to Mexico where you belong.”

Arab and JeuHsh

The Jeudsh Dion History and eds.

Excerpt from Borderlands: The

York: Garland, 1996.

On

.

“talking back” to the

1998.

aspora in Dttin America:

the

is

sent to the corner of the classroom for

York:

Latin America: Imaj^es and Realities. Portland,

Ore.‘: F. Cass,

Literature.

New

Meier, 1998.

in

.

and

—

Religion.

Klich, Ignacio, with Jefifrey Lesser, Immigrants

My mouth

the

you make it lie down? I remember being caught speaking Spanish at recess that was good for three licks on the knuckles with a sharp ruler. I remember being

Further Reading Elkin, Judith Laikin.

.

Silver bits plop

to

Related Articles Crypto-Jews; Jewish

mouth.

all

“We’re going to have to do something about your tongue,” I hear the anger rising in his voice. My tongue keeps pushing out the wads of cotton, pushing back the drills, the long thin needles. “I’ve never seen anything as strong or as stubborn,” he says. And I think, how do you tame a wild tongue, train it to be quiet, how do you bridle and saddle it? Flow

class,

backgrounds together, spring-

religious

my

tinkle into the basin.

have attempted to combat anti-Semitism and antiviews by bringing people ot different

have to control your

tongue,” the dentist says, pulling out

the mid-199( )s, a senes of interethnic dialogue groups

id ispanic

to

Memoir

all I

like

New Mestiza!

La Frontera by Gloria Anzaldua (1987).

of Djti 1 (1998): 380-400.

of a high school education for an immigrant worker are less than half

'elfare

Light, Ivan, and Carolyn Rosenstein. “E.xpanding the In-

uneven investment

should be enforced to eliminate

1

1

anion^ Chinese, Japanese and Bhuks. Berkeley: Univ. of

changes, based on study findings, to address unequal

economic

America: Business

Enterjirise in

Industiy.”

A.ssociation

report

on Corporate

Alfc:)NSc:)

is

A

Morales

Roberto Pedace

concerned with immigration policy. Immigration policy typically contains positive and negative ele-

ments

Immigration Refonn and Control Act

stance, the

(IRC A) manent

passed in 1986 granted amnesty (that

it

made

to increase the size

sanctions

on

is,

per-

some undocumented

residence status) to

immigrants, but

Illegal

For in-

for immigrants, including Latinos.

federal

budget commitments

of the border patrol and impose

businesses hiring illegal immigrants.

The

Immigration Refomi and Immigrant Respon-

sibility

Act of 1996 authorized doubling the

size

of

ASSOCIATION OF PROGRESSIVE WOMEN The

Association of Progressive

acion de Mujeres Progresistas)

is

Women (La Asocia New York City-

women,

based group of Dominican

established to

community

in the

United

States.

AMP,

dez and Georgina Sanchez in 1993,

migrants, and deported and barred “felons” from

women

It

also

launched the de-

velopment of a linked INS (Immigration and Naturalization

Services)

and

SSA

(Social

Security

were running

Community School in

New

as

it

be

will

was founded by Mila Men-

referred to henceforth,

the border patrol, redefined “felony” for resident im-

readmission to the country.

Dominican

address the needs and problems of the

for school

board positions

District 6. (This

York City with

when both

the highest

is

in

the distnet

number of Do-

minican students and one of the most concentrated populations of English-language learners in the coun-

Administration) database on “immigration costs.”

Mendez and Sanchez were surprised and dismayed at the lack of readily available and accessible try.)

The tive

existing policies

mentioned above

are nega-

and perhaps counterproductive. Given the con-

tnbutions of immigrants to the economy, education IS

not only an issue for

current citizens,

new

immigrants but

who must come

to understand the

short- and long-run importance of the similation

also for

economic

as-

of Latinos.

infonnation in their community% particularly regarding school-related

paigns, the

two women decided

1

1,

ers.

of

1667-1717.

Chiswick, Barry. “The Effect of Americanization on the Earnings ot Foreign-Bom Men.” Journal of Political hconomy 67 (1978): S97-921.

a

commu-

AMP

bom,

as

Working with only

workshops, health

in

fairs,

order to educate oth-

a small

core group of mem-

bers and a very tight budget, the association has

Boijas, George. “The Economics of Immigration.” JcHma/

M:

found

1993.

and infonnational seminars Education, Higher; Iniinigration, Latino; Labor.

Hcotiotiiic Literature

to

nity-based organization, and thus was

AMP hosts events such

Further Rjeading

new

with their

knowledge and experience from school board cam-

on November

Related Articles

Anned

issues.

managed to perf'onn these services well enough to become a recognized, established, and important group in the Dominican Amencan community ot New York Cuty. Most of its members are first-gen-

159

^

.

ASYLUM

and of course most

eration immigrants,

can

women

(although there

member and one Colombian woman

in the group).

mem-

However, although they are immigrants, most bers have spent

and the

States,

more than 30 years in the United majority have come from a similar,

white-collar socioeconomic

plishes this largely activities

AMP

mentioned above, and

adults,

speakers to address groups. faces are a lack of space

The

and

was written,

this article

also

accom-

meantime meeting

refer-

largest challenges

a shortage

AMP

makes

invites expert

and

had

meeting space and was searching for the

AMP

through education. Aside from the

tutors children

rals,

empower women

to

conmiunity, and

families in the

and

is

it

of funds. As

a

new

one, in

sporadically at different loca-

As to funds, each of AMP’s 15 core members

is

asked

to contribute a yearly fee of $25. Aside from that,

amount of funding from the Neighborhood Association, which is associated with Columbia University. They also receive in-kind contributions, such as guest speakers who do not the group receives a small

charge for their time, or corhplimentary space to hold

The

their various events. zine,

organization prints a

maga-

although the revenue raised from selling adver-

tising space

does

little

of asylum originated with the idea that

right

people could seek refuge in sacred places, or sanctuaries, and be shielded from harm or capture. The keepers of the sanctuary were required to provide

was considered

inviolate.

has evolved over time, tact.

By

the

more than cover

the cost of

AMP often asks for private doevents. The AMP became a tax-exempt

from such

which makes

it

it

was founded,

slightly easier to collect these private

However, the group

donations.

Historical

The

right

Background

of asylum has

survived but also

grown

basis,

since

AMP its

On

the United States.

a long, yet subtle history in

January

the unfortunate of other countries.” Despite this

noble sentiment, those fleeing persecution have received a mixed

welcome

in the

other groups fleeing

Throughout

comed

its first

refugees

—

from around the world

who were

and poHtical persecution. Indeed,

immigration policy provided few barriers to

entry. In the late 19th century,

however, immigrant

groups were blamed for a host of social problems,

and poverty. These domestic concerns, fueled by rac-

has not only

ism and xenophobia, resulted in the gradual develop-

this

inception.

Mem-

ment of a

restrictive

immigration policy. Statutes in

1875 and 1882, for example, imposed

come

successful, educational

outreach

a public charge.”

and persons hkely

These

statutes

mandate. Designed to

of Chinese

curtail the

nationals. Similar restrictions

tually placed

on other

Societies.

challenges,

Further Reading

ex-

pur-

States,

the U.S.

racial

were even-

groups. Despite several

Supreme Court decHned

to

overturn these discriminatory practices. According

Mujeres Progresistas (March 2002) [organization’s

newsletter]

to the court the

power

to exclude foreigners

is

an

incident of sovereignty belonging exclusively to the Saiuv E.

# 160

its

the Chinese Exclusion Act prohibited immigration

Dominican Amencans; Dominican Women Development Center; Dominican Women’s Caucus; Feminism;

Asociaciori de

be-

to

were soon

ported threat of foreign labor in the United

Related Articles

on

restrictions

followed by the Chinese Exclusion Act, with plicitly racist

measures.

Mutual Aid

a

ex-

On

widely recognized within the Dominican its

Com-

century the United States wel-

group

for

States.

by racism as Latinos and persecution soon discovered.

passion has been tempered

“idiots, lunatics, convicts,

community

United

including increased crime, disease, unemployment,

no

is

IS

1795, President

George Washington proclaimed “to render this country more and more a safe and propitious asylum for

up 15 percent since the group was formed almost ten years ago. And, as mentioned earlier, the

bership

1,

private

receives

grants, loans, or corporate donations.

tremely modest financial

removed

territory {nonrefoulement).

liberal

as

core features remain in-

refuge and the concomitant right to not be

nations at

soon

of asylum

asylum consisted of two elements: the right of those who fear persecution to enter territory in search of

fleeing religious

charitable organization as

its

right

of the 21st century, the right of

start

the printing. Finally, its

While the

lost its regular

mainly the houses or apartment of its members.

tions,

The

refuge to the persecuted. Moreover, the sanctuary

class.

mission of the group

The

ASYLUM

one male

currently

is

Domini-

are

Tretter

United

States

and

is

subject to

no

restrictions.

ASYLUM

After

World War

Congress adopted an even

I,

more restrictive immigration policy based, in part, on a quota system that limited the number of aliens entering the United States. The Quota Law of 1921, for example, imposed numerical restrictions on the total number of aliens allowed in the country. In contrast, favored

empted from

immigrants from Europe were ex-

these restnctions. Since the nght of

asylum was not yet

recognized

explicitly

in

U.S. im-

migration policy, persons seeking asylum had to apply for admission

through the quota system. However,

accommodate the political reWhile refugee flows were increas-

cial

of

ol the time.

ing throughout the world, U.S. immigration policy failed to

Even

provide these individuals with special relief

the rise of Hitler and the burgeoning persecu-

tion of Jews in

Europe throughout the

change U.S. immigration policy. Again, the fed-

to

eral courts

upheld these

restrictions

on the grounds

that a sovereign nation has the right to it

193()s failed

choose

whom

group or

The U.S. approach

unable

is

outside the country’

owing

or,

who, not having

that country; or

a nationality’

being outside the country of his fonner habitual

dence

to such fear,

is

is

was

limited,

had become refugees

it.”

however,

as a result

The Refugee Convention

owing

The

defini-

to individuals

of events occur-

two core pro-

contains

visions. Article 32(1) provides that “lt|he

States shall

tory save

Contracting

not expel a refugee lawfully in their

on grounds of

terri-

national secunty or public

order.” Article 33(1) adds that “[n]o Contracting State shall expel or return (‘refouler’) a refugee in

any manner whatsoever to the

where

his life

account of

of territones

frontiers

would be threatened on religion, nationality, member-

or freedom

his race,

to

asylum changed

As new refugee

in 1945.

name of racial, religious, during World War II led to a

found

political purity

fundamental transfomiation

in national

and interna-

It

crises

emerged during the

196()s, the international

late

community

necessary to expand the scope of the protec-

tions set forth in the

Refugee Convention. Thus the

approaches to asylum.

1967 Protocol Relating to the Status ot Refugees

1948 Congress adopted the Displaced Persons

was adopted, extending the protections of the Refu-

Act to afford some

relief to the flood

of immigrants

streaming from the war-tom regions of Europe.

The

gee Convention to

refugees regardless of their

all

temporal or temtorial

status.

The United

States rati-

Displaced Persons Act authonzed admission of dis-

fied

placed persons and pemiitted the issuance of immi-

international obligation to protect refugees.

without

visas

regard

to

existing

quotas.

1980 the United

In

who

the 1967 protocol.

in 1945.

A

numerical cap was

admissions. In 1950 Congress

as

displaced persons

also placed

amended

on

total

the Displaced

Persons Act to provide for the admission of individufleeing persecution but

who were

not part of a

The United Nations worldwide refugee

crisis

tory.

the

in

1950 responded to the

by

establishing the

United

Its

its

definition of refugee

is

virtually identical to

one prescnbed by the protocol

those individuals

who

legislative history

makes

year later the United Nations adopted the

Con-

on account

and

of refugee should be interpreted

in

confonnance

with the protocol’s definition.

The Refugee Act

provides several fonns of pro-

tection to individuals fleeing persecution.

fonnally codified the nght of asylum under interna-

establishes the

Article

1

of the Refugee Convention

founded

fear

who “owing

States.

Any

nght of political asylum

alien

who who

is

First,

in the

it

United

physically present in the

United

to well-

United

States or

of being persecuted for reasons of race.

may be

granted asylum relief it he or she

defines a refugee as any person

sought

that the defini-

vention Relating to the Status of Refugees, which

tional law.

in a par-

clear that C'ongress

tion

and resettlement.

applies to

group, or political opinion. Indeed, the

vide international protection to refugees, including repatriation,

it

membership

to adopt the protocol’s standards

relief,

—

fear persecution

race, religion, nationality,

ticular social

constitutes the

legislation in U.S. his-

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to pro-

humanitarian

obligations under

The Refugee Act

most comprehensive refugee

of

fonnal refugee resettlement program.

in order to

adopted the Refugee

States

comply with

Act

had already been registered

1968, thereby accepting an

the protocol in

Admission was limited, however, to those persons

One

resi-

ring before January 1951.

and

als

and

or,

unable

unwilling to return to

tion of refugee

who

of such events,

as a result

1950s and early

grant

to such

unwilling to avail himself of the protection of

is

Atrocities perpetrated in the

In

and

is

particular so-

ship of a particular social group or political opinion.”

shall receive.

tional

opinion,

political

his nationality

fear,

these policies failed to alities

membership of a

religion, nationality,

arrives in the

is

States

found

to

161

^

ASYLUM

be

a

refugee Grants ot asylum, however, are discre-

U.S. immigration law and policy and the right of

.

Second, the Refugee Act provides for withholding of deportation (also known as withholding of removal) if an alien’s life or freedom would be

asylum.

threatened on account of their particular status or

gee Act and the various protections afforded to aliens

tionary.

Unlike asylum, withholding of deportation mandatory fonn of relief. It is also temporary

beliefs. is

a

and subject

numerous

to

restrictions.

Third, the act

establishes an overseas refugee admissions process for

who

aliens

be of special humanitar-

are considered to

concern to the United

ian

numerical guidelines for admitting refu-

establishes

gees from particular countries.

numbers of refugees

gency

situations.

An

additional

allows the

also

It

with Congress, to admit

president, in consultation

additional

This program

States.

in response to

fomi of protection

Convention

agreement the United

to persons flee-

substantial

be

States agrees state

ratifi-

Under

this

not to return

(re-

against Torture.

person to another

a

fouler)

where

there are

grounds for believing that he or she would

danger of torture. In 1998 Congress enacted

in

legislation

implementing the non-refoulement require-

ment. This legislation

of torture, and

tion related to the five in the

differs

Most

in several respects. in cases

Supreme Court examined the Refu-

doza-Fonseca, the

who

Cardoza-Fonseca was

fear persecution.

year-old Nicaraguan citizen

who

it

from the Refugee Act

significant,

it

applies only

does not require persecu-

enumerated grounds

set forth

She remained in the United

States as a visitor.

longer than permitted, and the

38-

States

INS commenced de-

portation proceedings against her. Cardoza-Fonseca

conceded

was

that she

alternative,

as a

refugee and, in the

withholding of deportation.

her claims related to the

who

activities

The

basis for

of her brother,

had been tortured and imprisoned in Nicara-

activities.

if she

political

Cardoza-Fonseca feared similar persecution

was returned to Nicaragua.

The Supreme Court tween asylum It

how-

in the country illegally;

asylum

ever, she requested

found

clarified the distinction

withholding of deportation.

relief and

that there

be-

were

of proof

different standards

two forms of protecRefugee Act’s distinction between

applied to aliens seeking these tion. Indeed, the

who

ahens

are eligible for a discretionary grant

asylum and the narrower

class

of aliens

who

of

are given

not to be deported to the country

a statutory right

where they may be persecuted mirrored the 1967 protocol.

Refugee Act.

While the terms

a

entered the United

gua by the Sandinista regime because of his

ing persecution was established following U.S. cation of the

emer-

In Immigration and Naturalization Service v. Car-

In Immigration and Naturalization Service v. EUas-

refugee

and asylum

seeker are often

Zacarias, the

Supreme Court considered the

defini-

used interchangeably, the Refugee Act differentiates

tion ol persecution on account of political opinion

betw'een reftigees (individuals outside the United

the

States)

and asylum seekers

United

States).

(individuals inside the

Refugee Act.

temala States

who was

was

Elias-Zacarias

under

of Gua-

a native

detained for entering the United

without inspection. In

his request for

asylum

and withholding of deportation, Elias-Zacarias argued

The Right

of

Asylum

The Refugee Act was

in

the United States

a significant

U.S. immigration policy because

advancement it

ideological or geographic limitations

refugee protection.

It

was

left

political

did not place

had attempted to coerce him into perfomiing mili-

on asylum or

tary service in

1990s (and

its

how-

and detemiine the States.

and economic conditions

existed throughout Latin

America

in the

proximity to the United

1

Guatemala.

and soon thereafter

rilla

group would subject him to

980s and

The Supreme Court

it is

refused to join

them

expressed concerns that his refusal to join the guer-

returned to Guatemala.

States),

He

fled the country. EHas-Zacarias

that

not surpnsmg that some of the most significant cases regarding asylum arose from this region. The Mari-

retaliation if he

rejected these claims.

It

were held

that the guerrilla organization’s attempt to conscript

Elias-Zacarias into sarily constitute

its

military forces did not neces-

persecution on account of political

Cuba, the boat people of Haiti, the Kanjobal Indians of Cmatemala— these groups (and many more)

does not constitute persecution on account of politi-

have

cal

elitos of

^

political

opinion. Specifically, he alleged that a guerrilla group

boundaries of asylum protection in the United

Because of the

he feared persecution on account of his

in

to the courts,

ever, to interpret the legislation

that

162

left

their indelible

marks on the landscape of

opinion. Absent other factors, forced recruitment

opinion. Moreover, Elias-Zacarias had failed to

ASYLUM

show

motive for

a political

join the

his refusal to

Accordingly, Elias-Zacarias had failed to

guerrillas.

establish that his political

he would be persecuted on account of

opinion.

Guatemala, and Haiti, for example

dom

several

Inc.,

Immigration judges

lum

also

conveyed

a

pronounced

of nght-wing regimes

motives provide only

political

many

explanation of the

the United States with respect to Haitians fleeing

and asylum seekers from Latin America.

The

interdiction

program had been

by the Reagan administration fied

in 1981

by the Bush administration

to the massive Haitian

and was modi-

1992

in

established

in response

exodus that occurred

military

coup

ti’s first

democratically elected president.

after the

that ousted Jean-Bertrand Aristide,

Under

revised interdiction program, the U.S. Coast

was authorized

to repatriate

Haithe

Guard

Haitian vessels with-

all

out giving the Haitians onboard any opportunity to

being

gram

the interdiction pro-

Refugee Convention. The Court found

Refugee Act provisions with respect of deportation did not have

That

alien to a

to withholding

extraterritorial effect.

country where that

alien’s life

would be threatened did not apply

or freedom

to U.S. actions

The Court

outside the territory of the United States. also

found

Refugee Convention prohibi-

that the

tion against tion-refonlenient

extratemtorial effect.

was not intended

judicial

remedy

This case law

indicative

is

it

found no

of the

narrow or

difficulties facing

America (and

restrictive interpreta-

of U.S. immigration law, thereby defying the

spirit,

if

not the language, of these provisions. In

alias- Zacarias, for

a restrictive

example, the Supreme Court took

view of what

constitutes “persecution

on account of political opinion.”

In Haitian Centers

Supreme Court was equally rigid inteiqiretation of both the Refugee Act and

Council, Inc., the in

its

provide an even bleaker portrait of the

difficulties facing these individuals.

1985, to the

more than 90 percent of all United

States

Between 1945 and refugees admitted

were immigrants

fleeing

from

communist regimes. By contrast, victims of rightwing regimes in Latin America Chile, El Salvador,

—

some

of U.S. immigration law. Cultural practices, such as

INS

excessive deference to individuals

officers, inhibited

As

their claims.

a result. Latinos

them and

asylum, subjecting

were often denied

their families to

and the threat of future persecution tries

some

from aggressively pursuing or defending removal

coun-

in their

of origin.

in several ways.

to

remedy the

Some

groups

seeking

filed lawsuits

U.S. immigration policy.

disparities in

In America}! Baptist Chnrclies v. Thornbnriih, for ex-

ample,

a

settlement agreement that sought to address

the inequities of the asylum process was reached be-

tween

of Guatemalan and Salvadoran

a certified class

nationals

and the United

ment agreement, inter alia, that

Under

States.

the settle-

the United States acknowledged,

foreign policy and border enforcement

considerations are not relevant to the detennination

of whether an applicant for asylum has

founded

a

of persecution. Moreover, the

fear

an individual

is

from

a

well-

fact that

country whose goveniment is

not relevant to the de-

tennination of whether an applicant for asylum has a

well-founded

States

fear

of persecution.

acknowledged

States agrees

with the

of the individual tion of

that

is

fear

United

political or ideological beliefs

not relevant to the detennina-

whether an applicant

founded

Finally, the

whether or not the United

for

asylum has

a

well-

of persecution. As part of the settlement,

the United States agreed to readjudicate the claims

of Salvadoran and Guatemalan

had previously been denied

class

members who

relief.

In addition to litigation, civil rights

sued various other fonns of

the Refugee Convention. Statistics

origins,

of

and unfamiliar with the complexities

the United States supports

other war-torn regions of the world). Courts

often used unduly tions

have

for their desperate plight.

individuals fleeing persecution in Latin

many

to

While the Court found the

of the Haitians to be compelling,

plight

that the

the obligation not to deport or return an

is,

Many

Civil rights groups responded to these inequities

Refugee Act and the

consistent with the

as

illiterate

a partial

difficulties ficing refugees

came from humble

these individuals

establish their qualifications as refugees.

The Supreme Court upheld

bias

in their asy-

challenging an interdiction program established by

Haiti.

States.

rulings.

Of course,

organizations and Haitian aliens brought an action

ver\’ sel-

granted refugee status in the United

against victims

In Sale v. Haitian Centers Council,

— were

groups sought changes

groups pur-

social activism.

in federal legislation to aid

refugees and asylum seekers from C.entral

The

Some

Amenca.

designation of temporarv^ protected status was

created to grant temporary’ safe haven to foreign nationals

anned

who

faced extraordinary^ conditions, whether

conflict or

environmental

disaster,

in

their

163

AUSTIN, TEXAS

home

coLintnes.

sanctuary

a

Other

movement

civil

nghts groups promoted

United

in the

local municipalities to

encouraged

States,

which

adopt ordinances

Further Reading Anker, Deborah E. Law of Asylum in the United States. Boston: Refugee Law Center, 2002. Boed, Roman. “The State of the Right of Asylum in Interna-

expressing their solidarity with refligees and asylum seekers.

Some

refusal to

municipalities even

announced

Law.” Duke Journal of Comparative and

tional

Law 5

their

(1994): 1-33.

Germain, Regina.

cooperate with the federal government in

Practical

Guide

Law and

U.S. Asylum

to

Am. Immigration Lawyers

Association, 2000.

Musalo, Karen, et In recent years U.S. asylum law has

become even

stnngent. Efforts to streamline the application

process and reduce fraud have limited the ability of

even legitimate asylum seekers to apply for example, applicants for

A

Washington, D.C.:

Procedure.

enforcing immigration laws.

more

International

relief.

al.

Refugee

Law and

Policy:

A

Comparative

and International Approach. Durham, N.C.: Carolina Acad. Press, 2002. Moral Dilemma. Westport, Plant, W. Gunter. Asylum:

A

Conn.: Praeger Pubs., 1995.

For

William Aceves

asylum must apply within one

year of their arrival in the United States. Failure to

would preclude consider-

apply in a timely fashion

ation of the application absent

relating to the applicant’s eligibility for

asylum or ex-

traordinary circumstances relating to the delay in

were hard

Latinos

filing.

hit

by these developments.

right

of asylum has

a

decidedly mixed record in

the United States. As U.S. immigration policy be-

came more

restrictive in the late

19th and early 20th

century, Latinos faced increasing immigration dis-

Even the adoption of the Refugee Act 1980 failed to remedy the historical pattern of dis-

crimination. in

crimination against Latinos seeking protection in the

United

States. Increasingly

ments have

also

rigorous asylum require-

impeded the claims of

legitimate

While thousands of Latinos have been granted in the

United

Some of these legals”

to the lands

States,

many

ments

Texas (80 miles, or 130 km, north of San Antonio; 192 miles, or 309 km, south of Dallas; and 162 miles,

named Waterloo. The name was changed in

1839 in honor of Stephen

F.

led

sion

from Mexico. In 1842 the

settlers to

Texas in 1821, with permis-

between wealthy northern and the

became

part of the

Austin was once again the

home

to

of U.S.

meet the unduly asylum

overcrowded prison

fate:

deten-

stringent require-

they

law,

facilities for

traverse the labyrinth

languish

in

years as their claims

of the immigration system.

While immigrants from around the world have shared these indignities,

it

is,

perhaps, the Latino

population that best represents the two faces of U.S.

United

state capital.

States,

Austin

is

and also

to the state’s largest university, the University

Austin.

at

The

Latino community,

city’s

of the

are descendants

Native American and Mexican

area’s original

grown

has

settlers,

its

political

clout.

For

many

proved to be first

Latinos across the country, the 1970s a progressive decade. In Austin, the

Latino elected

in 1970,

official

was elected

was Richard

to the Travis

sioner Court. In 1975

County Commis-

John Trevino was

ing the

first

becom-

Latino elected to the city council. Despite

repeated efforts to introduce single-member

districts

to city council elections, Austin remains the largest city in the state that

still

elects city council

1975 was Gonzalo Barrientos.

Immigration Acts; Immigration, Latino; Supreme Court,

years later, the

United

the 14th District. In 1972

first

members

first

Latino

House of Representatives

Related Articles States Congress.

elected to

the city council through an at-large election,

elected to the Texas

United

Moya who,

through an at-large election process. The

asylum policy.

^ 164

and Mexico began,

settlers

was temporarily moved to Houston.

capital

In 1845 Texas

Texas

battle for

over the years and continues to increase

they are subject to the constant threat of

States;

Austin (1793—1836),

who

200

to Austin

individuals have chosen to live as “il-

where they once faced persecution. But

Unable

the state

others have not.

removal. Others have suffered a different tion.

is

of Travis County. Located in central

seat

many of whom asy-

— presumably a better fate than being returned

as lUegals,

and

capital

of Texas

applicants.

lum

Austin, Texas (2000 population; 656,562),

or 261 km, west of Houston), the city was originally

Conclusion

The

AUSTIN, TEXAS

changed circumstances

He

also

in

became, 13

Latino state senator elected to

Gus Garcia became the

AUTO RACING

Brown

Aqua

Berets, successfully protested the Austin

Festival boat races east side

Town

of

and had them moved from the Lake, where

it

was charged

that

they subjected residents to unfair levels of noise pol-

PODER

lution. In 1991

exposed

system of tank

a

fanns located in East Austin that were leaking and

providing a health nsk to the residents. Protests eventually

moved from

caused the tank fanns to be

East

Austin. In 1995, El Concilio and other neighbor-

hood groups

successfully lobbied to

change the name

of First Street to Cesar Chavez Street

famed

after the

labor leader.

Austin citizens successfully passed, in 1998, a $10.9

bond package to build a Mexican American Cultural Center. The first phase of the building, designed by Mexican architect Teodoro Gonzalez de million

Leon,

slated to

is

home of the

and

city also attracted

of the

state

from the

who

open

in 2005.

As the

University of Texas

state capital

at

Austin, the

an influx of Latinos from

remained

in

parts

all

Austin after graduating

university. Latinos in Austin constitute

30

percent of the local population, according to the

2000 census.

Related Articles Texas.

Further Reading first

Latino elected to the Austin Independent School

District school board, city’s first

fill

in

2001 he became the

mayor when he

Latino

election to

and

the vacated mayor’s

Clark-Madison, Mike. “Aqua Fest Goes Down.” Ansthi Chronicle. (May 25, 1999): 22. Crawford, William W., Jr., and David C. Humphrey. Austin: An Illustrated Histor)'. Sun Valley, Calif.: Am. Hist.

ran in a special seat.

He

did not

Press,

Thompson, Karen

full

temi

as

mayor.

by the

start

all

of the 21st century,

sections of

historically

hood was moved

in

Interstate

in

pemianent

line

35 freeway

of demarcation

the city, the area east of the freeway

became

known as East Austin. It grew politically and produced many prominent community groups, such as the Brown Berets (later known as El Concilio) and People Organized

in

Resources

(PODER),

1972 the

city’s

Valerie

Menard

in the

of East Avenue,

which eventually became the a

U.S. Census, www.census.org

AUTO RACING

1925, including the histone east

Creating

Austin,

Site

of

Guadalupe neighbor-

Guadalupe Catholic Church, in 1950.

and Kathy R. Howell.

in the

Guadalupe neighborhood. Originally located heart of downtown Austin, the

town

much

community was centered

the city’s Latino

Web

Selected

Although Latinos occupied

P.,

Texas: linages of America. Chicago: Arcadia Pub., 2000.

run in 2003 for a second temi and consequently did not serve a

2001.

Defense of the Earth and

Its

an environmental group. In

Latino

community,

lead

by the

In the

only

United

as a

States the

automobile

means of transportation but

bol of social mobility and ica, is

in

where

issues

understood

is

a

in different

also as a

Latin

sym-

Amer-

class are less flexible,

it

ways: used predominantly

far less in

symbol attached

perceived not

class status. In

of race and

urban centers and

car

is

the countryside, the

to modernity. C.ar

owner-

ship usually signifies a certain educational level and

perhaps even a

of approaching

commitment life as a

to an

Americanized way

whole.

165

#

AUTO RACING

one of the most popuLatin Amenca. Embraced by both the

Interestingly, auto racing lar sports in

nch and the poor,

an entertainment present in hemisphere. Racing idols

in the

most countries

male— are

predominantly files

it is

is

Their pro-

cultural icons.

appear in television and radio commercials, on

posters

and trading

cards,

and on

cereal boxes. Trans-

national corporations often endorse them, thus using

the sport as a channel through

Auto

to distribute

and geographic bor-

their products across cultural ders.

which

races are almost exclusively held in

major

Buenos Aires and Mexico

metropolises, such as

that supports

But while the audience

them

is

classes.

This

diverse,

not surpris-

is

ing considering that the acquisition of a sophisticated

economic solvency.

racing vehicle requires

with them to the United States and share

any

sport,

however,

it

it

with

takes out-

standing athletes to attract a following and in the history of auto racing there are several Latino stand-

Their ethnic and national extractions

outs.

ample, the Hispanic Racing

Team— are

— for ex-

frequently

and Ricardo Rodriguez racing.

Bom

in

is

racers

in

them

Two

They

early

years later they

shocked the

community when they managed to lead Le Mans, France, through all but the last two hours of racing

the race

when

Impressed,

Fomiula clined.

One

to

them

to join his

team. Ricardo accepted but Pedro de-

at

old, fearless,

and confident,

1962

at

the Targa Florio in

After the race, Ricardo returned in the

ing a practice

mn

first

home

a

hero

Mexican Grand Pnx, but dur-

he crashed, suffering

fatal

injunes.

Pedro considered quitting the sport but in 1963 he won at Daytona, Flonda, and subsequently took

166

The Mexico Grand Prix racetrack, the Autodromo Hermanos Rodriguez, was named after them. Sixteen years after Ricardo’s death, another great

Mexican Formula One also

become

on

racer,

Adrian Fernandez Mier,

symbol of the success of this sport

a

the Hispanic

community. Fernandez Mier was

April 20, 1965, in

Mexico

He

City.

in 1983.

United

compete

States to

He

Championship.

In 1992 he

in

bom

began rac-

the age of 15, winning the Formula

at

Championship

went

Vee

to the

in the Firestone Indy Lights

finished third but

was named

“Rookie of the Year.” He joined the Championship Auto Racing Teams (CART) racing organization in 1996 and won in Toronto, making him the first Mexican to win a CART race since Hector ReIn 2001 Fernandez launched Fernandez Racing,

forming

own

his

CART racing team,

billed himself as the

was

killed in

the sport.

“World’s

tional

Fastest

Mexican.”

He

an airplane crash, however, before he

could witness

his sons earn their

Tony won

own

accolades in

Powerade Funny Car

the

won the Labor Day Cmz won the 1992 Na-

in 2003, Frankie

Hot Rod

Association

(NHITA) Funny Car

Championship.

by qualifying

the Italian

his first victory in

Ro-

driguez.

U.S. Nationals in 2003, and

Ferrari asked

Nineteen years

compete

car exploded, killing

Enzo

Grand Prix behind champion Wolfgang von Tops in 1961. Rodriguez

Sicily.

The

Championship

second place

won

crashed into a barrier.

the car, not the brothers, quit.

the younger Rodriguez stunned fans in

In the 12th lap he lost control and

Pedregrin family has created a dynasty. Father Frank

were encouraged

into a variety of car races including the 24-

hour Le Mans.

Norisring in

their father entered

The

and in 1958

A

In the world of drag racing, the California-based

racing.

in their early teens,

at

at Spa.

raced motorcycles

a following

Latinos and, subsequently, a fan base for auto

their father to pursue racing.

1970

on by

1940 and 1942, re-

among

brothers

won Le Mans in drove a Ferrari 512M

which scored its first win in 2003 at the G.I. Joe’s 200 in Portland, Oregon. In 2002, he and partner Tom Anderson also joined the Indy Racing League (IRL) with the team Super Aguri Fernandez.

Rodriguez brothers ignited

spectively, the

debut race for

in his

finally

West Gemiany.

and brothers Pedro

emblematic of Latino auto

Mexico City

1967 and winning

in

baque in 1982.

featured in their promotional campaigns.

The odyssey of Latino

first

year later he

ing

Latino immigrants bring their love of the sport

their children. Like

One team them. He

City.

dnvers tend to be members of the Europeanized,

upper-middle and upper

Grand Pnx races for Lotus in the United States and Mexico. Pedro continued to perfonn well, eventually driving for the Cooper Formula part in his

In 1999 the tional

first

Latino-owned-and-driven Na-

Association for Stock

(NASCAR)

Car Auto Racing

Team (HRT) Jaime and Ro-

team, the Hispanic Racing

prennered. Another berto Guerrero,

set

of brothers,

emerged— this time from Colombia.

2003 Mexican racer Carlos Contreras joined the team. Co-owned by Rudy Rodriguez and Robert Vasquez and based in Miann, Flonda, HRT MotorIn

sports remains competitive in

NASCAR.

aztlAn

Related Articles Low Riders; Sports in

Latino

Life.

out

in Aztlcvi: Hssays on the Clucatio Honiclaiid: “It

was

a

when we saw our communiR

time

j

by poverty and oppression; the denigrating

Further Reading Verde, Costas. .^0 atlas dc Fonnida 1: 1950-1999 (50 Years ofFonnula 1: 1930-1999). Madrid: Legal Informatic, 1999. Garcia, Art. “Racing Funny Cars is a Pedregon Family Affiir.” Latinos on IVlieels. (Fall 2002): 14.

“NASCAR

Levine, Al.

Report: Sport’s Newest

Latin.” Tlie Atlanta Journal

Team

and Constitution. April

Is

2002.

7,

our people, so

doomed for

insist

was

raised false

time of

a

of

crisis,

a

hopes for time that

of the communal time’ to

on our nght

didn’t

If this

Motorsport Company, www.granciprix.com

it

effects

our pnde and stamina. Assimila-

for the ‘sehores

once again tory.

Selected 'Web Sites

at

on the other hand, only

tion,

begged

All

away

racism ate

assaulted

to

our values and

his-

happen our community' was

to existence as a tourist

commodity, admired

quaint folkways but not taken seriously by the

its

Latino Legends in Sports, www.latinosportslegends.com

Menard

Valerie

world of nations.” This challenge of creating

Chicano self-image was taken up by and

labor, educational, political,

The

AZTLAN Chicano homeland,

Movement

concept of the Chicano

tral

Chicano

creativity.

artistic

been the name

the cen-

is

anci

of

Originally, Aztlan had

that the Aztecs used for the region

past

new

a variety’

of

movements.

source of demands for stronger recognition

of Mexican Americans

Aztlan, the mythical

cultural

a

of Aztec warriors

lay in the

—

American Indian

a past that

had been con-

structed largely for political purposes rather than to

The guiding image of a named Aztlan, served as the

reflect historical accuracy.

land of Aztec warriors,

they inhabited and for the paradise to which their

general basis of demands for cultural regeneration and

descendants were to return. This notion was brought

political

back into currency by the poet Alurista

methods

it

was subsequently taken up by

in

activists

cano movement. Designating the Aztecs fathers

1

of the Chias

the fore-

of Mexican Americans and believing

Aztecs had populated the area that

western United

Chicano

States,

is

968 and

now

that the

concept of Aztlan to defend their claims to the

Southwest also

the territory of a

Chicano

nation.

They

used the imagined Aztec homeland to give the

diverse

and

as

Mexican American communities of the

197()s a sense

196()s

of a shared heritage.

felt

be employed greatly (for

in

order to achieve these

example between

marginalized in economic,

In the 196()s

Mexican immigration

States increased sharply.

who

The

flood of new residents,

which implied

South-

settled especially in the barrios of the

west, intensified political activism, ethnic pride, and a

consciousness of being Mexican. This conscious-

ness strove to transcend class distinctions

and

to unify

and upwardly mobile college students.

borers,

implied

a

the notion of

that their ancestors

had been

It

shared American Indian heritage located

Castillo writes in Aztlan Reoenpada: “It

Aztlan,

United

to the

mostly young, college-educated Mexican Americans

welcomed

and

academic groups).

in

class

rural

urban communities or between academic and non-

educational, political, and social tenns; therefore, the

of the lower middle

specific

the efforts of rural fannworkers, urban industrial la-

At the outset of the Chicano movement, many

Mexican Americans

to

vaned

goals

the south-

employed the

leaders

power, although opinions on the

Aztlan. As the historian Richard Cinswold del

no evidence

portant that there was

had actually lived

in the

was not im-

that the Aztecs

American Southwest. What

the original inhabitants of the U.S. Southwest. This

was more impoitant was

claim to primacy propelled their political and social

themselves to their Mexican brethren. 7 he creation

activism and their

demands

for an increased

Mexi-

of Aztlan,

as a political

that the

symbol, was

highly romantic endeavor.”

extended to the proclamation of an independent

the establishment of a

(diicano nation.

can Americans.

Raza (the race) and naming this group Udhcanos were important steps in the self- valorization of young Mexican Amerithe notion of belonging to Ld

cans in the late 1960s. As Rudolfo A.

Anaya pointed

a spiritual

and

What counted most was group identity among Mexi-

can American self-detennination, which sometimes

Establishing an inclusive group identity through

(Jiicanos linked

Aztlan and the imagery' that the concept provided

played

ment.

a role in It

was

many at

aspects of the Cihicano

the center of a

national

movevouth

— the meeting of the Cihicano Youth Lib)enver, C.olorado, eration Front — that took place conference

in

I

167

aztlAn

on March 27-31, 1969. Organized primarily by Ro-

ethnic past along with a mythological history and

“Corky” Gonzales, the conference brought together about 1,500 Mexican Americans (mostly

the location of this heritage in the Southwest of the

dolfo

trom

college students)

over the Southwest to

all

dis-

Their communal statement of purpose, which can be read as a Chicano declaration of cuss their goals.

independence, was entitled El Plan Espiritual de Aztldn (The Spiritual Plan of Aztlan, 1969). This pam-

and

especially to

moting an

indigenous heritage, thus pro-

its

group

inclusive

identity.

To

this

Plan Espiritual de Aztlan defines aU those

Mexican descent

who

are

of

Bronze

A common ethnic

heritage

common enemy were

a

end El

de Bronce (the

Raza

as la

Race), a mestizo people.

and

Mexico

the connections of Chicanos to

plrlet stresses

hood” and an independent

to forge a “brother-

nation.

As

stated in this

Brotherhood unites us a people

and love

us,

whose time

struggles against the foreigner ploits

for

has

come and who

“gabacho”

who

ex-

all

we

are a

rights to the regions

free pueblos,

ing; thus

it

dence in

a

being immigrants to the United

Mexican Americans were migrants in their own country, a country that had been unlawfully taken from their ancestors. Consequently, they were States,

self-rule.

Raza in U.S. society and ing Mexican American concerns heard in the position of La

but

and the claim of having been

first

also

mak-

activists

be the only

deem

rape,

kill,

and

steal

United a

come

States

to the

came

to us.

United

[Sjocial,

of

sense of a

Mexican descent

cal

ongin was

a

all.

The

We have been in America

enndia and Spain.

168

of aU people

— however imaginary this mythi-

sional

is

The

mixed

traditions

resisting

the only road to total liberation

Anglo

of Am-

construction of a uniting

Our

from

struggle

hfe.

our economy, our culture, and

El Plan commits aU levels of Chi-

—the barrio, the campo, the ranchero,

— to La Causa.

The common

cause of an independent Chicano na-

tion, the manifesto’s authors stated,

must be the

basis

on which all institutions and areas that concern the Chicano community need to be examined in order to

determine whether they adequately serve

this

community.

hentage based geographically in

Aztlan and culturally in the

of

the writer, the teacher, the worker, the profes-

We did

— helped conceive of a shared hentage

of all Mexicanos,

independent nation

economic, cultural and pohtical indepen-

cano society

Literature:

States at

a fuUy

then must be for the control of our barrios, cam-

under the pretext

common homeland

historical heritage

oppression, exploitation, and racism.

Az-

long time.”

The

is

hegemony:

homeland

of Manifest Destiny and Western Expansion. not, in fact,

proud

people that

politics,

our pohtical

did not

its

new

effective strategy

El Plan defiantly stated in his introduction to

“We

^

to to

were employed.

Anthology of Mexican American

nation had certain

In the act of reclaiming a geographical territory,

pos, pueblos, lands,

An

this

of the brutal ‘gringo’ invasion of our temto-

As the playwnght Luis Valdez, one of the authors of tldn:

of the

reinforced claims that Chi-

speaks of the “spirit of a

Chicano

foster a sense

a

that large parts

far

of self-government. El Plan Espiritual de Az-

dence

with

This position was a

differences

unity was to contribute to the goal of strengthening

a nation

be returned to

that his country

from the marginalization

ries.”

of unity, the concept of

had hitherto tended to

society that

that rather than

rights

within the Mexican American community. This

To

liv-

dramatically increased their self-confi-

conscious not only of

the media, and cultural productions.

they had older

discriminate against them. Aztlan nourished the idea

tldn

means of minimizing the

for the

where many of them were

canos were a nation and that

we we

El Plan held up the unifying concept of a Chias a

demands

a sense that

The concept of Aztlan

are Aztlan.

cano nation

Mexican-Amer-

1848.

of North America, be-

union of

easier to justify

Mexico

soil,

our brothers in the bronze continent,

are a nation,

States, after the

of Aztlan gave Chicanos

We are a bronze people with a bronze culture.

Before the world, before

it

the area that

Mexican American population had had to endure since the end of the U.S. war against Mexico in

our riches and destroys our culture. With

fore aU

War— made

in

independence of the mestizo nation whose ancestors, as was claimed, inhabited Aztlan. The notion

cry

declare the independence of our mestizo na-

tion.

ican

Mexican American

our brothers

our heart in our hands and our hands in the

we

ceded to the United

now demanding

group manifesto:

makes

United States— roughly

Alurista, the is

poet of the Chicano

movement who

credited with having introduced the concept of

Aztlan into the Chicano cultural discourse, has noted.

aztlAn

while some Chicano leaders de-

in retrospect, that

manded

geographical borders for a modern-day Chi-

cano nation modeled on Aztlan, most rejected

a

geographical fixation, since areas outside the South-

west (such

as

Chicago)

have

also

American population. As Alunsta

“my

posture

canos

would

Whereas

are.

told an interviewer:

would be where Chi-

be, Aztlan if you say

Mexican

a sizable

Aztlan

the southwest-

is

ern land, from a historical point of view that has value, but that value

do the

ther at

limited in the sense that nei-

is

cultural borders

of the United

the so-called cultural borderlands,

Mexican

its

.

.

States stop

nor do the

.

cultural borders stop at the so-called bor-

der. Mejicarios are

all

over the place!” Chicano leaders

Despite

shortcomings the mythological con-

its

cept of a Chicano rateci

encieavors in

the situation of

homeland named Aztlan invigoa wide variety of areas to improve

Mexican Americans and

their concerns heard.

Among these

tion of the periodicals El Grito

were the founda-

and Aztlan

(Movimiento

Estudiantil

cano Student

Movement of Aztlan”),

known

more

issues

and

an association

bara,

which demanded the

its

Plan de Santa Bar-

institution

of Chicano

founding of the Raza Unida

disagreed about whether to conceive of Aztlan geo-

Party;

and the so-called Chicano Renaissance

graphically or culturally or ethnically.

visual

and peiTonning

Regardless of that disagreement, El Plan Espiri-

Aztlan asked for writers, musicians, and

tual de

to contribute to the sense

proud history and

a

of a Chicano community

A

ican dominance.

sense of dispossession was re-

inforced (for example,

Who’s

etching

which

as

seen in Yolanda Lopez’s

Ille que: Univ. of

The

Aztlan of Chicano nationalists was, however,

an imaginary construction. As Luis Leal explained: As

a

region in mythical geography, Aztlan has a

long history. According to the Nahuatl myth, the Aztecs were the

last

remaining tnbe of seven, and

they were advised by their god Huitzilopochtli to leave Aztlan in search of the promised land,

know by

they would

devouring IS

an eagle sitting on

a serpent. Later the

derived from Aztlan)

which

a

nopal

Aztecs (whose

name

remembered

the region of

ongin

an earthly paradise.

as

the

Chicano movement

in

its

attempts to improve

—

In Recoverinyi the

The concept of

U.S. Hispanic

Vol.

Literar)’ Heritable.

2.

Ed.

by Erlinda Gonzales-Berry and Chuck Tatum. Houston: I^ress,

1996.

nwor}> and the United

In Postcolonial

States: Race, Ethfiicity,

and

Literature.

Ed. by Amritjit Singh and Peter Schmidt. Jackson; Univ. Press of Miss., 2000.

the living conditions and opportunities of Mexican

Americans.

in the

States.

Perez-Torres, Rafael. “Refiguring Aztlan.”

These mythical connotations were taken up by

Mexicans

Bloomington; Ind. Univ. Press, 1999. Griswold del Castillo, Richard. Aztlan Reocupada: A Political and Cultural Histor}' sinee 1945. The Influence of Mexico on Mexican American Society in Post War Aiiierica. Mexico CenCity: Universidad Nacional Autbnoma de Mexico tro de Investigaciones sobre America de Norte, 1996. Martin Rodriguez, Manuel M. “Textual and Land Reclamations: The Critical Reception of Early Chicana/o Literature.” United

Arte Publico their

of

Aztlan was, however,

thoroughly male-dominated, and strong feminist ob-

Rendon, Amiando B.

Chicano Manifesto.

New

York: Mac-

millan, 1971.

Stavans, Han.

A

lads

Hal

Reader. Madison, Wise.: Univ. of

Wise. Press, 2005.

jections

were increasingly being

ined homeland, where male structures

can

were

raised to this

power and

privileged, while

women were

imag-

patriarchal

Mexican Ameri-

relegated to subordinate positions.

Valdez, Luis, and Stan Steiner, of Mexican Atnerican Uterature.

eds. Aztiati:

New

York:

An Antholoyiy Random

House, 1972. JoSEf ILaah

169 c

BACA, JUDITH

from studying

in the studio

of David Alfaro Siqueiros

and hundreds of

in 1977. Thirty-five other artists

September 20, 1946; Los Angeles, California

Bom:

Judith F. Baca

and

istrator,

a

is

admin-

a muralist, visual artist, arts

community and

arts activist.

Bom

the Watts neighborhood of Los vAugeles, Baca

with her family to Pacomia suburb of Los Angeles)

(a

moved

San Fernando Valley

when

she was

She

six.

tended Catholic high school in Pacomia, and

school,

and worked

as a

production

Lockheed. From 1996 she was versity

of California

joint appointment at the Cesar Interdisciplinary Studies

Uni-

Chavez Center

a

for

and the World Arts and Cula professor at

Monterey Bay, where she was one of 13 founding faculty members who developed the Visual and Public Art Program imple-

characterized

populations that

our

city, state

by

figures,

and

known

for the Great

socially

brilliant colors,

mu-

boldly legible

engaged content. She Wall of Los Angeles:

A

is

best

Site of

Memory (1976—1983), a 2,435-foot- (742meter- ) long mural in North Hollywood. This Public

local history for a year.

Wall:

A

works

scholars

sought the input of local

and diverse communities before

the histoncal data into images,

with

^ 170

a

translating

which were

refined

mural composition system Baca had learned

it

built

residents, she researched

A traveling installation.

premiered in 1990. As

Teams from

to the mural.

Mexico, and

Israel

it

World

was begun

travels

add

artists

from

new

Finland, Russia,

and Palestine have completed

panels. artist’s

recent commissions include the

of Southern California

versity

Uni-

Nomian Topping

Student Center (1996); the Local 11 (hotel industry union) Chapter Building (1998); the Venice Board-

walk (2000); the Denver International Arport central temiinal (2000); the Durango, Colorado, Mural Proj-

Chavez Beautification Project and the Central Anerican Resource Center

ect (2002); the Cesar

digital

and ends with the 1950s.

with

country to country, collaborating

La Brea

assistants

which

Vision of the Future without Fear,

in 1986;

(2002);

Baca and her

the labor force

and nation.” Baca planned to restore

in close collaboration

multiethnic history of Los Angeles begins with the tar pits

make up

and extend the mural.

The

in 1990.

Beginning in the early 1970s, Baca painted rals

Painting the

migrant farmworker town of Guadalupe. Engaging

California State University,

mented

Towns (1997) Baca describes this mural as “a tattoo on a scar where the river once ran. In it reappear the disappeared stories of ethnic

book

illustrator at

(UCLA) with

Program. Baca was previously

tures

later

In the

In 1989 Baca painted a four-panel mural for the

a professor at the

Los Angeles

at

at-

this project.

at 19,

attended Cal State Northridge. She married left

in

youths” were involved in

“at-risk

mural (2003).

Baca founded the Eastside Mural Brigade in 1970, the Citywide

Mural Project

in 1974,

and the Social

and Public Arts Resource Center (SPARC) Located in Venice, California,

SPARC

is

a

in 1976.

nonprofit

BACHATA

O TONY FREEMAN

A

mural on

a section

/

PHOTOEOIT

of the Great Wall of Los Angeles shows Senator Joseph McCarthy throwing people

in the

trash.

arts lic

center that produces, exhibits, and preserves pub-

artworks.

It

of murals led her to create

SFARC’s Mural Mainte-

nance and Inventory Program

Lab

UCLA/SPARC in 1996.

People’s Gospel,”

has conmiissioned 105 murals through-

out Los Angeles. Baca’s concern for the preservation

the

Tannenbaum, Barbara. “Where

It is

a

in

992. She initiated

1

combines computer technology and

York Times (May 26, 2002): 3 pp.

Sites

Social and Public Art

Resource Center (SPARC).

WWW sp arc m u rals o rg .

.

facility that

traditional

mural

Baca’s leading role in the design, execution,

com-

a

Judy Baca’s Artwork, www.judybaca.com

Cesar Chavez Digital/Mural

teaching and research

Web

Selected

Nem

Miles of Murals Preach

Ruben Cordova

techniques.

BACHATA

mission, preservation, and study of murals has greatly

enriched Southern California. Her awards include

Guggenheim Fellowship

a

(2003) and the Hispanic

Hentage Educator of the Year Award (2001). She has

been

a

Montgomery Fellow

Senior Scholar

at

at

Dartmouth and

a

Harvard.

is

popular music that comes from the

a

minican Republic and bolero

two cas,

rhythm.

Mexican American and Chicano; Muralism;

based principally on the

traditional bachata

ensemble includes

bongo drums, electric which were later replaced by guitars,

There

Painting.

is

a

of the word

Further Reading Cockcroft, Eva, and Holly Bamet-Sanchez, the Heart: California

A

is

Do-

bass, anti

a

mara-

metal scraper

called 2iguira.

Related Articles Art,

Bachata

eds. Signs from

Chicano Murals. Venice, Calif: Social

and Public Art Resource Ctr., 1990. Dunitz, Robin. Street Caller]': A Guide

Murals of (Mifoniia. Los Angeles:

deal of debate about the origins

bachata;

it

was onginally used

in the

Dominican Republic to designate an infomial party where live music was played. The music played at these bachatas was generally guitar music like meren-

to

Ovr

1,000 Lis

gne, bolero,

Angeles Murals. Los Angeles: RJl) Enterprises, 1993.

Dunitz, Robin, and James Prigoff.

good

Paifiting the

RJD

Toums:

Enterprises, 1997.

it

was

and

soti,

and some

for this reason that the

the bolero

came

to

be

known

historians believe that

Dominican

variant of

as bachata.

171

#

BALSEROS

The

of the music

early history

is

similarly obscure.

long tradition of guitar music in the country, particularly in rural areas, it was not until after the death of the dictator Rafael Leonidas

While there had been

a

Manuel Calderon recorded

Trujillo in 1961 that Jose

generally recognized as the

first

tight controls that the dictator

had

Borraclio de amor,

As the

hachata.

exercised over the recording industry

fell

away, other

among them

pioneers of the genre emerged,

Luis

which

It

The

with

guitarist Martires

de Leon were experimenting with

dealt principally

it

music’s popularity in the

and

in bars, brothels,

cabarets.

tion of bachata to these social milieux

to

change

First,

emerge it

The

relega-

had various

the content of the music began

such

as bachateros

Marino Perez began

as

and the various

to sing about drinking, prostitution,

problems encountered in their harsh urban environment. Second,

such

guitarists

As the new

as

city set the stage for bachata to

consequences.

vallenato.

and groups such

was the music of the poorest and most marginalized neighborhoods in Dominican cities and was chiefly perfomied

Colombian

particularly

tries,

from

an urban music. During the 1970s and 1980s

as

of romantic music fi-om other coun-

to perfomiances

similar to the bolero

countryside and an ongoing migration from the

campo to the

The music of the most important artists of the decade, among them Anthony Santos and Luis Vargas, in many ways bears more similanty to commercial Latin Amencan music like balada than to the bachata of the previous decade. The original compositions that told the stories of brothel and barrio gave way

exis-

ten years of

first

had emerged, and

romantic themes.

character as a music of the streets.

its

its

For approximately the

was quite

of

millennium opened, bachata had begun to reach an international audience throughout Latin America,

Segura and Rafael Encamacibn.

tence, badiata

much

lost

as

Edilio Paredes

Aventura and musicians such

as

extremely popular fusions of bachata with rock, disco,

and

balada,

bolero.

Related Articles Afro-Latino Influences; Bolero; Dance; Dominican

Re-

public; Music, Popular.

Further Reading AusterKtz, Paul. Merengue: Dominican Music and Dominican Identity. Philadelphia; Temple Univ. Press, 1997. Bachata Sensual 2002.

Nova Music, compact sound

2002 Pacini Hernandez, Deborah. Bachata:

disc,

.

A

Social History of a

Dominican Popular Music. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1995.

and

David C.

Wayne

Augusto Santos produced arrangements that defined the genre

as

musically distinct from the slower paced

bolero. Finally, as

a

the music

music of marginality,

it

mainstream Doininican

became more and more

The

society.

bachatero

became

when

its

zenith in the late 1980s,

the most popular songs

were

doble sentidos, or

sexual double entendres, played in a danceable,

tempo

style.

bachata

became more popular

on.

The

Despite

its

up-

scant social acceptability, as

the decade

went

introduction of the electric guitar into the

music by Bias Duran

sound from

that

of its

in

1987 gave

first

25

it

years,

a

very different

when

Balseros (rafters)

was the name given to the 36,000

men, women, and children

the archetype of delinquency and dissipation.

This trend reached

BALSEROS

was strongly proscribed by

the music

voyage from Cuba to the United

summer of 1994 rafts,

in mostly

creatively constructed

house doors, cloth and anything that floated. three

main

liberal intellectual

group of

musicians became interested in

it.

Juan Luis Guerra recorded an internationally success-

album

ful

in the genre,

and bachata began to regain

economy

after the disintegration

During the 1990s

more lic

became

popular, both within the

and

# 172

bachata

in the

United

States, at

progressively

Dominican Repubthe same time that it

main trading

ers;

and

policy

(3)

and

about

just

triggered

by

of the Cuban

of the Soviet Union,

partner; (2) the series

embassy invasions in Havana by

Cuban

of hijackings and

political

asylum seek-

the lack of a safe and normal nfrgration

between the United

States

and Cuba. As could

be expected, the uncontrolled exodus was chaotic

and

“respectability.”

unsafe

with a combination of

factors: (1) the deterioration

government’s response to a

a

during the

homemade and

The exodus was

vation was already helping to expand bachata

ence when, toward the end of the 1980s,

States

plastic sails,

the country’s

audi-

survived the risky

materials including truck-tire inner tubes, oil drums,

had been played on acoustic instruments. This innos

who

tragic, since

who

an estimated one of every

five

people

attempted the crossing died trying.

Balseros

were not new

the triumph of the

Cuban

to

Cuban

culture. Since

revolution in 1959

more

BALSEROS

than

63,()()()

had made and survived the

illegal

and

two

countries in 40 years, forcing

them

to fice the

reality

of pennanent migi-ation from Cuba to the

came to be known, must be understood within the framework

United

States.

of U.S.-Cuba relations dunng the past 45

emigration,

risky 9{)-inile (15()-km)

The 1994

States.

voyage north

halseros

the key political role played coLintnes.

egy that

by

United

it

years,

and

migi*ation in both

The Cuban government followed a stratwelcomed the departure of its political

enemies and anyone ar\'

as

crisis,

to the

disaffecteci

with the revolution-

process; the exportation of the opposition ficili-

the

tated

of revolutionary^ power.

consolidation

Likewise, the U.S. government implemented a C"old

War

immigration strategy

Cuban

political exiles

the failures of results

communism and

trolled boat-lifts

to

the revolution.

strategies

and one major

airlift

prior to the

of 1994.

Cuban governments that led to the Ironically,

States

and

entered into secret negotiations

1994 and 1995 migratory agreements.

what began

basis for the

number of

as a serious crisis

most extensive

direct talks

established the follow-

increase border patrols to stop

rescued by the U.S. C>oast Cuard soil

would be returned

where they would be encouraged exit

States

issue at least

Cubans wishing

year tor States.

would

The United

lottery for

not have

States

The 1994 and 1995 stopped the flow of fir

from

nved is

2(),()()()

a

homemade

visas

United

to emigrate but did States to claim

them.

migration accords etfectively

halseros in

1

994, but they were

have continued nsking their

south Florida since

known at sea

as

the

by

wet

per

create a special visa

a

1

ar-

994. This situation

major loophole

in the ac-

Cubans

feet/diy^ feet policy:

by the U.S. Coast Cuard

are, in

accor-

provided the

dance with the agreements, automatically returned

between the

to

Cuba, while those

who make

it

to U.S. soil unas-

A.

Four Cuban men paddle to the United States.

The

and an average ot 800 per year have

safely in

rescued

would

United

perfect. Balseros

further aggravated

cords

States.

to emigrate to the

Cubans who wished

relatives in the

to CTiba,

to apply for a legal

pennit to emigi*ate to the United

United

illegal

but not punish those caught ttying.

before reaching U.S.

lives at sea,

September 1994 the United

in

would

who were

Those

The

were two uncon-

In an attempt to stop the increasing halseros,

welcome

— that would show the world

of these migration

halseros crisis

— designed

ing: Criiba

The agreement

raft wliile

three others

swim

KAMI Y

-

I’HO'IOI

DM

alongside attempting to emigrate from (uiba

173

BANANA

allowed to apply for and usually receive asylum. The loophole has been turned into

sisted are political a

very profitable but dangerous and

illegal

for high-speed boat operators (hoteros),

to $10,(X)0 per passenger

up

shores with “dry feet.”

have died

It is

who

charge

amve on

to

U.S.

estimated that hundreds

failed operations

of

as a result

hoping

business

human

trying to deliver their illegal

by

boteros

cargo undetec-

country, both

Americans

to develop in

a taste for plantains,

ingly popular

30

at

Cuban Raft

People. Tr.

by

Susan Giersbach Rascon. Houston, Tex.: Arte Publico

nuevo Latino plant

cuisine.

a gigantic

is

feet (3 to 9 meters)

herb from the genus

A

false

Masud-Piloto, Felix. From Welcomed Exiles to Illegal Immigrants: Cuban Migration to the U.S., 1959—1995. Lanham, Md.: Rowinan & Littlefield, 1996. Morley, Morris, and Chris McGillion. Urifinished Business: America and Cuba after the Cold War, 1989-2001. Cam2002.

high springs from the stem.

Masud-Piloto

down

the top and bends

50 to 100 individual

once

fruit;

fruits

takes 12 to 13

It

it

fruits,

it

dies.

to

become

months

in a climate

is,

The banana cannot be

rhizomes, the banana plant thrives

with an average temperature of 80 de-

fast

and snack

staples

become

the break-

they are today, and a popular

source of potassium for athletes. So

U.S. society are bananas that they are

embedded

known

in

in other

cultural realms; for example, the expression

“gone

bananas” was coined for the temporarily crazed.

Young Dominicans

in

New

York

Platanos (Plantains) to sTess their

most popular

mm)

continue to produce

the mainstream United States to

fruit also left its

call

virility.

themselves

The

world’s

imprint on music,

as

evidenced in “Mellow Yellow” (1967) and Chris Yacich’s “I Like Bananas Because

They

Liave

No

Bones” (1936).

new

tains

fmit, available yearlong, but also

with the array of

a

minimum

plants perennially.

Bananas are cut green because

on the

and

of rainfall a month. Rhizomes

plant, they split

open and

if

allowed to ripen

rot.

The

fruit

con-

75 percent water, 21 percent carbohydrates, and percent each of fat, protein,

about

1

Other

parts

of the plant abound in

fiber,

fiber,

and

ash.

which can

be used in the manufacture of paper and cordage.

The word banana entered the English language in 1597 by way of the Spanish and is of African origin. Musa is the botanical Latin name for the banana genus.

The banana is

native to Southeast Asia.

Greek phi-

losopher and natural scientist Theophrastus (371—286 B.C.), retelling a story

Americans are enamored not only with the fresh

for the plant to

ago,

of 3. 5 inches (89

considered an exotic luxury, bananas entered

of

clustered in bunches of

grees Fahrenheit (27 degrees Celsius)

BANANA

a cluster

humans crossed two varieties of wild bananas, Musa acuminata and Musa baglbisiana, to improve flavor and get rid of seeds. Growing from

Long

seeded.

rootstocks, that

Felix

Once

trunk 10 to

flower spike, carrying yellowish flowers, emerges

10 to 20.

2000.

Press,

as snacks.

Lift.

Further Reading

Cambridge Univ.

Musa

Plantains are the central ingredient in the increas-

The Adrift: Trie

marketers in trying

fruit

cooking variety of banana,

paradisiaca, the

compa-

for bananas. Latino

Musa, of the family Musaceae.

Cuba; Cuban Americans; Manel Boat

bridge:

demand

have joined traditional

nies

The banana

Related Articles

Press,

consumers and marketers, are help-

as

ing diversify the

ted by U.S. authorities.

Fernandez, Alfredo A.

not promoted. Latinos throughout the

varieties are

brought back from India by

Alexander the Great, wrote that Brahman teachers

and philosophers

ate the fruit as they sat in the shade

processed banana products: puree, flour, and ex-

of the banana

tracts— ingredients used in bakery products, drinks,

name Musa

baby food, and dairy products such

Islamic conquerors brought the plant back to Pales-

yogurt.

But the future of the

in supemiarkets, the

Panama

disease)

cream and

of banana found

Cavendish, might

tinct if a pest, a virulent

so-called

variety

as ice

become ex-

type of fusanum wilt (the

now

attacking plantations

and Africa reaches top banana producers in Latin Amenca. The banana industry as a whole is

in Asia

threatened

# 174

if,

among

other measures, other banana

tine

thus the early botanical Latin

sapientium, “the

around the year 600

distributed

Fray

trees,

it

banana of the sages.”

A.D.,

and Arab merchants

throughout Africa.

Tomas de

Berlanga, a Spanish missionary, with

introducing the banana to the planted the

Fiistorians credit

first

New

World. Fde

rhizomes in Flispaniola (now

and the Dominican Republic)

in

1516

as a

Fdaiti

way

to

feed the growing African slave population. Fde then

BANANA

took them to the mainland

when he was

appointed

bishop of Panama.

United Fmit Company,

known

from Massachusetts, Lorenzo

after a sailor

Baker, brought 160 unripe bunches from Jamaica and

them in New Jersey for $2 a bunch. He joined a young enterprising New Yorker, Minor Keith, in fomiing the Boston Fruit Company. Keith had been

sold

When

a

ants

ownership of

Fmit used overthrow

influence in Washington, D.C., to

its

Publicists

it.

example. United

idle lands, for

bombarded American audi-

munism. Guatemala was portrayed

of Limones

central plateaus to the seaport

He

planted bananas on both sides of

the tracks, and

by the time the

he had

banana empire, gaining him the

was

railroad

finished, title

“Uncrowned King of Costa Rica.” The Boston Fmit Company and the United Fruit Company merged 1899 and assumed the

in

came

latter’s

company

the largest banana

name.

It

in the

soon be-

world with

Cannen shadow of com-

ences with the image of a joyful senorita, a

from the

built a

Oc-

to reverse such practices in Guatemala, giving peas-

Miranda

Atlantic.

Pulpo, or

democratically elected government tried

granted a concession to build a railroad in Costa Rica

on the

as

topus.

In the United States a taste for bananas started

about 1870,

also

replica,

under the

tropical Soviet satellite,

and

sinister

in

as

one

intolerable

1954 the Central In-

Agency (CIA) orchestrated a coup to oust President Jacobo Arbenz and established a bmtally telligence

repressive military dictatorship. civil

A three-decades-long

war ensued. Revolutions and counterrevolu-

tions infested the entire region well into the 199()s.

An outcome

of the socioeconomic

begot-

disparities

Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Guate-

ten or perpetuated by the banana industry was the

mala, Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Panama, and

Central American exodus to the United States dur-

Santo Donfrngo. American appetite for bananas also

ing the 1970s and 1980s.

plantations in

whetted an appetite perialism.

By

and im-

for foreign investment

1914, Ajaierican investments in the

A new

Cavendish banana variety

region surpassed $1.2 billion. During the same perica.

riod, to protect those interests,

of fusarium wilt has attacked the

strain

Cavendish

is

the

in Southeast Asia

main

and Af-

variety cultivated for

the United States export. If the disease reaches top export producers

intervened militarily in Cuba, Panama, Nicaragua, the

Dominican Republic, Mexico, and

Ecuador, Costa Rica, and Colombia, the Cavendish

Haiti.

from American supemiarket shelves

will disappear

International fruit companies constituted the

socioeconomic and

significant factor in the

most

and devastate the economies of at

political

in Latin

evolution of Central American, Caribbean, and South

American countries one

tied to the

ocratic institutions, perpetuating caudillism, rigid social stratification,

cormption, and racism. United Fmit

gained control over virtually cations

and transportation

in

ning telegraph and telephone

all

means of communi-

Central America, runlines, railroads,

invincible fleet of steamships, the Great

And

it

was not

mala

It

exempted

Costa Rica

it

afraid to itself

wield

its

and the

White

Fleet.

power. In Guate-

from taxation

for

99

years. In

forced independent coffee growers out

of the world market with exorbitant transport

Throughout the region

it

fees.

secured the supply of cheap

labor by promoting repression of unionizing

move-

ments and peasant organizations seeking better wages

and

safer

families

lution sions

working environments

—workers and their

were increasingly exposed

from

insecticides

were coined

to chemical pol-

and fungicides.

The

of dem-

thing, they prevented the establishment

Two

expres-

(FAQ),

13 countnes

America and the Caribbean. Latin America

banana exports

banana industry. For

least

UN

in

2000

totaled 10 million tons.

Food and Agriculture Organization

in response to the threat, advocates the

velopment of more

de-

banana production

diversity in

by strengthening plant-breeding programs and pro-

moting awareness of the a

narrow genetic base

cates educating

inevitable consequences of

in crops.

The

consumers about

researchers have cataloged over nanas, including red bananas fig

bananas, or

oritos

FAQ

also

diversity; after

500

all,

of ba-

varieties

and the deliciously sweet

comway in

(“golden fingers”). Latino

munities in the United States are leading the this direction

advo-

by increasingly making banana chips

and other green plantain products

as

American

apple pie, and, in the process, turning the a nutritious cultural

as

fruit into

symbol.

Related Articles Agriculture; CAiisine; Labor.

in the 1930s: the self-explanatory

“cash diplomacy” and “banana republic,” for small republics under the overbearing influence of the

175

#

BANKING

The majonty of newcomers

Further Reading Banana Republic: Region Honduras, 1870—1972. Chapel Hill: Univ. of

Euraque, Dario A. and State

in

Reinterpreting the

Press, 1996.

N.C.

According to the Inter-Amerof ican Development Bank, only about 20 percent

their business in cash.

American Historic

Thomas

Karnes,

United

Eitin America.

in

Baton l^ouge:

La.

Press, 1978.

Ploetz, R.

Cambridge, Mass.:

Plantains.

money on them

at

home. As

2001 American banks reported that only 56 percent of Latinos had bank accounts. Remittance (a sum of money that is sent to someone) is a part of Latino newcomers’ daily life. Every

Top.htinl

Robinson, J. C. Bananas and

money home, and

their utilities in cash, sending

a result, in

http://www.apsnet.org/ education/feature/banana/

CABI

Latino newcomers’ financial practices

keeping the remaining

“Black Sigatoka of Banana.” Plant Health Instructor

29, 2001).

(Jan.

States,

country. In the

generally consist of cashing their paychecks, paying

L. Tropical Enterprise: Vie Standard Fruit

and Steamship Company

Univ.

home

Latinos use banks in their

Jenkins, Virginia Scott. Bananas: An Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Inst., 2000.

prefer to conduct

Pubs., 1996.

Raul Gueiulero

year about 70 percent of Latinos in the United States send remittances (in Spanish, tandas, encomiendas, or remesas) to their relatives or friends in their countries

of origin on a monthly

BANKING

from $23

Total remittances range

basis.

$26 biUion per

billion to

year. Single

young

newcomers send more money to their famithan do married Latino newcomers who bring

Latino Latinos in the United States provide lucrative opportunities for financial institutions.

ample,

1.1

In 2000, for ex-

million Latino households (13 percent of

Latino homeowners) reported incomes of

at least

With wealth comes purchasing power. The Center for Economic Growth at the Univer-

$75,000. Selig

of Georgia estimates an increase in Latino pur-

sity

chasing

power from $491

billion in 2007.

Although

billion in

2000

their purchasing

to

$926

power

newcomers,

— in

depend-

other words, whether they are

settlers,

immediate family with them.

Latino

newcomers send up

or second generation.

Latino

newcomers

who

are persons

have lived in

Most of the 30 years. Gen-

less.

newcomers range in age from 15 to erally, many do not speak English very well, have little or no fomial education, and are very unfamilwith banking systems in both the United States

and

a

month com-

Newcomers’ immigration status affects the amount of money they earn and send to their families. It has been found that undocumented immigrants (the of U.S. Latino groups) are paid

less

their countries

of

origin.

These young recent

documented immigrants; however, undocumented immigrants send more money to their home countries than do documented immigrants. In addition, immigration status determines a newcomer’s ability documentation to use banking

requirements, especially their social security numbers.

Thus, to be able to send

money

undocumented immigrants go fer

companies such

as

to their families,

to international trans-

Western Union,

Money Gram,

and thousands of currency exchange companies. Al-

though transaction

fees

and foreign exchange

are high at these companies, their familiarity,

commitment

grants using their services.

an expression of what

is

called

“moral

home counmoney to help their

nience, and simplicity keep

Not only immigration

obligation” to support family in their try.

Generally, Latino youth earn

families to

pay for

rent, food,

for savings or investments.

guage

# 176

skills.

or

mamed),

and

rather than

utilities

How newcomers use their

money depends on many status (single

ser-

Even when undocumented Latino newcomers want to open bank accounts, they cannot fiilffQ some

come to the United States with a commitment to work long hours at low wages. This immigrants

is

than

vices.

the United States for five years or

iar

$700

grants.

to present proper

Newcomers

to

Y outh and single

pared with the average $300 of Latino-settler immi-

is

ing on the length of time they have lived in the States

their

smallest

increasing. Latinos’ financial practices vary

United

lies

factors,

age,

such

as

immigration

personal

status, lan-

glish-language to

banking

skills limits

services. In

costs

conve-

undocumented immi-

status

but

also lack

newcomers with

of Enrespect

1990 the U.S. Census Bu-

reau reported that about 8 million Latinos in the

United

States did

not speak English.

The

inability to

speak English has also resulted in low wages, especially for

women.

Indeed,

among undocumented immi-

— BANKING

women

grants,

30 percent

with no English

men under

than

less

are paid

skills

up

to

the same circum-

them using

ment

stances.

and language

In addition to immigration issues

misconceptions about banking

barriers,

comers’ use of banking services.

comers in

or driver’s licenses.

First,

newLatino newrestrict

(especially remitters) think that their

bank accounts can be

money

perception stemming

lost, a

from previous bad experiences,

minimum

vices

(a

some

cases).

in the

the fee they pay for banking ser-

is

balance of

as

them

in their

To overcome issues

such

as

identification, cial literacy

in

as

$1,000 in

home

accounts and credit cards.

The number and amount of remittances

documents, lice

owning a house, or from preparing food at home. When settlers to

money

problem of the lack of

74 banks, 14

states,

and 800 po-

spent for items such

is

However, remittances

cation.

are

still

an important

ing

An

average remittance from

to

$300

month, depending on

a

Like newcomers, single

tus.

to their families than

When

buy

ranges from

settlers

do married

send more

settlers.

changes from

house. However,

bnngs with

to

The longer the time spent living in the United States, the more newcomers understand how the bank system works. If newcomers become lawful residents, they quickly move to the next group — settlers. If they choose not to become residents, they eventually go

because they do not have credit history.

back home.

United

Settlers are persons

become

who

have lived

and ten years and

naturalized citizens.

They

in the

United

who may

have

in the

United

States.

fact,

They observe many

it

the need

settlers face

When

they

financial assistance to start a business or to

home

buv

or a car, they cannot obtain a bank loan. In

there

is

24 percent gap

a

homeownership

in

between Latinos and other ethnic groups States. In

1992

in

the

study found that 42 percent

a

of Latinos households had no bank accounts, neither savings or checking.

speak but do not

write English very well. Settlers are the largest group

of Latinos

a

newcomer

loan barriers

Settlers

need

money

Latinos decide to reside pennanently in the

States their status

a

$1{)()

their financial sta-

settlers

to settler. This decision often

five

as

many cases settlers keep sendlow amounts of money to their extended family.

United

cation cards) as official identification.

between

are united

food, housing, transportation, health care, and edu-

departments accept matriculas (personal identifi-

States

eating out

item in their budget. In

address the

at least

remit-

in

spending pnorities. For example, they change

from renting

financial institutions offer finan-

spent about $30 million in Spanish-language adver-

To

The amount of monev

in

tances also decreases because married settlers alter

with their family,

documents of personal

decrease

married families are united, living together

the United States.

to

programs in Spanish, which have resulted

2002.

when

cards; this held true

hundreds of Latino customers. Indeed, one bank

tising in

send remittances; they do not have bank

countries as well.

the absence of

utili-

send

cash,

nies to

their

language barriers and immigration

many

— cash their paycheck, pay their

money home, and keep the remaining money in their own home. As a result, many settlers still use international transfer compa-

senders

do not have bank accounts, and

States

55 percent do not have credit for

much

About 43 percent of remittance

United

manage-

financial

especially devalua-

home countries. Second, newcomers a minimum deposit in a checking or

savings account

keeps

settlers’ loyalu’

and simple

their old

practices

in

ties

tions in their

believe that

However,

Convincing

known

settlers to trust their

money

institutions (banks) also requires

their families in their

home

un-

to

convincing

country. Settlers are

al-

of the financial practices used by newcomers. Al-

ready familiar with the services provided by interna-

though

tional

their

to family

money

is

spending

priorities

change, their loyalty

one of the reasons they continue

to their countries

If moral obligation

is

to send

to

money

transfer

companies and remain

move

them. However, to

settlers

loyal

from cash to

bank accounts, banks have implemented nontradi-

of origin.

an important concept in un-

tional strategies.

Some have opened

offices in

com-

derstanding newcomers, consideration of “loyalty”

munities where Latinos are a large segment. Indeed,

becomes cmcial

to understanding settlers.

Cal Fed Bank added 335 branches

more

social security

likely

have

Settlers

numbers, consulate

identification cards (in Spanish called matnciilas stdares),

coti-

taxpayer identification numbers (ITINs), and/

ers

have created

such

as

specific

in Cialifomia. Cith-

programs

to target Latinos,

“Cash and Save” from Union Bank

fomia, “SafeSend” from

of (iali-

Bank of Amenca, and IDA

177

BANKING

Development Account

Individual

— from the federal

to the

government.

Other

include the acceptance of the

strategies

ITIN numbers, and

matncula consular,

ment and

distribution

of multilingual

recently, banks are offering secure

ods of wiring money, such (automatic

teller

machine)

by senders

in the

United

the develop-

and

From banking strategies transfer

ness in the

United

have

port incomes of more than $100,000 and hold

card

used

is

mana-

gerial positions in professional occupations.

Second-generation Latinos working in banks are

found occupying managerial positions. They do not have language barriers, immigration issues, or misconceptions about banking services. Moreover,

usually

to federal regulations, re-

way banks

companies are conducting busi-

Some banks and

States.

who

ATM

mittance senders have an impact on the

and money

American population

two

and the other card

States

the 90 percent of the

meth-

One

cards.

Second-generation Latinos have become a part of

reliable

issuing

as

second generation.

bank accounts. This group is growing faster, not only in numbers but also in income. Some of them re-

More

materials.

their families in their respective countries.

by

Latinos with advanced degrees, 60 percent belong

other

their bilingual skills are

tance senders’

trust.

being used to gain remit-

Some banks

offer their

new

currency-exchange businesses have been criticized for

customers financial literacy training, normally con-

the high fees they charge and hidden costs never dis-

ducted by bilingual

such

closed. Federal legislation

Fairness

require

the

as

Wire Transfer

and Disclosure Act has been introduced to disclosure

full

money

action of

evant exchange

of all

fees

involved in any trans-

wiring services, including the

rel-

staff to

help banks break through

some of the cultural language barriers. The number of Latinos employed by banks has not been officially reported, although some experts estimate between 5,000 and 10,000.

rate.

Related Articles Although Latinos represent portunities to to consider

profitable financial

American banks, there

when

opAssimilation;

approaching them, including the

following: (1)

Price and cost of services and the ability to serve

(2)

(3)

them

The time

it

in their

own language.

takes their family to receive the

1

Mehta, Chirag,

Chicago's Undocumented Immigrants:

An

butions.

location of and distance to the wire

The exchange

rate at

which

The kind of paperwork fill

home

out in their

when

generation.

their dollars are

they

need

them

settlers to

are persons

second

bom

to

the United States; another

is

as

the

first

National Council of La Raza. “Hispanic Saving and Individual Development Accounts.” (IDAs) Fact Sheet. U.S. Census Information Ctr., 2000. Pew Hispanic Center. Millions in Motion: Latino Immigrants, Remittances and Banking.

not even

it

as

second-genera-

know what

immigration

means.

The second generation is also the second largest group among Latinos. For the most part they hold the same values as other

Committee. Strategies

Race.

Produced by Charles R.

Mann

for

Each

Associates, 1990.

generation of

FAIR

may

Affairs

U.S. Census Bureau. Top 10 National Occupations

can generally speak English fluently and wnte

tion Latinos

Urban

79, no. 4 (July- August 2003).

Selected

settlers,

Hispanic Ctr. /Multilateral

Hearing on Remittances. Febmary 28, 2002. Stowe, E. Robert. “Immigrant Outreach.” Banking

Americans of Hispanic descent. Second generation Unlike newcomers and

Pew

Investment Fund, 2002. Senate Banking, Housing and

countries.

move from

settlers in

to look at

their families

in Latinos’ financial practices are

Second generation

newcomers or

Amencans. Education

is

highly valued. Estimates indicate that of the 450,000

# 178

al.

Chicago: Ctr. for Urban Economic Development, Univ. of 111. Press, 2002.

observed

status

et

2000): 6L-75.

The

Other changes

well.

(November

Analysis of Wages, Working Conditions, and Economic Contri-

to

way

Cutz, German, and Paul Chandler. “Emic-Etic Conflicts as Explanation of Non-Participation in Adult Education among the Maya of Western Guatemala.” Adult Education Quarterly

money.

paid. (5)

Ad Societies.

Further Reading

51, no.

company. (4)

Encomienda; Business; Mutual

are other factors

Web

Sites

Congressional Hearing, http://www.fairus.org

Banking

Strategies,

http://www.bai.org

GepjviAn

Cutz

— BARELA, PATROCINIO

BARBIERl LEANDRO November

Born:

the

music scene with the sensuallv

international

evocative soundtrack to Bernardo Bertolucci’s

28, 1934; Rosario, Argentina

Luist

Tanj^o in Paris.

Charactenzed by the passionate, high-pitched tones of

his

tenor saxophone, Leandro “Gato” Barbieri

evolved significantly over the years in

composer, and arranger

roles as instrumentalist,

from

work

196()s free-improvised

his

his multiple

developing- world experiments and

ter

to his 197()s

his later jazz-pop

vara),

violin-playing carpenter, Barbieri was

Rosano, Argentina

known

as

(a

provincial capital bet-

the birthplace of Ernesto

“Che” Gue-

although he was raised in Buenos Aires, where

he was influenced by the imported recordings of Charlie Parker and

John Coltrane. He

come one of Argentina’s Frustrated

top jazz

rose to be-

artists.

moved Europe, by way of

962 with

in

wife to

Brazil,

his

horizons

as a

1

his Italian

where he kept

jazz improviser.

Three

met Don Cherry, with whom, on New York in 1965, he would record his

years later he

moving first

to

album

as a

sideman (Symphony for

Improvisers).

Between 1969 and 1973 Barbieri recorded several sessions as leader ot

which he combined

jazz’s

the Flying

instinctual feel for his

in

It is

the late

vistas

of

creativity for

evident that his 1974 collaboration with

Cuban

arranger Chico O’Farrill (Chapter

one of the

South

developing- world representative. His transition to an identification

with the

became

particu-

driving rhythms of Latin America

evident in 1972,

when he seemed

most unexpected highlights of U.S. Latin jazz

in the

197()s.

By

the mid-1970s, with his music appealing to a

wider audience,

Barbieri’s record sales reached

pected heights. Caliente, his

first

over 250,000 units in 1976, and

A&M

unex-

release, sold

his sultry version

of

the most successful tunes in the commercial archives

of the “smooth jazz” radio Despite any originality rist,

stylistic

stations.

changes, Barbieri’s musical

continued to shine through. As

the Argentine

a

teno-

American displayed the gorgeous

edge required to make romanticism work. Like that

of John Coltrane, Barbieri’s musical genius

lies

not

only in the development of new techniques but the discovery of new emotional sensations

as well.

unor-

cultural heritage, gaining a following as

from free-fonn method

larly

Dutchman,

his blissfully exhausting,

thodox playing with an

American

many.

new

through

Carlos Santana’s “Europa” turned out to be one of

by the limited jazz horizons of his na-

tive country^ Barbieri

expanding

music, opening up

his cultural roots

Four: Viva Emiliano Zapata) represented

The son of a in

he redefined, once again, his

recordings.

bom

Between 1973 and 1975 Barbien recorded four decisive albums for the jazz label Impulse, in which

to burst

onto

Related Articles Jazz; Music.

Further Reading Chediak, Nat. Jazzy.

of Latin

Madrid: Fundacion Autor, 1998.

Coryell, Julie,

New

Diccionario de Jazz Eithio fl^ictionary

and Laura Friedman. Jazz-Rock

York: Delacorte

HentofF, Nat. Jazz House, 1976.

Is.

Fusion.

Press, 1978.

New

York: Ridge Press/Randoin

Roberts, John Storm, Tfic Eitin Finite. Oxford: C^xford Univ. Press, 1979. Roberts, John Storm. Latin Jazz. New York: Schinner Bks., 1999.

Luis

Tamargo

BARELA, PATROCINIO Bom: Date unknown, between 1900 and

1908;

Bisbee, Arizona

Died: October 24, 1964; Taos,

New

Mexico

Batrocinio Barela was an unschooled wood-carver O

C.UY

I

F

QUERRK;

/

MAGNUM PHOTOS

Argentinian jazz musician Gato Barbieri, with his saxophone hanging nearby, 1968,

who ized

gained national recognition for

and expressive carvings. By 1908

had died, and he and

his father, a

his

highly styl-

Barela’s

mother

Mexican-bom

peas-

179

#

BARRIO

LIFE

New

migrated north to Taos,

ant,

to be a sheepherder

Mexico. Raised

itinerant laborer, Patrocinio

and

(from Spanish, Patrociho) remained

illiterate all his

Barela, forced to earn his

he was 12, wandered from

own

of the West, taking jobs

parts

and

yards,

living

New

tive

job was

and

trash for a

At about

to other

in mines, mills, rail

turned to Taos, married, and worked

growing

by the time

Mexico

in fields harvesting crops. In

to support his

1930 he remenial jobs

at

most remunera-

family. His

wagon driver hauling wood, federal work relief program.

the centuries-old art of carving religious figures, in northern

New Mexico.

After

repairing an old santo (carved figure of a saint) for

own

the parish priest, he began to carve his

out of juniper, pihon, and other local woods.

churchgoing man, Pat

(as

he

not imitate the traditional figures. Instead,

he infused

meaning

in a hfe that

amid

children

marital

Not

own

with a very

struggle to find

was marked by love for

strife,

a

of carving religious

his carvings

individual expression of his

pieces

also called himself) did

style

Among

was singled out by

171

art-

the

critics in

York Times, Time magazine, and the Washing-

an “instinctive talent” and a rare

discovery.

He

was compared

can primitives, and ernist

from the

to

German

Henry Moore,

expressionists

Of

hinterlands.

artistic

Afri-

—a modhad

course, Barela

no knowledge of any of these antecedents; he simply created what his spirit and personal aesthetic dictated. Ironically, these accolades did

not translate into

commercial success or sustained attention. Barela

time Barela became aware of santero,

which had survived

New

dirt,

as a

this

represented, he

ists

ton Post as

and spoke only broken English.

life

brought him unexpected acclaim.

his

continued to carve, but he was unable to shake

his

alcohol addiction, and his physical condition deteriorated. In

1964 he died, the victim of an accidental

Mexican American artist to receive national acclaim, however short-Hved. His total output numbered over a thousand works. He fire.

is

Barela was the

now

considered a legendary figure in the history

of Latino ent

first

and

art

a

homegrown

New

Mexican

whose accomphshments transcended

his

tal-

modest

origins.

Related Articles

a hardscrabble existence, Art, Folk; Art,

and alcohol dependency.

Mexican American and Chicano; Sculp-

ture.

Barela’s

wooden

sculptures have

to the stone relief carvings aesthetic

and

is

to his

grounded

own

been compared

of medieval Europe. His

in narratives related to the Bible

observations of the elemental world

around him. Figures

are often

symboHc

(for

example.

Mother and Child with Book, Marriage) and pared

down

to the organic essence

powerful impact.

The

of shapes that have

a

Anglo-artist colony in Taos

took scant notice of Barela. His roots in the Hispanic folk tradition and his socioeconomic status outside their aesthetic radar. that

It

Fish, the

artists

around the country

Vernon Hunter, Art Project.

director of the

From 1935

program was phased sistance

New

Santa Fe, N.Mex.: Sunstone

Press, 2003.

Nunn, Tey Marianna. N.Mex.

Sin Nombre: Hispana and Hispano

New Deal Era.

Albuquerque: Univ. of

Press, 2001.

Doris Meyer

of Modern Art in

LIFE

a significant concentration

the

for his

Museum

BARRIO

See Spanish Harlem.

when

out, Barela received federal as-

WPA

EL.

In concrete terms, a barrio

until 1943,

meet. In 1936 an exhibition of

BARRIO,

Mexico Fed-

carving (around $50 to $60 per month), continuing to work other jobs to make ends

# 180

New Mexico.

who

might otherwise not have been able to practice their art. Fish brought Barela’s work to the attention of

the

in

Taos

WPA (Works Progress AdminOne division of the WPA was the Federal

depression to worthy

at

and Public Art

Artists of the

fell

Art Project, which gave financial support during the

eral

Gonzales, Edward, and David L, Witt. Spirit Ascendant: The Art and Life of Patrocinio Barela. Santa Fe, N.Mex.: Red Crane Books, 1996. Hoefer, Jacqueline. A More Abundant Life: Neu^ Deal Artists

manager of the

istration).

1

Crews, Mildred, et al. Patrocinio Barela, Taos Wood Carver. 2nd ed. Taos, N.Mex.: Taos Recordings and Pubs., 1962.

was only by chance

he came to the attention of Ruth

oftice

Further Reading

artists’

New

works

York City

is

an urban area in which

of Latinos

reside.

But

how

do we define the geographical boundaries of Latino barrios based on the increased Latino immigration population?

Or how do we

Latino barrios

on the

the United States?

cultural

Does

define the impact of

and

social landscape

of

the increased presence of

bamos?

Latinos alter our traditional view of Latino

Indeed, Latinos are no longer confined to the tradi-

of East Los Angeles, San Antonio,

tional barrio areas

New

Chicago, and

found

some of

in

United

York

now

States points to

1898. Those

two

two key

dates forever

LIFE

— 1848

and

dates

changed the

lives

of

Latinos in the United States, particularly the lives of

be

Chicanos and Puerto Ricans. For Chicanos (Mexi-

the most remote areas of the

can Amencans) the year 1848 marked the end of

City; they can

Continued migration from Mexico

States.

United

BARRIO

and Latin Amenca during the

the U.S. -Mexico

war with the signing of the Treaty

990s ensured diverse

of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Relatively small following the

settlement patterns for Latino immigrants. Accord-

end of the war, the population and configuration of the Chicano community in the Southwest would

1

ing to the 2000 U.S. Census, Latino immigrants

continued to

mostly in the West, with the

settle

South being the next net

gam of Latino

largest settlement region.

settlers in

The

nontraditional regions

is

grow with continued imnugration from Mexico. Indeed, immigration from Mexico would ultimately

accelerate in the

few decades of the

first

remarkable. For example, a news report concerning

tury.

Latinos establishing residence in the South stated,

by the 1930s, with

“An

people, Los Angeles was established

estimated

million Hispanics live in Georgia,

1

Cen-

the Carolinas, and Alabama, according to U.S.

though most observers agree

sus data for 2000,

the

number

is

far

higher

when

illegal

that

immigrants are

counted.” Barrios are contested grounds, not only geographically

but socially and ideologically. In the early 1990s,

such

political pundits

Linda Chavez, author of Out

as

viewed the Latino neighborhoods

of the Barrio,

in

Miami, San Antonio (Texas), Chicago, Los Ange-

New

les,

lation

pot

York, and elsewhere

— that

— either

is,

as loci

seen

Mary Romero,

Pierrette

strongly attached to if

local residence

is

move-

treat the

ment of Mexican Americans to urban areas as a post— World War II phenomenon despite the fact that as early as 1930 more than 50 percent of the Mexican population in the United States lived in urban communities.”

The

establishment of Puerto Rican barrios was

far different

from

that

of Chicano bamos. For Puerto

it

that

it

may even

a

Latino

and

it

is

is

in the

left

many

the expla-

Puerto Ricans no option

but to migrate to the mainland because

skilled labor

was imported, leaving many native people without work. Although industrialization was seen

important to

many

of providing jobs and opportunities,

people

led to a surplus of male workers

many of

waits to be wntten.

No less important to

for the

refuse a

community does transcend

stretches to include

development

of industrialization to the island of

tion Bootstrap,

so

When

it is,

it

showcase the divergent developments that

neighborhoods

set the stage for the

during the 195()s under the program called Opera-

comparative history of Latino barrios in the still

accounts

empha-

outside the bamos.

likely to

most works

Puerto Rico. Economic development, particularly

requires relocation. Regardless of

it

understand that

States

that

is

been

also

as its habitat

these variations in self-concept,

United

of Mexican barrios

introduction

segment of the Latino

population that has the barrio

A

ated with explaining the early 20th-century ongin

nation of the nse of Puerto Rican barrios was the

Hondagneu-

space for reclaiming identity and

good job

Chicano bar-

argues that “one of the problems associ-

Puerto Rican bamo.

their residents:

sizing ethnic pride. Indeed, a

far

about

this to say

and Vilnia Ortiz, the barrio has

as a

as a

million

1

American War. The ending of the war by most

fails.

recently, in the anthology Crossing Fronteras,

Sotelo,

population of over

Romo,

In the 1980s scholars

succeeds or

edited by

Ricardo

Rjcans the year 1898 marked the end of the Spanish-

bamos and

More

assimi-

Romo

a

historian

the entrance into the so-called melting

Joan Moore and Flenry Pachon had Latino

where

no.

According to Chicano

cen-

2()th

Southwest, Midwest, and met-

the jobs created

for Puerto

way

subsequently

on the

island,

and

by industnalization were

Rican women. Pnor immigrations

mainland had already occurred, but tional

it

as a

it

was

this

to the

addi-

wave of Puerto Rican migrations beginning

in the 1940s

and extending well into the 1950s

that

Puerto Rican bar-

ropolitan centers in the East have taken and the

proved pivotal

extent to which different national groups within the

no. Often called the second

this

Latino minority (Cubans, Mexicans, Puerto Ricans,

stream of people had

the

it

that the historical fonnation

as

wave of migration, their pnmary destination

urban

City of New York. In short, Puerto Ricans relocat-

should be remembered

ing from the island to the mainland did so to escape

of Latino barrios

poverty and nsing unemployment on the

Dominicans, and so on) have shaped space. For the time being,

in establishing the

their

in the

island.

181

X,

^

BARRIO

LIFE

In a historical sense Latino

from East Los Angeles, La VilChicago, to Little Havana in Miami,

settings range

banio

and

lita

into exis-

intervention. Traditional

as a result ol outsicie

tence

bamos came

Filsen in

and the South Bronx and Spanish Harlem in New York City. Most bamos still consist of Chicano and Puerto Rican communities, since they continue to represent the most disadvantaged Latino groups in

“the United States there

is

undergoing

no turning back.

is

and

definitive,

a Latimzation,

[anj

It is

overwhelming,

phenomenon

irreversible

and

that

is

chang-

ing the face of America, to the dismay of many.”

America

has only to look to mainstream

One

to see

an extension of the imagery and subculture of the barno outside of its confines. Once considered only a

nnnor

now

influence, the barrio

appears to be re-

the United States. Cubans, by contrast, have re-

ceiving considerable attention, particularly in con-

mained well above Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans on the socioeconomic ladder, employing

temporary pop culture.

scholars have labeled an ethnic enclave

what

econ-

produce commerce and economic prosperity for Cuban immigrants. An ethnic enclave has a con-

omy

to

centration of immigrants a

—in

Cuban

dais case

—witlain

defined space that organizes a variety of business

among

enterprises

ethnic immigrants and

similar

eventually in the general population.

Two

impor-

of successful ethnic enclaves are the

tant traits

of immigrant entrepreneurs to accumulate

ability

capital to

and an extensive pool of workers

create businesses

within the immigrant community. However, today there

is

a

growing optimism regarding Latino pur-

power in the United States, and it is creating renewed business interest in the Latino commu-

chasing a

A

The

and higher occupational mobility

study concluded that Latinos might

—such

previous immigrants

as

southern and eastern Europe-

as

achieved economic success. If so, the barrio

tion odyssey,

as

one

an entry ground in the assimila-

that the

expanding Latino middle

Pew

eventually outgrows. But the same

study

suggests that the close ties of the Latino family

the need to live sition

among

from the barrio

it

was

then,

IS

more

ethnic peers

makes

that tran-

immigrant groups. The bar-

likely to perpetuate

is

and

somewhat slower

to suburbia

for previous

patterns than

own

George Lopez draws a sizable following on primetime television, and other TV shows with Latino themes are Nickelodeon’s bilingual programs Dora Explorer and The Brothers

the

Garcia,

Broadcasting Service’s American Family. These pro-

grams have put Latino culture and barrio litmus

test.

The continued

shows

television

be

will

life

to the

presentation of Latino

crucial to

broadening the

imagery of the Latino barrio beyond the stereotypical

view most often portrayed

in the mass media.

Culturally adept at adjusting to internal and external intrusion

on Latino

barrios. Latinos

have routinely

Raul

cultural critic

when Mexicans

are ready to

is

move

a

do with

out of the barrio,

they are replaced by the Nicaraguans, for instance.

bamos

force largely

due

immigi'ants. his

had

ternative needs

and

this to say

interest

about barrio intrusion al-

from those of the domi-

nant public sphere, the expressive practices of barrio social

and

cultural reproduction

exercise of daily-round

and

—fi'om the mundane

leisure activities to the

fonnal articulation of community defensive goals in organizational forums and discursive

media

—reveal

multiple possibilities for re-creating and re-imaging

dominant urban space

Today one can

as

community-enabling place.”

find examples of outsiders finally see-

ing the impact of Latino voters. According to Latino

Republican businessman Otto Blade,

politicians

prior years simply ignored Latino voters.

Back

from

in the

Party was that they did not need Hispanics,” says

continuum, so

states in

and Public

the Jewish or the Irish immigrant

the fact that Latino immigration

Latino

The comedian

celebrity Jennifer Lopez.

1980s and 1990s, “the attitude of the Republican

also to

# 182

is

ethnic

its

neighborhood. That perpetuation has

new

today

from outside intervention: “Manifesting

ought to be seen

life

lar

more popu-

resulting

America

rio,

stream was the vocalist Selena, and even

knowledge of the English language has led

be following the same path

than

icons to have successfully crossed over into the main-

Villa

for Latinos.

class

Hispamc pop

Homero

to better earnings

who

first

Charitable Trusts found that

Pew

study by the

increased

ans,

of the

found ways to cope. Chicano

nity.

in

One

are to

becoming

a political

and

social

an ever-increasing number of

Mexican

journalist Jorge

book The Other

Ramos

Face of Aaierica, that

Blade,

who

emigrated

“The Republican both

at

age 17 from Guatemala.

Party wasn’t ready for us.

parties are fighting for us.”

Cultural influences emanating rios

Now

from Latino bar-

have taken on national proportions. Events that

typically

took place only

in Latino barrios are

now

being celebrated outside the barrio. For example, recent celebrations of Cinco de

Mayo

have been seen

.

.

BASEBALL

Rose Ciarden

White House, representing just how far Latinos have come from previous periods of neglect. New York City’s annual National in the

Day Parade

Puerto Rican

number of

the

ot the

always highlighted by

is

who

politicians

New York,

California,

and

states

Illinois,

Latino populations.

siderable

Florida,

as

are

power among

very

who

their interest

have labeled Latino barrios

as cul-

have attempted to understand

As non-Lati-

cultural contributions to U.S. society.

nos recognize the potential of Latinos in the United

becomes

it

increasingly important for

to align themselves

them

with barrio cultural influences.

more significant than in the busiwhich “more than 97 percent of the

that

is

ness world, in

money

.

.

this year’s

.

States.

Related Articles Bodegas, Colniados, Mercados;

Cfille

Ocho; Chicago; Los

New

York

City; San Antonio;

Angeles; Loisaida; Miami;

Washington Heights.

Further Reading

top advertisers spend to reach

ing to a recent report from Hispanic Business maga-

Should one ever doubt the

that Latino

life

society, a quick

significant

impact

or Latino barrios have had on U.S.

view of the transfomiation from

English communities to predominantly Spanish

munities in such a short time helps to impact. In ago, there

Histor)' of Chicauos.

New

tural Citizenship: Claiminj^ Identity,

Politics

of

Orange County,

were few Spanish-speaking

Rij^hts.

Homero- Villa,

Raul. Barrio-Lo^os: Space and

Place in

Urban

Chicano Literature and Culture. Austin: Univ. of Tex. Press,

2000.

Moore, Joan, with Henry Pachon. Hispanics in the United States. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1985. Portes, Alejandro and Robert Bach. Latifio Journey. BerkeUniv. of Calif

Ramos, Jorge. The

Press. 1985.

Other Face of America.

New

York: Harp-

erCollins, 2002.

Romero, Mary, with

Pierrette

Hondagneu-Sotelo and

Ortiz. Challen^inj^ Fronteras:

Latino Lives

An

U.S.:

hi the

Structurinj^ Latina

Antholoj^y of Readings.

and

New

York: Routledge, 1997. Romo, Ricardo. Histor}^ of a Barrio: East Los Anj^eles. Austin: Univ. of Tex. Press, 1983. Stavans, Ilan. The Hispanic Condition. New York: HarperCollins, 2001

com-

illustrate

California, just

all-

Space and

Boston: Beacon Press, 1997.

Vilma Hispanics goes to Spanish-language media,” accord-

zine.

A

York: Longman Pubs., 2003. Chavez, Linda. Out of the Barrio: Toward a Neu> 5th ed.

ley:

Nowhere

the

in

New' York: Basic Bks., 1991. Flores, William V., with Rina Benmayor, eds. Latino Cul-

the sensibilities of Latino barrios cannot ignore their

States,

assimilation

Hispanic Assimilation

who

tural entities or

United

Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America: Lati-

being pursued. Scholars

prehend the range of Latino

com-

which have con-

and every means for tapping into

nos, is

such

Politicians

conscious of the potential voting

in order to fully

participate in the

event. Future presidential elections will likely be de-

temiined by large electoral

of truly ambitious proportions,

Paul Lopez

the

20 years

residents.

Now

BASEBALL

the majority of residents are Spanish speaking.

The

increased population growth presents

new

adaptive pressures and puzzles for those concerned

about barrio as

we

life

in Latino

communities. However,

see the 21st century unfold,

of Latinos

in the

United

States that

the very fabnc of Latino barrios.

of barrios

as

mainstream

it is

the

new image

is

challenging

While the concept

segregated communities, set apart from society,

still

exists,

projected population

expansion of Latinos during the 21st century will surely have a

tremendous

Latino barrios.

Only time

better or for worse. rios to

or

new

on the character

will alter that

we

Should

continue setting

new

effect

image

of for

expect Latino bar-

geographical boundaries

denotations for defining them? Within the

Baseball, traditionally labeled “the national pastime”

of the Uniteci

States,

American

peculiarly field has

Thus we

eagerly await that

com-

parative history of the Latino neighborhood, a project

much

as its

first

tenninol-

evolved from

game of rounders in the crowded U.S. East Coast dunng the middle of

the British street cities

of the

the 19th century. But

it

has been a

Ikm-Ainencan

sporting fixture since nearly the same time.

HI

heishol, as

it is

de pelota, for “ball

translated into Spanish, or Jnej^o

game,” has united the continent’s

Latinos with other Americans in their appreciation

of a sport

that

emphasizes individual

waiting,

to define or explain.

whose diamond-shaped

ogy has infused everyday speech,

we

difficult

rite,

branded the landscape

ian playing field,

more

the international passion of

the Hispanic countries of the Caribbean basin. This

next decade or two (with continued immigration), can envision Latino barrios even

is

as

quick action

after

flair,

an egalitar-

long stretches of

well as a leisurely paced fonn of commu-

nal identity-seeking.

Transplanted

would quickly become

in tropical soil,

it

the most followed sport in

183

^

BASEBALL

Cuba, the )oniinican Republic, Puerto 1

tral

Cen-

America, and the coastal regions ot Venezuela in popularity

and C.olombia, nearly equaling soccer in

ILico,

Mexico

as well,

before fading out in favor of

European games only rain

forest.

colonies

wage

resist

bamer of the Amazon

the sport,

factories stuff and

the 198()s the

the

the Caribbean, only francophone

(In

would

at

though

sew major league

Amencan

the case in Nicaragua,

foul balls hit over the fence

may have

balls.)

Since

an

of

and the increasing dominance

of Spanish-speaking bubblegum heroes has made

in

elite

United cialized

most countries,

States,

tion of this athletic

hegemony came lage

emblem of North American

to Latin

America through the tute-

of U.S. troops sent on their numerous invasions

rule books, spe-

mass acceptance.

returning student apparently brought the

in the

the introduc-

1847.

equipment, and enthusiasm that led to the

understanding and awareness. fitting to believe that

as early as

was introduced by

who brought back the

bat and ball to

would be

baseball

troops

of university students sent to study in the

sport’s gradual

A

— and American

played baseball in Mexico

baseball an unwitting mass vehicle for cross-cultural

It

where poor youngsters waited

outside an Atlantic Coast U.S. naval base for stray

But

talent

may have been

the “banana republics.” Indeed, this

low-

dependence of the North American

players

support of U.S. -backed rulers during the era of

Haiti’s

major leagues on the eager, inexpensive Latin

more

in

western

Cuba city

as early as

of Matanzas

1864. Dockworkers also

may have

up the game from North American the same time.

A

first

sailors

picked

around

Cuban named Esteban BeUan

joined a U.S. semipro team in 1869, and the

documented game took

first

place at Palmar de Junco,

© MARK DUNCAN / AIVWIDE WORLD PHOTOS

Baltimore Orioles batter Roberto Alomar and his brother, Cleveland Indians catcher Sandy Alomar, during a 1 996 playoff game in Cleveland, Ohio.

184

BASEBALL

Cuba,

1874. Four years later

in

Cuba fonned

the

league outside the United States, with Bellan

first

himself instrumental in founding the Habana (Havana)

And

squad.

1908 the Cincinnati Reds

in

became the first major league team to play an exhibition game on the island. Licey, the most storieci club of Santo Domingo, the Dominican capital, was fonned around 1907, although

a

fonnal league, regu-

larizing the team’s historical rivalry

with the Escogido

team, did not take shape until the 1920s (following a

period of U.S. occupation). Other fabled teams of

of the game

to the descriptive idioms

etr\^

such

as in

Cuba, where

a

tenn

became “three fish in the pan.” With the 1947 breaking of

in Spanish,

like “bases

the color

loaded”

bamer

in

the major leagues, the doors opened, albeit graduto Latin

ally,

American

players, for

whom

a

mixed

no longer an issue. The first dark-skinned Cuban (Latin America’s Jackie Robinson) was Orestes “Minnie” Minoso, or indetenninate racial heritage was

who

played for Cleveland in

1

949; and the

mod-

first

Dominican player was Osvaldo “Ozzie”

ern-era

the Latin world include Boer, a Nicaraguan club that

Virgil.

honored the

Most of the early big league stars played for one of the two teams that put emphasis on scouting the Caribbean: the Washington Senators (then Minnesota Twins) and the Giants. The fonner team, which

anticolonialist stance

of South Africans,

and the Mexico City Reds, whose naming, for change, had nothing to do with

a

politics.

Each Febmarv since 1949, teams from the four

— Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Mexico, and Venezuela — (once main Latin baseball-playing nations

Cuba and Panama) have met in a Caribbean World Series, or Serie del Caribe. For much of including

the 20th century, winter leagues around the Carib-

bean were an appreciative haven for great Negro League

stars

(although Satchel Paige and others

be ordered under threat of their

lives to

would

win one

championship for Dominican dictator Rafael Tmjillo

and

his

Cuba

son Ramfis).

a training

ground

occasionally

especially

would become

for U.S. players anci managers,

tour in

exhibitions.

all-star

who

Lighter-

skinned Cubans, like the ageless pitcher and fiery

manager Adolfo Luque, played

in the

lombian named Castro had played Philadelphia A’s in 1902

the segregated

both

briefly tor the

—while many others stocked

and pitcher,

staired in Latin leagues

and the U.S. Negro League,

at

Uniteci States, and excelled at In

—a Co-

the late

league offering high big leaguers and

194{)s

salaries

home and

in the

positions except

all

breakaway Mexican

a

was the

Negro League

Transmogrified

first

stars to

in a C>aribbean

Latin-style includes mascots dancing

to lure white

play together.

cliicarrotics

would find through legendary^ scout Joe Cambria the Cuban stars Tony Oliva, a batting champion, and Camilo Pascual. The Chants’ first game in San Francisco in 1958 was started by the wiry Ruben Gomez, who would play into his 4()s as “El Divino Loco” (“The Divine Crazy”) in his native Puerto Rico. The Chants would field an entire outfield

of Santo

most

number of women

of three brothers from the outskirts

Domingo — Felipe (who would become

successful

managers), Mateo, and Jesus Alou ture Juan

the

and long lived of a handful of Latino

—

well as fea-

as

Manchal, the high-kicking, handsome

“Dominican dandy,” who would become Latin pitcher admitted to

the

first

U.S. baseball’s Hall ot

Fame. Notable players on the Chiicago White Sox, man-

aged by Mexican American A1 “El Sehor” Lopez, included the

American

first

of numerous superb fielding Latin

shortstops,

Venezuelan national

Aparicio, and outfielder

an early Latin tics

star

played to the

Minoso

— the

first

idol Luis

ot

many

whose high style, temper, and ancrowd and caused many ot these

Hispanic pioneers to be stereotyped,

mmbas and me-

as

replacing hot dogs; and a suiqsrising

a

Fidel Castro,

setting, baseball

rengues atop dugouts; yucca root, fried chicken, and

pork

young

Negro League. Cuban Martin Dihigo,

a great hitter

catcher.

majors

from

actually received a letter asking for a try-out

in baseball lingo,

“hotheads,” “hot dogs,” or show-otFs, and “fakes”

who did not take their One who took the

training regimens seriously.

game, and Latin pnde,

seri-

wooden

ously was Pittsburgh Pirate outfielder Roberto C4e-

bleachers during games often played through vibrant

mente, the brooding son of a Carolina, Puerto Rico,

filling

sunsets. Baseball passions

creaky, intimate

have

stirred riots

violence, especially in Venezuela,

monds netting.

are routinely protected

A

and

where the

from

fan

dia-

projectiles

by

host of inspired Latin American play-by-

play announcers have likewise added color and po-

sugar worker. Chilled

“Bobby” by

in the early 196()s, often

Pirate

announcers

accused of malingering (he

was troubled with back problems), Cdemente’s

slash-

ing hitting style and superb throwing ami eventually

won him

All-Star recognition,

which he complained

185

—

— BASEBALL

the present. Cincinnati

Red stalwart Tony

Perez and

Oakland shortstop Bert “Campy” Campanens would be among the last Cubans in the major leagues for decades— along with gyrating, cigar-chomping Luis

whose

Tiant,

Cuban

of the same name,

father

would be allowed 1971 World Series.

pitcher,

son in the

also a great

to travel to see his

At the end of the 20th century and into the 21st, other notable Latin American players included Puerto Rican

first

baseman Vic Power,

outfielder

Bemie

Williams, infielder Cookie Rojas, and catcher Ivan

“Pudge” Rodriguez; Nicaraguan pitcher Dennis Martinez, Venezuelan slugger Tony Aamas, and slick© MARK LENNIHAN / AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS

Boston Red Sox shortstop

Nomar

Garciaparra

game

stretches during batting practice before a

2001

in

fielding

an

MVP

Andruw Jones. Orlando Cepeda,

(most valuable player) in the 1960s, was

the son of Puerto

was delayed because of his dark skin. He made the 1971 World Series a personal showcase of his skills and became the

first

Latino player to speak to his

Puerto Rican compatriots in Spanish on U.S. television during the victory telecast.

came hits.

the

first

Clemente

be-

Latino to reach the milestone of 3,000

That 3,000th

hit

would be

his loyalty to those

however,

his last,

because the politically conscious player,

spoke of

also

who

often

who were poor and

concurrent

summer

of Puerto Rico on

New Year’s Eve,

A “sports

1972.

city” for underprivileged

Puerto Rican youth was

established in his honor,

and Clemente,

known

as

seasons for their

United

World Amateur

—behind national idols

Linares, Lazaro VaUe,

either,

and

after incidents

of gunfire in Havana’s

sta-

dium, the Sugar Kings were expelled from the minor International

League

ing isolation of

in 1961, mirroring the

Cuba under

socialist Fidel

grow-

Castro

whose bearded cohorts nonetheless made baU

play-

ing a symbol of their revolution. (In the early 1990s Nicaragua’s antiimperialist Sandinistas

would

likewise

endorse the game and

make their government-supported Dantos of Managua perennial champs.) Eschewing professionalism and the domination of the U.S. “Yanquis,” and the talent

would

stay at

New York Yankees, Cuban

home

to

make Cuba

nant force in amateur baseball from the

# 186

the

late

domi-

1960s to

league, a

Kindalan, aU of

name of

such

as

Omar

Raul Casanova, and Orestes

whom

spumed

large salaries in the

professed revolutionary solidarity. In the

1990s defectors, encouraged by Miami-based agents,

boat;

could not be forgotten,

home

baseball championships over

the touchstone for aU Latin ballplayers. politics

second

Cuba, in the meantime, went on to win numer-

began making the journey

American

all-star

States in 1981.

El Inolvidable (“The Unforgettable One”), remains

Latin

father five ball-play-

chubby rookie left-hander named Fernando Valenzuela spurred national “Femandomania” around the

three decades

the plane crashed off the coast

Perucho Cepeda.

baseman Roberto. While Mexico has produced fewer U.S. stars, owing to higher costs of recruitment and

tion to carry earthquake relief supplies to Nicaragua

when

great

ing sons, including Sandy junior and

ous

killed

Rican

Dodger Sandy vAlomar would

oppressed, chartered an airplane in dubious condi-

and was

the Panamanian-

born batting champion Rod Carew; Cuban hitting leader Bobby Avila, and fielder Dave Concepcion even Curacao-bom

.

Omar Vizquel;

countryman

and

among

these

his half brother,

illegally,

sometimes by

were pitcher Livan Hernandez

known as “El Duque.” games between Cuban all-stars

Orlando,

A series of exhibition

and the Baltimore Orioles in 1999 appeared to nal the beginning

sig-

of a potential thaw.

Dominican Republic, mired in underdevelopment and poverty by the cormpt regimes of TmjiUo and his U.S. -backed successors, would become the prime source for Latin ballplayers. Learning to play with balls made from cigarette wrappers and bats of sugarcane, Dominicans took up the game as both a singular pleasure and means of escape from a life of labor on sugar plantations. A large highway billboard outside the In Cuba’s stead, the neighboring

nfidsized sugar-exporting port of San

Pedro de

Ma-

BASKETBALL

coris rightly boasts

of having produced more big

manager, and used the Hiram Bithom Stadium

town on earth. Dominican great Tetelo

San Juan, Puerto Rico, for half their “home” games;

leaguers than has any other

dium

IS

named

after

Its sta-

Vargas.

Outfielder Rico Carty began a chain of migration to U.S. ball teams that

would

include standouts

Tony

Fernandez, Pedro Guerrero, Joaquin Andujar, George Bell,

and Julio Franco. Catcher Tony Pena and

all-

Manny Mota

led

time major league pinch-hit leader

an islandwide exodus of Dominicans that grew in recognition

at

Mariano

century’s end with pitchers

Pdvera and Pedro Martinez and all-time Latin homerun king

Sammy

whose emotional manner and

Sosa,

record-breaking duel with slugger captivated the

United

through the summer of 1998.

Epy Guerrero, the Toronto Blue Jays would become the first of many U.S. teams to establish permanent training facilities on the isLed by

land.

local scout

But the

hoarding, and even

signing,

illegal

kidnapping of young, underage

from

baseball has

island’s

made

—where

income

a significant difference in the

whole economy.

Hispamcs have become the main social, park, college, cities

continue to

talents

plague the Dominican Republic

participants in

and youth leagues

and throughout the Southwest.

in

A

major U.S.

little-exam-

phenomenon has been the emergence of nativeborn Amencan Flispanic stars like Alex Rodriguez, ined

in

2003 the highest paid player

in baseball history;

slugger Rafael Palmeiro; the overmuscled and oftarrested Jose Canseco;

and Los Angeles’s

England, and son of a Chicano

much

speculation about an eventual major

league franchise in Monterrey, northern Mexico,

where

official

long-tenn

games were played

possibility

of Cuban ballplayers once more

becoming available to U.S. teams augurs well for a Latino dominance of this pastime of all Americans, North and South.

Related Articles Canseco, Jose; Clemente, Roberto; Sosa, Sammy; Sports in Latino Life.

artist,

gift

Nomar

to

New

Garcia-

Further Reading Bjarkman, Peter C., and Mark Rucker. Smoke: The Romance of Cuban Baseball. New York; Total Sports, 1999. Breton, Marcus, and Jose Luis Villegas. Away Games: llie and Times of a Latin Baseball Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1999. Life

Albuquerque:

Player.

Echeverria, Roberto Gonzalez. The Pride History of Cuban Baseball.

New York:

of

Hauana:

Oxford Univ.

baseball’s popularity in the

ball, basketball,

Caribbean

more

United

Klein, Alan

M.

The American Game, the Dominican Dream. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1991. Krich, John. El Beisbol: Pleasures and Passions of the LttinAmerican Game. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2003. Marcano Guevara, Arturo J., and David P. Fidler. Stealing^ Lives. Bloomington: Ind. Univ. Press, 2003. Musick, Phil. Who Was Roberto? New York; Doubleday, Su^arball:

1974. Price, S. L. Pitching around Fidel:

A Journey

Cuban Sports. New York; Ecco, 2002 Ruck, Rob. The Tropic of Baseball: Baseball Republic. Lincoln:

Senzel,

Howard.

into the

in the

Heart of

Dominican

Univ. ofNebr., 1998.

Baseball

and

the

Cold War.

New

York:

Harcourt, 1977.

Wendel, Tim. The New

Face of Baseball.

New

York; Rayo,

2003.

States has

violent sports like foot-

and wrestling, Latin baseball enters

third century

number one in the hearts of With the globalization of media

BASKETBALL

still

fandticos.

weakening national boundaries, there

are signs that

which

Basketball,

United

States, has

has such urban resonance in the

never been

the further, if not complete, Hispanicization of the

historically for Latinos as

U.S. pro leagues wiD further unite the popular cul-

Americans.

ture of the

two Americas. (An

phia Daily

News quoted

article in

the Philadel-

the 2003 Racial and

Gender

Report Card, an annual assessment distnbuted by the Institute

versity

of Diversity and Ethics

in

of Central Florida, which

of Latinos

in the

Sport

at

said “the

the

Uni-

number

majors has nsen from 13 percent in

30 percent this year.”) In 2003 the Montreal Expos, under collective major league own1990

Press,

JcwN Krich

yielded to faster-paced,

its

A

1999.

parra.

As

and the

in 1996;

Mark McGwire

and Latin America

States

there was

in

to close to

ership, hired

Omar

Minaya, the

first

Latino general

ly since

it

years, has

And yet

has

it

has

as significant a

been

for, say,

sport

African

professional basketball, especial-

become more

international in recent

had an increasing impact on Latino cul-

From the awe-inspiring dominance of the 1992 U.S. “Dream Team” at the Barcelona Clympics to

ture.

Michael Jordan’s iconic

Magic Johnson movie

status

and the growth of

theaters in inner-city neigh-

borhoods, the past decade has witnessed

a globaliza-

tion of the National Basketball Association’s (NBA’s)

long amis of infiuence.

By

the

new millennium

the

187

«

BAUZA, MARIO

where in league’s makeup had changed as well, and Walt the past It had been typified by black stars like “Clyde” Frazier, Julius “Dr. J” Erving, and Kareem

NBA finds

Abdul-jabbar, the

from

hail

as frr

away

well

as

many— as

leading players

its

and Ger-

Croatia, Lithuania,

as

now

Spain and Latin America.

heading into the 2003-2004 season, the boasted seven players from the Spanish-speak-

In fact,

NBA

Lmanuel and Juan Pepe

ing world. There were the Argentines (San Antonio

Genobili

Spurs)

Gasol

Pistons); the Spaniards Paul

Sanchez (Detroit

(Memphis Grizzlies) and Raul Lopez (Utah Jazz); the Mexican Lduardo Najera (Dallas Mavericks); and the Puerto Rican Carlos Amoyo (Jazz). The one who shouldered

much

of the

ketball expectations,

the

initial

however, was Felipe Lopez from

championed

Michael Jordan.

Bom

as a virtual heir

apparent to

raised in the

Donfrnican

and

Republic, Lopez came to

New

York City and

at-

tended Rice Fiigh School in Fiarlem, where he was the nation’s

number one high school

When

nior year.

New

Villap^e

ing.

And though

his

s

Com-

in East

munity Center

Harlem with, among

others,

former 1970s guard Dean “the Dream” Memmger, who grew up in Spanish Harlem himself And as the cultural reach extends

NBA’s

(with Latino rappers,

NBA

among

model

been immeasurable

for aspiring Latino

do on the court

in fluent Spanglish. “It

is

para

mi

makes

hoop

“What-

stars.

me

powerful cultural sigmfier in American minority culture overall.

Related Articles Sports in Latino Life.

Further Reading and

Frazier, Walt,

Berkow. Rockin' Steady: A Guide to Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,

Ira

and Cool.

Basketball

1974.

Morales, Ed. Living in Spanglish: The Search for Latino Identity in America. New York; St. Martin’s, 2002. Schoener, AUon, ed. Harlem on A4y Mind: Cultural Capital of Black America, 1900-1968. New York: Random House, 1968.

Web

Selected

NBA en

jEspanol!

Sites

NBA.com/espanol

Anderson Tepper

BAUZA, MARIO Bom:

April 28, 1911; Havana,

Died: July 11, 1993;

New

be from

Bom

down

walls for

Cuba, Mario Bauza was rate

walls continue to

in places like

cmmble — most

notably

Puerto Rico, where a thriving pro

Latin, jazz.

Raised by

he became a

hamaonic

at

battleground of U.S. and Latin in city leagues like the leg-

endary Rucker tournament in Harlem, where black

merge and complement each

other,

they have in hip-hop culture in general;

arranger,

York

and one of the

his godparents,

discipline,

styles

New

founders and leading figures of Afro-Cuban, or Afro-

come

American national teams;

York,

a gifred musician, a first-

composer and superb

clarinet lessons at the age

a traditional

Cuba

Cayo Hueso neighborhood of Havana,

in the

league exists and the Pan American games have be-

as

wearing “retro”

uniforms, for instance), basketball remains a

to

proud

Latino kids.”

much

others,

gente,” he has said

una cultura tan preciosa and to break

and Latino

beyond just the court

and the cover of

pro career has not lived up to

the early hype, his influence has

Those

Beacon

children, for example, at the El Faro

Voice as a Latino superstar-in- the-mak-

the

I

court their heavy fan base in Latino communities. The Knicks have hosted bilingual readings for school-

hailed as

Illustrated,

the top freshman in the country,

ever

John

St.

York, in 1993, he ap-

peared on the cover of Sports

as a role

meanwhile, continue to

player his se-

he chose to attend

University in Queens,

New York Knicks,

weight of Latino bas-

Dominican Republic (Minnesota Timberwolves). Lopez was the first Latino player to be so widely

heralded,

like the

first trip

of five. Through talent and

member of the Havana

to the

prolific

Phil-

age 12, playing the bass clarinet. His

United

States (1926)

orchestra of Antonio Maria

most

Bauza began

Romeu,

composer of dauzones

was with the

perhaps Cuba’s (a

and on college campuses across the country, where

derived from the French contredanse, with

recent basketball standouts at colleges from Seton Hall

cussion).

Bauza was fascinated with

dance fomi

Cuban

jazz,

per-

and when

(Cannelo An-

he heard the legendary Coleman Hawkins, he made

NCAA

the switch to saxophone. Bauza was equally im-

[National Collegiate Athletic Association] champion-

pressed by black-owned clubs, restaurants, record

to Syracuse

have included Latino

stars

thony, the freshman guard on Syracuse’s 2003

ship

team and

a

Denver Nuggets,

^ 188

first-round is

draft

choice of the

part Puerto Rican).

Pro teams

companies, and radio

stations,

which he viewed

as

an alternative to the discrimination he faced in his

BEAR FLAG REVOLT

He went

native land.

and

finally settled in

tunity to play with

back to Cuba but returned

New York in

The oppor-

1930.

Antonio Machin’s group led

trumpet, according to some, in

his learning

two weeks. He became band from 1933

to

1934. In 1936 he

a

tmmpeter

1938 and

its

to

than

less

Chick Webb’s

in

musical director in

wedded Machito’s

sister, Estela, a

marriage that lasted until her death in 1983. In the

New

1940s and 1950s Bauza criticized some of the

York City Latin-based bands who

refused to hire

Related Articles Afro-Latino Influences; Danzon; Jazz; Music,

Further Reading Acosta, Leonardo. Rakes

del jazz latino,

uu s^lo dc jazz cn

Cuba. Baranquilla, Colombia: Editorial

2001

Iguana Ciega,

la

.

Chediak, Nat.

Diccionario de jazz Litino (Irictionan- of Latino

JazzL Madrid: Fundacion Autor, 1998.

Roberts, John Storm. Lcitiii Jazz: llic First of the F'nsions, 1880s to Today. New York: Schirmer Bks., 1999.

Yamow,

Scott. Affo-Cuhaii Jazz. San Francisco: Miller

Freeman

Bks., 2000.

Cab

African Latino musicians. Bauza played with

Classical.

Alan West-1 )urAn

Calloway’s band (1939—1941), and in January of 1941

he joined Machito’s Afro-Cubans, where he re-

mained

BAY OF PIGS.

until 1975.

Cuban

See

Missile Crisis.

His 1943 composition “Tanga,” an Afro-Cuban jazz suite,

considered one of the

Afro-Cuban

first)

cal training tras

is

and expenence

in big

band swing orches-

when

10, 1846,

a small

group of Mexicans near Santa Clara, Califor-

who

some of

his finest

horn wnting and

Inn” (1950), coauthored with the pia-

recognized musical

gifts in

staple

with introducing

Ella Fitzgerald to

by Bauza,

facilitated

cred-

that

his

band.

Gillespie

and

engendered

a

Latin jazz history, leading to the cre-

ation of classics such as

“The Manteca

“Tin Tin Deo.” Bauza, despite tions, did

is

Chick Webb,

was the collaboration between

Chano Fozo, new phase in

person

a

He

and Dizzy Gillespie to Cab Calloway and it

of

others and was able

to link individual talents with a group.

Suite” and

huge contnbu-

his

not receive the recognition he deserved

with the City of New York Mayor’s

until late in life

Award of Honor

for Arts

and Culture

an 80th birthday concert in

his

in

(1992), and followed

by The

Th/iyvi

Nou> (1993);

1993, having been diagnosed with cancer, he

back to the studio for one

last

in

went

session that resulted in

CoUinihiis (his address), released posthumously.

includes

“Zambia,”

two of his most memorable compositions, a blistering

Lullaby,”

minisuite.

To

a

up-tempo

haunting,

tune, and “Lour-

soprano-sax

the very end, Bauza

(Alta,

showed

driven his

im-

settlers

California was

or Upper,

attacked

of

part

still

Mexico). The revolt peaked on June 14 with the early

morning

nian) general

arrest

of Californio (Mexican Califor-

Manano

General Vallejo and

Vallejo at his

Sonoma

ranch.

brother Salvador were taken

his

where they were hu-

to Sutter’s Fort in Sacramento,

manner they detailed in their interviews with Hubert Howe Ban-

miliated and abused in a

memoirs

anci in

croft.

Skinnishes between

European Amencans and

Mexicans continued through tions

and

were the

early July.

result of a series of

agitations led

Anny

by U.S.

neer John C. Fremont. In

American immigi*ants

These ac-

U.S. expeditions

topographical engi-

Sonoma many European

who

had entered

CLilifornia

without pennission, and had not become Mexican citizens, joineci

honor. In the early

I'inic Is

nia

1984 and

1990s he recorded three albums, starting with

des’

on June

“Cubop City”

Rene Hernandez, became a hit and a Count Basie’s band. In addition Bauza was

It

Flag Revolt began

band of European American

nist

944

The Bear a small

“Mambo

But

BEAR FLAG REVOLT

helped remake the Machito band, creating the

(1948) features

ited

not the

jazz compositions. Bauza’s classi-

“dpico big band jazz sound.” His

his

(if

first

Fremont

white

in raising a

flag fea-

turing a grizzly bear and reading a proclamation for

an indepencient Republic of California

of war against Mexico.

laration

fornios fought

on the

side

Some

dec-

as their

wealthy

(kili-

of European Americans,

hoping

to secure their status

coming

social order,

while

and property'

in

the

many poor Mexicanos

and Indians fought against the European American invaders and their CLilifornio fornios

might have prefemed

allies.

their

Wealthy Cali-

own independence

from Mexico or nile under another country' such

as

peccable musicianship, professionalism, wit, and cre-

Great Bntain or France, and indications were that

ativitv.

they were

moving

in this direction

under the leader-

189

BIBLE IN SPANISH

ship of Bngadier General Jose

Maria Castro.

How-

Revolt indicated to Californios domination by the United States was imminent.

ever, the Bear Flag that

Independent

of,

and most

unknown

likely

Fre-

to,

on the opposite side of the continent, President James K. Polk, on May 30, 1846, had previously ordered troops under the future Bear Flaggers

mont and

New Mexico

Colonel Stephen Watts Kearny to

with Mexico. U.S. warships assembled in

San Francisco Bay and invaded on July

were

two days

7;

Sonoma and

Sut-

later

American

ter’s

Fort and a proclamation was read in Spanish

flags

raised at

banner of Manifest Destiny.

Related Articles Mexican Americans; United

California; Californios;

States-Mexico Relations.

and

thence on to California, in preparation for a military conflict

European Americans not only during the Mexican War with the United States but also throughout the U.S. Southwest and Mexico in the 1800s under the

announcing the conquest and replacement of the Re-

Further Reading Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America: A History of Chicanos. New York: Longman, 2000. Bauer, K. Jack. The Mexican War 1846-i848. Lincoln: Univ. ofNebr. Press, 1992. Christensen, Carol, and Thomas Christensen. The U.S.Mexican War. San Francisco: Bay Bks., 1998. Monroy, Douglas. Throum among Strangers: The Making oj

public of California with that of the United States.

Mexican Culture

The

Calif Press, 1990.

naval assault was launched in response to the

in Frontier California.

Berkeley: Univ. of

Leonard. The Decline of the Californios: A Social History of the Spanish Californians, 1846-1890. Berkeley: Univ. of

Pitts,

Bear Flag Revolt, under the assumption that Fre-

mont and

his

men had

word of an

received

official

Calif Press, 1966.

war with Mexico. The degree to which Fremont had the support of President Polk and the U.S.

government

of considerable academic debate, but

it

is

Susan Green

a subject

seems clear

BIBLE IN SPANISH

the short-lived Republic of California that resulted

was part of U.S. designs on Mexico

after Texas’s

Spanish,

which

usually refers to a Castilian dialect

whether or

spoken in the Castile region of Spain, bears one of

not Polk gave specific instructions to Fremont to lead

the longest traditions of translation of the sacred scrip-

from Mexico ten years

secession

a rebellion. offers to

As

1835 the U.S. president made

early as

Mexico

earlier,

of northern Alta

to purchase parts

San Francisco Bay. Lieutenant Ar-

California, such as

chibald Gillespie testified in a Senate hearing in 1848

he had transmitted Polk’s message to Fremont

that

was merely

and

that

Fremont

to stay in Califor-

nia

and “watch over” future U.S.

interests, since a

it

for

war with Mexico was imminent.

Gillespie’s charac-

however, was considered dubious by

ter,

Athough tion tants

government

the U.S.

promised

safe

and

fair

of California, the

Mexican and Indian

in

its

vernacular languages. In general, U.S. Latinos use a Spanish Bible are

produced

originally for audiences in Spain or Latin

America. In addition, the meaning of the term Bible

depends on whether one

For example, the

estant.

more books than

was anything

but.

of

Bear

garded a

as

pre-Afonsine version

famous Latin version

while poorer Californios were subjected to theft and

tegrated into a

often physical assault or death. Despite

more proper

Mexican

rights

of the Treaty of Guada-

848, the revolt foreshadowed sub-

The

revolt also mir-

rored expansionist, filibustering techniques used by

# 190

is

is

recognized.

However, the

actually a paraphrase

more

ofJerome’s

(the Vulgate, 4th century) in-

general history of humanity.

early translation

is

the

Aba Bible

A

(1422—

who

tations.

distncts in the 1850s.

usually re-

arts, is

Moses Arragel

Amencan

California, particularly in

Protestant Bibles.

by Rabbi

tempted

mining

not part

1433), produced under Catholic supervision

sequent hostile and violent Mexican and European

the

is

the earliest translation into Spanish, though

to

Ata

New Testament

famed Spanish royal patron of the

Afonsine version

relations in

Jewish, Catholic, or Prot-

proclama-

on wealthy Californios forcing them give money and land to support their movement,

1

is

of the Jewish Bible, and Catholic Bibles usually have

Flaggers preyed

lupe Hidalgo in

dependent on versions

The Afonsine version of the Bible (circa 1260), named after Afonso the Wise (1221-1284), the

result for the majority

in California after the signing

still

who

seven

treatment for the inhabi-

residents

of Judaism and Christianity into European

many and

testimony suspect.

his

tures

to

(of Guadalajara,

at-

harmonize Jewish and Catholic interpre-

The most important after the

Spain),

translations into Spanish

invention of movable type in

came

Germany

in

BIBLE IN SPANISH

By 1524—1525 Daniel Boinberg, a Chnstian pnnter who worked with Jewish scholars, had produced two excellent printed editions of the Hethe 145()s.

brew

which

Bible,

The

first

the

direction

Christians

New

Greek

due

the

Ximenes de Cisneros pnmate of Spain. How-

Francisco

ot

to bureaucratic obstacles,

it

was not pub-

meantime, the celebrated

lished until 1522. In the

Erasmus of Rotterdam, Netherlands (1469—1536),

New

Spanish-speaking Protestants in Latin

America and the United edly revised

Old Testament.

Testament was pnnted under

(1437—1517), the cardinal ever,

call

among

dard

(1

and has been repeat-

States,

862, 1909, 1960, 1977, and 1995).

Versions aimed specifically

Latin

at

Amencan

mark another major development

diences

histoiy of the Spanish Bible. In 1833 a as

Rivera apparently published,

of the Bible

translation

man known

Amenca. The

in Latin

the

in

Mexico, the

in

au-

first

New

Testament of La Version Hispanoamericana made its

debut

A

1916.

in

Jewish Spanish translation by

in the original

Leon Dujovne and Manases Konstantinowski appeared in Buenos Aires in 1961. Some more recent

languages became central to later translation efforts

“Latin American” translations actually derive from

into Spanish.

Amencan

actually published the

tament

A

first

printed Greek

Such pnnted editions

in 1516.

major obstacle to

Tes-

was

translations into Spanish

the official position of the Catholic Church,

which

had histoncally privileged Jerome’s Vulgate. In

fact,

pnnted index of the Spanish Inquisition

the earliest

(Toledo, 1551) prohibited the translation of the Bible

English translations. For example, the

Testament of La Biblia de

New Amencan

from the

rives

Amencas

las

New

(1973) de-

Standard vemon,

though the onginal languages were consulted.

The most

salient challenge in

any translation

is

achieving a balance between the original meaning

modem

into Castilian or any other vernacular language.

Con-

and

most Catholic Spanish

were

constantly strive to keep pace with linguistic evolu-

sequently,

translations

when

based on the Latin Vulgate until 1944,

the

complete Spanish-language Catholic translation

first

from the

original languages

was published by Eloino

Nacar and Alberto Colunga. More recent Catholic translations,

still

favoring the Castilian dialect, include

La Nueva Biblia Espahola (1975) and the CanteraIglesias

In contrast, Protestants

produced or distributed the

Spanish Bibles translated directly from the

For example, Protestants

original languages. in the distnbution

of the Ferrara Bible (1535), which

of the Old Testament directly from

was

a translation

the

Hebrew. This version

Yom Tob

scholars

Arias

is

attributed to the Jewish

and Abram Usque,

wrote under pseudonyms. The Ferrara alistic

A

literalism

Bible’s liter-

of the Femara Bible made

resource for

a significant

some

later

first

complete

New

it

Spanish transla-

Protestant, Francisco de Enzinas,

with the (

who

renderings often clashed with Spanish syntax.

However, the tors.

assisted

Testament

is

credited

in

Spanish

Oso (The Bear Bible) became the of both the Hebrew and Christian scrip-

La Biblia del first

edition

tures to

into the varieties of U.S.

translations

Latina and

Latino Spanish. Indeed, there are no complete Bibles

of Spanish that have

in Spanglish or in the varieties

The production of depend on consumer demand

developed in the United such translations will

Another and

tion

politics.

issue has

Its

been the control of the

be translated from the original Hebrew,

Aramaic, and Greek. Published Switzerland,

it

in

1569

in

Basel,

was the work of C.asiodoro de Reina

(1520-1594). Cupnano de Valera published

a revi-

sion of Reina’s version in 1602. This version,

known

eventually

as

“Reina-Valera,” has

become

the stan-

transla-

For most of Ghnstian

inteiyretation.

the Gatholic

history,

States.

Ghurch

privileged Jerome’s

Vulgate, but that situation changed with the Protestant

Refomiation. Although denominationalism has

diminished greatly, there are ences

among

lations.

still

Protestant, Jewish,

some

subtle differ-

and Ghristian

trans-

Multidenominational (ecumenical) translations

have not been

as

prevalent in Spanish

Moreover, Spanish

translations

cused on gender neutrality.

one can

find the

New

Among

as in

English speakers,

Revised Standard Version

(NRSV) and Today’s New neutrality.

One example

English.

have not yet fo-

International Version

(TNIV), both of which make attempts

1543 ).

may be

Accordingly, the next development

tion.

and religious

version (1975).

earliest

comprehensibility. Biblical translations

is

in

Matthew

at

gender

5:9,

where

most Spanish versions have “hijos de Dios” (“sons of God”). In contrast, the

NRSV

and

TNIV

have

“children of Clod,” a rendenng also found in the

King James Version

(161

1).

Biblical translations will

be produced

as

long

as

probably never cease to

the Bible

is

deemed

relevant.

Indeed, Spanish translations are also taking advan-

191

4

BILINGUAL EDUCATION

new media

tage of

World Wide Web).

(computers,

For example, the American Bible Society, a powerful organization in biblical translation, now has an Office of Latino Affairs with a

Web

The

speakers (http://www.biblias.org). dialectical or

for Spanish

recovery of

derived Spanish traditions (for example,

Judeo-Spanish)

is still

any indication,

an emerging

translations

may mark

Latino Spanish

opment

site

in the history

area. If history

is

into varieties of U.S.

yet another major devel-

of the Bible in Spanish.

as

they learned the language of their

vocates of bilingual education argued that the same

Mexican /American youngsters who entered school with limited fluency in English, many of them from Texas and elsewhere along the U.S.-

rural areas in

Mexico border. In 1967 Senator Ralph Yarborough, a Democrat from Texas, introduced legislation to establish federal aid for bilingual

programs for such

children in public schools. “It

not the purpose of

Yarborough

bill,”

guage

Catholicism; Evangelism; Jewish Life; Protestantism; Reli-

to teach the thousands of

methods could be used

the

Related Articles

new home. Ad-

alive. It

said,

is

“to keep any specific lan-

not the purpose of the

is

bffl

to create

of languages through the country

different pockets

gion; Translation. .

Further Reading

West from

The Cambridge History of the Bible: The Refomiation to the Present Day. Cambridge;

Cambridge Univ.

Guzman, Guide

Press, 1963.

Love, Spirituality,

York: Three Rivers

Nelson, Jonathan L.

“

Press,

their

mother tongue the dominant language,

but just to try to

The

English.”

make

those children fully literate in

was eventually incorporated

legislation

Vll of the Elementary and Secondary Edu-

as Title

The

Bible:

allocation

initial

Over

2002.

‘Solo Saluador’: Printing the 1543

New Testament of Francisco of Ealesiastical

not to stamp out the mother tongue and not to

cation Act of 1968 and received limited funding.

The Nueva Latina’s Family, and La Vida. New

Sandra. The Latina’s

to

Biblias Castellanos del

S. L. the

.

make

Fernandez y Fernandez, Enrique. Las exilio. Miami: Editorial Caribe, 1976. Greenslade,

.

de Enzinas (Pryander) History 50 (January 1999): 94—116.

panded

was only $7.5 million.

the next 30 years, blhngual education exrapidly,

and

Journal

In

FIector Avalos

its

early stages the

can-bom

aims changed significantly.

its

program aimed

to help

Ameri-

children of non- or Hmited-EngHsh-speak-

make the transition from their Spanishspeaking homes to the dominant English-speaking ing parents

BILINGUAL EDUCATION While bilingual education has been a feature

it

1960s.

Its

and

so

is

which they now hved. During the 1970s,

however,

many bilingual

openly that Latino youngsters should not be

transi-

tioned quickly from Spanish to English but should

did not become a federal program until the

be encouraged to retain their native language and

impact in the Latino community

culture.

the debate surrounding

it.

is

immense,

Lias the program

failed to teach Hispanics the proper English-language skills

they need in order

to

assimilate? Is Spanglish the obvi-

Some bilingual scholars

—that Latinos must

—with no

sci-

evidence to buttress their

entifically valid empirical

claims

argued

first

become

native language before they can

hope

literate in their

to

become

fully

ous outcome of a generation divided between two tongues?

proficient in English.

The

marked by parti-

immigrants to the United States demonstrated oth-

opposing sides of the

erwise, but the aims of bilingual education advocates

san

response to these questions

Thus,

lines.

is

this entry offers

often

debate.

were

The Case for English Immersion

tion legislation

The

1968

in

funded bilingual education program as a

modest proposal

to teach

non-

native language for a short time while they learned English.

A

had

pilot

program, aimed

fled Fidel Castro’s

their island nation

and

at

Cuban

refugees

communist takeover of

settled in Florida in the early

as

came up

The

first

major national review of federally funded

bilingual programs, stitutes

to

conducted by the American Infor Research in 1977, showed the programs

have largely

failed in their mission.

dren to keep up with their academic

in Spanish either.

in Spanish

Not only were

Latino children in bilingual programs not learning English, they

work

for reauthorization in 1973,

program had already become somewhat controversial and would become more so over time.

1960s, had proved very successful at allowing chil-

192

experience of millions of

the

English-speaking children academic subjects in their

who

The

much political and cultural as they were pedagogical. By the time the federal bilingual educa-

federally

began

^

education advocates argued

May-

United States since the arrival of the

tion in the

flower,

in educa-

culture in

were not learning other

The

study

subjects taught

showed

that bilingual

BILINGUAL EDUCATION

students scored at about the 3()th percentile in math,

when compared with their Latino peers

who

Nor was

English.

national noniis

— no better than

had been taught

bilingual

entirely in

education improving

widely used throughout the world to teach foreign languages to students of

all

ages and require

with simple vocabulaiy and syntax acquire basic

major objective of the programs. Several subsequent

guage. In the

skills first

until the students

communicating few years

have actually shown that bilingual education

English-immersion program aimed

retards

academic perfonnance and delays acquisition

numbers

of English. Nonetheless, bilingual education programs

nia

for Spanish-speaking children proliferated through-

in

and 1990s.

sponsor

a

as

Ron

group of Latino parents to

statewide initiative in California to replace

bilingual education cial

a

programs

English-immersion

classes.

in that state

with spe-

The measure, known

Proposition 227, was overwhelmingly endorsed

by California defeat ers

it

voters, despite an expensive effort to

launched by bilingual advocates, the teach-

unions, and Spanish-language television.

courts subsequently rejected efforts to strike

the

new law on

civil rights

grounds, and

it

The down

was im-

mediately implemented. Immersion techniques are

holds up a

handmade

new

the increasing

at

new

Latino youngsters

results.

English-immersion programs scored

Unz

sponsored

ballot in 2()()0,

a similar

which was

measure on the Anzona

also adopted. In

sachusetts adopted an English-immersion as well,

2002 Mas-

referendum

but an attempt to win passage of

initiative in

Colorado

that

same year

a similar

tailed after a

wealthy Colorado heiress spent over $3 million to defeat

it.

Bilingual education programs continue to

generate considerable controversy and debate, but remain the prefeiTed

ing Spanish-speaking children in little

as

much

method

many

public

of teach-

states,

evidence that bilingual methods work

despite as

well

A I IN

K M :US

English-immersion or other techniques.

JIMMY

Man

lan-

double-digit gains in reading and language.

In 1998, however, a California entrepreneur,

Unz, teamed up with

new

of Spanish-speaking immigi'ants in Califor-

produced impressive the

in their

after passage, the

studies

198()s,

in-

struction to be in the language to be learned, but

Latino youngsters’ attitudes about school, another

out the 1970s,

all

1

)(

)R AN IT.S /

1

sign during a protest over the issue of bilingual education in California.

193

— BILINGUAL EDUCATION

Related Articles

ticular the

Assimilation; Bilingualism; Cubonics; Education, Higher,

(1974).

English

as a

Second Language; Limited English

Profi-

While

ciency; Literacy; Spanglish.

New

Hispanic Assinulatiofj.

Guide

K-6

for

Toward

Barrio:

a

New

Politics

of

York: Basic Bks., 1991.

A

Structured Enfisli Immersion:

Step-by-Step

Porter, Rosalie Pedalino. Forked Tongue: The Politics of Bilingual Education. New York: Basic Bks., 1990.

The Next (Summer 2003).

Rossell, Christine. “Dismantling Bilingual Education:

WGBH

Op-

spirit.

Implicit in this

States as a nation

While English

among

differ-

ent and sometimes sharply opposed visions of what

kind of nation the United States its

linguistic

and

has taken place in a

judicial arenas, state

and what

cultural diversity.

it

should

wide range of political and sys-

has involved a variety of

It

with advocacy groups, pro and con, playing

an important role in bringing the issue to the politiagenda.

cal

It

was

in

Miami,

Florida,

few years

under circumstances par-

modem period was adopted in

The

idea with zeal.

cation Act, also

programs to all-English alterna-

tives.

Organizations dedicated to abolishing bilingual ed-

Only

ucation, such as the English

U.S. English) and English

vanced

their agendas

in the state

and

First

(also

direct

known

as

have espoused the

in

1968

the Bilingual Education

outgrowth of

civil rights legislation,

law aimed to guarantee equal educational oppor-

non- Anglophone

pupils. It

recognized the

— although not the only means possible

for assuring pupils’ transition

proficiency” to

full

was reinforced by

from “limited English

mastery of English. This right

certain

their efforts

and investing millions of

dollars to dramatize the issue

tures

as

movements, have ad-

by concentrating

local arenas

known

— often

the expense

at

state legisla-

have adopted official-English resolutions. (To

sure, these

measures have been largely symbolic

import and have often come up against the recog-

Referendum campaigns in several states have dealt some severe blows to bilingual programs. The most

major federal step toward

first

from

Latino groups from coast

use of their native languages as a legitimate pedagogi-

# 194

bilingual transitional

regulations diverted funds

public institutions in a language they comprehend.)

of Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Edu-

means

new federal

had become

promoting such programs was the passage

cal

Reagan,

nized rights of non-English speakers to interact with

bilingual education

demand of

momen-

1963.

to coast, although not aU Latinos

tunities to

have gained considerable

tum. In the early 1980s, under President Ronald

in

fi^st

to pass

the adversaries of

public bilingual education

later,

an important

this

language— attempts

—in recent years

be

program of the

A

should promote the domi-

amendment have

Cuban and Cuban American popula-

tions there, that the

Act.

the idea that the

is

of clarity. Since the 1970s more than 20

ticular to the

A

view

in letter

a constitutional “official English”

The con-

and municipal educational

tems, and the media. actors,

is

mandate

its

has never gained federal recogni-

bilingual education

of bilingual education has become since

the early 1960s a key stake in a contest

evidence

this fact as

that bilingual education exceeds

and

means

as a

to facilitate the transition to English.

tion as the official national

issue

been conceived

well

Education End., 2002.

The Case for Bilingual Education

test

has

as

repeatedly failed

do about

it

defense of local bilingual

ponents have long pointed to

Ron Unz. Boston:

Linda Chavez

The

legal

nance of one language alone.

WGBH

until

means

United

Stavans, Ilan. La Plaza: Conversation with Linda Chavez. Education Fnd., 2003. Boston: Stavans, Ban. La Plaza: Conversation

and

of transmitting native cultures and languages as a

sional Resources, 2003.

Nichols

v.

For some key actors in the build-

education programs,

Teachers and Administrators. National Profes-

Impact of Proposition 227.” Education

staffing,

ing,

Lau

education has meant different things to

different people.

Chavez, Linda. Out of the

in

legally defined as a transitional tool, in prac-

tice bilingual

Further Reading

Haver, Johanna.

Supreme Court decision

key court mlings,

in par-

telling tiative

of these to date was the California ballot Proposition 227, passed in June 1998, in

61 percent of that

state’s

cent of Latino voters

placed drastic limits

voters

on

which

—and only 37

— approved

a

ini-

per-

measure that

the availability of bilingual

education programs; these were allowed to survive only by waiver, requiring parents to organize to obtain

one.

Similar measures have passed

greater margins in Arizona (1999) setts

and

in

by even

Massachu-

(2003), although another such initiative lost in

Colorado (2003). In the meantime, the Bilingual Education Act was allowed by Congress to expire in

BILINGUAL EDUCATION

January 2002. Federal policy all-English

now

explicidy favors

methods of teaching.

Although

Flonda,

political trends in the late

beyond have been unfavorable

1990s and

to bilingual educa-

other long-tenn developments point to the

tion,

United

becoming

States

diversity

guistic

almost

a bilingual society,

of the educational policies adopted. Lin-

regardless

fact

a

is

vocacy of bilingual education by many Cubans

of U.S.

life

because of

is

whose patnotic

who

with

spheres in

lic

owes and

is

immigrants since the

196()s.

It

enough, to the large

clearly

Hispanophone southern periphery

languages.

El

its

Castellano, originally

one of the world’s most widely practiced It

has

Americas for

“ghetto” programs, that

enough

true

is,

associated

of ethnic isolation and school

fiilure.

It

disproportionate numbers of

that

been

a constitutive

language of the

method adopted

to the

recent years,

In

which

their families live than

them

to teach

English.

using sophisticated marketing

techniques, opponents have striven to broaden their

more

appeal, stressing the apparently

universalistic

civic-oriented claim that bilingual instmction ply an educational disservice to children.

prevented,

said,

it is

is

and

sim-

They

are

from learning English properly

and thus from gaining necessary marketable

longer time than English.

a

conditions ot poverty in

that has

implanted in the Americas by the Spanish colonial is

a logic

programs are de-

bilingual

ment, but these are more closely correlated with the

Spanish

provided the United States with nearly half of

empire,

as

virulent fonnulation of

by

also as citizens.

this distinction,

vital

is

same argument,

transi-

Latino youth have problems of low academic achieve-

the most important language in this category.

far

them than

which people express themselves not

immigrants but

just as

pub-

more

tion to English. In a

much more

rise to

years enrolled in

should nomially be required to complete the

nounced

and give

many more

spend

cause of the capacity of certain immigrant languages,

to generation

States

Another key argument of opponents turns on the idea that bilingual programs become traps for pupils

the

from generation

United

hardly in doubt.)

consistently abundant migratory flows, but also be-

than others, to perpetuate themselves

loyalty to the

in

skills.

English learners in

This was the leitmotif of the successful “English for

U.S. schools since the 1960s have been Spanish

the Children” referendum campaign sponsored by

Nearly three-quarters of

speakers. In

all

most moderate fomi, opposition

its

bilingual education has

“civic culture,” that

is,

to

emphasized the defense of

the idea that schools have “a

responsibility to help prepare students for participa-

tion in public

life

the assumption

English

is

and the wider marketplace,” given

—an

eminently debatable one

the only possible language in

billionaire

this

in California in 1998,

peated elsewhere. As a able,

but

its

political tactic,

results,

when

trained personnel.

always avoided spilling over into intolerant, ethnora-

across the country cannot

tion undesirable in the

United

States.

This “clash of

civilizations” perspective has even, at times, otflcial

been the

thinking of certain of the movement’s lead-

The most detennined ucation never

tire

adversaries of bilingual ed-

of denouncing the gap between

bilingual education’s legal glish

culties

from adequate resources and

benefits

The

of praise or

situation in school districts

summed up with a few condemnation. The real diffibe

experienced by some programs, seized upon

by opponents

whole

to discredit the

mandate

to

produce En-

cient funding

and

staffing. Fully

largely because

competent

training

them

in

bilingual education has lost support not only because

been aggressively stigmatized but

by some of

it

has been actively prevented

However, supporters

it is

as

quite exaggerated to present bilingual

being motivated by ethnic separatism

and an urge to undennine national true,

it

would be impossible

solidarity. (If this

to explain the ad-

difficult to recmit,

adequate numbers. In recent years

has

practitioners.

bilingual

of the lack of public commitment to

it

its

idea ot bilin-

gual education, have often been the result of insuffi-

fluency and the objective of Latino cultural

affinnation espoused

were

adjectives

it

education personnel have been

ers.

not supported by

including successful mastery of English, espe-

includes a broad spectrum of viewpoints and has not

language and Latin American cultures are by defini-

is

Bilingual education can bring positive academic

cially

motivated thinking, in which the Spanish

understand-

serious research.

can happen. However, the coalition of opponents

cially

it is

and re-

assumption that English-only programs

are always educationally superior

— that

which

Ron Unz

tive educational

At any

rate,

also

because

from becoming

a posi-

example. the chances of renewing the appeal

of bilingual education

in the future

advocates’ ability to present

it

as

depend on

much more

its

than a

195

^

BILINGUALISM

temporary remedy for those seen to

low English

affliction:

ter

promoted

proficiency.

It

suffer

from an

would be

bet-

forward-looking means of adapting

as a

public education to a globalizing world, developing

North-South understanding, and acknowl-

greater

edging the growing cultural mestizaje (mixture) be-

tween Anglophone and Hispanophone America. In the few existing programs of “double

this respect,

immersion,”

which Anglophone and Hispano-

students learn each others’ language together,

phone

may

in

examples of what quality education can

serve as

bnng.

adopted by several

states,

glish Plus” fomiula.

by the

legislature

affimied

its

Only”

others have devised an

This approach was

of

resolutions

System. Ed. by

Dame

Notre

Chris Garda. Notre

F.

Univ.

Dame,

Ind.:

Press, 1997.

Urciuoli, Bonnie. “The

Complex

Diversity of Language in

the United States.” In Cultural Diversity in the United States.

Thomas C.

Ed. by Ida Susser and

London: Black-

Patterson.

well, 2001.

Selected

Web

Site

James Crawford’s Language Policy

Web

Site

and Emporium.

New

first

Mexico, which

in the U.S.

in

1989

not threatened and that for their

“economic and

cultural benefit,” citizens

own

need to

fos-

more than one language. Similar resolutions followed in Oregon and Washington. While largely symbolic, these measures hold out the promter skills in

of

a

more

linguistically pluralistic

means

it

to belong to the

conception of

United

James

Cohen

adopted

support for “proficiency in English plus

is

JWCRAWFORD

“En-

other languages,” given that the position of English

what

cal

http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepage/

In response to the “English

ise

Sanchez, Rosaura. “Mapping the Spamsh Language along a Multiethnic and Multilingual Border.” In The Latino Studies Reader: Culture, Economy and Society. Ed. by Antonia Darder and Rodolfo D. Torres. Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell, 1998. Schmidt, Ronald, Sr. “Latinos and Language Policy. The Politics of Culture.” In Pursuing Power: Eatinos and the Politi-

States.

BILINGUALISM Many

and

gual,

on

nations around the world are ofiicially bilintheir citizens use

While

a daily basis.

gualism

as a

two languages or more

necessary basis for national unity

who

an indisputable

speak other languages

reality.

at

home

is

became the the country, composing

Latinos recently

minority group in

largest

still

of diverse mi-

prevails in U.S. society, the existence

nority groups

monolin-

a strong befief in

13.4 percent of the total population, a percentage

Related Articles

that

Assimilation; Bilingualism; Cubonics; Education, Higher;

quently, Spanish

English

as a

Second Language; Limited English

Profi-

ciency; Literacy; Spanglish.

Press, 1997.

Max J.

Miami Now!

“The

of Language in Miami.” In

by Guillenno J. Grenier and Alex Stepick Univ. Press of Fla., 1992. and

Practice.

III.

Gainesville;

4th ed. Los Angeles: Bilingual Educational

Fuchs, Lawrence H. “Respecting Diversity, Promoting Issue.” In

The American Kaleidoscope:

Race, Ethnicity and the Civic Culture.

Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1990. Gandara, Patricia. “Learning English

Middletown, Conn.;

United States: Readings

Linguage Educators. Vols.

I,

bridge Univ. Press, 2000.

196

ma-

States share Spanish,

example, Cuban, Domini-

to

from Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America and their U.S. -bom descendants, it is acquiring a broader scope that includes, in particular

II.

from Latin American countries where

another language

is

spoken

(for

example, Brazil and

For generations U.S. Latinos have stmggled

Haiti).

to maintain their identity

through preserving their

customs, traditional cultures, and particularly their native language.

Bilingualism, defined for present purposes as the

Remaking America. Ed. by Marcelo M. Suarez-Orozco and Mariela M. Paez. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif Press, 2002. McKay, Sandra Lee, and Cynthia Wong Sau-Ling, eds. in the

vast

in California: Guideposts

for the Nation.” In Eatinos

Neiv Immigrants

The

though the term Latino has been used primarily

contexts, people

Bilingual Education: History, Politics, Tlieor)^

The Language

States.

common

can, Puerto Rican), as their native language. Al-

Services, 1999.

Unity:

(for

most

describe people

Politics

Immigration, Ethnicity and Social Change. Ed.

Crawford, James.

of Latinos in the United

of whatever variety

August, D., and K. Hakuta. Improving Schooling for Language-Minority Children. Washington, D.C.: Nat’L, Castro,

after English, the

is,

language spoken in the United jority

Further Reading

Academy

expected to double by midcentury. Conse-

is

for

Second

Cambndge, U.K.: Cam-

ability to use

ency,

is

two languages with

an important and

Latinos. Bilingualism has

ferent

frameworks

a

nearly equal flu-

remarkable

skill

for

many

been investigated from

dif-

in psycholinguistics, educational

applied linguistics, sociolinguistics, anthropology, and

cognitive science. Experts from these fields

all

agree

BILINGUALISM

that there are

many

reasons that bilingualism

cases multilingualism)

where language contact nos,

mam

one of the

nonn

the

is

(in

many

communities

in

occurs. In the case of Lati-

reasons bilingualism exists

is

immigration.

Mexicans

inhabitants ot Puerto

selves in a situation

U.S. Southwest and

in the

Rico became

States as a result

English, often

of the

citizens

of war and found them-

of having to learn

imposed by schooling

a

new language,

Among

practices.

second- and third-generation U.S. Latinos,

from bilingualism generally the

monolingualism

to

nonn. In

at

and learn English (L2)

at

conmiunity. majority of

The

home

is

of recent

with their

school and in the

early generations

them of Mexican

a shift

in English

contrast, children

immigrants learn Spanish (LI) families

enonnous support

of Latinos, the

descent,

who

lived in

for the preser\’ation

of L

and bilingualism within the Latino communiw.

managed

Latinos have

Spanish (here

Many in L2.

Latinos speaking different dialects of

dialect

of Mexican

ers

use

great vanation in the degree of bilin-

is

among

gualism

1

to maintain their native lan-

guage while successfully achieving competence In fact, there

Historically,

United

is

simply means

dialects

Speak-

“variety'”).

from communities through-

out the Southwest have been particularly studied

Domini-

have, to a lesser extent, speakers of Cuban,

and Puerto Rican

can,

been

a

movement

dialects.

as

Recently, there has

of “heritage lan-

for the revival

guages” and for speakers from minority groups to

and college lev-

learn or relearn (at the high school

the language of their parents.

els)

bilingualism has regained a high status

Consequently,

among mem-

communitv.

bers of the Latino

the Southwest and other regions of the United States

encountered very negative attitudes toward Spanish

from members of the mainstream

Even

society.

home,

Latinos maintained their native language at

Individual

and

A distinction

is

Societal Bilingualism

if usucilly

drawn between

The

individual and

depends on

societal

bilingualism.

school. Therefore, children developed English pro-

whether

a society officially or infonnally has

ficiency at school without gaining equal proficiency

the use of more than

speaking anything other than L2 was prohibited

in their LI, thus

becoming

at

passive bilinguals (able to

understand but not speak Spanish) or sometimes

completely losing their Spanish. struggle to maintain their

lack of understanding

society about

what

it

To

this

day Latinos

language because of a

first

gual Education Act, teachers and school sensitive to children’s linguistic districts

staffs

became

backgrounds,

began creating bilingual programs

A

recent

antibilingual education backlash, spearheaded

by the

meet

students’ language-learning needs.

English-Only movement, has lingual

programs

in

Only movement

some

has

virtually eliminated bi-

states.

been

Although the English-

justified

able

(1) leani

are

bilingualism). This

bilingual is

situation

individual

is,

the case in the United States, voluntarily adopted the

English, wTile stmggling to

main-

language or heritage language. In the

of Latinos, particularly

many of them les,

(that

congregate

New^ York

Crity,

(for

in those areas w'here

example, Los Ange-

Miami, the Southwest), many

succeed in maintaining their native language.

The tenn

who tic

can speak two languages across different linguis-

domains

ing).

individual hilUiastro’s regime reversed arresting

Florida,

anyone

who

tried to escape

its

Uuba.

policy of

from the coun-

more than 50,000 Cmbans took

a result,

the sea aboard fragile

rafts.

Since

its

inception in

1

99

to 1

Women’s Croups in Boston and Los Angeles; and an even larger number of Brazilian churches,

search and rescue humanitarian mi.ssions in the FloncLi

restaurants (such as clinrrascarias, or Brazilian steak-

Straits

zilian

houses), soccer leagues, tural

in

groups (such

as

and music, dance, and cul-

the Brazilian CAiltural Cienter

Cioconut Crove, Florida, the Brazilian Cultural

Pompano (raucho Outer

Society in

Beach, Florida, and the Cul-

tural

in

Los Angeles). All of these

institutions help Brazilians maintain

important cul-

manage adaptation pressures, organize and promote greater knowledge of Bra-

Brothers to the Rescue has carried out over 1,800

and

assisted in the rescue of

fleeing CTiba.

cue

On

pilots notify the

zations ists,

and congresspersons, Brothers airdrop food and

the U.S. U.oast

United

States.

U.S. Uoast (iuard, which dis-

and individuals, including musicians, journal-

politically,

in the

Brothers to the Res-

With monetary and matenal donations from organi-

water supplies to

and culture

raft.

rafters

patches a ship or helicopter to pick up the refugees.

tural values,

zilian history

sighting a

over 4,200

rafters,

helping them to survdve until

Uuard can reach them. Brothers

also

provide emergency food, medicine, and clothing de-

227

n

BROWN

BERETS

Cuban

liveries to a

sau,

refugee detention

camp

in

Nas-

Bahamas.

Ci)ther objectives

of Brothers to the Rescue in-

clude providing humanitarian aid to families of political

and supporting human

prisoners

within Cuba.

The

organization also supports nonvio-

and donates money

lent internal opposition to Castro

to Concilio

rights activities

Cubano,

a coalition

of 160 opposition

groups throughout Cuba. For example, in 1996, in an operation Jr.,

Brothers

ritory to

named Operation Martin Luther King, sent its unamied planes into Cuban ter-

drop

leaflets

with the text of the United

Human

Nations’ Universal Declaration of to

Rights,

encourage nonviolent rebellion. The Cuban re-

gime considered the Brothers nization,

be

to

and Castro labeled the

a terrorist orga-

leaflets

subversive

embargo even further. In addition, it imposed sanctions and punished firms that did business with Cuba, creating a division between the United the U.S.

States

and some of its international

allies.

Other controversies have surrounded the Brothers to the Rescue organization. Soon after the downing of the Brothers’ planes,

was revealed

it

that

both

the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and

Cuban

had

intelligence

group. In ad-

infiltrated the

dition, the tragedy also frayed the relief organization

and caused

a

deep divide between

The

of the killed airmen.

fainilies

and the

it

won

families

$187 million

damages by suing the Cuban government under federal antiterrorism law, and in 2000 the U.S. gov-

in a

ernment gave them $38 million from frozen U.S.

Cuban telephone compayment. The families, however,

bank accounts belonging

to

propaganda, accused the Brothers of flying over

panies as partial

Cuban

excluded Basulto and Brothers to the Rescue from

airspace,

and issued warnings of their airspace

on Febshot down two

infringement. Provoked by these incidents,

mary

Cuban

24, 1996, the

air

force

of three Brothers to the Rescue

civilian planes fly-

Armando

ing close to the island, killing Carlos Costa, Alejandre,

Mario de

la

by the U.S. government. In an internaUnited

and Cuba squared

States

or international airspace. Although

Cuban

in of-

shift

by accusations that government Cuban missiles were bearing down

States

knew that pilots

and did nothing.

Brothers to the Rescue incident

how

Rescue incident

the

Cuban Americans, tage

as

is

also

noteworthy in

its

that

despite their distinct cultural heri-

American

Nations and

an ex-

homelands. The Broth-

and connections to Cuba, were

nized

is

Latino exile communities remain

politically invested in their ers to

shoot-down

citizens in front

international

legally recog-

of the United

community.

accused the United States of manufacturing

evidence about the locations of the planes and being unwilling to enforce international regulations lations

officials

ample of

whether or not the planes were downed

ficials

United

to the

The

off in the United Nations with contradictory claims

Cuban

the blame for the

One

Immediately Cuban Americans demanded an in-

as to

with attempts to

on the

plane survived and the operation unraveled.

tional uproar the

Other tensions have emerged,

Pena, and Pablo Morales,

three U.S. citizens and a legal U.S. resident.

vestigation

the court settlement.

UN

of sovereignty, the

passed a resolution

on vio-

Security Council

condemning Cuba

for

downing

the planes. After the incident President Clinton de-

nounced the Cuban government for its aggression, ended all commercial air links to Cuba, limited domestic travel of

Cuban

compensation to victims’ a delicate time,

when

it

diplomats, and authorized families.

was

This occurred

Related Articles Balseros; Castro, Fidel;

Foundation;

Cuba; Cuban Aniencan National

Cuban Revolution;

Adariel

Boat

Lift.

Further Reading Gonzalez-Pando, Miguel. Conn.; Greenwood

Selected

Web

Tlie

Cuban Americans. Westport,

Press, 1998.

Site

Brothers to the Rescue, http://www.hernianos.org

at

Alyssa Garcia

said that President Clin-

ton had been getting ready to loosen the 37-year U.S. embargo, but Republicans in Congress used the incident to force the Clinton administration to

embrace tougher sanctions toward the country, thus reversing

its

Cuba

prompted Clinton

policy.

to sign

The

turn

of events

and put into law the pend-

ing Helms-Burton Act. This legislation, labeled a declaration of

^

228

war on Cuba by

its critics,

tightened

BROWN BERETS The Brown

Berets was an organization of

young Chicanos who advocated for the civil rights of Mexican Americans in the United States. Founded in 1966 by David Sanchez, Vickie Castro, Ralph Ramirez, John Ortiz, Moctesuma Esparza, Rachel Ochoa, and

BROWN George Eicon, the Brown Berets

are recognized pre-

dominantly for their participation in the notorious

“Blowout” marches of 1968, their historic protest of the Vietnam War, and for their constant stmggle against police brutality within the

Mexican Amen-

can community. In the words of Carlos Montes,

Brown

Beret acquitted for conspiracy to

bum down

“we were

the Los Angeles Biltmore Hotel,

a

group

a

BERETS

Brown Berets would mn into high schools yelling, “Walk out! Walk out!” The significance of the the

student

strikes,

historic.

The

or “blowouts”

as

they were called,

student strikes were the

wave of

first

mass protests by Chicano youths dunng the eventually

becoming

TELACU, The

of

Union. Through

is

196()s,

the catalyst for the expansion

East Los Angeles

CYmmunit\'

their participation in the student

Brown

of young Chicano revolutionaries from the barrios

strikes,

of the Southwest fighting for the self-detemiination

throughout East Los Angeles to win bilingual educa-

Brown

of our people. The

Berets was a symbol of

the pride in our culture, race and history.” Originally

known

as

the

tions,

Y oung Citizens for Com-

munity Action, the Brown Berets represented Chicano nationalism during the

radical shift in

While organizations such

as

MEChA

(El

a

ticipation as a

means

Berets helped Latino students

Chicano study programs, better school condiand the recmitment of Mexican Amencan

teachers and administrators.

blowout marches,

In addition to their role in the

Brown

Berets took part in a

196()s.

the

Mov-

events. In the

imiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan) and La Raza

Unida Party promoted educational and

tion,

the

the

first

summer of 1968, Rainbow Coalition in

number of

other

they marched with the Poor People’s

electoral par-

for social change, the

Brown

Berets adopted, the principle of using violence in the defense of their

Under

munities.

own Mexican American com-

the leadership of

David Sanchez,

would develop

more

the

Brown

cal

organization, evolving into a proactive group

Berets

into a

radi-

centered on proletariat militancy. Reflecting the new, aggressive attitude of the

Brown fomi

Berets was an innovative militia-style uni-

that included khaki clothing

and

a

brown

beret.

Designed by Johnny Parsons, the beret featured yellow pentagonal emblem with two bayoneted

behind

words

a cross. L Mestiza (1987), Anzaldiia consciousness that

arises

from

and

identifies a mestiza

a person’s

of exploitation based on her or race,

mar-

his

experiences

gender, sexuality,

class.

231

BRUJERIA

Yet other contemporary Latino communities brownness

ject

as

paradigm for Latino

a

New

Indeed, Mexican Amencans from well

some segments

as

munity

of the

re-

identity. as

partly based

ined sense of self, the

fact that

some segments of the

reject the

brownness paradigm

the limits of brownness

by claiming black and mixed-

heritage identities.

To

complicate matters more, essayist Richard

Ro-

has

been reviled

for

denying

his controversial

minority in

Saldivar.

Assimilated, Brother,

Yo

Soy Assimilao:

Identity in the \J .S.” Journal

of Ethnic Studies 13, no. 3 (1985); 1-16. Flores, Juan, and George Yudice. “Living Borders/Bus-

cando America: Languages of Latino Self-Formation.” Texts, no. 2 (1990): 57-84.

Social

Ian F. “Race and Erasure: The Salience of

Haney Lopez,

The Latina/o Condition: A Critical Reader. Ed. by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic. New York; N. Y. Univ. Press, 1998. Oboler, Suzanne. “The Politics of Labeling: Latino/a Cultural

Race

to Latmos/as.”

of Self and Others.” In Transnational Latina/o Communities: Politics, Processes, and Cultures. Ed. by Carlos

and quite contra-

G. Velez-Ibahez and Anna Sampaio.

his status as a racial

&

memoir. The Hunger of

which includes an episode where he scrape off his

Rodriguez

brown

later

new racial paradigm in

and the Americas his

at large

is

an essay called

this is

Brown-

the mainstream.

“How

is

is

of

Olguin

BRUJERIA Brujeria

is

is

wary of

litde

its

when

form of popular magic

to

what Latino

is,

using magic for

cultures

know

It is

that

is

practiced

the counterpart

as curanderismo,

good purposes, such

as

that

healing or

finding lost objects. is

phenomena

in

name

number of psychosocial Mexican American, Cuban Ameri-

the

for a

its

reach because

while embedded in Chi-

use

a

with the intention to do harm.

Brujeria

a category that

cano identity

The

In

B. V.

Hispanics Be-

paradigm from the periphery of U.S. culture to

brownness

Became Brown.”

Riddle of Cantinflas. Essays on Hispanic Popular Culture. Albuquerque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1998.

work, no longer

(1997), discussed this transition of the

mainstream. But he

Hispanics

titled

the brown-skinned

connotes marginality, but rather

came Brown”

“How

the United

or her multivalent culture.

according to Rodriguez in

Ilan Stavans in

2002.

skin with a razor. Significantly,

Brown: The Last Discovery of America (2002), which

person and

New York: Rowman

recalls trying to

published a collection of essays

proclaims that the

Littlefield,

Stavans, Ban.

Memory: The Education of Richard Rodriguez (1982),

ness,

by Hector Durham: Duke Univ.

Ideology. Ed.

The Stmcturing of Puerto Racan

dictory and controversial depictions of brownness.

States

and

Identities

driguez has offered vastly different

He

“Que

Flores, Juan.

metaphor’s usefulness. Moreover, Domini-

can and Puerto Rican communities further pressure

Literature, Culture,

Calderon and Jose David Press, 1991, 127-48.

on an imag-

and

limits the

Chicano

Cuban American com-

in Florida, continue to allude to their Spanish

community

Chabram-Demersesian, Angie. “Conceptualizing Chicano Cntical Discourse.” In Criticism in the Borderlands: Studies in

Mexico,

ancestry. Partly true

Latino

Further Reading

attempting to

can, Puerto Bdcan,

and has

cultures

magic

qualities that are essentially similar to

of the world. The practitioners of

in other parts brujeria

understand Caribbean Latinos.

and other Latin American

— called brujos

(male) or brujas (female)

—are

marginalized in their communities, although they are In any case, the celebratory attempt to revive Vasconcelos’s raza cosmica paradigm difference

is

and represent

racial

indeed more acceptable now. However,

early 21st-century U.S. wars in the

Middle East and

Afghanistan complicated brownness yet again. While

dark-skinned Latino soldiers serve in these U.S. military campaigns, dark-skinned States are

once again seen

as

people in the United

suspect

by some. Thus

meaning of brownness has yet to be determined and will continue to be the subject of much the future

debate and

lyrical meditations.

regarded with reverence or

fear,

since

they are

thought to have supernatural powers, which they derive

from

their “ability” to enter

world of spirits.

mand of the

It is

and move

believed that through their

envy, or feel enmity toward. the interest of a third party

hami

to

Some

com-

supernatural, brujos and brujas can cause

disease, death, or calamity to persons

them

in the

They can

who

has

they despise, also

work

in

commissioned

a social rival.

commonly associated with beliefs that some people are

elements that are

Latino brujeria are the

Related Articles

able to

Acosta, Oscar; Mestizaje; Rodriguez, Richard; Vasconce-

coyotes, or birds; that the existence of the devil can

los,

^232

Jose.

change into certain animals, such

as

dogs,

be witnessed; that areas have been bewitched and

BRUJERIA

therefore have a negative influence over people; that

and

curses as

spells are valid; that there

is

such a thing

the mal de ojo (evil eye); that objects or amulets

can prevent bewitchment and ghosts and evil also

do

spirits

and

nial de ojo;

exist. Brujos

and

hriijas

that

are

thought to be able to control the weather, use

the secret powers of certain plants to cause disease in

animals and

human

beings, and use an individual’s

him or her. complex agglom-

personal objects to gain control over

The

roots of brnjeria

in a

lie

of

have been found

brnjeria

Miami, and other

places

New

in

on the

immigrants from the Caribbean

York

where

East Coast reside.

CiU’,

Adapting to

urban conditions, shops called botanicas specialize

in

kinds ot accessories ot brnjeria and cnranderisnio.

all

of the American Southwest traditionally

In the areas

Mexican Amencans and Native Ameri-

inhabited by

cans, a strong tradition

of

brnjeria has existed since

the conversion of indigenous populations to Christianity

by Catholic

missionaries.

eration of folk religion, superstition, psychosomatic

phenomena, and is

actual medicinal

and which, along with the psy-

partly kept secret

chologically and socially influential charisma of the

and

hrujo

bruja,

a

is

way of

explaining the persis-

A

tency of bnijena in Latino communities.

more

behavioristic approach sees brnjeria as a social behavior used

by individuals

that put the that

to pursue individual interests

coherence of the group in danger and

would be

subject to prosecution

were

Drug

the “shielding” function of brnjeria.

not for

it

dealers in

the U.S. -Mexico borderlands, for example, use the

cover of satanic cult lective

activity,

fomi of brnjeria,

which

in itself

of

fear

a col-

dmg trafficking,

to hide illegal

and they use the popular

is

In^ares encantados

American Southwest the ongoing presence

In the

knowledge, which of

brnjeria has

songs,

given nse to hundreds of

and stones

that deal

with incidents of brnjeria.

Chicano author Ru-

In his novel Bless me. Ultima,

dolfo

and

Anaya

describes the conflict

on

between

a family that practices brnjeria,

of New Mexican

oral traditions

Other Chicano

brnjeria.

a cnrandera

making ample use

and folk

writers

beliefs

who

the topic of brnjeria in their works include Alejandro

whose book The

Morales,

picts transfomiations sacrifice,

and

1990s

seems that

has

it

secret,

been used with

Brick People (1988) de-

of humans into animals,

popular Latino culture

brnjeria in a twist,

turning around the social

out interferences from the outside.

as a signifier for

European

folk beliefs

the result of a mixture of

and practices whose origins can

be traced to matriarchal

cults that flourished before

the Christian era and indigenous pre-Columbian be-

which were

liefs,

in

some

the pre-Christian ones. cultures shared ally

respects quite similar to

The primary

was the conviction

are “witches”

who

thing that both

the

a

name

medals and pictures of saints, Catholic demonologies beliefs in supeniatural lidity

larly,

and medieval

—were fused with indigenous practices. Slaves

taken to the Caribbean region from west-

ern and central Africa held beliefs that to those

of Native Americans, and

were

similar

after the abolish-

ment of slavery the black magical-religious systems became overall folk belief systems [santeria, voodoo) that show some elements of brnjeria, and which immigrants from the Canbbean in the United States inserted into existing Latino superstitions. Since the

beginning of the

and An-

identity. In the

Chicano Spanish and

Anglo-Ainencan

and underscore

cultural

dominance. Simi-

Mexican American perfonnance

the

Guillenno Gomez-Peha has used in

their re-

some of

his

himself “border

work

styles

and

artist

artifacts

that point to brnjeria, calling

brnjo. ”

powers and the empirical va-

of existing magical-religious

who were

Roman

as Christianity

Brnjeria, singing in

that there actu-

rosanes, crucifixes,

to challenge

heavy-metal band and perfonned under

radically “satanic” aesthetics

as

instead

using a typical iconography to ironically display their

use their powers for evil

—such

way

it

San Francisco—based Chicano musicians

early 1990s

sistance to

images and ntuals

such

as a

glo-American concepts about Latino

purposes. After the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors,

otherness and

traditional Latino values

fonned

ritual

indigenous knowledge. Since the

stigma that the temi once implied, treating

is

based

have used

(haunted places) to operate drug laboratories with-

Historically, brnjeria

folktales,

2()th century,

Canbbean

versions

Related Articles CAirandensnio; Folklore, Ckinbbean; Folklore, Me.xican

American; Superstitions.

Further Reading Anaya, Rudolfo. Bless Me, Ultima. 1972. Reprint. New York: Warner Bks., 1994. Dorson, Richard M., ed. 'Ilie Handbook of .American B'olklore. Blooniinp;ton: Ind. Univ. Press, 1983.

Espinosa, Aurelio Macedonio. “New-Mexican Spanish Folklore

II;

Superstitions and Be\ieis." Janmal of

Amencan

Polklorel?^ (1910); 405-418.

233

^

BUGALU

Lomeli, Francisco,

et al., eds.

United States: Literature

in the

Handbook of Hispanic Cultures and Art. Houston & Madrid:

&' Instituto

Arte Publico Press

de Cooperacion

tent backbeat

of the bugalu rhythm. Pop singer and

songwriter Fantastic Johnny

C

had

a hit single

with

Down Broadway in 1967, and R&B star James Brown created a bugalu-TLScB instrumental Boogaloo

Iberoainericaiia, 1993.

Morales, Alejandro. The Brick

Hous-

People. 1988. Reprint.

ton; Arte Publico Press, 1992.

classic

TomAs Christ

with Cold Sweat, Part 2 (the B-side of Cold

Sweat),

R&B

which

charts

in

1967 went to number one on the

and number seven on the pop

charts.

Bugalu influenced the sound of the Memphis-based

BUGALU El

was

(anglicized as boogaloo)

bi{^alii

beat music created

by Puerto Ricans end

that flourished at the

funky, up-

a

in

of the 1960s.

known

contemporary black pop

New York A fusion of

as soul music

music hits

style that

of Cuban-influenced dance

American mainstream.

in the

Two

— Nuyorican (New York Puerto Rican) per-

cussionist

number termelon

Ray

three

Barretto’s El Watusi,

on

the charts in

Man, written by jazz

The

May

pianist

which reached

WaHerbie Hancock 1962, and

Mongo

and recorded by Afro-Cuban percussionist

number and was but

single, it

its

were

melon

Man

mental

riff

on the B

of

side

ad-libbed lyrics and strong beat

irresistible to

vocals

released

nov-

as a

a

made

the general public, even though the

in Spanish; the equally catchy

seemed

by way of using Caribbean rhythms and

watemielon man.”

whole-

so liinited that the craze died out before

sale

defection from Spanish as the language of Latin

music could be

continued to record bugalu

Dance Like

York

they worked toward

as

developing a Nuyorican sound. Spanish-language bugalus,

New

bands in

effected. Latin

Ese

se

One

of the best

baila

asi

(They

was performed by Puerto Rican

This),

Hector Lavoe on Willie Coldn’s second record.

By

The

Hustler.

and

social aperture that bugalu

the early 1970s, the musical, dance,

had opened between

Latinos and black Americans had closed.

Its

demise

resulted in the fragmentation of the music

market

into ethnic groups.

punctuated by a chorus singing “Hey,

would

was

Water-

consisted primarily of a repeated instru-

to offer Latin musicians a path

today be called Spanglish. But the musical format

singer

Santamaria in 1963. El Watusi was intended elty

bugalu

singing in English or a pidgin language that

popular

of the early 1960s provided the blueprint for

biigalii

Boogaloo.

to success

dance rhythms, bugalu was a transitional after the decline

ligator

and

the intensely festive ambience of Aifo-Caribbean

emerged

Booker T and the MGs, whose record Green Onions was a hit in the late 1960s, and also spilled over into jazz with Lou Donaldson’s Alinstrumental group

By

the inid- 1970s, black music

had evolved into sophisticated, highly commercial productions from

New York and Los Angeles; main-

stream pop music became geared toward a white

Although the bugalu craze was short-lived,

it

was

youth market; and

salsa

was margjnahzed

as

the prod-

hugely successful in penetrating the commercial mar-

uct of

The first bugalu, titled Bang-Bang, by the Joe Cuba Sextet, came out of an improvisation at a per-

Related Articles

fomiance, was recorded and released rapidly, and

Afro-Latino Influences; Colon, Willie; Dance; Music,

became

Popular.

New York’s

Latino underclass.

ket.

a

nationwide

hit in the

summer of

1966.

Its

raucous, improvisatory quality offered an innovative

Further Reading

approach to capturing the raw energy of a cityscape.

Briggs, Frank J. The Art of Boogaloo.

The opening piano vamp followed by an

Roberts, John Storm. The Eitin Tinge. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1971.

overlay of

hand clapping and shouting “bang-bang” created a background for the lead vocal of Puerto Pdcan singer

Cheo

whose

rapid-fire Spanish

wove

in

and out of contrapuntal English nonsense

lyrics.

In

Feliciano,

the following years, bugalu

became obligatory

for

Latin musicians looking for crossover success: Pete

Rodriguez made an impact with and Johnny Colon scored

Rhythm and

^234

blues

(R&B)

a hit

I

Eike

It

Eike That

with Boogaloo Blues.

artists also

used the

insis-

Rondon, Cesar Miguel. El ela:

Merca

lihro

de

Mel Bay

la salsa.

Pub., 1988.

Caracas,

Venezu-

Libros, 1972.

Dita Sullivan

BULLFIGHTING

BULLFIGHTING There arose

are

many

theories as to

on the Ibenan

suggested

it

horseback with lances, often with dogs and helpers

Peninsula.

was part of a

on

how

bullfighting

a

Some

writers have

on Crete. Others have seen of the

as part

custom

those

who

V

1567 Pope Pius

that in

participated with

threatened

excommunication,

all

al-

it

as a

shown in the Minoan

though the prohibition was eventually

lifted.

Along-

as

the paintings of bull leaping tound in

by the Romans

This became so widespread and dangerous

cult to the bull that existed

throughout the Mediterranean world,

sites

foot.

first

sport brought

gladiatorial

combats

side this sport a

of the nobility, there was undoubtedly

more popular

when men on

spectacle at festivals throughout Spain

foot tought or ran from bulls as part

ot the festivities. against wild beasts in their amphitheaters.

Still

other

experts point to the eight centimes of

mle by the

Moors

of the Arab

to suggest

tradition,

it

must have been

which continued

part

in Spain after

it

disap-

were

also closely associated

dition of mamage

most

and

fertility rites,

likely that the idea

fight

is

The

first

tion has

it

that

arise

public

dated from the

1

and

it is

1

from

of

a bull

th century; popular tradi-

who

against the

took part

in the

the

who

Spanish spectacle of bullfighting was

its

mles and ceremonies 1725 by Francisco

time, in

first

in the south

of Spain. The 18th centur\' saw

the rapid spread of this Spain, with the built in

ebrated

first

Madrid this

“new”

in

1743. Francisco de (loya cel-

national sport in

in paintings

Colombian

artist

Bullfighting

is

spectacle throughout

pennanent bullfighting ring being

engravings, beginning an

continued

many

artistic

nia,

paintings and

tradition that has

by Picasso and,

later,

by the

Fernando Botero. also

popular in southern France. In

of

bulls

was the

challenged the bulls on

ing

is

still

fought by

practiced, while in Portugal the bulls are

men on

horseback and are not

MARCK) JOSK SANCHiy.

Members of

down for Romero in

set

the Basque country the ancient tradition of bull leap-

(corrida).

In medieval times the fighting

preserve of noblemen,

perhaps

a tradition

was the hero of the wars

organized bullfight

a folk tra-

announcement of

Moors, El Cid Campeador, first

with

of fighting the bull during

ceremonial occasions did this kind.

defined, and

Ronda

peared elsewhere. Bulls

The modem

/

killed. Bull-

Al’/WIDI W(IRI

I)

PHOTOS

the Turlock Suicide Squad wrestle a bull during a Portuguese-style bullfight in Stevinson, C'alifor-

2003.

235

BULLFIGHTING

many

held, as well, in

fights are

American

Latin

follow the very

The

18th century.

not

not

a sport,

man

pattern

strict

but

down

laid

first

basic premise

a spectacle,

that the corrida

is

ceremony

a

in the

in

and triumphs over

his fear,

The

it.

which

bullfighter,

or matador, demonstrates his mastery over a bull by the use of a red cape, or muleta, forcing the animal

him

to charge

ened by

again and again until

his artistry to carry on, at

sword

bullfighter uses his

The

as possible.

since

it

to

it is

bullfight audience

which point the

participates in this ritual,

is

also important,

and should show

and understanding of each succeeding

respect for

is

usually circular

and can be

a very grand

construction, such as the Las Ventas ring in

Mexico

The

cities

main square when they

annual

A

festivities.

who

body

The ceremony of

all

band.

rather than

brought

throws

down

The

known

as tercios.

his large

first is

parade

from

a brass

where the

bulls

released.

The

first tercio

bull’s strengths

stages,

enables the matador

and weaknesses, using

known as the caseek to wound the

purple and yellow cape,

It is

is first

when

the picadors join the fray that the

wounded, the picadors

deliberately

stick-

ing their lances, or pnyas, into the muscles of the bull’s

neck, to get

horns

less

horse,

which today

ering,

and the picador

bull’s

# 236

it

dangerous.

neck.

When

is

to

lower

The

to charge in vain

by

its

of passes

a variety

animal

until the

defeated by his

is

When the torero feels

wounds.

it

its

he runs forward and plunges

head into the aorta with the aim of

almost instantly.

After the kiU, the matador

dience

is

rewarded. If the au-

he has performed bravely, they wave

feels

dor perfomis

But

two

him one— ears. The mata-

if

its

head and make the

bull charges directly at the

protected by a mattresslike covthrusts his lance

deep into the

the presidente judges that the bull

a tour

pubHc

the

feels

— of the bull’s

of the arena holding the

bulls

ear.

he has performed badly, he

received by silence or boos and

used for the

bravos, or fighting buUs,

is

hisses.

corridas in Spain,

the toros

have been bred there since

the 17th century. Exclusive to the Iberian Penin-

they are raised on huge ranches with

sula,

little

contact with the outside world. Their breeding studied, are

then takes places in three

pote de brega, but he does not

bull

a

confrontation between the bull and the bull-

judge the

animal.

and

parade has finished, the presidente

fighter, or torero,

to

corrida,

the key to the bullpen

and the

are kept,

he executes

to a standstill,

it

sword over

The

begins with the arrival of the presi-

this

it

he has completely dominated the animal and has

animals.

the participants, usually to music

When

by getting

com-

handkerchiefs for the presidente to ofier

person in charge of the

dente, the

it

as possible as

or, exceptionally,

two

his task, orfaena, to obtain

which he conceals his sword. A good torero wiU bring the charging buU as close to his

corrida usually consists of six

place darts, or banderillas, in the buUs’

backs) each killing

now

It is

are celebrating their

comprising horsemen, or picadors, and bander-

illeros,

of trumpets signi-

fanfare

at his muleta, in

and

buUs, with three matadors and their teams (the cuadrilla,

reaction and

brings the torero face-to-face with

tercio

plete mastery over

There

towns, while smaller places often improvise rings in their

third

the buU.

killing

are several hundred buUrings in Spanish

of banderillas, or up to

the end of this tercio.

fies

Madrid

City.

set

on the buU’s

A

animal’s temperament.

a

or the largest in the world, in

into

it

the torero’s need to feel he has fuUy understood the

skill

Bullfights take place in a plaza de toros, or bull-

which

banderillas

the same time to sting

four of them, depending

with the cape,

phase of the symbolic drama.

ring,

at

There may be one

action.

too weak-

the animal as quickly

kill

but

it

to begin.

tercio

shoulder blades, also with the aim

bull’s

of weakening

way, he

in this

of placing decorated

consists

tercio

between the

second

down

is

confronts the possibility of violent death, over-

comes

This

solemn ceremonies and

slowed

sufficiently

signals for the

countnes, from Mexico to Peru. Bullfights are considered

been

has

and they

are carefully selected before they

brought to the ring

when with

they weigh

all

at least

at

three or four years old,

1,000 pounds (450 kg). As

aspects of bullfighting, there

tique surrounding the toros de

which bulls’

meant

are

to represent

lidia, all

from poor

mys-

or fighting buUs,

the nobility of the

families in southern Spain

ment denied them are trained

become

from

a

way

and

in aU other ways.

who

have seen

social

advance-

Some of them

very early age until they graduate

full-fledged matadors de toros, capable of

perfomiing in the major a

a great

themselves have traditionally been

bullfighting as a path to riches

be

is

world.

The matadors

to

is

bullrings.

it

can

no doubt it is a two of the most famous

to earn a fortune, there

very dangerous profession:

Although

is

BUSINESS

of

bullfighters

(1895—1920) and

time, Joselito

all

Manolete (1917—1947), were

Be-

killed in the ring.

cause of the danger they face, matadors are very superstitious.

Frepanng themselves

don the famous

for the fight, they

dc luces (“suit of lights”), a richly

traje

embroidered and sequined short jacket, and the

now

originally a real,

leta,

a fike pigtail,

co-

and pray

to

their favonte virgin for protection, in a ritual often lasting

more than an hour.

summed up

and Hispanic worlds, in

Death

the Afteruoofi:

in

“The

opinion

bullfight

in

not an equal contest or an attempt

at

or

less

by the

well,

which there

an equal it

played,

is

man

a is,

is

a

more

and the man involved and

bull

danger for the

is

which

932

that

contest betw^een a bull and a man. Rather tragedy; the death of the bull,

1

not

is

Anglo-Saxon sense of the word,

sport in the it IS

his

in

but certain death

for the bull.”

America by the

Bullfighting was taken to Latin

Spanish in the 16th century.

It

no coincidence

is

Related Articles Sports in Latino Life.

that

it

was most developed

empire, Mexico and Peru, where today, although

lar

it is

it is still

Mexico City

dors from Spain

known

be

to

The

Mexico

Plaza

heroes,

as local

more flamboyant than

far

Colombia,

often attracts the best mata-

well

as

most popu-

also practiced in

Ecuador, Panama, and Venezuela. bullring in

of their

in the centers

who

their

are

Euro-

Furteier Reading Conrad, Bamaby. Encyclopedia Houghton

Mifflin, 1961.

Fulton, John.

Hemingway,

Bullfiplitinp^.

New

Ernest. Death

York: Dial, 1971.

in the

Afternoon.

New

York:

Scribner, 1932.

McCormick, John. Society.

pean counterparts.

Boston:

of Bullfiy’litiny’.

Rev.

ed.

BuUfiplitinyi, Art,

New

Technique and Spanish

Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Bubs.,

1998.

Latino immigrants in the United States have not

Nick C.aistor

generally brought the buUfighting tradition with

them. There are regular as

Tijuana, but the

border towns such

corridas in

strict rules

on

the protection of

BUSINESS

animals and the considerable expense involved have

meant

that the practice in the

limited.

It

is

only in California

community

guese American bullfights,

and care

A number tine,

are events in

as

take

on the

the Portu-

breed

bulls for

towns such

as

or bull wrestlers

with bare hands.

—amateurs

in California claim that

Latinos from an urban background as

as a

it

is

an

young

do not appear

to

Franco regime promoted bullfight-

“typical” and noble Spanish

that set the Hispanic

art, a

tradition

world apart from the Anglo-

Saxon. Since the return of democracy to Spain, there has

been increasing debate between those

— mostly

—

young people who see bullfighting as a barbarous and outmoded sport that should go the way of bearbaiting

and be banned, and those aficionados

who

bound up with the “Spanish temper.” Ernest Hemingway, the American writer who has perhaps made the greatest attempt to bndge the divide between the Anglo-Saxon continue to

U.S. Small Business Administration estimates

that Latino fimis

minority-owned

insist that

it is

intrinsically

now

fimis,

account for 39.5 percent of exceeding the number

owned

by aU other minority groups. Forty-two percent of these fimis are in the servdce sector, while retail and

constmction each account for 13 percent of the

Most Latino

total.

businesses are concentrated in Texas (20

percent), California (28 percent), Flonda (16.2 percent),

and

New

York

(8.7 percent).

Demographic Overview The

U.S. Census Bureau estimates that there were

approximately 35.3 million Latinos living

United

such.

In Spain the

ing

The

The promot-

expression of their cultural heritage, but most

it

Gus-

the traditional matadors, these

bulls

of the spectacle

see

very

that there are regular

in California

corridas feature forcados,

ers

among

is

Stevenson, and Thornton from April to Sep-

tember. As well

who

States

taken not to hann the animals.

is

of ranches

and there

fighting,

United

States in 1999,

in

the

accounting for approximately

12.5 percent of the total U.S. population.

Of these,

20.6 million, or 58 percent of the nation’s Latinos,

were of Mexican descent. lion

Of the

were Puerto Ricans,

remainder, 3.4 mil-

1.2 million (Tiban,

million Central American, 1.4 million

1.7

were South

American, 765,000 were Dominican, 100,000 were Spaniards, and 6.1 million in the “other” categorvc

By 2002, population

estimates for Hispanics increased

to 38.7 million, or 13.4 percent of the total U.S.

population.

Agency

Development by 2050, Hispanics will make

The Minority

projects that

up 24 percent

Business

of the total population

of the United

237

^

BUSINESS

OWNED BY HISPANICS

BUSINESS FIRMS

Number of Firms

Percentage

20,821,935

100.0

Total Minorities*

3,039,033

14.6

Hispanic**

1,199,896

5.8

472,033 287,314 125,273

39.3

69,658 57,160

5.8

Owned by

Business Firms

Hispanics

United States Universe (All Firms)^

Mexican, Mexican American, Chicano Hispanic Latin American

Cuban Puerto Rican Spaniard Other Spanish/Hispanic/Latino Total

23.9 10.4

4.8

188,458

15.7

1,199,896

100.0

Source: U.S. Census Bureau; 1997 Economic Census. ^Universe (All Firms) refers to all businesses, without regard to the race, ethnicity, or gender of the business owners. ^Refers to businesses owned by blacks, Hispanics, Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and Alaska Natives. **Hispanic-owned businesses are those where the sole proprietor identified his or her origin as Cuban, "Mexican, Mexican American, Chicano," Puerto Rican, Spaniard, Hispanic Latin American, or Other Spanish/Hispanic/Latino on the 1997 or 1992 survey questionnaire; or, in the case of firms with multiple owners, where 51% or more of stock interest, claims, or rights were held by Hispanics so determined.

These data

States.

reflect the

tremendous growth of

the U.S. Latino population. Indeed,

and 2000,

between 1990

the five-year period.

corporations are businesses

that are legally incorporated (except for

segment increased by 58 percent or 13 million people, accounting for 40 percent of the

ers are

increase in the nation’s total population for the ten-

ers.

year period.

Bureau’s Survey of Minority

this

,

The above

data,

showing

a significant positive

taxed

C

as individuals,

prises for the first

nomic impact of minority

on Latino

for example,

proximately 6 percent of the in the

United

States.

total

ap-

number of firms

These firms account for only

1

percent of total receipts and 1.3 percent of employees.

However,

there are indications that both the

number of Hispanic-owned

firms

and

their profit-

reliable

ment

contemporary estimates of minority involve-

in business.

The Census Bureau conducts

Survey of Minority

Owned

a

Business Enterprises

every five years for years ending in 2 and

from the 2002 survey

forward in getting accurate estimates of the eco-

7.

Results

are not available at this time.

The latest available data show that receipts for Latinoowned fimis increased 49 percent from 1992 to 1997,

259,900

businesses. In tive estimates tical

C

firms.

From 1992

to 1997,

corporations produced 43

summary, even relying on conservaof Hispanic business ownership,

patterns indicate that the overall health

Latino business sector in the United States

ing

at

an impressive

It is

of the U.S. Department of Commerce, are the most

Owned Business Enter-

percent of aU revenues generated by minority-owned

ability are increasing.

Data for 1997, garnered from the Census Bureau

rather than as sharehold-

time in 1997. This was a major

portant in creating a proper context for a discussion

own

own-

corporations were included in the Census

step

business. In contrast to their 13 percent

Subchapter

S corporations). In Subchapter S corporations,

trend in growth for the Latino population, are im-

representation in the population. Latinos

important to note that while the is

vast majority

of these fimis are

cent, or

cent, or

of the

improv-

number of

increasing at a remarkable rate, the stiQ small.

Forty per-

475,330 Latino businesses, have receipts of

$10,000 or receipts

is

statis-

rate.

Latino firms

20 percent, or 273,000 fimis, have between $10,000 and $25,000. Only 2 perless;

26,700

fimis,

have

of $1 million or

sales

more. Average receipts for Latino fimis were $155,200, compared with $410,600 for nonniinority-

owned

businesses.

The

vast majority

of Hispanic

compared with 40 percent for all U.S. fimis. This represents an increase from $77 biUion to $114 bil-

businesses are sole proprietorships, unincorporated

lion over the five-year period.

fomial employees.

entities that are typically

In temis of numbers, while nonminority fimis in-

creased by 7 percent, the

excluding

m

C

238

C

number of Hispanic

fimis,

corporations, increased 30 percent for

Although not to

family-owned and have no

exclusively, the smaller fimis tend

be concentrated in the service

sector.

This sector

accounts for 42 percent of Latino-owned fimis but

BUSINESS

percent of

nets only 21

owned

total

On

establishments.

receipts for Latino-

the other hand,

of Hispanic

trade, involving 13 percent

17.3 percent ot total receipts.

finiis,

retail

counted

of

for 15.4 percent

Even more impresand fimis

receipts,

that business.

The two key

netted

the 2 percent of finns in manufacturing ac-

sive,

resources are necessary^ for “growing” or developing

in

variables, ethnic concentration

resources,

class

are

and unique

separate

Whereas ethnic concentration mand,

creates

and

factors.

market de-

resources contribute to success of the

class

wholesale trade, 3 percent of Latino fimis, contrib-

minority finn. Smaller, family-owned minority fimis

uted 21.7 percent of receipts.

tend to depend largely on ethnic concentration in

From

order to survive.

The Population Ecology of

(sweets

Hispanic Businesses

ies,

picture of the extent of

Statistical patterns afford a

business involvement and dustries.

terns

By looking

emerge.

these data,

at

there

First,

representation across in-

its

is

two

distinct pat-

remarkable growth in

on

a stick)

and tamales

restaurants, carnicenas

and comer grocery erated

businesses that

sell

paletas

in the street to

baker-

(meat markets), record shops,

stores, the

market demand gen-

by ethnic concentration

is

readily observable.

The dramatic increase in population among Latinos has made Latino-owned businesses an expanding part

number of businesses owned by Latinos. Second, there are indications that some of these fimis are becoming more competitive; that is, receipts at-

of the landscape of the United

tributable to Latino fimis are increasing.

these finns nevertheless have to be recognized as

the sheer

In order to understand cal patterns are statistics

nomic tion.

emerging,

to an analysis

why it is

of the

the foregoing

necessary to go

social, political,

statisti-

beyond

This section

devoted to studies that have

is

commitment U.S. economy,

cause they represent the willingness and that Latinos

have to success in the

being limited

their capacity to

in

become

strong

competitors.

While businesses

and eco-

forces that influence Latino business fomia-

Laudable be-

States.

on ethnic con-

that rely heavily

centration are limited because of their heavy reliance

on one segment

ot the population, other Latino busi-

economy. Usually

explored the social context of the Hispanic businesses

nesses operate in the mainstream

sector.

larger than the typical Latino fimi, they are required

Research has shown that two

forces, ethnic

con-

centration and acquisition of class resources, are key variables in understanding Hispanic business

and growth. Ethnic

tion as

an increase in the

concentratioti

of

common

can be defined

number of Latinos

tively small segregated areas or

fomia-

living in rela-

neighborhoods. People

ancestry living in close proximity pro-

vide opportunities for individuals interested in establishing businesses that cater to the special needs that population.

of

Research has shown that ethnic con-

to seek out

and

utilize class resources.

Knowledge of

accounting, finance, and personnel legal requirements

United

States calls for

that are not often

found among

for operating businesses in the

and expertise

skills

The larger and more it must rely

the smaller fimis described above.

more competitive on

expertise that usually goes

mem-

beyond family

and individuals within an ethnic neighborhood.

bers

A

the business, the

typical pattern

businesses

is

of growth for larger Latino-owned

that

of being founded on the

basis

of

an important factor in increasing the

ethnic concentration but then beginning to attract

number of Latino businesses. The higher the number

nonethnic customers. These growing businesses are

of Latinos moving into

forced to acquire

centration

is

a

given neighborhood or

city,

the greater the opportunities for business ownership

and

by

Examples

Latinos.

A

second key variable

is

class resources. Cdass re-

sources have been identified

and

social skills necessary for

cessfully.

Most Latino

the owners

as expertise,

miming

a

ideology,

business suc-

businesses remain small because

do not have the education,

knowledge, or netw^orks

to

make

specialized

a business

tmly

competitive. Thus, while ethnic concentration creates initial

market demand, which makes

for a person to

open

a

new

it

possible

business venture, class

class

grow mainstream economy.

resources in order to

stay competitive in the

are popular restaurants that started out small

and family-owned but eventually acquired the capital

to procure class resources,

which

in turn

enabled

become larger and more competitive. Indeed, many restaurants with origins in the ethnic community have grown by establishing branches in more affluent parts of cities.

them

A fied

to

less typical

pattern of

by Latino finns

such

as

growth

is

one

that

is

typi-

that offer nontraditional products

fabncated goods, technical services, or other

239

#

BUSINESS

goods and

services.

These businesses tend not

to

have

Although there

is

no doubt

that discrimination in

some

part in segregat-

origins tied to ethnicity but, rather, to expertise or

the United States has played

knowledge gained through fomial education or previous technical work experience, or both. Examples

ing minority communities, there are other forces

of these types of fimis are

medium

to large construc-

com-

tion fimis, technical service or manufacturing panies,

and medium-

In rare circumstances, class resources and ethnic

concentration claves,” a

come

together to fomi “ethnic en-

tema introduced by Alejandro Fortes (pro-

of sociology and

fessor

of Cuban

specialist in the area

American entrepreneurship) and

who

associates,

first

discovered such a market niche in the Miami-Hi-

and

aleah, Florida, area. Fortes

that capitalists, professionals,

revolution in

socialist

associates discovered

and managers fleeing the

Cuba during

the 1950s found

business opportunities in areas settled

work. Howard Aldrich, organization theorist and specialist in the area

have found that

ers,

minorities

to large-sized car dealerships.

by other Cuban

at

is

a result

of business fomiation, and oth-

much

of “ecological

historically, the

note that

moved away from

inner

among succession.” They

business formation

more

affluent populations

cities to

As

suburbs.

this

happened, minorities, especially immigrants, began to settle in vacated central city neighborhoods.

nonminority entrepreneurs

lost interest in establish-

ing or maintaining businesses in areas

by

As

now

occupied

minorities, opportunities for minority entrepre-

neurs increased. Aldrich and associates posit that residential succession

provided “protected markets”

for minority businesses. Frotection

was afforded not

immigrants in Miami, especially in and around CaUe

only because minority business provided specialized

Ocho

products and services but also because nonminority

(a

Cuban and

capitalists

area in Miami’s Little Havana).

professionals,

many with

The

years of ex-

perience running businesses in Cuba, had the

class

businesses tended to shy

garded

At

resources necessary for establishing successful busi-

United

ness ventures in the nesses as a

were

market

stiU

States,

heavily reliant

base.

Thus

on Cuban Americans

ethnic concentration, in the

fomi of Cuban immigrants of Miami, met with

but these busi-

settling in distinct areas

resources in the

class

form of

former businesspeople and professionals fleeing Cuba, to

form

Others posit that

a distinct ethnic enclave.

ethnic enclaves

may

also

among

have been present

the Mexican-ancestry population in the late 1800s

and

early 1900s.

during

this

Revolutionary

activity in

period led to the exodus of businesspeople

and professionals from Mexico to

now

cities in

what

is

the U.S. Southwest. Historical evidence sug-

gests that

such

Mexico

as

soHd business enclaves were fomied in

cities

Los Angeles; San Antonio and El Faso, Texas;

Albuquerque,

However,

as

New

more

densely settled by

present, minority businesses are thriving in

Along with

a protected

additional, distinct contributing factors. First, the

strong

enough

to enable the

advantage in the market niche. Sociologist

ment workers (mostly of Central American in New York revealed that ethnic networks a

employment and self-employment

descent)

afforded

for workers. In

Torres’s study of past and contemporary^

ancestry business its

elites,

Mexican-

the ethnic niche, along with

networks, was discovered to be an important train-

ing ground and source of support for successful entrepreneurs.

Second, minority businesses

may choose

to lo-

cate in protected markets because they are unable to

products

lost

Roger

ready labor pool for business owners and routes to

with deeper pockets. Latino

were

initial

Waldinger’s examination of Latino immigrant gar-

compete beyond the ethmc market,

resources

may be

group to gain an

Anglos, leading to the establishment of businesses class

market are

organizing capacity of a minority group

Mexico; and Tucson, Arizona.

the areas got

re-

nonlucrative markets.

as

these markets.

two

away from what they

fill

especially if their

only ethnic-specific needs or their

own-

and the ethnic enclaves were not strong enough to

ers

compete

competition. In a study of immigrant and U.S. -bom

in the

Statistical

mainstream economy.

evidence presented

earlier

shows

that

60

percent of Latino businesses have receipts of $25, 000 or

less,

with the majority of these, 40 percent, hav-

ing receipts of $10,000 or vast majority

less.

This implies that the

of Latino businesses tend to

ethnic concentration for their existence.

does

240

this

concentration

come about

in the

rely

But first

on

how

place?

do not

possess the expertise necessary for vigorous

Mexican Americans, Niles Hansen and Gilbeito Cardenas,

specialists in

economy, found

that

the area of Latinos in the U.S.

both groups, but especially im-

migrants, placed significant importance

on

the ethnic

market. In summary, ethnic concentration does seem to provide opportunities for

more self-employment,

but not necessarily the type that can lead to entrepre-

BUSINESS

neurship or the fomiation of a competitive Hispanic business

class.

Class resources,

are intncately linked to

on the other hand,

growth and competitiveness.

Koreans, Latin Americans, African Amencans, Creeks,

Cubans, and Asians. What these

Pakistanis, Chinese,

studies

make

clear

is

that culture does play a

To deny

business fonnation and perfomiance.

The Influence Business The effects of has

been

One

culture

on entrepreneunal behavior

of culture

is

and

occurring in early

Max

Weber’s

the Spirit of Capitalism.

sought to account for

lenges of everyday

to diminish the

a distinct pattern

capitalist society

involvement by Protestants

importance of

in

Weber

of behavior

— a much higher

capitalism than

by

the culture of Latinos and section relies heavily

review of the ship

and

its

impact on business. This

on Torres and

literature

on Mexican Amencan

original research

entrepreneurship. Because the history of Mexican and

expanded

other Latinos,

to include other facets

theorist

of culture. Organi-

William Ouchi’s Theory Z, for

his associates’

on minority entrepreneur-

Mexican-ancestry populations

many of

is

of

similar to that

the cultural

traits

discussed

here generalize to other groups. However, the reader

cautioned to note that the study of

example, credits Japanese culture (the relationship be-

is

tween Japanese corporations and workers was

holis-

between culture and business dynamics of Latinos

with the corporations having an impact on

much

seminal and ongoing.

tic,

of the workers’ private and work pressive

lives)

Another important point

with the im-

perfomiance of Japanese multinationals

the 198()s and 199()s.

in

Other groups studied include

at

an outdoor produce market

in

a relationship

to consider

is

that

is

newer

generations of Hispanics are assimilating into the

mainstream culture. However, the core values of

WAI

Shoppers

a

life.

other religious groups. Contemporary works have

zational

the

Unfortunately, very’ few works have focused on

of scientific investigation.

empincal works was

first

Protestant Ethic

effects

in

race or ethnic group’s hentage in meeting the chal-

a traditional area

of the

on

of Latino Culture

pan

IT-R

H

lU

)l

K ;E

/

l>I

n.K ARN(

)|

I

).

INC

.

Tobuca, Mexico.

241

BUSINESS

Latinos remain vibrant as a result of two factors.

continuing immigration by Latinos to the United

Second, close

States bolsters existing core values.

proximity of the United States to Mexico, Puerto

Amenca

Rico, and Central and South

allows ease of

and communication, ubiquitously reintroducing and maintaining the unique cultural traits of Latinos. Unlike other groups, culture remains a key travel

consideration in the study of Latinos in the United

Mexico,

In

on

including research

States,

as in

business dynamics.

much

civil

ences.

Ever present in the history of Mexico has been

the struggle

between

general population.

class differ-

and the

a small propertied class

The

propertied

and

philosophy, which, above class to

all else,

a Spencerian

compels the

rul-

believe that the liberties of the masses are

an obstacle to the achievement of peace and order.

One-party systems of government, strong bureaucratic

and military control, and tyranny against

liberties are

common

when compared with United

activity, the

the mainstream culture of the

As opposed

States.

plishments, individuals of

on accom-

to an emphasis

Mexican

ancestry tend to

more emphasis on behavior and conduct and welfare of the community over that of the indi-

the

To

vidual.

a larger extent than

is

the case with

North

Americans, they respond more to emotional appeals

and

less to rational appeals.

important to note that these differences in

It is

worse than

culture are not in any sense better or

those of other cultures. Moreover, these differences are in degrees

of emphasis; that

Mexican

for example, that

on emotionalism

at

is,

they do not imply,

culture

is

based purely

the expense of rationalism.

able differences in behavior.

example, they greatly

and revolutionary

and property. However, the

ever, these differences in emphasis

elements in Mexico’s history

masses have responded with even

bellion

liberties

do lead

How-

to observ-

civil

of government.

The

of civil

elite

Mexico,

class in

and continues to subscribe, to

scribed,

loss

by the

are against, Spencerian control

community has perpetually struggled with the question of what they are for. As a result, the culture of Mexico is marked by a greater degree of idealism

other parts of Central and South America, sub-

as in

ing

by

what they

place

other Latino countries of origin,

unrest has been spurred

know

In general, Mexican-ancestry communities

First,

more

affect

Among

businesses, for

marketing and goodwill.

A commercial emphasizing winning above all else re-

most conse-

common theme in U.S.

commercials)

would

(a

receive,

lukewarm reception among Latinos. One emphasizing winning by setting a moral example would, on the other hand, be received better and the product or message would have greater accepat best, a

which was the Mexican Revolution of recent worker rebellion in Chiapas and pro-

quential of

1910.

A

tests in

Mexico City continue

convey

to

this

theme.

This salient heritage of explicit struggle between the

tance.

haves and the have-nots, a struggle based has led to (1) suspicion proletariat,

made by

or nonelites, and

—both

for.

moral concessions

community.

Latino and non-Latino

—residing

neighborhoods are symbolically associated

with the propertied

more

(2)

the propertied classes to the

Businesses in ethnic

on class, of propertied classes by the

the

classes:

more

tied to the propertied class

some

In order to achieve

successful, the

and what

level

it

stands

of acceptance

Thus businesses and business owners in the Latino community are evaluated not only on the basis of growth and economic success but also on the basis of what the business gives .back to the community and on the citizen.

basis

The

of the finn’s owner

as a

firm’s “posture” should

community

not be that of

an aggressive competitor seeking to make its

own

money for

sake but, rather, that of a fimi with a greater

within the Latino community, businesses are faced

sense of mission.

with the following cultural

which emanate

stream U.S. culture subscribes to such values

guided by the-

Again, the differences are a matter of degree. For

from the

forces,

historical praxis (behavior

It

can be argued that the mainas well.

matic or theoretical structure) and philosophy of

example, the central theme of the movie Wall

Latino countries of origin:

(1987), as captured in the

• existentialism rather •

than pragmatism;

conduct and morality rather than accom-

movie, “greed

much

is

good,”

Street

most quoted phrase of the is

not likely to resonate

with Latino business people

as

it

as

does with

American counterparts. Milton Friedman’s core argument that the business of business is their corporate

plishment and knowledge; • collectivism rather •

#242

than individualism; and

emotionalism rather than rationalism.

to generate profit in

is

one example of the

differences

philosophy held by the two camps. In summary.

BUSINESS

it

is

comes

clear that capitalism

in different cultural

packages, leading to distinct patterns of behavior.

As

a result

of different

Finns in

most

cultural expectations, fimis

this category' are usually larger

part, offer nontraditional

Between

these

who

operating within Latino communities must expend

neurs

more time and

two worlds.

resources in gaining legitimacy within

two

and, for the

goods and sewices.

explicit populations are entrepre-

times precanously, between the

travel, at

the community. This extends to the behavior of en-

shown

trepreneurs and professionals. Research has

who

that those

assimilate, or

adopt cultural

Latin

who

feelings

Though

culture.

toward those

who

and

Mexican or

subtle,

negative

will create fields as diverse as

On

the one hand,

munity and ultimately the success of

on the other hand, opportunities outside of the

their business;

for success often

community, forcing them

modicum of mainstream

to adopt

cultural values.

a cultural perspective businesses that re-

community operate

side within the minority

ently

differ-

from those outside of the Latino community.

For those Latinos

who

within the Latino

community but expand

choose to base their business their

mar-

ket to include nonminorities, the choice of greater

economic Morawska,

returns

may

entail, in

specialist in the area

“being pulled

ics,

opposed directions

in

the words of

Ewa

of workforce dynam-

cognitively and emotionally

as a

consequence of conflicting

nonnative expectations, attitudes and behavior incorporated in one or

more

social statuses assigned to

summary, the population ecology of Latino

businesses encompasses

tistics

showing

that Latino business

ownership

number

on

concentration continues to increase. Latino business

ownership

Two

expand.

will also

factors can

be expected to

affect this

phe-

nomenon. First, assimilation may diminish market demand for specialized products and services. Future generations of Hispanics

may be

lured to main-

stream products and services, which are often

expensive

many of

as a result

less

of economies of scale. Second,

the specialized products and services that

were introduced by minority

finns are themselves

becoming mainstream. Corporate America is wanning up to the $630.4 billion in purchasing power that

is

projected to occur in the next few years.

Latino music, grocery products, travel packages, and other ethnic products and services are available at

more and more

mainstream markets. This trend can be

expected to continue.

As Latinos become assimilated and mainstream

two

quite distinct market

ucts,

Latino business fimis increasingly compete on

the basis of class resources. For example, in addition

which show

of Latino-owned businesses are growing

an increasing

is

willing to accept the challenge. So long as ethnic

neighborhoods, wherein ethnic concentration enables to survive.

Due

to ecological

other data

show

that seven

that receipts in

the largest companies in Tucson, Arizona,

more competitive environment of the mainstream economy. Businesses operating within

lege educated.

against the

market niche expend considerable resources the cultural expectations of the

ful-

community

within which they reside.

ideology'

business class in order to

who

of the mainstream

become more

successful.

analysis

of the

fastest

were col-

growing or

profitable finns at the city, state, or national

level will reveal, in a

that the fields

At the other extreme are the entrepreneurs

economy and

most

An

number,

of the ten Latinos with

succession, these market niches tend to be protected

pursue the

Sta-

the increase suggests that Latino entrepreneurs are

to data presented earlier,

filling

2050

tremendous market demand, much of

niches. C^ne population of businesses inhabits ethnic

this

in

markets begin to compete by offering ethnic prod-

the same person.” In

of the population

which can be exploited by Latino entrepreneurs.

many Mexican American or Latino entrepreneurs may perceive that assimilation carries with it a stigma that can affect their social standing within the com-

Thus, from

population from about 13 percent of the U.S. popu-

literature.

susceptible to negative labeling.

at least a

businesses will

that the

far” in assimilat-

Entrepreneurs and business owners are especially

lie

number of Latino-owned continue to increase. The growth in

no doubt

lation to almost a quarter

go “too

ing are quite pervasive, affecting politics

is

in a negative light

identify strongly with the

American

of

There

mainstream business, are perceived

by those

traits

Future Prospects

most

such

as

preponderance of the

cases,

successful finns are in nontraditional

automotive

sales,

constniction,

factunng, and financial or consulting

serv'ices.

manuThese

require specialized expertise or fonnal training, or

both,

which

is

indicative of the acquisition of class

243

^

BUSINESS

becoming not

resources. In short, Latino fimis are

Chamber of Commerce; Mutual Aid

only more numerous but also more competitive.

The

acquisition of class resources

is

making an

Re-

impact in areas other than business ownership. search has

example,

shown

is

that educational achievement, for

most strongly correlated

in the public sector.

more

are eral

Latino best and brightest

be employed by

likely to

employment

city, state,

or fed-

public agencies than in the private sector.

who do

those

ica. Hispatiic

Of

participate in the private sector, a

growing number

a

The

to

are

being lured to corporate Amer-

Magazine estimates

that there has

been

43 percent increase in Hispanic executives work-

ing

economy

has

been no

less

than impressive. Most re-

markable has been the participation business ownership.

of Latino

rate

There have been more modest

of Latino business development,

gains in the area

which

in the business

requires additional formal training, networks,

and expansion beyond the ethnic market, aU elements tied to the acquisition

of

class resources.

Although

there are signs that such class resources are increasing,

not aU are channeled to the Latino business

sector. Latino entrepreneurship

ship

is

competing

and business owner-

against corporate

America and the

public sector in recruiting talented Latinos.

Related Articles Advertising; Assimilation,

244

Economic; Banking; Bodegas,

Societies; Publish-

Tourism.

Further Reading Abalos, David T. Latinos in the United States: The Sacred and the Political. Notre Dame, Ind.: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 1986.

Aldrich,

Howard, and Albert J. Weiss.

“Continuities in the

Study of Ecological Succession.” American Journal of Sociology 81, no. 4 (1976); 846-866.

Hansen, Niles, and Gilberto Cardenas. “Immigrant and Native Ethnic Enterprises in Mexican American Neighborhoods: Differing Perceptions of Mexican Immigrant Workers.” International Migration Review 49 (1989): 308322. “Sociological Ambivalence:

European Peasant-Immigrant Workers

summary. Latino achievement

In

ing; Restaurants;

Morawska, Ewa.

Fortune 1,000 companies.

at

Colmados, Mercados; Goizueta, Roberto; Hispamc

The Case of East

in ^America,

1880s-1930s.” Qualitative Sociology 10 (1987): 225-250. Portes, Alejandro, and K. L. Wilson. “Immigrant Enclaves:

An

Market Experiences of Cubans in Miami.” American Journal of Sociology 86 (1980): 295—319. Torres, David L. “Dynamics behind the Fomiation of a BusiAnalysis of the Labor

ness Class: Tucson’s Hispanic Business Ehte.” HispanicJournal

of Behavioral Sciences 12 (1990); 25-34.

U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau.

1997 Economic Census, Survey of Minority- Owned

Business

Washington, D.C., 2001. Waldinger, Roger. “Immigrant Enterprise in the New York Garment Industry.” Social Problems 32 (1984): 60-71. Enterprises.

Selected Business

Web

Sites

Women’s Network, http://www.bwni.com

David

L.

Torres

CABEZA DE BACA, FABIOLA Bom: May

tional

New

Mexico 1991; Albuquerque, New Mexico La Liendre,

16, 1894;

Died: October 14,

bom

ranching family near Las Vegas, cated a

at

arts

New Mexico.

Edu-

New

degree in pedagogy from

Mexico National (Highlands) of science degree

from

prominent

Loretto Academy, Cabeza de Baca obtained

bachelor of

elor

into a

in

in

1921 and a bach-

home economics

New Mexico State University.

in

1929

worked

cookbooks

Baca’s profes-

further extends the dialogue

across cultural ideologies. Cookery

is

one of the

recipes. Preci-

sion in cooking, while helping those

grow up preparing

scientific,

a

who

did not

traditional recipes, also reflects

the influence of the domestic-science

involved

ear-

amounts

to actually include exact

and measures for the preparation of

intellectual

movement

that

approach to the

kitchen.

She then joined

the Agricultural Extension Service and

Mexican food. Cabeza de

home economist

sion as

liest

Fabiola Cabeza de Baca was

New

While embracing modern

scientific

cookery, Ca-

an

beza de Baca also worked to maintain folk traditions.

agent for over 30 years. In 1950 Cabeza de Baca

president of the

women’s knowledge, oral traditions, and written culture come to the forefront. A key character is the curandera, the medicine woman.

She was married to

She, aware of her old age and of the changes taking

went

Mexico

to

representative of the United

as a

became

Nations, and in 1955 she

New

as

Mexico Folklore

Society.

Carlos Gilbert.

We

Cookery (1931), The Good

Life (1949),

Fed Them Cactus (1954). They document

Mexico’s

traditions,

which

for

are

and

New

Cabeza de Baca were

the product of the “amalgamation of Indian, Spanish,

Mexican, and American”

They

heritages.

capture

the effects of 19th- and early-20th-century historical

changes on everyday

life,

providing

a

the opening sentence,

which

is:

is

“This

get acquainted with real

suggested in little

booklet

New

can dishes.” Cookery helps nonnatives from

Mexi-

New

Mexico become familiar with the nutritional value and cooking method for the preparation of tradi-

.

.

.

down

younger woman, “why all

the prescriptions that

you each year? ... cannot live forever and when am gone you will have no one to ask.” The I

give

I

I

curandera symbolizes the transition

from teaching old

healing knowledge orally, from generation to generation, to learning such

knowledge through wntten

text.

We

Fed Them Cactus weaves personal narrative,

folklore, recipes,

In Historic Cookery this dialogue

you

Life,

don’t you |write|

space for dia-

logue across cultures.

will help

The Good

place in her village, says to a

Cabeza de Baca’s most renowned publications Historic

In

and general

the story of a

community

tiple voices.

It

in 1821

that altered it

became

fimilies after

and the

New

part

that expresses itself in

captures the isolation

Mexican ranching dence

social history, creating

political

felt

by

mul-

New

Mexico’s indepen-

and economic changes

Mexico’s cultural landscape once

of the United

States in

1

848. 1 he

245

^

CABRERA, LYDIA

how

cactus symbolizes sible

with strong

cultural survival

is

only pos-

A midwife’s knowl-

traditional roots.

Afro-Cuban

to

edge, oral history, and futh in prayer overlap with

Fernando Ortiz,

modem

women

ca’s

Cabeza de Ba-

science and history books.

lifework

became

tures in order to

a

mediating act between cul-

keep her heritage

legal

and

cultural barriers

a fomial

moved

In 1927 Cabrera

and

Curandensmo; American; Literature, Mexican American. Cuisine, Mexican;

Mexican

Further Reading Food. 2d ed. Santa Fe:

Good

Jlie

Mus.

ot

Life: Traditions

NMex.

Castro, G. Rafaela. Cldcano Folklore:

and Religious

A

Press,

Cabeza de Baca.

Cactus.

and

Albuquer-

to the Folklore,

of Mexican Ameri-

2001.

Flistoric

Cookery. Las

New

1992. Padilla,

Autobiography.” In Recovering

by

Ramon

the

child

as a

and published her

Cabrera returned to her native island

War

first

Gutierrez and Genaro Padilla.

after

World

II

and dedicated herself to the study of Afro-

Cuban

language, culture, and traditions. She earned

Cuba and gained unique

the tmst of santeros in

sights into the rich syncretic religion

in-

widely practiced

The

publication of El monte

marked the pinnacle of her

success as an ethnogra-

throughout the

Afro-Cuban

La Sociedad Abakua)

island.

helped to disseminate information about

it

the popular

U.S. Hispanic Literary

Houston; Arte Publico Press, 1993. Rebolledo, Tey Diana. Women Singing in the Snow: A Cultural Analysis of Chicana Literature. Tucson; Univ. of Ariz.

Secreta

She

also

published

Abakud (The Secret Society of

of a secret society whose members

a study

were known

religion.

as ndnigos.

Afro-Cubans had been suspicious of any attempts

Press, 1995.

Rebolledo, Tey Diana, and Eliana

An Anthology

sions:

the assistance of one of her

book, Cuentos negros de Cuba (Black Tales of Cuba),

pher, and

M. Genaro. “Recovering Mexican-American

Heritage. Ed.

With

culture.

nes she had heard

Mexico; Ancient City Press, 1949. Goldman, Anne. ‘“I Yam What I Yam’: Cooking, Culmre, and Colonialism.” In De /Colonizing the Subject: The Politics of Gender in Women’s Autobiography. Ed. by Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson. Minneapolis; Univ. of Minn. Press, Vegas,

Cuban

in 1936.

Guide

Practices

York; Oxford Univ.

Gilbert, Fabiola

Cabrera began to recognize the

Press, 1982.

Cabeza de Baca, Fabiola. We Fed Them que: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1954.

New

and

former Afro-Cuban servants, she compiled the sto-

Cabeza de Baca, Fabiola.

catis.

interest in African art

unique contribution of African cultures and customs to

Traditions, Rituals

and studied Asian

drawing, and painting. Influenced

art,

preliterate culture, Folklore,

prevented

education in Cuba.

to Paris

by the growing European

Related Articles

through the legendary

folklore

from receiving

religion

alive.

a scholarly introduction

While she received

beliefs.

S.

Rivero.

Infinite

Divi-

by any outsider

of Chicana Literature. Tucson: Univ. of

beliefs

Ariz. Press, 1993.

Scharff, Virginia. Twenty Thousand Roads:

Women, Move-

ment, and The West. Berkeley: Univ, of Calif, Press, 2003.

Meredith

E.

Abarca

and

to learn the secrets

Cabrera was the

practices.

to gain an inside

of their religious first

outsider

view of the Afro-Cuban reHgion,

and she presented her findings with respect for the cultural traditions

of the people she studied. Her vo-

luminous works constitute the main body of information about the Afro-Cuban cultural

CABRERA, LYDIA Bom: May

Cabrera

20, 1899; Fdavana,

tives.

Many

suffered ethnologist, novelist,

and

folklorist

Lydia

Cabrera was renowned for her expertise in Afro-

Cuban

culture

and

religion.

Her most famous work,

The Forest), is widely considered among those who practice Santeria, a

that

of her

were

common

dants.

practices that

in the

developed

among

African slaves

Caribbean.

into a prosperous family in Havana. servants,

bom

She grew up

from

whom

she

learned about African myths, stories, and religious

#246

in the oral traditions

of Afro-

by African

slaves

and

their descen-

Others remained skeptical of her work because

she did not practice the Santeria religion she studied.

Cuban revolution Cabrera left Cuba and the Miami area, where she continued to

After the

Cabrera, the youngest of eight children, was

among many Afro-Cuban

using a style and themes

not forcefully denounce the exploitation and re-

the “bible”

and

slaves,

about the hardships

Cubans. Critics occasionally charged that the she did pression endured

native African religious beliefs

stories teU

by the African

El monte (1954;

mix of Catholic and

her works of fiction with leg-

ends and themes reflecting Afiican origins or perspec-

Cuba

Died: September 19, 1991; Miami, Florida

Cuban bom

also infused

tradition.

settled in

write about and study the

brought into the United iles.

She

left

Afro-Cuban

States

religion,

by many Cuban ex-

an impressive legacy of over 100 books

CACIQUES

ranging from ethnographies to short

was

Cabrera

stories.

pioneer in Afro-Cuban ethnography and an-

a

thropology, and her groundbreaking research con-

Cuban

tributed to a better understanding of

and race

relations

on the

culture

island.

was not limited

ows of prominent

in their

Afro-Latino Influences; Folklore, Caribbean Amencan;

Cuban American.

Oriente,

superstickmes y

caciques often held positions

2()()().

(Notas sobre de

el folklore

ma^ia,

las reli

York: HarperCollins, 1988. Ferris, Susan, and Ricardo Sandoval. The Fiplit iti the Fields: Cesar Chavez and the Famiworkers Movement. New York, San Diego: Harcourt, 1997. Jimenez, Carlos M. The Mexican American Heritaj^e. Berke-

TQS

Kocher, Paul H.

Pubns., 1993.

California’s

Old

The

nent contributors to

Marin, Christine. A Spokesman for the Mexican American Movement: Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales and the Fij^ht for Chicatio Liberation 1966-1972. San Francisco: R and E Res. Assoc., 1977.

McWilliams, Carey. North from Mexico: The Spanish-Speak-

Leonard.

New

Pitti, nia,

Llie Decline of the Califoniios:

A

S.

Press, 1990.

developments

in California

during the Spanish-Mexi-

1850) periods.

As landowners, Californios and Califomianas as ranclieros

and

1846-1890. Berkeley: Northern Califor-

Race, and Mexican Americans. Pnnceton: Princeton Press,

were granted, owned, negotiated, and

Age” of the

property'.

The “Golden

from 1834

to 1846, after

and other

transferred land

ranchos lasted

the secularization of mission lands and

up

dawn

to the

of the Mexican-American War.

cess to

and Adventures ofJoaquin MuriFhe Celebrated California Bandit. Norman: Univ. of Life

women acleast 66 women

granted

ownership of property. At

were granted

2003.

Ridge, John Rollin. Hie

to

During the Spanish-Mexican period,

the American.

The Royal Cedula of 1775

in Silicon Valley:

plight of Californios

from the Spanish-Mexican period

differed greatly

Californios

and ventured into

rancheras

The

ftinc-

Social History'

Calit. Press, 1966.

Stephen J. The Dnnl

Univ. eta:

updated by Matt

ed.

Greenwood

of the Spanish-Speaking Californians

Univ. ot

dc

and economic

social, political,

other agricultural industries.

York: Crown, 1988.

Meier. 1948; Westport, Conn.:

qcfitc

lower order than themselves. They remained promi-

tioned

People of the United States.

eis

and

themselves from those they presumed to be of a

Langley, Lester D. MexAmerica: Two Countries, One Future.

Pitt,

Californios

Stor)' of the

'l976.

inj^

the elite or

can (through 1848) and American (beginning in Missions:

Founding of the 21 Franciscan Missions in Spanish Alta California 1769—1823. Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press,

New

among

razon (people of reason) in an effort to distinguish

of Ciricanos.

New

ley, Calif:

impulses

federalist

Califomianas often referred to themselves

Further Reading 3rd ed.

temis took on class-based designations and sometimes

Mexican-Amencan War; Raza Unida

Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America:

The

nia applied to themselves in the 19th century.

Labor; Los

Angeles; Mexican American Political Association;

can Americans;

that

large estates in California during the

men were

Spanish-Mexican period. FJowever,

land in larger acreage in comparison to

granted

women

dur-

Okla. Press, 1955.

Ruiz de Burton, Maria Amparo. The Ed. by Rosaura Sanchez and Beatrice

Squatter and the

Pita.

Don.

1884; rev. ed.,

Houston: Arte Publico Press, 1992. Steiner, Stan. Dr Raza: llie Mexican Americans.

Boston,

active yet limited role as rancheras

The Mexican-American War of 1846—1848 had

ed.

Major Problems

in

Mexican American

New

ramifications for

most

Californios. Particularly, the

Land Act of 1851 required

Web

Chtlifomia Missions

the

Tounst Infonnation.

unfiled.

www.californiamissions.com States Dept,

Land Act. An unknown number

once of Commerce.

tion

it

The was

filed

and other

was 17

legal

proved to be sulted

went

years. C'onsequently, litiga-

procedures during

turned out to be very

Mark Morenc

ot claims

average time for a claim to be verified

costly.

(Ympesino. www.elteatrocampesino.coni E.

under

filed for verification

www.census.gov El Teatro

Spanish and Mexican

land grantees to verify their land claims. There were

Sites

CYnsus Bureau, United

all

in

approximately 848 cases

Selected

and managers ol

York:

York: Houghton, 1999. Vigil, James Diego. Barrio Gaf{qs: Street Life and Identity Southern California. Austin: Univ. of Tex. Press, 1988. History'.

Califomianas played an

Still,

real property.

New

Harper, 1969, 1970.

Vargas, Zaragoza,

ing that same period.

valid, land loss

from exorbitant lawyer

ican attorneys.

Many

While most

among tees

this

period

cases

were

Californios re-

charged by

Amer-

attorneys functioned as land

speculators as well because they began to subdivide

and

sell

off such land.

and tloods damaged

By

the 1860s cycles of drought

much of what was

left

ot the

255

CALIFORNIOS

cattle industry

fornia

which was

major

a

economy. Thus various

of the Cali-

staple

factors contributed to

economic decline of Californios. The role of women as property owners period

in Cali-

The

well.

as

An

California legislature in 1851 stipulated in

Act

from the Mexican period

women were

to

be prohibited from

altering their

without the written consent of their husbands

wills

Laws such

attached to the will.

Code 172 of

as Civil

1861 gave husbands absolute power to

community

gage, or exchange Still, this

mort-

sell,

property.

women

One foreign Doha Vicenta

landowners from asserting their agency. Sepulveda of Los Angeles in the 1850s

widow who managed

and fascinating

ful

with

ability.”

to

trial

in

young woman Orange County

heavy fence post on which she

a

placed the sign, “This land belongs to me.

And

ten thousand dollars.”

the

money, and though her family no longer owned

she never received

the property, she held a party in anticipation of her

At

was

that party she

arrested for disturb-

ing the peace and sentenced to a three-year prison

temi in San Quentin, where she died in her mid-

such

was responsible

among

son of a fomier Spanish military nizer,

de

la

stiH

la

The

Guerra.

official

and colo-

Guerra was a diplomat during the Spanish-

Mexican and American customs

were

Californios

perhaps best exemplified by Pablo de

official in

periods.

He

Monterey while

served

as

the

California

was

under Mexican mle. After the United

States

tional convention.

to the California state constitu-

His political career during the

American period included state senator, lieutenant Still,

service as U.S. marshal,

governor, and

district judge.

such a prominent career did not absolve

Pablo de

la

Guerra of harsh treatment

of Anglo-American

colonists.

of California prosecuted de People V. Pablo de ercise the nghts

la

at

the hands

For example, the la

state

Guerra in the case

Guerra (1870) for trying to ex-

of a white

scholars have

citizen. In his defense,

Guerra attempted to ascertain

citizen in order to

^

256

Guerra,

Howe Ban-

for collecting testimonios

from

begun

to analyze the stories left be-

hind by Califomios/anas in order to better understand the complexities that characterized their

lives.

Californio literary culture mirrored that of their

counterparts in other regions of the Spanish-Mexi-

his status as a

Many

can frontier.

some, such

as

left

biographies, testimonios, and

Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton, wrote

They wrote and published newspapers such

novels.

El Clamor Publico, and they

that

is still

left

behind

a legacy

being mined in archival collections. These

accounts document the internal lar that

which can

rivalries, in

particu-

between northern and southern CaHfomios

characterized the quarter century under

rule. Collectively,

Californios

Mexi-

the literary contributions of

and Califomanas

also

provide a rich per-

spective of a generation that experienced wealth,

lose

power, and

most

American

if

not

War

a

high social standing, only to

of it

all

as a result

of the Mexican-

of 1846—1848.

Related Articles Avarado, Juan Literature, sions;

Bautista;

Bear Flag Revolt; California;

Mexican American; Mexican Americans; Mis-

Ruiz de Burton, Maria Aiiparo.

de

Further Reading Camarillo, Albert. Chicanos in a Chafiging Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios in Santa Barbara and Southern California,

white

have access to privileges in the

1848—1930. Cambridge, Mass.: Har-

vard Univ. Press, 1979.

Haas, Lisbeth. Conquests and Historical Identities in California, 1769—1936. Berkeley: Umv. of Calif. Press, 1995. Menchaca, Martha. Recovering History, Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans. Austin: Univ. of Tex. Press, 2001. Osio, Antonio Maria. The History of Alta California: A Memoir of Mexican California. Tr. by Rose Marie Beebe and Robert M. Senkewicz. Madison: Univ. of Wis. Press, 1996. Padilla,

la

Hubert

a few.

la

con-

quest of Mexico’s northern territories, he served as

one of the delegates

men

Californios in the late 19th century. Recently,

prestige, political adaptations

were lim-

spoken work of several

and Jose Bandini, to name croft

life

Mariano Guadalupe VaUejo, Jose de

as

20s.

The

Mexican governor of Califor-

last

ited to the written or

as

me

earnings.

mu-

Pico, a

if

the railroad wants to run here, they will have to pay

Though

which Pio

Early interpretations of Californio

her ranch

Superior Court for obstructing the tracks of the Santa

Fe railroad with

the

as

in

“beauti-

In 1889 Modesta Avila, a

was brought

in her 20s,

as a

political privileges to

nia.

many

did not deter ranchems and other

merchant described the Californiana

served

latto,

Defining the Rights of Husband and Wife that married

economic and

ted access to

white males only. Such practices were regressions

the

fornia regressed during this

racialized state order. California’s racial laws permit-

Genaro M.

My History,

Not

The Fomiation of Mexican American Autobiography. Madison: Univ. of Wis. Press, 1993.

Yours:

CALLE OCHC)

Leonard,

Pitt,

A

llie Decline of the Califomios:

Social Histor)'

financial fortunes

Spanish-Speaking Californians, 184&- 1890. Berkeley:

of the

Univ. of Calif

Press, 1966.

Ruiz de Burton, Maria Amparo. The Ed. by Rosaura Sanchez and Beatnce

Squatter and the

Pita.

Don.

Houston, Tex.:

When Miami.

Tellit[q Identities: llie Californio

Testimo-

power of Cuban

Fidel Castro took

Many joined

Chiba in Janu-

in

refugees entered

the earlier refugees in the old

neighborhoods abutting Southwest Eighth

Berkeley: Univ. of Calif Press, 1995.

nios.

other roadways.

ary 1959, a large influx

Arte Publico Press, 1992.

Sanchez, Rosaura,

of Southwest Eighth Street and

Soon Cabriel Gutierrez

number of enterpnsing

a sizable

exiles, often

persons of accomplishment in the old countiy^ opened

new

small businesses along the street, bringing a

brancy to

OCHO

CALLE

in the

Ocho

Havana” neighborhood, Calle

(Southwest Eighth

and

Street),

became known

Southwest Fourth Avenue and Interstate-95

to

Cuban American

the most famous artery in Miami’s most

is

Hispanic neighborhood. Calle Ocho, or

historical

Southwest Eighth

Street, as

sents the final leg

of Highway 41,

it is

known, reprewhich begins in

toward the edge of East

portions of Florida,

Tamiami the

first

Trail,

its

way

well

as

which,

Since the

last

segment of the

of Highway 41, was

or even, for that matter. Southwest Eighth Street, was, in the early 190()s, a dirt road over

it

which fann-

hauled produce from Miami’s hinterland to the

the

1

shipment to market. By

for

920s Southwest Eighth Street had emerged

as a

major thoroughfare following the explosive growth of

a city

and region caught up

boom. The

in a great real estate

two

street separated

bustling neighbor-

hoods, Riverside and Shenandoah, the uct of the

boom. The

artery

Havana, Nicara-

aura with

“mom

of

plethora

its

has assumed a distinc-

and pop”

businesses, storefront churches, medical clinics remi-

the

as

as part

downtown

Ocho

96()s Calle

1

niscent of health-care

America,

and

grew

in

latter a

prod-

importance

in

nizes

a

stu-

artists’

walkway of stars, which recog-

ranging from Celia

Ocho

Cmz,

“Queen of

monuments,

lively

Havana and the most

inter-

also offers stirring

and

parks, parades,

festivals.

center of Little

esting portion

the

Panamanian boxer Roberto Duran.

Salsa,” to the

The

modest

Central

broad array of Hispanic entertainers and

dignitaries,

Calle

a

Cuba and

facilities in

a brisk pedestrian life,

road to traverse the Everglades.

city’s

Little

south to the southern

Before the thoroughfare was called Calle Ocho,

young

the street proceeds

as

businesses have appeared.

also

dios, theaters,

ers

domi-

guan, Honduran, Colombian, and even Salvadoran

tive

Michigan and winds

its

C7cho.

Chtlle

businesses have

nated Calle Ocho, although

in the east

east,

Havana, while

as Little

preeminent thoroughfare was called Since then,

Avenue

As the number of Chiban refugees rose

It.

especially the

portion stretching from Southwest 37th

vi-

Shenandoah and Riverside neighborhoods, the

quarter In Miami’s “Little

Street.

Ocho

of Calle

Latin Quarter. Created to attract tourists

by the

is

the area

city

dubbed

of Miami

in

and additional businesses

the

1979

to the

neighborhood, the Latin Quarter stretches from

Southwest 17th Avenue, which

is

also called

Teddy

1928, with the completion, after 13 years of labor,

Roosevelt Avenue, on the west to Southwest 12th

of the Tamiami

Avenue, known too

which connected by

Trail,

a road-

way Tampa and Fort Myers with Miami. Subsequently, many visitors came to Miami by way of the “Trail.” Numerous aging motels Hanking the street today are a testament to that

who

traffic

and those

visitors

stayed there.

By

numbers of (Tiban

gees, fleeing the dictatorship settled in the old Riverside

of Fulgencio

refu-

Batista,

and Shenandoah neigh-

number of jews who had arrived in previous decades. Around the same time, the growth of a post— World War II suburbia lured many businesses — as well as residents — away borhoods. They joined

city,

east. It

Calle street.

reaches

Ocho

is

a large

causing a shaiqi decline in the

1

Ronald Reagan Avenue, on

mile (1.6

km) north and

south.

the Latin Quarter’s most important

Within the quarter

all

buildings constructed

or renovated since the quarter was created bear Spanish architectural

the 195()s increasing

from the center

the

as

balconies,

as bairel tile roofs,

and arched entranceways; the sidewalks

along Calle

and shade

elements, such

Ocho

are

bncked. Quaint

street lights

trees embellish their appearance.

Singular events, institutions, businesses, and

ments

set (ialle

Ocho

apart

mammoth Miami-Dade

from any other

County'.

monu-

street in

The most famous

event along the street occurs on the second Sunday

of March each year,

(killed the (kille

Ocho Open

257

#

CALLE

OCHO

House,

this

daylong

festival

is

the culmination ot the

is

another heavily attended annual

affair, as is

the pa-

eight-day Lenten observance, Carnival. During the

rade celebrating the birthday of Jose Marti, Cuba’s

Open House, more

1

wide

1

million revelers line the

9th-century apostle of independence.

Many come from

Calle Ocho’s leading businesses and institutions

aiTay of Hispanic countries to enjoy ethnic

include the wildly popular though wonderfully mis-

street for a a

than

2-mile (3-km) stretch.

foods, music,

and dancing. The Three Kings Parade

named

Versailles Restaurant,


& ASSOCIA IT.S

Robert Kennedy with Cesar Chavez.

commu-

of black fannworkers. By the mid-1960s he had

become i’

to the

a

beloved folk hero to the poor and to the

boisterous student

enemy

movement,

as

well as a public

to conserv^ative Cialifoniia businesspeople

and

295

#

CHAVEZ, CESAl^

politicians, especially

like

Governor Ronald Reagan. Un-

Chavez combined with environmentalism, a mix that would

other leaders of the

activism

make him of the

era,

appealing to the environmental

and

198()s

movement

His stmggle to improve labor

199()s.

Best

known

substantial

hunger

for organizing

media

strikes in

attention,

marches that attracted

Chavez

went on

also

order to achieve his objectives. In

of moral authority and for aU

tions

women activists who know who know that they could fast

with supennarkets

from California years

I

choke out the

24

days,

took place in 1974. In

1988, in the famous “Fast for Life,” he lasted 36 days.

The Reverend Jesse Jackson continued

the

table grapes.

I

had thought

of non-cooperation

and

sell

it,

and other

celebrities

life

crisis will

fast after

followed

among them actors Martin Sheen, Edward James Olmos, Danny Glover, and Whoopi Goldberg.

suit,

Chavez had been beliefs

penneated

his actions.

most personal,” he It

is

raised Catholic

“A

soul.

his religious

fast is first

and fore-

profit

past

few

.

.

.

The

evil

is

helpless.

I

pray to

far greater

threatens to

of our people and

also the life

it

aU.

to be[;]

This solution to

this

not be found in the arrogance of

God that this

fast will

weak and

be

a

prepa-

ration for a multitude of simple deeds for justice, carried out

by

focused on the

with

men and women whose hearts are suffering of the poor and who yearn,

us, for a better

world. Together,

all

things are

possible.

said.

a fast for the purification

mind, and

and

and

During the

the powerful, but in sofidarity with the

Chavez concluded

and just,

it

system that supports us deadly

right

is

and should do more.

who promote

on our land and our food

A

for

men and

have been studying the plague of pesticides

than even

fast,

what

finally a declaration

is

1968, for instance, he drank only water for 25 days. similar

who

work beside me in the fann worker movement. The fast is also an act of penance for those in posi-

The

conditions was also a fight against pesticides.

and strengthening for aU those

for punfication

The

of

my own

fast is also a heartfelt

body, prayer

Mediation and caution were Chavez’s motto. His strategic

approach to leadership was symboHzed by

OtkNSEDEPj

sfop^ BUYING t

©JASON LAURE / THE IMAGE WORKS

Cesar Chavez

296

at a

1969 demonstration

in

New

York City supporting

the United

Farm Workers Union.

CHAVEZ, CESAR

God

Is

Beside

You on the Picket Line

In every religion-oriented culture “the pilgrimage” has had a place: a trip

hardship

an expression of penance and of commitment

as

some

—and

made with

and

sacrifice

often involving a petition to the patron of

body or soul. Pilgrimage has not passed from Mexican culture. Daily at any of the major shrines of the country and in particular at the Basilica of the Lady of Guadalupe, there arrive pilgrims from all points some ol whom may have long since walked out the pieces of rubber tire that once served them as soles, and many of whom will walk on their knees the last mile or so of the pilgrimage. Many of the “pilgrims” of Delano will have walked such pilgrimages themselves in their lives perhaps as very small children even and cling to the memory of the day-long marches, the camps at night, streams forded, hills climbed, and sacral aura of the sanctuary, and the “fiesta” the pilgrimage for

sincerely sought benefit of

—

—

—

that followed.

Excerpt from in support

his

“God

Is

Beside

You on

the Picket Line,” a speech delivered by Cesar

Chavez during

UFW

Teamsters Union and the

By 1970

the

had forged an un-

easy peace, signing a pact that gave

Chavez jurisdichad control

tion over the fields, while the teamsters

over the packing sheds. This was the beginning of La Causa (“the cause”),

movement came

as his

to

wealth began to define the nation inside and

rial

The Chicano movement dwindled down,

abroad.

and the struggle

for civil rights

the

1

community posed

difficult challenges to

with other religious and

he

minority groups

well

with student organiza-

present himself

as a

groups, such

Puerto Ricans

he dispatched

his

as

union members from the

countryside to metropolitan centers in order to boy-

and

picket. Civic resistance

became

operating

his

movement’s

principle. In order to achieve the

goals,

a

980s the growth and consolidation of the Latino

alliances

as

was replaced by

multiculturalism that stressed ethnic differences. In

be known. Fonning

cott

march

of a grape workers’ strike in California (March 1966).

confrontation with the Teamsters.

tions,

a

Mexican American

a

as

Chavez:

Was

leader or could he also

champion of the various Latino in the

mainland,

Do-

minican Americans, Cuban Americans, and so on?

And was

this

minority group

able to empathize

still

with him?

he repeatedly reminded everyone that resistance

needed rich

have

money

lower wages

in the fields.

It

was

for him, since his constituency

disenfranchised.

a national

Soon

latter

thereafter Jerry

Democrat, became governor

Chavez was Chavez

as a link to

Brown,

of

the lower-class

but lionized him

as a

the 198{)s

Chavez

far less successful

a signifi-

a left-wing

California,

Mexican

elector-

leader.

on

grapes. This

and ended

moved away by him. A generation

personified

in ac-

cusations of corruption and nepotism. FI is capacity to organize

ments

were

less

had been replaced by speaking engage-

university

in

as a relic

and international forums

funeral.

of a fast-receding

past.

more than They honored him

California, first

and

home his

where

last fasts.

of the

name was

993

that

about stmggle than about presenting him

the age of 65,

at

1

in the signfirst

of blows experienced by Chavez. As he

aged, America

leader of a reduced

as a

in

He

UFW

When

50, 000 at

the

Chavez

marched sites in

died, to his

Delano,

1968 and 1988 he had done is

biined

in

his

La Paz, C.alifornia,

headquarters.

A

foundation

in

established in Glendale, Cialifornia, in

to educate people about his

life

and legacy.

led a boycott to

ing of an unsubstantial bargaining agreement, the in a series

and

not only saw

magnetic world

protest the use of toxic pesticides

boycott was

having

Brown

again a hero.

Throughout

essentially

UFW through marches and shaped

grape boycott, the

cant impact.

was

But rather than giving up, he con-

tinued leading the

ate

major disappoint-

a

Chavez,

United Fann Workers Union, was immersed

but the poor have time.”

The pact with the Teamsters collapsed in 1973, when they signed a contract with the growers for ment

In later years

be peaceful. Chavez once remarked, “The

to

from the era of idealism interested in

mate-

Related Articles Activism; COiicanismo; COiicano

Movement;

Movement; Fannworkers

Labor; Politics, Mexican American.

Furteier Reading Day, Mark.

New

Forty Acres:

Char Chavez and

the

Farm Workers.

York: Praeger, 1971.

297

CHICAGO

Dunn, John Gregory. Dehmo: Crape

Strike.

[photos by

York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1967

New

Ted

has attracted Hispanics in great numbers.

Tlic Story of the California

Streshinskyj.

Susan, with Ricardo Sandoval. The Fight in the Fields: Cesar Chavez and the Farmworkers Movement. Ed. by Diana Hembree. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1997. Griswold del Castillo, Richard, and Richard A. Garcia.

A

Triumph of the

Spirit.

1970,

Hispanics constituted 33 percent of the neighbor-

Ferriss,

Cesar Chavez:

By

Norman: Univ. of

hood

population, and by 2000 they were 88 percent

of the more than 91,000

residents.

been

Little Village has

of entry for Mexi-

a port

can immigrants and has one of the most active

Okla. Press, 1995.

commercial

the

districts in

A colonial-style arch

city.

C. Hammerback. The J., with John Words of Cesar Chavez. College Station: Texas

frames the gateway into the

Univ. Press, 2002.

Street,

along which the commercial

trated.

Including restaurants, grocery stores, bridal

Jensen, Richard

A&M

Levy, Jacques E. Cesar Chavez: Autobiography of La Causa. New York: W. W. Norton, 1975. Matthiessen, Peter. Sal Si Puedes (Escape If You Can): Cesar Chavez and the Nav American Revolution. Foreword by Ilan Stavans. Berkeley; Univ. of Calif. Press, 2000.

Selected

Web

and money

shops, auto shops,

Ilan Stavans

transfer services, busi-

nearly three out of four being Hispanic

$900 million

nearly

more

in

Many

owned.

CHICAGO

commercial

2001, gen-

sales in

tax revenue than any other retail strip

outside of Michigan

Avenue

the

(also called

“Mag-

downtown Chicago. However, work in the manufacturing and ser-

nificent Mile”) in

Hispanic immigration has played a

critical role in

the

development of Chicago’s neighborhoods. There

were more than 753,000 Hispanics

in the city,

and

they accounted for 26 percent of the total popula-

2000 U.S. Census. Chicago was

Chicago had the United

also

Mexican community in after Los Angeles. As early as 1960 third largest Mexican population

second

the United States,

in the

concen-

number more than 1,100 with

nesses in the area

erating

to the

is

members of the Little Village Chamber of Commerce, which has worked with local businesses for more than 30 years. The business district rang up

http://www.cesarechavezfoundation.org

home

strip

are

Site

Cesar Chavez Foundation.

tion in the

community on 26th

largest

States;

continuing to grow, the Chi-

most

residents

vice sectors

and almost

Bordering Pilsen,

Little Village

with Cermak

Road

the neighborhood of

joining the two areas.

than 89 percent of the 44,000 residents of

Pilsen

were of Hispanic heritage

sus.

Previously

home

to large

in the

2000 Cen-

numbers of

Polish,

Czech, and other white ethnic groups, the area began attracting Hispanics in great

owing

Antonio, Texas. In 2000 there were 530,462 people

University of Illinois

of Mexican descent

has a

and they comprised

is

More

cano population eventually surpassed that of San

in the city,

a third live in poverty.

to

numbers

in the 1960s,

urban development and construction Chicago.

at

main commercial

strip,

at

the

The neighborhood

known

as

18th Street,

persons, or 15 percent of the city’s Hispanic popula-

which is Hned with Mexican restaurants, bakeries, and small shops. Pilsen also has a large network of community organizations, social service agencies, and

tion.

churches

more than 70 percent of second

the city’s Hispanics.

The

group was Puerto Ricans with 113,055

largest

The bulk of

modern-day Mexican populaconcentrated in two neighborhoods, known

tion has

the

—among

them, the Resurrection Project,

the Alivio Medical Center, and Mujeres Latinas en

Accidn.

They

help address the social issues facing

centrations of Chicanos throughout the metropolitan

where almost a third of the Hispanic population lives below the federal poverty

region, the suburbs, and the state. Chicago’s

level.

as Pilsen

and

Little Village,

can community well

as families

three or

The well

more

largest

as in

the

is

a

although there are con-

mixture of

immigrants

as

with midwestem roots dating back

The area has been the center of the muralist movement since the 1970s, and murals decorate local

generations.

businesses as well as other buildings in the neighbor-

Mexican neighborhood in the city as Midwest is called La ViUita, meaning

hood. In 1987 the Mexican Fine Arts Center

Little Village. It

was once

mian settlement, and

home

later Poles

to the area. Since the 1960s,

#298

new

Mexi-

the neighborhood,

to a large

Bohe-

and Germans moved

however.

Little Village

seum opened only $900.

seum

It

its

doors in Pilsen with

was the

to be accredited

of Museums and

is

first

a

Mu-

budget of

Mexican or Latino mu-

by the Aiierican Association

considered the largest Mexican

CHICANISMO

or Latino

the nation, with an an-

arts institution in

nual budget of over $36.6 million.

One

community a

Mexican

there since the

1

is

in

a sizable

Mexican

Around

that time

92()s.

Club was fonned. Our Lady of

Patriotic

GuacLilupe Catholic Church, the oldest Mexican parish in the city,

was erected

in 1924.

are

now

several suburbs with a majont\' Latino

population, including Cicero, Stone Park, and Mel-

of the oldest Mexican neighborhoods

South Chicago. There has been

There

Onginally a small

rose Park. In

1992 Luis V. Gutierrez became the

from the Midwest elected

first

Latino

to the U.S. Congress. Pre-

on the Chicago City Council, the five-temi congressman of Puerto Rican ancestiy'

viously an aldennan

represents Illinois’s fourth

district. Stite

senator Miguel

wooden church on South Mackinaw Avenue, in 1928 it was replaced by a new brick church — still standing— at 9108 South Brandon Avenue. The church has been home to the National Shrine to St.

del Valle has served in the Illinois Cieneral

4 Latinos in the

state senate,

Jude, the patron saint of desperate causes, since 1929.

representatives,

and 8 Latino aldennen on the 50-

Across the street from the church to 12

young men from

nam War.

This parish in

parish in the

United

ment

honor

dates they

were

a

monument

the parish killed in the Viet-

believed to have lost

is

more

Vietnam than any other Catholic

of their sons

in their

is

States.

and

a

monu-

simple stone

names along with the

their

lists

killed,

A

mural includes

portraits

of each of the 12 men. All of the young men, whose parents or grandparents hailed from Mexico,

under 24 years

They were Edward

old.

were

Cervantes;

Antonio G. Chavez, Jr.; Leopoldo A. L6pez, Jr.; Joseph A. Lozano; Michael

Orddhez; Thomas R.

Raymond

Miranda;

S.

and Charles Urdiales,

10,565 in South Chicago, about 27 percent of the total

population. South Chicago has seen a decrease

in Hispanics since 1990,

when

the population was

Unemployment and a decline in industry have caused many in the general population to leave 13,644.

ganizations

is

6 in the

there

were

house of

state’s

Council. leading Latino leadership or-

based in Chicago. Incorporated

in

1982, the United States Hispanic Leadei-ship Institute has as

awareness

its

mission the maximization of civic

well

as

as

encouragement of participation

The

in the electoral process.

200,000 present and future lion

new

voters,

institute has trained

leaders, registered 2 mil-

and published 425

panic demographics.

It

president

is

studies

on His-

also sponsors the largest Latino

leadership conference in the nation.

Dr. Juan Andrade,

The

institute’s

Jr.

Related Articles Mexican Ainencans.

Further Reading Jirasek, Rita Arias,

and Carlos Tortolero. Mexican Chi-

Chicago: Arcadia Publ., 2002.

caj^o.

Jones, Anita Edgar. “Conditions Surrounding Me.xicans Chicago.” Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Chicago, 1928.

in

Kerr, Louise Ano Nuevo. “The Chicano Experience in Chicago, 1920-1970.” Ph.D. diss. Chicago: Univ. ot 111. at Padilla, Felix

first

area during

influx

of Mexicans came to the Chicago

World War

ers.

Many

St.

Francis CAtholic

parish,

member Chicago City One of the nation’s

By 2003

first

Chicago, 1976.

the area.

The

Latino elected to the state senate.

Illinois;

Jr.

2000 the Hispanic population was around

In

Puerto Rico, he was the

in

Joseph A. Quiroz;

Padilla;

Dennis J. Rodriguez; Peter Rodriguez; Alfred Urdiales, Jr.;

Bom

since 1987.

Assembly

on the

settled

became

a

I

to serve as contract city’s

Church,

Near West originally a

work-

Side,

M.

Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans

Dame,

Ind.:

Case of

LxJtino Etfuiic Consciousness: llie

Univ. of Notre

Dame

in Chicaj^o.

Notre

Press, 1986.

and

Teresa Puente

Gennan

gathering point by the 1930s. Chi-

cago, then the railway

hub of the

nation,

saw Mexi-

CHICANISMO

can neighborhoods sprouting up along the train routes

on the Near West Side and near the meat-

packing industry

in the

“Back of the Yards” neigh-

borhood. Also, Mexicans were recruited to work

in

the steel industry, and they settled in South Chicago. Others

came

to the state to

the outlying areas, and

Recent census

data

do finn work

in

some were braceros. has shown a spiraling growth

of Hispanic populations

in the

suburbs of Chicago.

Chicanismo refers specifically to the ideology of cultural

nationalism

the core ot a

at

American movement

word Chicanismo which

that

derives

emerged

in

new Mexican the 196()s. The

from the tenn

originally referreci to a person ot

Chicatio,

Mexican de-

scent in the United States; in the 196()s and 1970s

“Cfliicano”

became

exalted the cultural

politically

charged

pnde of those who

as

it

boldly

participated

299

^

CHICANISMO

in the

Chicano movement.

and the

it

is

fight for the

embraced

this

it

with militancy.

associated with

Chicano pride

and infused

cultural self-awareness

As an ideology

Cliicariismo

economic,

political, educational,

of Aturista and others. At the heart of the ideology of Chicanismo was a search for an authentic etry

bicultural identity

Many Chicanos

American

history.

ing connections with the ethnic barrio, the working

American

history

cultural rights

class, political

cultural nationalism, Chi-

embody Chicano

to

this historical era.

dent

and

activism,

came

caiiismo

By

of Mexican Americans.

identity during

Closely linked to the Chicano stu-

movement and

the driving force behind the La

Raza Unida party and MEChA (El Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan), Chicanismo was not a

fomial

movement but

instead refers to a variety of

diverse political ideologies at their

and movements

that

had

center the cultural and political progress of

Mexican Americans.

The Chicano movement emerged

a quest for a revised historical

their past or given voice to their indigenous ancestors.

Chicanismo looked to remedy that by focusing

on the connection between digenous past

(specifically,

the

a direct historical line

between the ancient pre-Co-

lumbian cultures and the Chicanos of modem times. For example, symbols such

as

such, Aztlan reemerged as the mythical place of ori-

and

gin not only of the Aztecs but also of the Chicanos.

a working-class

radical politics

Chicano movement created

of

barrio

and the plight of the worker. Chicanos re-

newed

their struggle against racism

and exploitation,

of economic and

and inadequate educational

institu-

a political

philosophy Chicanismo expressed a

rejection of the mainstream liberal agenda

interpretation of the

an affimiation of the

Chicano experience, racial

and

and as

a re-

well

as

of Chi-

class status

These goals were achieved by challenging the dominant educational, political, and organizational canos.

institutions

within the Anglo community,

the leaders and the ideas that

were

as

well

as

associated with

The emphasis of Chicanismo was on

“dignity,

self-worth, pride, uniqueness, feeling of cultural rebirth,

and equal economic opportunity.”

Activists

focused on strengthening Mexican Anerican institutions, especially political ones, at

and creating

new

ones

the local, regional, and national levels. Chicanismo

also

proclaimed a sense of global solidarity with other

oppressed groups such the African

as

the Native Anericans and

American community

in the

United

States.

A

clear

example of the manifestation of pre-Co-

lumbian mythology and

it’s

connection to Chicanismo

can be seen in the Plan Espiritual de Aztlan (“The Spiritual Plan

in

of Aztlan”). This manifesto, adopted

March 1969

at

the

first

National Chicano

Youth

Liberation Conference in Denver, Colorado, boldly

tion through unity,

economy, education, and

self-defense, culture,

codifies the

political liberation.

The

plan

connection between the Chicano stu-

movement and

dent

institutions,

which emerged

the ideology of Chicanismo,

to unify

Chicanos on university cam-

puses in California and across the Southwest in the

by creating

1960s,

to identify

new^ identity that allowed them

with national leaders and

One example ismo and the

issues.

of this connection between Chican-

academy can be seen

in the student

MEChA and in El Plan espiritual de Barbara. MEChA was founded in San Anto-

activist

Santa

a

group

nio, Texas, in April activist

1969 and soon became the

largest

group in the Chicano student movement.

The group

quickly spread to other campuses where

Mexican Anerican activism was

visible.

MEChA ap-

propriated the philosophy of Chicanismo

as its

unify-

ing force. In El Plan Espiritual de Santa Barbara they

Chicanismo was also linked to traditional Mexican

define Chicanismo as an evolutionary philosophy of

nationalism and to the belief that the true past of

liberation

Chicanos could be found

rios

in the history

of pre-Columbian cultures,

300

means of resisting Anglo-Euro-

promotes Chicano nationalism and self-determina-

tions.

them.

as a

images, and

beliefs,

pean coloniaHsm and hegemony.

a space

of identity that was linked to the community of the

As

the mythical Aztec

homeland of Aztlan were appropriated and recontextualized within the framework of Chicanismo. As

symbols was seen

social mobility,

in-

temporary Chicano culture. Chicanismo constructed

community. Defined primarily

cultural disintegration, their lack

pre-Columbian

the Aztec past) and con-

This focus on pre-Columbian

the 1960s, the

that

had not adequately represented

economic circumstances of the Mexican American youth movement grounded in the

felt

in the 1960s

in order to protest the social, cultural, political,

as

Mexican European

perspective that affirmed events relevant to

affimi-

and

and

as

and myths

evidenced in the po-

—an ideology that seeks to educate the bar-

about Chicano history and culture in order to

further create a

movement of self-determination

for

CHICANO MOVEMENT

the liberation of Aztlan

as a

mythical, yet politically

Chicana and Chicano nation.

real,

The

creation of the La

and

political force.

Raza Unida Party

called for the creation gional,

The

as a

further

dnving so-

Plan Espiritnal de Aztldu

of an independent

and national party

for Chicanos.

local, re-

The Mexican

(MAYO)

American Youth Organization

in

Texas

took on the project and La Raza Unida party was

May

founded

in

replaced

MAYO

tion in Texas.

1969.

By 1971 Raza Unida had

the leading grassroots organiza-

as

One

of the

party’s initial objectives

was to gain control of community

institutions.

This

resulted in the successful takeover of the Crystal City

Council and did

much

since the U.S. invaded and

colonized one half of Mexican national temtor\'

afhnned the ideology of Chicanisnio cial

by Mexican Amencans

to call attention to the basic

the end of the U.S. -Mexico

however,

Cliicatio tnovernent,

nomer

since

it

War is

The tenn

in 1848.

somewhat of a mis-

actually describes a series

grassroots organizing efforts

at

and

of different

protests

by Mexi-

can Americans throughout the southwestern United States that oftentimes occurreci in isolation

These

other.

included

efforts

university sit-ins, stnkes,

rallies,

and even

from each

mass marches,

several

anned con-

frontations wTth law enforcement officials.

Some of

the most prominent organizations of the era were

Fami Workers Union, Mexican Amencan Youth Organization (MAYO), La Raza Unida Party, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan

the United

needs of Chicano children in the public school sys-

(MEChA), Crusade

tem. This mobilization of Mexican Americans in

de Pueblos Fibres, and the Mexican American Legal

Crystal City served as an

example

for

Chicanos of

the successflil implementation of Cliicatiistno as an activist

for Justice, La Alianza Federal

Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF),

which shared the

common

all

of

goal of fighting against

white discrimination and exploitation of Me.xican

ideology.

Americans.

Related Articles

The

regional activities of these and other

organizations eventually gained a broader resonance

Chicano Movement; Mexican Americans; Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan; Raza Unida Party, La.

Aztlan; Chavez, Cesar;

Uberatioti.

San Francisco: Canfield

Gomez-Quinones, Juan.

Chicano

Politics:

Reality atid Prom-

— 1940-1990. Albuquerque: Univ. ofN.Mex.

Press,

1990.

Munoz,

with other as

Identity,

Power.

London: Verso,

racial

ment,

as

well

as

organizations such as the Students

Democratic Society (SDS), which was com-

as interrelated efforts

cano Stmyife. Atlanta, Georgia: Pathfinder Press, 1971.

ethnic pride, 1Lc:)XANNE DAvila tic

changes

which

in

U.S. society by increasing the educa-

is

Beginnings

refers

to

the

activism ol the 196()s

eliminate the lingering effects of racism, segregation, c:)ther

is

considerable debate over the exact begin-

While most

distinguished by various efforts to

labor exploitation, and

cultural opportunities for

ning and overall dates of the Chicano movement.

CHICANO MOVEMENT

It

and

Mexican Americans.

There

197()s.

and promote

See

Natignal CTiicano Muratgrium gf Vietnam.

and

to fight racism

are credited with effecting dras-

tional, labor, political,

generally

The by Mexican Amencan races.

organizations subsequently was viewed by historians

“El Plan espintual de Santa Barbara.” In Docnnmits of the Chi-

CHICANO MORATORIUM.

Indian

movement, and Puerto Rican Independence move-

individual regional activism

Stmjife. Atlanta, Georgia: Pathfinder Press, 1971.

civil rights

and students. These

posed of disaffected college students of all

“Plan Espiritual de Aztlan.” In Documents of the Chicano

Mexican American

resi-

minority power movements such

1989.

The Chicano mc:)vement

bamo

power movement, Amencan

the black

for a Carlos. Youth,

ordinary

regional grassroots organizing efforts also coincided

Press, 1972.

997.

ise

as

Tlie Cliicafio Stmpj^le for

Garcia, Ignacio. Chicariismo: The Forf ii^ of a Militant Ethos amonp^ Mexican Americans. Tucson: Univ. of Ariz. Press, 1

population, such

dents, elders, clergy, workers,

Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America:

in mobilizing

previously undervalued segments of the Mexican

Amencan Further Reading

They succeeded

for several reasons.

fonns of abuse suffered

1975,

ond

scholars date the events

some note

that

it is

incomect to

from 1965

to

label the sec-

half of the 1960s as the birth of the Cihicano

movement

since

Mexican Americans had been con-

testing racist abuses as early as the early 18th centurve

Most

scholars recognize,

however,

that the tradition-

301

— CHICANO MOVEMENT

conservative middle-class organizations, such as

cancer in farmworkers and their families. This effort

League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), the American Gd. Forum, and other or-

included a nationwide boycott of grapes, the crop

were displaced

boycott continued periodically until the early 1990s.

The Chicano movement oc-

The UFW efforts coincided with other grassroots movements throughout the southwestern United

ally

the

ganizations

fonned

in previous eras,

by more populist organizing

moment of the 1965 when Filipino

foundational

curred in

elForts in the 1960s.

agricultural

workers

most dangerous

that involved the

States. In

new Chicano

Texas a

ries,

organizer Cesar Chavez, the organization evolved

City. Already angered

United Farm Workers (UFW), which led

into the several

successful

growers.

The

minimum

ing, health benefits,

UFW

also

agricultural

UFW achieved important successes in

fight for fair

its

against large

strikes

and

wages, collective bargain-

safe

working conditions. The

waged an important

battle to eliminate

the use of dangerous pesticides that

were linked

to

political party

—La

Raza Unida Party, or The United People’s Party grew out of the Mexican American Youth Organi-

town of Delano in central California. This event inaugurated the National Fami Workers Association (NFWA), which included a large Mexican American membership. Under the direction of fomier famiworker and union in California initiated a strike in the

The

pesticides.

(MAYO).

zation

and statewide such

fielded

It

offices. It

as in

many

candidates in local

achieved important victo-

the small agricultural

town of Crystal

by longstanding discriminathe Mexican American community in this small

tion,

Texas town

mobilized under the leadership

finally

ofJose Angel Gutierrez. Mexican American students,

and teachers joined

parents,

efforts

and eventually

won

control of the school board and municipal of-

fices

and succeeded and

social

political

followed,

ries

Jim Crow Other victo-

in overturning the

system in the

city.

and La Raza Unida Party spread

throughout the Southwest. The party subsequently fielded local

New for

and

state

Mexico, and

wide candidates

California.

It

in Colorado,

ran spirited races

mayoral and gubernatorial races in these

How-

but only succeeded in winning smaller posts. ever,

success in mobilizing previously neglected

its

much

voters received

Democrats

who

spoiler that cost

attention, especially

among

accused the party of serving

them

elections.

became embroiled

also

states

La Raza Unida Party

in controversy for

Some

as a

its

inter-

members openly advocated linkages to the Sociahst Workers Party while others advocated for supporting Mexican Anernal ideological debates.

party

ican candidates in the Democratic Party.

Yet others

openly critiqued Chavez for being closely-aligned

with

AFL-CIO

(American Federation of Labor and

Congress of Industrial Organizations), which largely supported the Democratic Party. After initiating several

key lawsuits against

racist

gerrymandering tech-

niques designed to disempower Mexican American voters.

La Raza Unida Party eventually

lost influ-

ence. In a sense, however, the party was a victim of its

own

litical

success in

opening the otherwise closed po-

system so Mexican Anericans could achieve

equitable electoral representation.

These © C. NACKE/WOODFIN CAMP & ASSOCIATES

A

farmworker holds up

during a demonstration.

#302

a poster

of Cesar Chavez

efforts to address inequities

through the

courts coincided with the formation of the

Mexican Amencan Legal Defense and Education Fund in 1967. This organization advocated for greater educa-

CHICANO MOVEMENT

BLANK arc:hives /hult()n/arc:hive by

A

symbol of the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO.

trade union political button with the

tional opportunities for

Mexican Americans and

lawsuits to further

with

foundational lawsuits for increased school

filing

cause.

It is

credited

funding and opportunities for Mexican Americans,

and

continues

it

its

The Crusade

work

today.

for Justice, a

Denver-based

grass-

preacher and boxer Rodolfo “Corky” Cionzales, took a

more

of the most controversial and resounding

events during the Chicano

Movement

era

was the

fonnation of La Alianza Federal de Pueblos Fibres in

New

Mexico by Reies Lopez

Tijerina in 1962.

This organization revived the treaty rights guaran-

by the charismatic fonner

roots organization led

One

filed

numerous

its

c:etty imac:es

populist and confrontational approach to

em-

teed to

Mexican Americans

in the Treaty

of Guada-

lupe Hidalgo that was signed between the United States

War

and Mexico

in 1848.

at

the end of the U.S. -Mexico

Among

the treaty’s provisions was the

powering Mexican Americans. The organization,

guarantee that Mexican Americans would be free to

which was founcied

practice their culture

role in ple’s

in the mid-196()s,

major national events such

March on Washington

in part

its

1968 that was planned

a

which

Chicanocentric school

fimous Plaza of the Three

called Tlatelolco after the

Mexico

his assassi-

local organizing efforts,

included the founding of

Cultures in

Poor Peo-

This organization was par-

racists.

ticularly successflil at

City. This school blended tradi-

academic subjects with indigenous lessons and

activities in

an effort to educate Mexican American

students about

all

aspects

their indigenous roots.

cluded tions,

the

by Dr. Martin Luther King before

nation by white

tional

in

as

had an active

a

of their heritage, especially

The Crusade

for justice in-

blend of self-help principles, mass mobiliza-

and

electoral politics

for innovative

Many of

its

continue to

and thus provided

a

model

and successful community organizing.

activities,

this day.

including

its

unique school,

communal

and

land holdings.

retain their individual

Anned with

and

this treaty.

La

Alianza Federal de Pueblos Fibres declared a free state in

New

Mexico

They proclaimed

in 1966.

that the

land that originally had been granted to local residents by the Spanish centuries

still

crown

in the

belonged to the Mexican American

community, and U.S. claims gal. Ci)rganization militants

arrests

16th and 17th

to the land

ultimately

of federal workers and

were

ille-

made dramatic

also staged

an anned

takeover of the Tierra Amarilla Courthouse on June 5,

1967, that resulted in

cers.

a

shootout with federal

These and other events led

occupation of several towns also

in

to the U.S.

offi-

Anny

New

involved the mass detention of

Mexico and Mexican Ameri-

cans suspected of sympathizing with the rebels. Alianza

leader Tijerina subsequently

was

arrested, tried,

and

convicted of several charges, including attempted

303

#

CHICANO MOVEMENT

murder, and served three years in federal pnson.

He

became an icon of the Chicano movement and was lionized as both a Chicano political prisoner and a defiant social bandit who rose up against racist poliand

cies

Fibres

is

practices.

La Alianza Federal de Pueblos

New

credited with opening the

Mexico

system to Mexican Americans, yet

political

many

American land

oTievances continue and Mexican O claims continue to be unresolved.

Party,

and the Crusade for Justice succeeded

and agendas to

in extending their influence tional audience,

successful at

only the student

a na-

movement was

forming branches in every

Southwest. Heir to the organizing

1969

after the

acronym

is

ary match”)

efforts

MEChA

word

(its

for “incendi-

and

cultural awareness

political

notoriety from its

mem-

racist attacks

promoting Chicano culture and cur-

on university campuses and also for its community outreach efforts. Today, the organizaricula

and national

tion continues to hold local, regional,

conferences, and includes thousands of chapters in

and high schools throughout the nation, is

well

as

peaceful activities ultimately

were dispersed by hundreds of police ofricers from the Los Angeles County Sheriffs Department and the

as

well

who

included the indiscriminate mass

hundred

fired tear gas

The

police riot

arrests

of several

the crowd.

as live bullets at

attendees and resulted in three deaths,

rally

including the assassination of popular Chicano Los

Ruben

Angeles Times journalist

by

into his

and red-baiting, the organization achieved impor-

although each chapter

The

as

culmi-

by an

a tear gas projectile that

Salazar,

was

who was

fired directly

head from close range. The murder of Salazar of the Los Angeles County Sheriffs

officer

dor Trevino’s 1971 documentary Requiem 29, and

Despite becoming a magnet for

universities

Laguna Park and included music

political speeches.

of MAYO,

the volatile rhetoric and direct action of

tant inroads in

rally that

Chicano Youth Libera-

empowennent but gained most of its bers.

at

Chicano Moratorium, the event

Department was captured by filmmaker Jesus Salva-

a vernacular Spanish

promoted

nated

the

organized march and

a legally

killed

Conference in Denver. This organization

tion

was

as

was formally

myriad other organizations, in

monly known

state in the

United Mexican American Students (UMAS), and

founded

larger

Los Angeles Police Department,

While many of the regionally based organizations, especially the United Fann Workers Union, La Raza

Unida

would be punctuated by even and more violent ones to come. More com-

tion in an era that

relatively

autonomous.

the event continues to serve as a watermark atrocity in

Chicano

history.

The Chicano Moratorium

represented the con-

vergence of domestic and international concerns in the

Mexican American community. Yet

assume that the entire population of Mexican

rect to

Americans in the Southwest shared

on all issues. The era known ment included hundreds of and

incor-

it is

a variety

as

a

common agenda

the Chicano

move-

different organizations

A

of ideological trends.

few of the

groups were religious or conservative, while others

were linked the

to mainstream unions.

These included

UFW as well as voter-rights activities led by San

Antonio

activist

Willie Velasquez,

who

founded the

Southwest Voters Education Project. Other groups

Opposition to the Vietnam These and other organizing ring at a time

when

War

activities

and individuals in the era involved more

were occur-

the nation was growing

more

disenchanted with the U.S. military intervention in

Vietnam, which provided a

Chicano

The war became a rallying point reasons. The Chicano community alleged

Mexican Americans were drafted

that

agenda for

activists.

for several

tionately higher numbei-s, line

common

combat

units,

in dispropor-

were concentrated

and had

in front-

a disproportionately higher

ologies that

liberation struggles

cano

came

on August

29, 1970. This event,

which was

preceded by several other conferences against the draft and the war, was the largest antiwar demonstra-

# 304

to be

had

a

and

profound impact on Chi-

and provided important theoretical and of reference for the ideology that

known

Chicano nationalism. This

as

ideology blended traditional

civil rights

aims such

as

educational and labor opportunities, desegregation,

were

geles

activists

practical frames

War

Vietnam, which took place in East Los An-

struggles

insurgencies in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. These

and

in

were influenced by underdeveloped-

world anticolonial national liberation

These concerns coalesced into the National Chicano Moratorium to End the casualty rate than whites.

radical ide-

cultural awareness

tives that

a

illegal

with broader

political

objec-

revolved around the notion that Chicanos

colonized people

who had been

living

under

U.S. imperialist occupation since the U.S.-

Mexico War

a

century

Chicano movement

earlier.

also

This trajectory in the

coincided with similar ar-

MOVEMENT

CHICANC)

gunients by the militant

ments

by

Puerto

blacks,

who

Americans,

also

move-

minority power

racial

and

Ricans,

sought refomis and

nu£

Native

some

in

cases revolution. Similar to the Black Panthers, the

Chicano Brown Berets was fomied

as a

paramilitary

organization in 1967, and eventually fomied chap-

Some

throughout the Southwest and Midwest.

ters

of the more controversial organizations that espoused

World interpretations of Chicano history and empowemient were the Chicano Liberation Front, which had engaged in urban guemlla tactics, and Centro de Acdon Social AutSnoma, or Center of Autonomous Social Action (CASA), which Marxist and Third

was led by longtime gaged ism,

activist

Bert Corona.

CASA

en-

in Marxist study groups, prisoner rights activ-

and labor organizing

subject to Federal

activities

of their members were harassed and in some

cases

by government

gests that these claims

A Mexican

America, Delano, California, 1966.

agents,

and

may be

new

evidence sug-

many Chicano

new

and

cal

contradictions in the Chicano

movement were

ac-

are

that involved sexism. at all stages

While

women

were

of the Chicano movement, they

and erased

in the histories

wntten by men.

This inevitably led to alternative Chicana organizing efforts

and

Mexicana 1970.

23

(the

The

states

to the creation

Mexican Female Commission),

in

following year over 600 Chicanas from

attended La Conferencia de Mujeres por

La Raza in Houston. At in

of La Comisidn Feminil

this

conference,

as

well

as

subsequent venues, Chicanas brought gender in-

and

climate at

now

and

new

198()s as well as the

changing

the era produced a wealth of political

cultural materials that

have had

a lasting

Chicano movement vancements

gramming

activists

and

in political discourse

directed

at

the

cultural pro-

empowemient of Mexican

Americans. Throughout the

era, several

foundational

manifestos were produced. These include the “Plan

UFW

de Delano” by the out la

Its

in

1966, which plotted

grassroots unionizing objectives. “El Plan de

Raza Unida”

1967 provided

in

tionale for the fonnation

of a third

a

provocative ra-

part\' for Cfliicanos

in-group sexism, they also called attention to U.S.

Democratic and Republican

government

rio” in

sterilization of

cana, Native American, and Puerto

These

Chi-

Rican women.

activities also led to the creation of a

new

or-

impact

introduced major ad-

that pointed to institutionalized racism in

of forced

politi-

high-profile activities

equities to the forefront. In addition to critiquing

practices

meet

Amenca

wars in Latin

home. While the

rare,

efforts to

on the Chicano community.

oftentimes were forcibly marginalized by chauvinist politics

exigencies, such as

in the 197()s

plausible.

turned their attention anew

activists

and regional organizing

to grassroots

fissures, conflicts,

involved

American migrant famiworker on strike as of an action by the United Fann Workers of

part

most important

tivities

LLc;

Bureau of Investigation (FBI) ha-

many

Among the

FUSCCVPICrrURE HISTORY

and ultimately was

rassment. Veteran activists of the era allege that

killed

C PAUL

parties.

both the

“El Plan del Bar-

1968 was produced by Chicano

activists

during the Poor People’s March on Washington. This plan called for more autonomy

demanded

in

C'hicano

Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social (MALCS), which was devoted to fostenng and

abuses of treaty provisions in the Treaty of Chiada-

shanng research and activism directed towards Chi-

lupe Hidalgo.

canas.

“El Plan de Santa Barbara” and “El Plan Espiritual

ganization,

Many and

of the Cfliicano movement organizations

activities

continue to

this day,

but others

ulti-

communities and

also

The most important

redress tor U.S.

manifestos were

de Aztlan.” “El Plan de Santa Barbara” was wntten

by student

activists at a

conference

in Santa Barbara,

and advocated the development

mately became defunct owing to government harass-

CLilifomia, in 1969,

ment and

of Chicano studies programs and cuiricula

internal conflicts

and contradictions. After

large mass mobilizations such as the Cdnicano

Mora-

torium and La Raza Unida Cx^nference, Cfliicano

Youth

Liberation C'onference and other such events.

lege

and high school

levels.

at

the col-

“El Plan de Aztlan,”

as

more commonly known, was produced by activists at the Cdiicano Youth Liberation C.onference it

is

305

CHICANO MOVEMENT

in

Denver

1969 and advocated tor Chicano

in

libera-

cano culture and

The term Aztlan

identity.

is

one of

tion through a

the most significant tenns of the era.

cluded claims to the land.

Mexika people left on their epic voyage to their new home, which is in the currentday valley of Mexico, specifically, Mexico City.

program of Chicano nationalism. This program inclucied a rejuvenation of the indigenous aspects of Chicano culture and identity and also in-

Above

all else, it

the notion of a “Bronze” nation.

and

promoted

Other manifestos

included “Chicano Manifesto,”

political tracts

by Annando Rendon, and the more vitriolic “A Congo Manual on How to Screw Mexicans,” by

which chronicled

Jose Angel Gutierrez,

racist at-

tempts to subordinate Chicanos and also provided strategies

and agendas

Chicano empowerment.

for

refers to the

It

ancient land that the

Aztlan

Significantly,

said

is

be located in the

to

present-day southwestern United

Chicano

activists

and

artists

This enabled

States.

to claim that they

not foreign immigrants to the United

militating for their rights and, in

and

all

etics that

the disparate activities, organizations,

and objectives

different ideological trends

in the

Chicano movement were linked through the use of popular Chicano culture and a

ries

common vocabulary,

temi Chicano. There are several theo-

especially the

about the origin of the temi Chicano, but most

concur

that

it is

term

a

that

is

formed from the term

name of the occupied Mexico at the time

Mexika (Me-chee-kah), which indigenous people that

of the

as

The

Spanish Hispanicized the term

Mexicano (Me-chee-kah-noh). Chicano

all

Spanish, Latin American, and

nonns. Instead, Chicano,

activists

which

Mexicano, to

white

to

call

is

and

artists

a truncated

and

cholo

now

were

political

revived the tenn

attention to their indigenous heri-

term Chicano had

cano heroes. In theater, groups such

a

to deliver the

union message. This troupe, founded

by brothers Luis Valdez and Daniel Valdez, involved ephemeral agitprop, or improvised,

movement,

cultural

the term gained a

new

and

literary arts

significance.

It

signaled a defiant rejection of donfinant U.S. society

and

politics

and

political awareness.

and

also

resistance to racism

heralded a

and

new

era

of cultural

Chicano became a term of a

moniker of affinnation

as

indigenous people.

The Chicano

movement Chicano movement was called

cultural

and

literary arts

that

accompanied the

the

Chicano Renaissance. Writers such

as Alurista

(Alberto Unsta), Angela 19e Hoyos, and Ricardo

among many others introduced new ways writing and new metaphors for descnbing Chi-

and

that

by farm growers,

racist officials.

The

per-

formances, which oftentimes took place on the bed

of farm

trucks, included popular

Mexican and Mexi-

can American music by Daniel Valdez, a musicologist

and

folklorist

performer,

as

well

as

experimental the-

pioneered by Luis Valdez,

ater techniques

who was

member of the acclaimed San Francisco mime troupe. The performances were directed at a

former

working people

as

guage and

new Chicano

skits that relied

convey the message

exploitation

police, military recruiters,

and

identity in the

El Teatro

UFW struggles, agitprop theater was

grew out of the

theater audiences,

of Chicano

as

Campesino, or the Farmworkers Theater, which

negative resonance, but with the mass use of the term especially the creative celebration

celebrated as working-class Chi-

resist

form of the term of

tage. Until the early 1960s, the

and

figures such as the oft-maligned pachuco

Chicanos must

Mexican American,

racist cultural

where

arts,

and

of which seemed to promote assimilation and ac-

commodation

erhood.” These notions were explored in the visual

allegory to

had been used to describe them, such

that previously

new po-

brownness, and the notion of carnalismo, or “broth-

on humor and

artists

a

revolved around the metaphors of mestizaje,

Mexika

and defiantly rejected the terms

activists deliberately

as

the

of Spanish explorers in the early 16th

arrival

centuiy.

is

cases,

the return of their ancestral lands.

and Culture

Significantly,

who were

some

The Chicano Renaissance introduced Politics

but

States,

rather the native inhabitants of the region

now

were

most

traditional

middle

class

and therefore used vernacular lan-

humor and

bilingual mixtures

The

opposed to

always were in Spanish or

of Spanish and English.

were among the

floricanto literary festivals

successful cultural events that linked regional

organizing efforts during the Chicano

These

festivals

movement

era.

involved an eclectic blend of poets,

prose writers, musicians, and perfonners and often lasted several days.

The concept of floricanto

was developed by

several

who

artists,

festivals

especially Alurista,

revived the ancient Aztec practice whereby a

shaman poet would lead the masses alized verse

in collective ritu-

on momentous or important

occasions.

Sanchez

His 1971 collection of poems, Floricanto en Aztlan,

of

became the foundational

306

text for

Chicano movement

CHICANO MOVEMENT

The

aesthetics.

occurred in the

and ultimately fonned

early 197()s

nexus

a

in the

and affimiation dyad of the Chicano move-

resistance

ment: the

artists

ance against as

first floricatito festival

and audience proclaimed

whites and perfomied their pride

racist

Chicanos for

their defi-

to see. Floricatito festivals

all

con-

organizations. Following a conference

fonn the National Association

to

They

ies.

The Chicano movement’s successes also included many flaws that were replicated in the cultural arts realm. Not only did male poets steal the spotlight from talented female artists, but much of the rheto-

women

sexist stereotypes.

Chicano movement poets used the masculinist guage of war and frequently used

sexist

lan-

notions of

conquest and defeat that relied on misogynist symbols such as La Malinche, the indigenous

who became

woman

Spanish conquistador Hernando Cortes’s

and concubine. During the Chicano move-

translator

now

is

disciplines joined

Chicano Stud-

for

meeting

first

1973. This

in

called the National Association

(NACCS)

Chicana and Chicano Studies

for

malize

and semiology revolved around

held their

organization

tinue to this day.

ric

from other

social scientists, scholars

by Chicano

to for-

recognition of the foundational role that

its

have

NACCS

in the organization;

contin-

ues to be the premiere organization for the presenta-

Chicana and Chicano scholarship.

tion ot

The the

come

legacy of activism that has

Chicano movement

be called

to

incalculable but clear: the

is

Mexican American population was mobilized and galvanized

as a political

and

never again be victimized without

cano movement Significantly,

on the

a

left

while

would

cultural force that

The Chi-

a fight.

legacy of populist leaders.

legacy will always have an im-

its

future of the United States,

it

must be

is

but one

ment era to be a “malinchista” was to be a sellout. However, Chicana activists and artists refused to ac-

pact

cept these symbols or any other symbols that pro-

era in a

moted male chauvinism and denigrated Chicanas and

States.

gay Chicanos. These attitudes inevitably led to a

out the history of this country, from amied insurgen-

countercurrent in the Chicano movement, the Chi-

cies to

cana Renaissance. Several notable Chicana authors

continues today in yet other fonns.

defiantly claimed a space

male sexism

movement Chicana this

and

199()s,

naissance artists

is

some

artists

dunng

new cultural arts by women, including

was heralded

lesbians,

movement

the stage, but persistent

the stage for a

set

that

on

long history of Latino activism

This activism has taken

mainstream

new

generally situated in the 198()s

clusion of the

ot the

most prominent Chicana Re-

pretation:

began

While

their careers as activists

the Chicano

and

Movement.

new

is

some claim

in the 198()s

with the

politics; yet others

and

that

activists to

grass-

develop

rise

is

open

to inter-

Chicano movement ended of Hispanic

claim that

inteipretation

credited with giving

it

assimilationist

continues to its

is,

this day.

legacy lives on.

Acosta, Oscar; Chavez, C.esar; Chicanisnio; Chicano rise to

of Chicano

studies.

Following El dolfo; Spintual Flan

programs

as a blueprint,

at institutions

politics,

ued activism

Chicano

throughout the nain

Chicano

sociology, culture, literature, and

other disciplines. These courses, to increase the

as

Cmisade for Justice; (ionzales;

Ro-

of Aztlan.

student-led ac-

These programs offered new courses

history,

growth

internal debates, the

tivism resulted in the establishment of new

tion.

rapid

and transnational

Chicano movement

Studies; Cavil Rights;

discipline

Flan de Santa Barbara

studies

The

trend

this

Related Articles external obstacles

Chicano movement the

and

agendas, strategies, and alliances. Thus, the con-

Whatever the

Legacy Amid the

rights,

movements forced Chicano

roots

more

role.

fonns through-

political organizing,

nence of feminist, gay

took

prominent

many

United

in the

of other Latino populations and the growing promi-

who

a

movement

duly noted that the Chicano

well

as

number of

continCfliicano

Further Reading Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied

New

4th ed.

Atticrica:

A

Histor)'

of Chicanos.

York: MarperC'ollitis, 1999.

Barrera, Mario. Beyond Aztlan: Fjhnic Autonomy ative Perspective.

Notre Dame,

Iiid.:

in CJonipar-

Univ. ot Notre

Dame

lYess, 19HH.

Chabram-Demersesian, Angie. “I Tlirow Funches tor My Race but Don’t Want to Be a Man: Wntinp; Us — Uhicanos (girl, us)/C'hicanas— into the Movement Senpt.” In I

university students and faculty, led to an explosive

increase in scholarship

on

Cfliicanos.

However, be-

cause of the persistent refusal of mainstream confer-

ences to

accommodate

Cdiicanos,

Chicano

presentations by Cfliicanos

activist scholars

fonned

their

on

own

Cultural Studies. Ed. by Lawrence Urossberg.

New

York:

ICoutledge, 1992.

Garcia, Mario T. Mexican

and

Identity,

Press,

1

1930-1960.

Aniericatis, leadership, Ideology,

New

Haven, Gonn.: Yale Univ.

9H9.

307 o

CHICANO STUDIES

Goniez-Quinones, Juan.

1940-1990. Albuquerque: Umv. ofN.Mex.

ises,

year of its beginnings, Paredes’s studies were historically positioned for a fruitful intersection with the

Prom-

Cluccitio Politics: R-Cdlity cifid

Press,

1990.

Munoz, ment.

Carlos. Youth,

Identity,

emerging Chicano movement of the

Power: The Chiccitio Move-

and university student-based sociocultural dedicated toward a recognition of the social

college

London: Verso, 1989.

Sosa Riddell, Adaljiza. “Chicanas and El Movimiento.” Aztlan: Journal of Chicano Studies

5, nos.

1-2

(fall

politics

1974):

and the neglected

plight

the

late 1960s,

of Mexican

cultural history

155-165.

Olguin

B. V.

Amencans thereafter dubbed Chicanos. Paredes’s work and Paredes himself played an instrumental and symbolic role in

CHICANOS.

was the beginning of the institutionahzation of Chicano studies as a programmatic academic activmostly within southwestern colleges and univer-

sities

CHICANO STUDIES lectual

studies

inquiry into the sociocultural origins and

processes that define the nity in the

United

States

Mexican-ongin

commu-

while taking close account

of national Mexico’s role in these processes. While the arts and professional disciplines such as pubHc

Chicano

health and the law play a role in

of Mexican origin

scholars

up

— usually themselves

— in the humanities and social sci-

had come about

institutionahzation that

on

these campuses.

largely sited in a

While Chicano

mainstream colleges and

few nonmainstream educational

should be recalled, such in Austin

as

was

studies

universities,

alternative efforts

Colegio Jacinto Trevino

and south Texas and La Academia de

Nueva Raza

in

la

New Mexico.

In addition to Paredes at the University of Texas

Rodolfo Acuna, Juan Gomez-Quihones, Carlos Velez-Ibanez, Alurista, and

at

Austin, key leaders included

Jesus Chavarria in California; Tobias

Duran

in

New

Mexico; and Tatcho Mindiola, Victor Nelson-Cis-

ences.

studies, has

and Emilio Zamora in Texas, among many others. Also of special note is the 1969 document,

beginnings in the early 1900s in the scholarship

El Plan de Santa Barbara, a statement compiled by

of the native scholar Aurelio Espinosa on the folk-

various Chicano authors and groups in Cahfomia,

of the Spanish Mexican— origin population of

which laid out a comprehensive rationale and plan for Chicano studies programs. Somewhat later, important programs were developed in the Midwest at Notre Dame University, by the aforementioned sociologist JuHan Samora; at the University of Wiscon-

This largely scholarly enterprise, which only in the 1960s, Its

lore

northern

came

to

be called Chicano

New Mexico and southern Colorado.

efforts in the

later,

Later

period 1930-1958 include the academic

works of the Texas Mexican Carlos Castaneda on the religious history of Mexicans in Texas; the

Mexican George Sanchez,

New

and the

in education;

Coloradan Julian Samora in sociology. Also of importance sarily

is

the

work by

several scholars, not neces-

of Mexican descent, such

McWilliams and

his

as

the bedrock Carey

North from Mexico: The Spanish-

Speakirij^ People of the Uriited States (1948).

However, 1958 was

a

scholarly career

Americo Paredes, whose focus was the cultural history

work was

far

and geographically expansive than Espinosa’s text

folklore

it

of

and

of the Mexican-ongm population of

the United States. His

more

more

sustained

folklorist

Aurelio

attentive to the sociopolitical

con-

of this population, and more open to theoretical

perspectives of greater sophistication

and currency

than that of his predecessors. In addition, given the

308

neros,

sin-Madison, by

and

at

community

activist

Marie Campean;

The

the universities of Minnesota and Indiana.

Ivy Leagues, particularly Yale University, produced

some area.

fine doctors

of philosophy specializing in

Such programs,

especially in California,

this

were

not developed without often fierce internecine ideo-

watershed year, for

marked the beginning of the

&

cies

studies,

the preponderance of this inquiry has been taken

by academically trained

—an

often only after a senes of militant student insurgen-

the organized and systemic intel-

is

resurgence. Concurrent with

this

See Mexican Americans.

ity,

Chicano

this

logical struggles

enous as

affiliates,

Chicano

among

Marxists, pre-Spanish indig-

Hispanicists in

New Mexico,

as

well

nationalists-regionalists in southern Texas,

southern Arizona, and East Los Angeles.

Over time

and with greater maturity, aU could roughly agree

on the tion,

cultural coherence, the historical participa-

and the

social marginality

population of the United

of the Mexican-origin

States.

Such

a shared

view

could be temied a nation-based perspective where the Mexican-origin

community

in the

United

States

CHICANO STUDIES

and

its

Mexico

linkages to

are the

first

and foremost

versity

of Minnesota are cuiTently under such

threat.

the basis for a relatively successful stabilization and

However, while some programs must altogether cease to exist or become senouslv attenuated, other

development of Chicano

distinctive issues call into question the continuation

Moreover, such

subject of study.

serv^ed as

studies into a largely suc-

academic and community outreach enterprise

cessful

in

view

a

the

last

30 or so

developed curricula

of the Mexican-

in the study

United

origin population in the

programs have

years, these

fundamental research, the

latter

programs such

as

those

nia at Los Angeles

at

fornia at Santa Barbara

University of Texas

Notre Dame,

at

and personal damage. The programs

and

in

the University of Cali-

(UC—Santa

Austin

Barbara),

the

(UT- Austin), and

also

doing well,

in Indiana, are

as

gender-innovative Chicana studies program

is

at

the

UC-

Davis. Quite recently the cultural-studies oriented

Chicano Studies department

administration of such

resulting in an

the University of Califor-

(UCLA),

at

UC—Santa

Barbara

UT—Austin,

Santa Barbara,

have not escaped such

and other

cano studies” into something efforts to ies

broaden Chicano studies into Latino stud-

have sometimes produced tensions between the

two major grams at

actually

had the

such program, graduating four

first

doctors of philosophy in the 1970s,

Angel Gutierrez, leader of the party effort called La

UT—Austin

among them Jose

T exas

nationalist third-

Raza Unida, and

now

sor at University of Texas, Arlington. At

national groups contnbuting to such pro-

— Chicanos

and Puerto Ricans,

the University of

the changing composition and character of the

can American population in

studies.

has had a great

itself

and colleges expand,

Chicano/ Chicana

in universities

would seem

it

desirable that

studies enroll a far greater percent-

age of this increasingly larger student population than in fict

it is

doing, given that these progi'ams began

gest

At

programs

UCLA,

demands. Three of the stron-

country

in the

illustrate this

only 150 of the some

major

4, ()()()

problem.

Mexican-

UC—Santa

the late 197()s, and today offers a specialization in

origin students

the field though not a freestanding Ph.D.

Barbara also has only 150 such majors to

be noted, a

Chicano

as well, that

key role

in the

writing and fine

studies has also played

for

artistic

in

disparate;

by

initiatives

San Antonio, Texas. But

at

UC-lrvine,

have their

al-

own

Outer

this overall success has

not occurred without obstacles and initial

difficulties,

nor

nation-base of such programs remained

origins,

its

and

late institutionalization

its

marginal

such programs, particularly in smaller institu-

tions, are forced to struggle for their existence. In

addition to ambivalent attitudes istrations,

Programs

budget cuts have at

Wayne

among some admin-

also

taken their

State University

and

at

toll.

the Uni-

far

panic students

the most popular major

is

business, followed

engineering programs.

Nor

is

among

jors in the U.S. capitalist

when

especially

racial

this factor likely to

well

—are now will

far

tion

is

and constricted economy,

— but in

more

the general culture

fluid.

be here referred to

similation” within the

students

new

as

“postmodern

as-

generation of college

likely a contributing factor to this disjunc-

between

a

nation-based Cdiicano studies and

presumed primary' host population. Like much world’s youth, Hispanic students of a tion

ma-

barrier to advancement in the

world of the professions as

His-

by premed and

change, in view of the attractions of such other

What

unchanged.

Chven

close

example the esteemed Chi-

of the community-based Guadalupe Arts

has the

Mexican or Latino-origin student population

At UT-Austin the numbers are even more

independent trajectory-witness the spectacular success

serv'e a

to 3,000.

cano Literary Prize competition

though these

in Cdiicano studies.

creative

development of Chicano

arts,

should

as

As the Mexican-origin population

Americo

It

Mexi-

impact on part of the rationale for such programs

in response to student

in

for example,

Michigan— Ann Arbor. Second,

a profes-

program was discontinued

Paredes’s request, the

the Midwest,

else. In

and the concomitant student bodies

this field.

more

far

respectable factors are also at work, changing “Chi-

gram

of graduate student cohorts in

institutions

But other

conflict.

Chicano

marking the continued yearly presence

UCLA, UC—

at

launched the second Chicano studies doctoral proever,

now more

now

journals. Full-fledged academic

artistic

the past,

as in

programs, struggles that have done great institutional

several specialized series in university presses

and

— rarely ideological personal — over the proper struggles

and sponsored

an object of scholarly inquiry pursued by

scholarly

recurrence of internecine

a

is

States

ample and sophisticated scholarship, which has made this area

nation-based programs. Fore-

as

most among these

subsequent decades.

Over

of Chicano studies

may be

far

more comfortable with

new

its

of the

genera-

a hip, sty'lish.

309

'Y

CHICANO STUDIES

postmodern Anglo-global culture and may now be viewing Chicano studies with the same cosmopolitan, distanced skepticism

Jews

ist

in

traditional

New

the

York most

a globalization para-

Chicano

leftist

bedrock of Chicano

traditionally a

grouping

we may

1930s viewed

ot the

Jewish culture. Such

doxically also affects the

latter

with which young modern-

students,

studies. In this

be seeing a marked tendency

toward an outlook beyond national and heritage

Dame

being corrected. At Notre

and Texas,

quantitative, empirical, public-policy-oriented social

marked those programs favorably as it did the Mexican American studies program at the University of Arizona. Under new leadership, one anticipates that the UC-Davis program will lend emscience has

phasis to

Chicana ter for

a

very distinctive, quantitatively driven

studies.

At the University of Texas the Cen-

Mexican- American Studies

is

currently spon-

boundaries, in

soring teaching and research in the hitherto wholly

to a variety

which Mexican specificity gives way of perspectives whose net effect is to

unexplored subject of Mexican American entrepre-

attempt to dislodge and decenter a nation-based Clii-

neurship, finances, and asset building. Available fund-

Chief among these perspectives

a

ing streams favor such public-policy oriented research

general suspicion of any such “master narratives,” a

but so do the policy-making needs of the gradually

stance that has often adopted the “border” as a meta-

expanding cohorts of Chicano/ Chicana elected

phor for

cials at all levels

cano

studies.

calling into question

Such

specific culture.

is

any national or other

a crossing

of “borders”

also

Chicano

of public

Given the conservative

reminiscent of older struggles between nation-based

United

now

and so-called Third World

studies

redesigned

as

ethnic studies at

studies,

UC— San Diego,

UC-Riverside, and UC-Berkeley on the one hand,

on

or,

the other, comparative race and class studies

which not too highly regarded Chicano Re-

centers such as Stanford University’s,

long ago dissolved search Center.

its

A more specific and recent articulation

of such transnationalism

is

the current interest

some of the emerging Chicano

among

Left intelligentsia in

the indigenous question in Chiapas and the Zapatis-

movement, reminiscent of an older, though not leftist, interest among some 1960s Chicano activists ta

political

have changed.

ascendancy in the

and the mantra of tax

programs in some public universities

cuts,

weaker

may be

elimi-

nated, while other programs across the country will

have to deal with the consequences of a constricted

economy. Funding and pubHc-poHcy imperatives encourage

a

movement toward

will

quantitative research.

Given the marked tendency of younger

scholars

and

students toward global, comparative, transnational,

and “border” thinking,

specifically

cultural studies will Hkely

change, but ing

it

is

this

Chicano/Chicana

wane. Chicano

does not

mean

that

studies

what

is

may

replac-

not intellectually interesting and of great

public service.

pre-Spanish indigenous culture. Such an interest

in

also reveals

its

assimilation as

own it

ironical variety

of postmodern

becomes very congruent with

a

long-standing Anglo-American, leftist-modernist obsession with revolutionary indigenous

Few of cific

Mexico.

these programs have taken a

middle course in the debates— which

more is

to the resident

spe-

to focus

Mexican American community. Nor

have such programs devoted complicated fonnation of

upper

class

much

attention to the

a substantial

middle and

within Mexican American society, which

to say, the obvious diversity within the

Amencan-origin population

at present.

Mexican

From

the be-

ginning the study of history and culture and qualita-

methods outweighed quantitative, public-policy onented approaches, and a left-of-center political pertive

spective guides the fonner. This initial imbalance

310

Related Articles Acuna, Rodolfo; Education, Higher; Latino Studies; Paredes, Atnerico;

Raza Unida

Party, La.

Further Reading

on the obviously evident question of daily Mexican immigration to the United States and its relationship

is

States

ofti-

ofiice.

studies since the 1960s

lends itself to yet other transnational perspectives

Chicano

*

now

is

Bixler-Marquez, Dennis J., et al., eds. Chicano Studies: Survey and Analysis. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publ., 1997.

De

Torre, Adela, and Beatriz M. Pesquera, eds. Building until Our Hands: Neiv Directions in Chicana Studies. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif Press, 1993. Noriega, Chon, et al., eds. The Chicano Studies Reader: An la

Anthology

of

Aztlan. Los Angeles:

UCLA

Chicano Studies

Res. Ctr. Pubs., 2001.

Segade, Gustavo V. “Identity and Power: An Essay on the Politics of Culture and the Culture of Politics in Cliicano Thought.” Aztlan 9 (1978): 85-99.

Jose E. Limon

8

CHILDBIRTH

CHILDBIRTH

These numbers

raise

the political nature of Lati-

nos’ reproductive health in the

communities

Birth in Latino

is

imbued with many

logical

reproduction

longstanding traditions and views about the body,

reproduction of

gender, and health. For Latinos from poor or rural

fertility”

America, the combination of cultural

areas in Latin

traditions, ideology,

and economics shapes the expe-

Among

rience of birth.

Latinos in the United States,

pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum behaviors fer

among

by

a variety

and ethnic groups and

racial

of social and economic

acculturation

one of the most

is

are affected

factors,

childbirth

all

mother

to

her familial

they

(partera),

“natural.”

is

all

From

helpers

the pregnant

her midwife

to

common the respect for sanctity. An integral part of

childbirth ideology

is

Some

Hispanic

women

believe that

dignity and humanity, as does the

medical model of birth with the

“woman on

women,

sionals, are at the center

recommended

not the health profes-

of childbirth. The midwife

mother avoid medically

tentially risky

Western

her back,” or lithotomy position. In

Latino communities,

helps the

wom-

procedures such

invasive

and po-

as epidurals, episioto-

mies, and Caesarean sections.

According ease Control

to data held

by the Centers

for Dis-

groups

in the

than

United

all

States,

other

racial

with 96

and ethnic

live births

per

women, compared with 62.4 live births for non-Hispanic white women, and 90.7 live for African American women. Latino families are tradition1, ()()()

ally large,

influenced by cultural factors such

as

the

gendered emphasis placed on motherhood and the security of having parents. size

children to care for aging

possible influence

preference for sons.

a

is

panic

Another

more

women

A

on Latino fimily

1997 study of His-

of low socioeconomic

Angeles obstetrics and gynecology strated

a

females

clear preference

for

status in a clinic

Los

demon-

male children over

— women reported wanting an average of

sons and 0.1 daughters.

Women who

2.

preferred to

speak Spanish rather than English (one measure of acculturation) larger

were 10.9 times

number of sons.

Amencan and

women

Puerto

have endured repressive reproductive fertility.

Examples

include forced, coerced, and imposed sterilization. In Puerto Rico, phanuaceutical

companies and fam-

planning advocates used the

“guinea pigs” to

island as

In the

women

from the

the birth control

test

as likely to desire a

pill.

Mexican and Central

199()s in California,

American immigrant women’s

fertility

was the

tar-

They were perembodying the potential

get of anti-immigrant campaigns.

ceived

“Trojan horses,”

as

of an endless supply of Latino children.

Within the key

social

facilitators of

health,

tal

order of the family, Latinas are

health care, diet anci nutrition,

and economic matters. After

childbirth, the

mother

men-

traditional

receives instruction or advice

from the midwife and female family members. The

woman-based support communities

a

is

and

structure within families

source of infonnation and knowl-

edge for the pregnant and postpartum mother. Advice

includes special postpregnancy diets,

feeding

reasons

tips,

to protect

breast-

male infant

declining

for

newborns from jealous

Use of prenatal

past

25 years Hispanic mothers have shown consistently fertility rates

twin threats by anti-im-

as

how

circumcision, colicky baby management, and

and Prevention (CDC), over the

higher

of new Spanish-speaking

large influx

health policies that targeted their

the spirituality that infuses this

medical or surgical interventions debase the an’s

Latino populations; “hvper-

migration groups. Mexican

ily

and ideol-

“new”

populations are perceived

Rican

Bio-

States.

concomitantly the socioculmral

is

hold in

the body’s integrity and

life-cycle event.

of which

significant.

In a context reflecting traditional beliefs

ogy,

dif-

and the

United

on national and shows

siblings.

by Hispanics has been tracked

care

state-wicie levels.

that in 75.7 percent

of

CDC"

live births, Latina

all

mothers began prenatal care during the ter,

data in 2001

first

trimes-

compared with the roughly equal 74.5 percent

of African Americans and 88.5 percent of non-His-

Among

panic whites.

Latinos, ethnicity

and national

origin are linked to differing numbers. CTibans far

outnumber other

Latinas in their use of early pre-

natal care, registering at 91.8 percent use in births;

by

all

live

Puerto Ricans record 79.1 percent; (Tmtral,

South American, and Hispanics of unknown origin are approximately equal at 77.4

and 77.3 percents;

Mexicans have the lowest usage,

Deeper anced

74.6 percent.

inquiry' into these figures reveals

A

results.

1998

prenatal care and birth all,

at

f-hspanics

New

more nu-

jersey study including

outcomes reported

that,

over-

have favorable birth outcomes, but

Puerto Rican

women

and the

have

island

a

that

born both on the mainland

higher nsk of delivenng babies

311

^

CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE

ot

low

birth weight, a

key indicator of infant health,

women. This

than other Hispanic

study also points

toward the “Mexican paradox,” in which women bom in Mexico or of Mexican descent generally begin prenatal care but are not

later

than non-Hispanic whites

increased risk of poor birth outcomes.

at

Researchers have expanded

this

paradox to include

border, found that the initiation of breastfeeding was

among

lowest

Being married and higher levels of education are also positively associated with breast-feeding percentages. Childbirth

among U.S.

course, patriarchy,

ing immigrants

who, because of language and

cultural

interact in complicated

bamers, have

less

and

other health services yet do not

show evidence of

worse birth outcomes. This has been attributed to “cultural protective factors” that protect immigrant

from health-threatening behaviors such as smoking, alcohol consumption, and poor diet. Factors such as mantal, employment, and housing Latina mothers

status

have an impact on birth outcomes

panic

women

ried,

in the

among

His-

expected manners; being mar-

employed, and living in

stable

housing conditions

increase the likelihood of healthy births.

Degrees of acculturation are intimately linked to

and

sexuality.

mothers.

One

2001 study

looked

specifically

at

the

impacts of acculturation and family cohesiveness

pregnant Mexican American

women. The

results

on of

dominant U.S. culture versus ad-

adaptations to the

herence to traditional Mexican

lifestyles are

compli-

higher and lower levels of acculturation

cated:

ways with mainstream Amer-

ican culture and the influences of and access to U.S.

medical systems.

Related Articles Abortion; Adoption; Birth Control; Family; Health; Parenting.

Further Reading Clark, Margaret, Health

in the

Mexican-American Culture:

health care consequences. Acculturation

of stress,

in increased levels

may

result

and sub-

social isolation,

stance abuse while simultaneously providing better

When

access to U.S. medical care.

not accompa-

nied by high levels of family cohesiveness, high acculturation

is

related to increased levels

of ciga-

A

Community Study. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1970. Lopez, Iris. “Agency and Constraint: Sterilization and Reproductive Freedom among Puerto Paean Women in New York City.” Urban Anthropology 22 (1993): 299-323. Markides, Kyriakos S., and Jeannine Coreil. Jlie Health of

An

Epidemiologic

Paradox. Public Health Reports 101 (1986): 253—323.

and Genevieve M. Kenney. “PreOutcomes and Newborn Hospitalization

Reichman, Nancy natal Care, Birth

Costs: Patterns

E.,

Among Hispanics

in

New Jersey.”

Family

Planning Perspectives 30, no. 4 (1998).

“Who May

Roberts, Dorothy E.

Give Birth

to Citizens?

Reproduction, Eugenics and Immigration.” In Immigrants

Out! The

New Nativism

the United States.

produced both positive and negative psychosocial and

clearly

Family and tradition

Hispanics in the Southwestern United States:

the pregnancy and birth-related behaviors of Latina

is

phenomena such as gender ideology and expectations, motherhood dis-

includ-

access to adequate prenatal

Latino populations

intertwined with larger social

women,

the general population of Hispanic

women.

the most highly acculturated

and

the

Anti -Immigrant Impulse

Ed. byj. Perea.

New York:

in

N.Y. Univ.

Press, 1997.

Unger, Jennifer B., and Gregory B. Molina. “Desired Family Size and Son Preference Among Hispanic Women of

Low

Socioeconomic

Status.”

Family Planning

Perspectives 29,

no. 6 (1997).

Velez-Ibanez, Carlos G. “The Nonconsenting Sterilization of Mexican Women in Los Angeles: Issue of Psychocultural

Rupture and Legal Redress

in Paternalistic Behavioral

Enviromnents.” In Tunce a Minority: Mexican American rette

smoking and alcohol

Breast-feeding

is

use.

Women. Ed. by M.

another behavior affected by

B. Melville.

St.

Louis: C.V.

Mosby,

1980.

mothers’ acculturation. According to the Healthy

ALEXANimo Jose

Gfladilla

People 2010 survey conducted in 1998, the percentage of Hispanic and white mothers are roughly equal, early

cent at

postpartum at

one

who

64 and 66, respectively, during

the infant’s age of six

The 2000 U.S. Census

These numbers

are significantly greater

Latino residents in the United States, including over

year.

among African American women. The that

immigrant Hispanic

at

these ages

evidence sug-

women

inclined to breast-feed than subsequent,

are

more

more assimilated generations. A study of Mexican American women in Brownsville, Texas, on the U.S. -Mexico

©

312

CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE

28 and 31 permonths, and 19 and 17

care, declining to

than the 45, 19, and 9 percent found

gests

breast-feed

3 miUion children

less

identified over

35

milli on

than 5 years of age and nearly

10 million children and adolescents between 6 and 19 years of age.

The number of Latino

children has

increased faster than that of any other racial or ethnic group’s children, total

population in

growing from 9 percent of the 1980 to 16 percent in 1999.

CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE

While non-Latino children

are projected to

fomi 24

among

Latinos,

percent of the population in 2020,

35 percent of the population already comprises

chil-

dren and adolescents. Given the high number of

numbers of Latino

Latinas of reproductive age, the

children are expected to increase, particularly

Mexican-origin

among

which have the highest

families,

re-

productive rate of all U.S. Latinos.

Not only have

increased, but their family structures have

more

While Latino

varied as well.

become

have lower

families

divorce rates than those of other families in the

United

States, the rate

number of children

is

increasing,

aged mothers (19 percent of

were

bom

being

are

and

to Latinas). Furthemiore, the

children in the United States are

at

demic and

home. This social

A number

of

expenenced food

These economic

insecurity.

and adolescents

cators suggest that Latino children will

be

at

The

indi-

nsk for health and educational problems.

principal indicators of childhood health are

bom

centage of children

and maternal

age.

The

per-

with low birth weight

(less

than about 5.5 pounds, or 2.5 kg) or very low birth

weight

(less

than about 3.3 pounds, or 1.5 kg) has

About

steadily increased since 1984. infants

were low

birth weight,

and

1

7.6 percent of

.4

percent were

very low birth weight, in 1998. For non-Latinos, decreased birth weight

among

is

associated with multiple

births, but,

bom

associated with dietary changes, longer residence in

to Spanish-

who

speak

needs for the children.

Latinos, decreased biith weight

the United States,

women

and high-nsk occupations

in their reproductive years

maquiladora

have been shown to play

factors

nearly one-third of children in poverU’

majonty of Latino

situation creates particular aca-

role in the well-being

Key among

growing

to single, teen-

speaking parents or to bilingual couples Spanish

a

live births to teens

all

However,

birth weight, mortality,

numbers of Latino children

the

up from 30 percent in 1978. The percentage of children expenencing food insecuntv^ decreased in 1999.

[factory work],

(for

is

for

example,

and tamiwork).

Low

a

of children and adolescents.

these factors are

economic

security,

health status, behavioral and social environment, and

education.

Economic

security indicators include financial,

housing, and food security. lated children

The poverty

dropped from 19 percent

rate for re-

in

However, among Latinos of

18 percent in 1998.

Mexican, Salvadoran, and Puerto Rican poverty

rates

1997 to

origin, the

have increased since the 1990 census.

While Latinos have high

rates

of employment, often

holding one full-time or several part-time jobs, they typically

occupy jobs

that provide

secunty, and minimal,

if

low income, low

any, health or disability in-

surance or retirement benefits. In

fact,

families continue to live in conditions

Migrant- worker families

live

most Latino of poverty.

below the poverty

line.

Excluding seasonal workers, the mean family income for Latino families

headed

families,

it

and Puerto Rican

was $35,

(

)()();

for female single-

was $21,013. Mexican American families

expenenced greater un-

deremployment and reduced economic mobility than did

Cuban and

Many

other Latino families.

Latino children live in households that have

housing problems, such

as shelter that

is

physically

inadequate, crowded, or a high-cost burden.

The

percentage of households with children that have these problems has been increasing since 1978; 36

percent had one or

more housing problems

in

1997,

'

A hoy

A.

RAMi:Y/W(K)I)t IN CAMI’A ASSCX

adds paint to a mural featuring a religious ure; ^st Los Angeles, California.

IATl.S

fig-

313

CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE

weight

birth

While the death

continued to

rates for children

and homicide

in 1998, adolescent suicide

increased. For children ages

1

to

gotiate.

rates

4 and 5 to 14, the

The

leading cause of

death in these age groups was unintentional injuries,

with most of these

from

car

and homicide were

also

resulting

fatal injuries

crashes. Birth defects, cancer,

leading causes of death for children ages

to 14.

1

The birthrate for non-Latina adolescents dropped by more than one-fifth between 1991 and 1998. It however, continued to

has,

rise for Latinas

between

14 and 18 years of age.

children, have a healthier lifestyle than their U.S.-

counterparts.

Among

promised by poor poverty-related

latter,

health

is

com-

inadequate exercise, and

diet,

stresses.

the

About 3 million

Latinos, or

symptoms, in

have

particular,

relative to the other

For example, depressive

appear to be high

rates

Puerto Rican children on the island of Puerto Pdco

a

reported higher levels of problems. In one study,

higher percentage of Puerto Rican children met depression (35.8 percent versus

criteria for clinical

in

ercise

childhood

associated with

is

child

and

from the

8.7 percent) relative to normative samples

United

States mainland.

Use of legal and

The

illicit

iU health

drugs

and

a strong predictor

is

social

and family prob-

prevalence of heavy drinking

the past

whites of similar age. Poor nutrition and lack of ex-

of depression

nine ethnic groups sampled (12

Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans

have diabetes than are non-Hispanic

of

Mexican

children,

adolescents in the United States has

likely to

among

a recent report

diabetes than non-Hispanic whites of similar age. are 2.0 times

fac-

percent versus 8.4 percent for the other group).

lems.

likely to

role.

Mexican American children. In more than 5,000 middle-school American youth had the highest

On average.

more

few

been

years. In 1999, 31 percent

among

stable

over

of 12th grad-

26 percent of 10th graders, and 15 percent of 8th graders reported having five or more drinks in a

ers,

row

at least

once during the

past

two weeks. More-

adolescent obesity, a precursor to adult onset diabe-

over, while adult Latinas historically have abstained

tes.

from drinking, Latina adolescents indicate regular use

A number of studies may be

affected

by

indicate that Latino children

a disproportionate

amount of

of alcohol and marijuana and occasional use of cocaine. Likewise,

over 20 percent of Latino youth

emotional and behavior problems.

indicated use of a controlled substance in the 30 days

on the Center

The 1997 report Control’s Youth Risk Be-

preceding the survey.

on 16,262 high

school students of vanous ethnic backgrounds found

While violent crime committed by young people has dropped sharply since 1993 (in 1998 the serious

that relative to other ethnic groups. Latino

violent crime offending rate for youth

for Disease

havior Surveillance Survey, based

male and

was 27 crimes

female adolescents reported higher rates of suicidal

per 1,000 adolescents ages 12 to 17), Latinas have

ideation and attempts than those of both white and

evidenced an increase in fighting, canying weapons,

black male and female adolescents.

and being both victims and perpetrators of violent

Council of Hispanic Health rates

is

a

documented high

time of identity consolidation within which

and sexual

available

on

to integrate ethnic, racial,

identities.

There

is

gen-

scant infomiation

the particular challenges gay and lesbian

Latino youth face.

It is

culties similar to those

probable that they face

homophobia

diffi-

of other youth of color with

regard to family disapproval or rejection

314

National

Latina adolescents. Furthemiore, adolescence

young people begin der,

also

The

of depression, anxiety, and substance abuse

among

%

appear to play a

tors

of adolescent

more

and regional and ecological

Further, nativity

10.2 percent of aU Latino Americans, have diabetes.

Latinos are 1.9 times

found

their future.

also

Research finds that immigrant Latinos, including

bom

investigations of urban Latinas

young women faced frequent violence in the community and in the home, which compromised their ability to feel safe and to develop hope about

death rates were 34 and 20 per 100,000 children in

each age group, respectively.

Recent

that

in childhood.

academic problems

drop

and

associated with cognitive deficits

is

in the multiple

as

well

as

communities they ne-

crime.

These data point to alcohol and other drug use and violent crime as serious threats to the well-being of Latino children and adolescents. Furthermore, involvement in high-risk behaviors academic

A

difficulties

child’s

academic success

activities

young

associated with

and school discontinuation.

involvement throughout the ing to the

is

is

linked with parental

child’s

education (read-

children, participation in school

such parent-teacher conferences,

field trips,

and so on). However, for Latino parents

who do

CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE

not speak English and

who work

long hours, school involvement

multiple jobs and

bom

challenging. Fur-

health status of immigrant versus U.S.-boni Latino

is

thennore, parental absence from the

home due

to

work schedule and overcrowcied living conditions may adversely affect a Latino child’s language development. children

who

live in

is

poverty or

recommended for whose parents both

little is

children, existing data

known

about the mental

from the National Longitudi-

Study of Adolescent Health,

nal

a nationally

repre-

sentative study of adolescents in schools, grades 7

through

Early childhood education

While

children.

found

12, point to a similar pattern to the

for

Mexican American

lescents experience

adults.

one

Immigrant ado-

fewer physical health problems,

work. However, fewer Latino than non- Latino

chil-

have

dren are enrolled in early childhood centers or

after

gage in delinquent and violent behavior, and are

less

experience with sex, are

less likely

school activities that support learning. Early child-

likely to use controlled substances than are

hood education

adolescents.

children

particularly helpful for bilingual

is

who may

cabulary. Absent

have

this,

more

a

limited English vo-

bilingual education

programs

have been shown to successfully teach English while supporting the knowledge of Spanish.

Over

time,

bilingual children gain

competence

and demonstrate high

intellectual potential. Policies

both languages

in

ban bilingual education have reduced the oppor-

that

tunities

of Latino children to master two languages

in childhood.

associated with

is

The overall high school young adults ages 18 to 24 de-

high school completion. rate for

from 86 percent in 1997 to 85 percent in 1998. This decline was most pronounced among

clined

Latinos,

Many in

who showed

a

50 percent drop-out

rate.

Latino youth lose interest in school beginning

middle school and discontinue their education by Factors associated with disinterest in

lOth grade.

school include irrelevant curricula, learning deficits

were not

that

identified in elementary school, per-

ceived discrimination, family poverty and the need for the adolescent to

work while

attending high

A substan-

school, peer pressure, and substance abuse.

number of young people who drop out of school enter the workforce. Among females, failure to com-

plete high school increases the risk

Latino adolescents

who

of pregnancy.

complete high school,

only 9—12 percent enter four-year institutions of higher education and complete bachelor’s degrees.

Few

who

Latinos

graduate from high school are

gible for university admission, as a result

The

of poor advising

in

due

to

eli-

low grades or

continued cycle

concomitant

social

of underemployment and

and health problems.

In general,

the overall economic, health, and educational profile

of Latino children and adolescents

Differences

detrimental than the experience of mi-

less

its

correlates

of

undereducation, underemployment, and increased

involvement

in high risk behaviors.

While many Latino children and adolescents economic challenges

face

that adversely affect their health

and well being, many children from impoverished

adults.

do

exist

is

Recent

youth identify

alanning.

between immigrant and U.S.-

on

studies focusing a

resilient

number of protective

factors,

Latino

which

help Latino youth succeed despite oveiwTelming odds. Foremost ity, in particular,

among

these factors

family closeness; a

is

family stabil-

good

relationship

with the mother; and strong role models. Similarly,

of ethnic pride and

a strong sense

of racism,

structural segregation,

assimilation.

The

identification serve

and adolescents from the damage

to protect children

and

efforts at

(2002) and Aida Hurtado (2003),

among

others, finds

and cul-

that protective factors including ethnic pride tural identification

physical cess

forced

research of Angela Cjallegos-Castillo

must be strengthened

to

promote

and mental health and increase academic suc-

among

Latino children and youth.

Related Articles Bilingual Education; Child Labor; Education; Family;

Health; Literature, Children’s; Parenting.

Further Reading Achenbach, T.,

et al. “Epideniiologiciil

Comparisons of

Puerto Rican and U.S. Mainland Children: Parent, Teacher,

and Self-Reports.” founidl

high school.

educational attainment of Latino youth often

leads to a

the stresses of migration and accul-

nority status in the United States and

tial

Among

U.S.-born

by child and adolescent immigrants

turation faced

may be

less

backgrounds thrive and become well-functioning

Success in elementary school

completion

Thus

to en-

and Adolescent Bird, H., et

al.

Psychiatr)'

of the Amcricati

Academy

of

Child

29 (1990): 8+-93.

“Estimates of the Prevalence of Childhood

Maladjustment

in a

Community Sun-ey

Use of Combined Measures.”

in

Puerto Rico;

The

Archives of (n'twral Psychiatr}’

45 (1988): 120-1126. Gallegos-Castillo, Angela. “Complex Transitions: Mexican1

Ongin Young Women’s Journey Doctoral

diss.,

Univ. of

into

Womanhood.”

Calif, at Berkeley,

2002.

315

«

CHILD LABOR

Harris, K.

“The Health

Status

of working children. The

and Risk Behaviors of Adoles-

cents in Inmiigrant Families.” In Children of Imnu^rants:

Health, Adjustment, and

Public Assistance. Ed.

by D. Hernan-

Washington D.C.: Natl. Academy Press, 1999. Hurtado, Aida. Voicit{c> Chicana Feminisms. New York: N.Y. dez.

Univ.

Kann,

2003.

Press,

“Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance— United

L., et al.

1-89.

National Council of Hispanic Health. The State of Hispanic Girls. Washington, D.C.: COSSMHO Press, 1999. National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. Chapel Hill: Carolina Population Ctr., Univ. of N.C. at Chapel 1998.

Hill,

Roberts, R., et

“Ethnocultural Differences in Prevalence of

al.

Adolescent Depression.” American Journal

Web

the Industrial Revolution trans-

Working conditions were horrendous for these young laborers, with many children being forced to work 12-hour days for meager wages. In 1904 the National Child Labor Committee

(NCLC) was porated

this

An

estabhshed.

act

of Congress incor-

nonprofit organization in 1907 with the

mission of advocating for the rights and education

they relate to work.

as

when

1938, however,

Psychology 25 (1997): 95-110.

Selected

when

fomied the American economy. By 1900, 2 million American children were working in factories or on

of children

Community

oj

became more pronounced during the

States

19th century

of child labor in the

farms.

1997.” Morbidity Mortality Weekly Report 47 (1998):

States,

United

rise

was not

It

the Fair Labor Standards Act

(FLSA) was passed, that

many

children

from the bondage of dangerous work, although the act did

Age and Sex for the United States: 2000. www.census.gov/ population/ www/ cen2000/

not significantly reduce the exploitation of

agricultural child laborers.

The

phc-t08.html

Yvette G. Flores-Ortiz

history of Latino child labor

stiU to

is

CHILD LABOR America

to the

United

workforce has become an to

World War

States since

the issue of Latino child labor in the

II,

community

American

of great importance

issue

activists. It is a

from

sad irony that so

many

immigrants leave Mexico and Central America to seek a better to see their effort to

life

own

children reduced to servitude in an

put food on the family

table.

Child labor has been around civilization itself

America, only

for their families in

as

as

Children have been used

as

human work-

thousands of years in every country of the

ers for

an ecotheir

plight has not received the attention

from

demics. There labor

it

among

is

much on

deserves

and other aca-

record regarding child

the Irish and African Americans, and

the conditions of underaged Jews in the

City garment industry in the

late

New York

19th and early 20th

century has also generated scholarship, but research-

have yet to focus on the children

ers

the United States during the bracero children

to

long

as

nomic engine north of the Rio Grande, but historians, ethnographers, sociologists,

the dramatic increase in immigration

be writ-

Since the Treaty of Guadalupe Fdidalgo was

ten.

signed in 1848, children have been used

Latin

were freed

Site

U.S. Census (2000). Race and Hispanic or Latino Origin by

With

until

to

Mexican Revolution,

brought to the country in the 1930s

meet labor shortages

in the Southwest,

Rican children of jibaros (country to the Northeast in the

known

who moved

folk)

and Puerto

who moved

mid-20th century. Athough

estimate that there are almost

250 million children

undocumented immigrants from south of the U.S. -Mexico border often leave their children behind until the parents have settled some-

between the ages of 5 and 15

who

what, underaged Latino immigrants have always been

Even

world.

today, international labor organizations

are

working

in

fields,

mines, factories, and sweatshops around the

globe.

AU of these

families,

children

come from impoverished

and more than half of them

are

working

fuU-time to help support their families. Unable to receive a carry

from

good education, most of these

on the

children will

cycle of poverty they have inherited

their parents

and

pass

it

down

to the next gen-

eration of child laborers.

Athough United

^316

States

America, and South

the highest rates of child labor, the is

also

home

is

to

hundreds of thousands

that

ubiquitous.

Today,

as in

the past, poverty

is

considered the

primary instigator of child labor. In 2000, 27 percent of Latino children under the age of

1

8 lived in

poverty, and immigrant Latino families have even

American-bom FdispanThe concept of putting children to work at an

higher rates of poverty than ics.

early age

Africa, Asia, Central

Amenca have

it

is

one

that has

been widely accepted

Latin America and the Caribbean,

— representing children in those regions —

lion children

where 17.4 mil-

16 percent of

start

in

work

early.

all

the

For fami-

CHILD LABOR

who

lies

have

wretched conditions

left

Mexico

in

based on adult exposure and give no special consid-

or Central America for the factories and fanns of the

eration to children. In

United

children are even

ily

and fam-

States, established cultural patterns

loyalty frequently dictate child labor as the inevi-

table destiny for their children.

According

their

Department of Labor’s National

to the

Worker Survey (NAWS),

Agricultural

94

at least

percent of migrant fannworkers are Latinos and

many In

80 percent of them were

as

some communities, Hispanics

bom

in

actually represent

believes

working

United

in the

to

1998

(GAO)

estimated the

be 300,000, while the U.S. Census Bu-

reau gives a smaller figure of 155,000 children.

One

is

that these

100,000 work-related in

American

tions are

year.

as

many

as

more than 100

deaths each

Child laborers are sometimes injured by acci-

with, but others have accidents involving the

use of heavy fanu equipment, tractor rollovers,

Many

and animal

children begin

falls

young

from

ladders, fatal

working on famis by the

NAWS,

agricultural

roughly 40

workers are in-

volved in harvest duties, which are physically de-

manding on 12-hour days

young body. They routinely work stooped low over strawberry plants or

a

climbing nckety ladders into apple orchards, often

making

as little as

of heavy

lifting,

$2 an hour. The long-temi

effects

may

bending, kneeling, and stooping

lead to serious back and muscle problems for adolescents as they

grow

some of which

The Environmental

may be

the Centers for

it is,

expectancy for the average migrant worker

only 49 years, compared to 73 years for the gen-

eral

American population.

Children

who work on

the

FLSA was

famis are not afforded the

enacted in 1938,

tween fami and nonfamiwork time famiwork was seen

to

as a

differentiated be-

it

work

in the fields.

At

for children.

that

faniily-onented activ-

which children would accompany

in

ity,

When

other working children.

as

their parents

The FLSA was enacted when

nearly a quarter of the United States population lived

on

still

however, only

famis. In the 21st century,

live

on

fanns,

and mechanization and technical innovations have led to the

phenomenal growth of large-scale

agricul-

most children do not work on

a result,

as

their

hired hands for commercial

enterprises.

According to the FLSA, the

most famiwork the

working

is

only 12

if a

Children

child.

legal age to

perfonn

parent accompanies

who

are 14 or older

work unlimited hours in the fields before or after school hours. The same law requires a minimum age of 14 for nonagricultural work and limits such work can

Many

day while school

is

in session.

work without access to minimum sanitation requirements. Agor more laborers ricultural employers that employ 1 child famiworkers are forced to

1

are required

by the Occupational

Safety and Health

Administration’s Field Sanitation Standard to provide workers with adequate drinking water and access to toilet

with ing

1

and hand-washing

facilities.

However, famis

0 or fewer workers are exempt from provid-

toilets

and drinking water

out adequate

fluid

for famiworkers.

intake,

With-

young workers

risk

devastating dehydration and heat-induced illnesses,

older.

Famiworkers regularly work pesticides,

is

life

to 3 hours per

bites.

age of 12, and, according to

percent of these

the

family fami, but

fact that child

have indicated

Disease Control and Prevention has detemiined that

own

dents involving the sharp knives and machetes they

work

linked to pesticide exposure. As

child advocacy organiza-

they

early studies

childhood brain tumors and leukemia

that

As

as

account for 20 percent of aU fami to

Some

ture.

each year

even more troubled by the

amounting

pound of body weight and developing nervous systems are more sensitive

work

injuries

Some

fields.

agricultural laborers fatalities,

children suffer

has found that

vulnerable because they ab-

about 1.5 percent of U.S. residents

of the primary concerns about young fami-

workers

EPA

the

pesticides per

same protection

States. In

more

to such chemicals.

States are,

and from one

to the other

the General Accounting Office

number

United

The United Fami Workers union that more than 800,000 underage

year to the next.

children are

in the

number of children working vary

from one organization

(UFW)

sig-

of migrant famiworkers.

in fact, the children

Estimates of the

is

of the Latino child

nificant because the majority

working on famis

as

Mexico.

99 percent of the farmworkers employed. This laborers

more

sorb

fact,

are

Protection

in fields treated

known

with

carcinogens.

Agency (EPA)

has

and possible death. All children living in the titled to

receive an education.

United

States are

However,

en-

the average

between the ages of 14 and 17

enacted regulations for the protection of workers

child fami laborer

against pesticide hazards, but these regulations are

works an average of 31 hours per week

in agricul-

317

^

CHILD LABOR

ture.

The long hours

frequently lead to extreme

following his migrant famiworker family from one

of which contribute

farm job to another. Chavez spent long hours pick-

and poor nutrition,

fatigue

all

being held back in school and eventually

low wages in fields and vineyards throughout the American Southwest.

45

Chavez’s family lived in cramped quarters, often

to excessive absenteeism. This often results in the child’s

dropping out. The dropout

rate for migrants

is

percent; for the rest of American population the rate is

average level of education of an adult farm

worker tural

is

fifth

work

without bathrooms,

from one

grade. Migration

area to

another

agricul-

compounds

also

most

to these frequent intermptions in education,

famiworker children

are destined to

the

Owing

problems for the migrant farmworker family.

remain in farm-

formal education.

and abbreviated education

as their

parents and

grandparents.

dren of migrant laborers, there

is

migrate to the United States from to

perform farm

a

who

Mexico and Cen-

labor.

These youngsters

make

see a job in the fields as an opportunity to

money

chil-

num-

an increasing

ber of youths between the ages of 14 and 17

America

back home. In 1997

to support their families

Department of Labor report estimated

were 55,000 unaccompanied child

that there

laborers, travel-

ing without the protection of their immediate families.

At

foreign-bom, working under gmeling and dangerous conditions to harvest tables.

and vegetables for

fruits

The unaccompanied foreign

child

laborers are particularly vulnerable to exploitation

abuse from farm managers and coworkers. child with limited English-language

many

skills

and

A Latino

Young working group of child

girls

are

laborers.

Some

the most vulnerable girls are

put to

fami workers are routinely subjected to sexual advances by farni labor contractors and

illegal,

and they

jobs or other retaliation

One

field supervisors,

of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

do not speak English and do not

of the

if

Many

national projects that

is

a national

#318

Chavez

started to

network

ganizations,

all

work can be found came about from

in various

the 1980s on.

fear the loss

of their

they report the abuse.

work

at

in 1989,

that currently comprises

of which share

common

a

53 or-

objective

of advocating for the protection of children and youths

who

work. The coalition provides for the

exchange of information about child labor and advocates for

an end to aU forms of child exploitation.

It

has developed educational programs to reach to the

public and private sectors in an attempt to

and promote

child labor abuse

combat

legislation that will

bring an end to that abuse.

UNICEF

(the

United Nation’s Children’s Fund)

in

1946 by the United Nations and,

was founded with

a strong

presence in 158 countries, has remained

the world’s leading advocate for

Today to

UNICEF

leads a

working

children.

broad coalition dedicated

improving the Hfe of every Several

child.

American lawmakers became involved

figures

of the

the age of ten.

Among the

in

most vocal

opponent of the exploitation of children through labor was Senator tor

Tom Harkin,

a

Democratic sena-

from Iowa. During the 1990s Senator Harkin

combat the worst forms Although most of his proposed legis-

introduced several

of child

labor.

bills

lation did not receive

to

the support of his fellow

lawmakers in Congress, Senator Harkin’s forts

have brought the

attention of the

20th century, Cesar Chavez (1927-1993) was a child famiworker. Bom on a small farm near Yuma, Arizona,

legacy of his

realize that sexual

most respected Latino

as

founding of the United

the battle against child labor.

work as domestic servants at very low wages. They are sometimes forced to work long hours and, as a result, cannot complete their education. Y oung female

is

personal experience

this

can be per-

and perform dangerous work.

harassment

was

a barrier to his

occasions.

The

suaded through intimidation to accept meager wages

in violation

It

water.

Farm Workers of America during the 1960s. Chavez, champion of the cause of the farmworkers, addressed the issue of child labor in speeches and rallies on

40,000 of these young workers are

least

U.S. dinner

mnning

The Child Labor CoaHtion (CLC), founded

Although many of the child laborers are the

tral

or

electricity,

a child laborer that led to his

work, enduring the same substandard working conditions

at

The long hours of farmwork became

25 percent.

The

ing grapes, melons, and beans

issue

American

tireless ef-

of child labor

public.

As

a result

to the

of in-

creased immigration. Latinos in particular are a group that the

problem

is

likely to affect for

decades to

come.

Related Articles Chavez, Cesar; Childhood and Adolescence; Fannworkers

Movement;

Health; Labor.

CHILEAN AMERICANS

Further Reading Ennew, Judith.

There Rain-

Exploitation of Cliildreti. Austin, Tex.:

Steck-Vaughn Pubs., 1997.

tree

Hindman, Hugh D.

An

Child Eihor:

Anicricati History^.

Ar-

dren.

Portraits

of

l

Vorkin of Modem .Mexico, 1810-1996. Tr. by Hank Heifetz. New York: HarperC.ollins, 1997.

Menard, Valerie,

Mayo of

to the

Day

llie Ditifio Holiday

of the Dead, the Celebrations and Fraditions

New

York: Marlowe, 2003. Laurie Kay. “Symbol and Style in Cinco de

Hispanic Americans.

Sommers, Mayo.”

Book: From Chico de

File Journal of American Folklore 98, no.

390

(1985):

47C-482.

Valerie

CISNEROS,

SANDRA

Born: December 20, 1954; Chicago,

With her

first

Menard

novelette, Flie FIousc

Illinois

oti

Matij^o Street

(1984), Sandra Cdsneros contributed to the portrayal

•

Author Sandra Cisneros

in

krk: gay/aivwidk wori.d

i'ik)T()s

San Antonio, Texas, 2002.

323

«

— CIVIL RIGHTS

symbolizes a growing up, not only culturally and

The House on Mango

spiritually

Street

In the

my name

In English

means

to

means too many letters. It means means waiting. It is like the

Spanish

it

sadness,

it

number

nine.

A muddy color.

Mexican records my father plays on Sunday mornings when he is shaving, songs like sobbing.

.

.

Magdalena—

^which

is

contemporary Latina writer mainstream editorial house and

first

a

use of regional images and the presence of strong

name

feminine characters, unfold. Since she

uglier than mine.

Chicago

Magdalena who at least can come home and become Nenny. But I am always Esperanza. Excerpt from The House on

been very suc-

feminist ideology,

At school they say my name funny as if the syllables were made out of tin and hurt the roof of your mouth. But in Spanish my name is made out of a softer something, like silver, sister’s

be pubhshed by

has

which have attracted the media; the creation of a Mexican American space along the border, where some of her stories, enriched by the

.

not quite as thick as

pubhshmg field Cisneros

draw the attention of a national reading public. This success is due to several factors: the sale of her books to schools, where they have had an impact on the younger generation; her attractive personality and

the

It is

also as a writer.

She was the

cessful.

hope. In

but

Mango

Street

to

moved from

San Antonio, Texas, she has been

a leader

and Latina community, enriching it with her persona and her revival of Mexican Amerin the Latino

by

ican customs and traditions.

Sandra Cisneros (1983).

Related Articles Literature,

Mexican American.

Further Reading and Mexico City)

States

in a

sequence of scenes tak-

The microcosm of Mango Caramelo, a macrocosm encom-

ing place in both areas. Street

becomes, in

passing a space extending (a

from Chicago

to

family unfolds in both space and time, as told

by daughter Celaya (Lala). The plot, which includes the lives of Lala’s numerous relatives, is given depth by

of rich anecdotes, the creation of com-

a variety

plex characters, and ironic ambiguity.

mother

inherits a

mentation

is

named

Elias,

caramelo. Frag-

trip,

in this case

Eduardo

&

Enke, 1985.

F. “Sandra Cisneros.” In Chicano Writers. Vol.

122 of Dictionary of Literary Biography. Detroit: Gale Res., 1992.

Olivares, Julian. “Sandra Cisneros’

TIte

House on Mango

Street

and the Poetics of Space.” In Chicana Creativity and Criticism. Ed. by Maria Herrera-Sobek and Elena Maria Viramontes. Houston, Tex.: Arte Publico Press, 1988. Sayers, Valerie. “Review of Caramelo.” The New York Times

Book Review (September 29, 2002): 24. Stavan, Han. “Sandra Cisneros: Form over Content.” In The Essential Han Stavans. New York: Routledge, 2000. Valdes, Maria Elena de. “In Search of Identity in Cisneros’ The House on Mango Street.” Canadian ReviexA^ of American

avoided by introducing, very success-

the motif of the

fully,

Her grand-

famous unfinished rebozo (Mexican

shawl) the color of the candy

Gemiany; Verlag Palm

Tepeyac

suburb of Mexico City), where the history of the

Reyes

Binder, Wolfgang. “Sandra Cisneros.” In Partial Autobiographies: Interviews with Twenty Chicano Poets. Erlangen,

Studies 22, no.

1 (Fall

199^).

between

Luis Leal

Chicago or San Antonio and Mexico City.

Although Cisneros has tried

not to repeat

and

Woman

herself, there are

much

in

stories

a reality in Caramelo.

“Mericans” and “Tepeyac” in Woman,

deal with the cultural conflicts that ter

when

do

in Caramelo. In

lish

Woman

Mexico,

Cisneros

is

life.

Despite

Cisneros’s pilgrimage

as

they

able to estab-

Caramelo, however,

have detected relations between

author’s

#324

Chicanos encoun-

visiting their relatives in

authorial detachment. In

critics

echoes of Mango

common. The imagined

Mexico of Esperanza becomes

The

Caramelo she

CIVIL

RIGHTS

be detected. Both Esperanza

that can

and Lala have

said that in

that, there

is

from Mango

Lala’s

and the

no question Street to

With

the signing of the Civil Rights Act in 1964,

community significantly improved its staand opportunities. The Civil Pdghts Act provided

the Latino tus

equal protection under the law against housing segregation,

employment

of voting

rights.

Civil Rights to

Act

The

discrimination,

and the denial

efiects

of the passage of the

for Latinos

were profound. Prior

1964 few Latinos were able to attend

college.

that

Housing and job discrimination were prevalent

Tepeyac

throughout the country, particularly in the South-

RIGHTS

CIVIL

Mexicans

west.

bom

in the

members

to assimilate.

for

dationist

organization,

to get these jobs,

filling its

United

States

(Chicano

and Chicanas) found many jobs were reserved Anglos, and

if

the fonner

managed

they were paid a lower wage, a practice called the

wage

dual

of 1964,

system. Before the landmark legislation

many

Latino communities engaged in

civil

The three most movement were Chi-

Seen

LULAC" was

of working-class Mexican Americans. Despite

LULAC

similationist perspective,

active Latino groups in this

cano community. Without

groups will be examined within a brief

this essay,

along with

review of newly arriving Latinos and their

growing impact.

Among

course of history for Latinos in the United States,

two

stand out

can

War

as

Chicano

for

achieved

being particularly key

with the United

Spanish- Amencan

War

States in

1848 and the

According to Al-

in 1898.

berto Camarillo and Frank Bonilla, especially important

— the Mexi-

two

dates are

with respect to the incorpora-

tion of Mexicans, Puerto Ricans,

and Cubans into

civil

LULAC’s

One

political visibility.

was the challenge

of the early

of Topeka

Supreme Court

v.

Mexican

decisions,

end of school segregation

for the

San Diego County. Mexican parents

cotted the all-Mexican school and, through a highly

were

visible court case,

able to defeat the local edu-

board committee’s decision to segregate

cational

children.

With

poration of Spanish-speaking peoples from Mexico,

at

States, and,

the same time, established economic, political, and

international diplomatic relations that later played a

and immigration of mil-

great role in the migration

of Spanish-surnamed people to the United

lions

States.” In short, the history

of assimilation of each

of those groups would eventually have

a

profound

significance to the civil nghts stmggle in the

United

community of Lemon overturn the barring of Mexican

Although each group (Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Cuban) has fought for

rights equal to those

of

other United States citizens, their efforts have been diverse, because the history different.

and Cubans

as

and culture of each group

But Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, all

claim to be part of the United States

based on their histories of incorporation (1848 for

Mexican Americans, 1898

for Puerto Ricans

and

Cubans).

cano historians argue that

groundwork

When

set

all

stmggles

earlier

the

set

movement. Indeed, they during the 194()s and

say

its

195()s.

World War

the United States entered

Mexican Americans were

11,

either drafted or enlisted.

measures, they served their countty' well, win-

ning the most medals for valor and

One

Americans fighting World

came more

fighting in

selves

movement

far

that

erarchies in the

by-product of Mexican

War

11

was

Europe

compared United

own

barrios

that they be-

who

in

had

found them-

against fascism,

some ways

a

racist

to racial hi-

States; fighting in

exposed Mexican Americans to the relations.

surpassing any

globally conscious. Chicanos

not ventured beyond their

new

Early in the 2()th century,

Chicano organizations

established to deal with the denial of civil rights. early organizations

were

LULAC

(League

of United Latin Amencan Cutizens), C.ongreso

del

Pueblo de Ffabla Espahola, and Asociacion Nacio-

Mexico-Americana (ANMA). LULAC" confrt:>nted educational segregation but pushed its nal

for the

foundation was

By

movement, Chi-

Europe

politics of race

Europeans lacked preconceived notions of

making the Chicanos’ return to American and American racism intolerable. Given this

Latinos,

Chicanos

Some of the

accounts point to the 196()s

the beginning of the Chicano

barrios

were

historical

other ethnic group.

States.

is

able to

Although

their

victory the

its

students from attending the all-white school.

United

boy-

first

stmggles: “These events set the stage for the incor-

into the

(frove.

Board of Hdiica-

Grove was

Cuba

civil

to school segrega-

by the California community of Lemon

Americans fought in

early activism

Chicanos would not have

Prior to the historical 1954 Browti tion

as-

its

represents a major

the United States and to their subsequent civil rights

Puerto Rico, and

for

nghts advocacy within the Chi-

civil rights,

rights victories

tion

the benchmarks that have influenced the

criticized

can Americans while slighting the needs and views

source of early

Puerto Ricans, and Cubans. These three

accommo-

organization with upper-middle-cla.ss Mexi-

rights stmggles to gain legal parity.

canos,

an

as largely

awareness that racism in the United States was

a social

problem, Mexican Americans were no longer

willing to forbear inequality.

Employing

their

found empowennent, they thus engaged nghts

work

new-

in

civil

to ensure equal access to jobs, higher

education, decent housing, and racial integration.

Indeed, the generation that fought against fascism

returned from Europe prepared to fight for their

civil

325

^

CIVIL RIGHTS

numbers of Vietnam War casualties were Mexican Americans, because few Chicanos qualified for defennents, and because they ended up

nam War.

Sizable

on the front lines. And to add to the sense of injustice, Mexican Americans who fought in Viet-

fighting

nam remained

turned to the United

was

bom

when they reThe Chicano movement

second-class citizens States.

many of the participants World War II generation.

with

dren of the

Known as El Movimiento, movement

rights

cano and Chicana

Police and a

wounded man

inside

sit

an ambulance

during the Zoot Suit Paots in Los Angeles, California, 1943.

ans

went

several fronts.

to college, while others

Some

veter-

began to challenge

conditions and confront discrimination within their

own

communities.

When their compatriots were de-

nied burial in military cemeteries, they rose to the

One

political protesters

activists.

Chi-

during the era

refomi called for

social

by the Civil Rights Act. By the 1960s Mexican Americans shifted their focus from accommodationist

organizations such as

demanded which they did on

and community

of El Movimiento fought for

mand for social rights,

this cross-cultural civil

involved high school and college

students, professors,

PICTURE HISTORY LLC

these chil-

LULAC

and

equality

the same rights

to a militant de-

cultural recognition; they as

those of Anglos. Chi-

canos and Chicanas began to use social protest to achieve social justice.

improvement of

Among

their

demands were

schools, voting rights, an

end

to

housing segregation, and immigration reform.

Occurring

at

the same time, and contributing to

the intervention of then-senator

Mexican Americans’ sense of empowerment and revitalization, was a new commitment in art and Hterature to Mexican myth and history. Murals and poems reflected the increased interest in Chicano and Chicana cultural heritage. For example, Chicano and

to have his remains laid to rest

Chicana

challenge.

of the most famous incidents was the

Felix Longoria case.

Having died during the recap-

ture of the Philippine Islands, Longoria burial in the

tional

town of Three

was denied

Rivers, Texas.

took

Lyndon B. Johnson at the Arlington Na-

Cemetery.

The

children of World

in civil disobedience.

War

II

Chicano veterans

many of the

intolerable.

had limited Mexican Americans from tion in U.S. society before the

It

their

should

obstacles that full

participa-

war had been broken

down dunng the activism of the 1940s and 1950s. Seeing a new path of opportunity, many Chicanos and Chicanas acquired jobs previously denied them. For those who were able to stay at home during the

employment

offered valuable experi-

ence. Increased racial tolerance for

Mexican Amen-

became apparent, giving the children of the World War II generation the window of opportucans

will to fight.

was not uncom-

muralists to depict Quetzalcdatl

the 1960s the time for social rebellion

Aztec myths, delighting Chicano audiences. In

way, the ness

arts

was

ripe.

this

sharpened Mexican Americans’ aware-

of their strong, rich

“priming the

cultural heritage, thus further

pump” of

activism for sociopolitical

refomi.

on this generation of Mexican Americans was the war on poverty, beginning in the 1960s as well. Throughout the United States, Chicanos and Chicanas were frequendy among Another

great influence

the most economically disadvantaged. According to

Chicano

historian

Rodolfo Acuna, “the U.S. census

(1960) counted 3,464,999

This second generation was galvanized by the Viet-

#326

it

Emihano Zapata or Pancho Villa. The poem “I Am Joaquin” by Corky Gofizales, for example, evokes Chicano anguish in “gringo” society, and draws on

be noted, however, that

By

Chicano

work;

The thought of experiencing was

and the

for

deities in their

(Feathered Serpent) and Aztec warriors alongside

parents had experienced

nity

mon

began to incorporate images of pre-

engage

to

same degradations of segregation and racism

war, industrial

artists

Columbian

were second-generation Americans ready the

It

in the

Southwest with

Spanish-sumamed persons

a per-capita

compared with $2,047

for white

income of $968, Americans and

—

1

CIVIL RIGHTS

$1,044 for other non-whites.” Further evidence of the inequality that existed for

Mexican Americans

The program, which began was created

years,

1942 and

in

lasted

22

of growers,

solely for the benefit

“The me-

the latter arguing that a labor shortage existed. Secur-

dian school grade in the Southwest for Spanish-

ing the U.S. government’s cooperation to negotiate

sumamed

the program, agribusiness gained “disposable”

was

their

lower median education

persons

more than

level.

14 years of age was

8.

versus 12.0 for Euro-Americans and 9.7 for other

non-whites,” explains Acuna. Unable to match the

of education and median income of white

level

Americans, Chicanos and Chicanas were driven to

engage

in social protest for equal rights as U.S. citi-

zens.

Also during the 1960s

— and

are the civil rights struggles

continuing today

with no

ers

demise was one of the early

triumphs for Chicano and Chicana

mented workers,

civil rights.

demand

1986, in order to curb the

the passage of the

for

In

undocu-

Simpson-Rodino

Immigration Refomi and Control Act (IRC' A) was signed into law by Ronald Reagan. The IRC' A at-

number of undocumented immigrants by allowing undocumented immigrants tempted

of famiworkers. Chi-

rights. Its

work-

to control the

cano and Chicana famiworkers have always been

among America’s most economically disadvantaged. They have endured pesticide poisoning, lack of health benefits, threats of deportation

(many were

undocumented), and nonpayment of wages. Fami

were exposed

laborers

ments

in their

to extremely

dangerous ele-

working environments,

particularly

poisonous pesticides, which caused premature births

and children

bom

with defonnities. Their strenuous

efforts for civil rights

contributed to the creation of

a

one-time opportunity to

viding amnesty for

undocumented workers who

could prove they had entered into the United States prior to January

employers

who

1,

1982.

tide

the

number

of

1988

undocumented immigrants had

again

above the pre-IRC'A

risen,

into the 21st century.

so

severely

by the lack of union representation; thus the

limited

UFW attempted to achieve some of the rights workers in

other industries had gained. Legislation that

supports the rights of famiworkers to organize was

one of steps

its

successes. In 1966, after

of California’s

capitol, in

Fami Workers were

marching

were out

contracts with growers; eventually, however,

the act I

was overturned by California governor George

)eukniejian’s administration,

which favored the grow-

ITe wages of famiworkers were United

States,

in force to protest a

the lowest in the

and laws preventing the hiring of un-

agricultural

employers

for

Political ac-

W.

Bush. At issue

undocumented immi-

who wanted

Worked

into the plan

likely to fivor

were three-year con-

workers would have to agree

Mexico. Civil

be

critics

continued access to cheap

lated that after three years, guest

to

workers

guest-worker program

new program would

argued that the

tracts

persisted

without an amnesty provision, most

rights activists

to,

which

stipu-

workers must return argued that

this

was

bad public policy because workers would have no opportunity to

er’s side.

Myriad

was the lack of amnesty

labor.

tiate

many problems

proposed by President George

the Agricultural Labor Relations Act provided for

giving famiworkers the right to nego-

in general,

and the Chi-

from the Chicano and Chicana community

tivists

ensure contract negotiations. In 1975 the passage of

field elections

UFW

remained without union representation.

grants;

able to get legislation passed to

levels.

Despite the activism of the

to the

Sacramento, the United

stem the

May

UFW

famiwork have been

to

little

of undocumented immigration. By

cano movement

pations besides

sought to punish

continued to hire undocumented

Fami Workers (UFW) in 1965. Led by cofounders Cesar Chavez and Dolores Fluerta, the

Few occu-

also

It

immigrants. Ultimately, the law did

the United

sought to unionize famiworkers.

pro-

legalize their status,

become U.S.

opportunity to legalize their left

with no opportunity to

citizens; status,

settle in

without the

they would be

the United States.

either not enforced

Many

conservatives argued that offering amnesty as

or punishment was merely a slap on the hand. This

a part

of the program would encourage undocu-

documented immigrants were lack

of aggressive sanctioning of employers

who

hire

undocumented workers continues today because is

it

so lucrative for industrial fimis. Addressing the

problem vigorously, the

UFW won a major victoiy':

temiination of the U.S. -Mexico Bracero Program.

The

mented immigrants

to

migrant workers

unlikely to go away, and C'hi-

is

cano and C'hicana fair policies for

remain

activists will

labor from

illegally.

issue of

continue to fight for

which United

States clearly

benefits.

327

c

CIVIL lUGHTS

one of the

Puerto Ricans The civil rights struggle

airborne migrations ever seen in the

first

Ricans has been

United

States; the cost

very different from that for the Chicano and Chi-

Juan to

New York

cana community. Events during the 19th century

constituted the

the stage for Puerto

aftemiath ot the

for Puerto

Rican

war between the United

Spain that ended in 1898 status

nghts activism.

civil

island

The and

negatively affects the

still

of the Puerto Ricans in the United

on the

States

set

States,

and

of Puerto Rico they continue to seek

Following the Spanish- American War, the 1917

made Puerto Rico

signing of the Jones Act

wealth

territory

staais

prevents

of the United

island

move still

are

Common-

States.

made

possible for Puerto

it

back and forth between the

freely

of Puerto Rico and the United

were and

com-

a

participation in U.S. society,

full

so that although this

Ricans to

States,

they

denied the rights other citizens of

the United States possess. Furthemiore, Puerto Ricans,

compared with other Latino groups

tom of the socioeconomic

in the

represented

States, are disproportionately

as

The

at

United the bot-

with indicators such

scale,

welfare dependency, female single-parent families,

and high unemployment. the United States has

mixed blessing; with enforced dependency that

been

the downside being the

a

characterizes their relationship

After the Spanish- American

native tongue

hand, easy access to U.S.

with the United

States.

tries.

With some Puerto Ricans economically dependent on the United States but nonetheless unable to and with the

failure

of their limited citizenship (commonwealth

status)

remain above the poverty

level,

them with an adequate

to provide

lize their lives,

structure to stabi-

many Puerto Paeans joined

for civil rights. In the 1930s

the presidency of the Puerto that fought against

the fight

Pedro Albizu Campos

led an internal struggle for reform.

Campos

rose to

Rican Nationalist Party

“yanqui imperialism” by advocat-

ing the independence of Puerto Rico. Educated

Rican

on

a

rights

at

work

opportunities can be

the upside of the islanders’

commonwealth

and confronted the U.S. government

number of occasions, being jailed many

for his activism. Flis citizenship

and never

War, Puerto Ricans

was revoked

times

in

1943

restored.

Another person

who

States in

First elected

directly challenged the role

Puerto Rico was Luis

senator of Puerto

and reelected in 1938, he helped

Rico

Munoz in

1932

establish the Partido

Popular Democratico (Popular Democratic Party).

Forming

a

formidable grassroots

movement among

the mral peasantry and Employing the slogan “Pan,

status.

Immigrations of Puerto Ricans to the mainland occurred in three waves.

Known

gration”

wave was mainly where opportunity for em-

(1990—1945), the

New York City,

toward

ployment

in the

as

the “Pioneer

Mi-

first

manufacturing sector was strong.

According to sociologist Maria Perez y Gonzalez, “these Puerto Ricans were described by social scienbeing predominately from urban areas and

Tierra y Libertad” (Bread, Land and Liberty), by 1941 the party was able to pass the Land Law. The

law placed

on U.S. corporations. Corporations owning land beyond the 500-acre limit were required to sell it to Puerto Pjlco’s Land Authority, which having secured 68,000 a 500-acre (200-ha) limitation

acres (27,500 ha)

of land

as a result

forcement, distributed the land

of the law’s en-

among

having previous employment and higher education;

subsistence farmers.

they were skilled and semiskilled workers

the land refomi measure as socialistic and

pared with those

who

when com-

did not emigrate from Puerto

The second wave was

labeled the “Great

Mi-

gration” (1946—1964). This

movement was one of

the

by “one nation ...

first

internal migrations

another single nation in so short a time.”

#328

“Re-

phase of migration, called the

driven by shifting economic conditions in both coun-

Marin.

Rico.”

was

is

owing to high unemployment, due, in turn, to low economic development on the island. On the other

as

whose

marked by the back and forth movement of Puerto Ricans between Puerto Rico and This period

of the United

tists

ethnic group settling in the

volving Door,” began in 1965 and continues today.

began to migrate from the island to the mainland,

as

first

Idarvard University, he was a strong voice for Puerto

For the island-bom Puerto Ricans, experience in

seen

last

from San

City. Additionally, these citizens

northeastern United States Spanish.

fly

the United States, a circular migration, probably

self-detennination.

monwealth

was only $75 to

It

was

to

also

it

The United

States,

be stopped, rejecting the party’s

Puerto Rico’s independence.

smaU-scale

however, saw

demanded insistence on

Munoz Marin also

pro-

posed to improve the economy in Puerto Pdeo through what he called Manos a la Obra (Operation Bootstrap).

It

was an economic plan

to increase in-

CIVIL RIGHTS

on the

dustrialization

of Puerto Rico by luring

island

U.S. corporations to relocate their factories through tax incentives

and cheap

The

labor.

plan was sup-

posed to provide job growth on the island but did not

fully

some

accomplish that goal, although there were

beneficiaries

of the plan

— female workers who

Cubans Like Chicanos and Puerto Ricans, Cubans have en-

gaged

stmggle for

in a constant

civil

Cuban

nghts.

emigration was induced by the U.S. government

lowing the Cuban revolution defeat of

Cuban

fol-

1959. Since the

in

dictator Fulgencio Batista in 1959,

got jobs in apparel, tobacco, and food industries. But

Fidel Castro, the leader of the revolution, has

the agricultural sector was neglected during this in-

the nation’s president. After the coup, middle- and

dustnal push,

damaging other work

sectors

and caus-

Owing to the rising unemployment on many Puerto Rican men migrated to the

ing inflation. the island,

United

States

upper-class

wave of Cuban

first

of the

Munoz Marin was

Puerto Rico.

Among

elected governor of

the policies he advocated was

Puerto Rican self-governance. In July of 1952 the Island tus,

of Puerto Rico achieved commonwealth

but in the long run,

Munoz

Marin’s

sta-

civil rights

hegemony of Puerto Rico. The conditions

considered the

United

for

ship

remain one of deprivation and dependency. Early

a

tant to Puerto

rights activists

were

historically

Rican attempts to achieve

political equity,

impor-

social

and

but because Puerto Ricans remain

marginalized, they continue to struggle.

Lack of

political

power

has

made

ism the only

way

United

States.

Recently, for example, Puerto Rican

activists

attempted to halt the bombing on the island

to

of Vieques. The U.S. Navy was using the island to

ammunition and conduct

vers,

and the bombings,

it

test

bombing maneu-

was learned, were linked

to higher cancer rates there than

what was found on

the island of Puerto Rico. In 1983 the

was caught violating an agreement

U.S Navy

to demilitarize,

decontaminate, and restore Vieques to

its

residents.

December 1999 President Clinton ordered the bombing stopped. By early 2000 the governor of In

Puerto Rico announced that

a

compromise had been

reached with ITesident Clinton to resume the

bomb-

ing for the next three years, but only for a total of

90

days, in

exchange

for

110 acres (45 ha) that would

on the

further extend the size of the airport

island

of

Vieques. Meanwhile, the political contention for the control of Vieques Island

of the

political status

is

ongoing

Unable

— a microcosm

of Puerto Rico, which remains

The

in-

missile crisis created a hostile relation-

to find a

States

and Cuba

that persists

middle ground to negotiate

workable relationship with the

new Cuban

govern-

ment, the U.S. government began an economic boycott that remains in place today. Cubans

who

migrated to the United States have called for the re-

he remains

confront colonizing by the

store

program occurring on the

moval of Fidel Castro, but

political activ-

a military'

administration, after seeing re-

between the United

today.

government soon

sought to have the missiles removed.

island,

Puerto Ricans on the island and on the mainland

States

new Cuban government

ports of a missile-buildup

famous Cuban

of civil

sympathetic to the leaders

Initially

The Kennedy

threat.

the

efforts

and managers of expropriated

of the revolution, the United

endeavors did not weaken the States in

refugees

industrialists,

U.S. enterprises. In 1948,

Cuba. The

billowed to leave

composed supporters regime, and among them were land-

Batista

owners,

looking for work.

Cubans were

been

despite attempts to

do

so,

power.

in

Several organizations have developed in the United States supporting the struggles

movement October failed to it

is

the National Liberation

10th.

Although

One such Movement of

of Cubans.

their attempts in the 197()s

make any headway toward

toppling Castro,

created an atmosphere of continued internal stmggle

for

Cuban

insurgents.

in the early 199()s,

is

One

of the groups, organized

the Brothers to the Rescue.

With suspected ties to the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), they worked to stoke anti-Castro passions

among

their

countrymen and the general U.S. popu-

lation.

As

we

progress into this

rights challenges

new

centuryy the

civil

of Chicanos and C'hicanas, Puerto

Ricans, and Cubans enter into a

new

age.

The num-

ber of Latinos and Latinas will continue to nse demographically, which generates an important question.

Will their increased

opportunities? So

far,

number

lead to increased

that remains to

canos and CJiicanas are

still

be seen. Cihi-

stmggling with

issues of

of those

who

see this countiy^

immigration, access to a quality education, employ-

only in temis of its usefulness.

The

recent history of

ment, and ethnic discrimination. ITierto Ricans, ever

largely in the hands

Vieques Island tends to support that message.

confronted with the issue of circular migration, con-

329 ^

WAR

CIVIL

economic dependency on the

tinue to fight against

Munoz,

United

States,

poverty, and

Some former Cubans their

fomier country, and

ment

United

in the

Cubans

has affected their settle-

it

detemiine

will likely

if

is

a

abandon

growing lack of interest

as

Cubans in finding

ways

to

popu-

of Central Americans with

left-wing groups such

the

FSLN

(Frente Sandinis-

CISPES (Committee

de Liberacion Nacional) and

with the People of El Salvador)

in Solidarity

of the civil rights activism

among

Much

.

Central American

groups has been toward confronting the violence and

by right-wing governments

political repression

at

home. As Central American communities continue to evolve, there will

amine the United

and

factors

States.

Most

social injustices

be further opportunities to ex-

behind

newly

the

conclude that economic

tend to force Central Americans

to flee. Perhaps the next rights

their migration to

studies

movements among

round of

large-scale civil

Latinos will

come from

Central America. The issues remain the same. The hope IS that the strategies for addressing them will benefit settled

communities such

Paul Lopez

as

CIVIL

WAR

Sixteen years after the annexation of Texas, the

lation are the struggles

ta

1989.

suggests

noticeable to the general

as

Unwin Hyman,

that struggle; the

overthrow the Castro government. Smaller and not

Puerto Ricans: Born in the U.S.A. Boston:

Rodriguez, Clara.

they remain fixated

current generation of U.S.-born there

New

2000.

Future generations of

States.

Castro’s removal or

on

remain indifferent to

exiles

Power: The Chicano Move-

Identity,

York: Verso Press, 1989. Perez y Gonzalez, Maria. The New Americans: Puerto Ricans in the United States. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, ment.

ethnic discrimination.

Carlos. Youth,

those from

from the experiences, confrontations, and successes

United ern

States faced

including the

states,

ica.

Four years of fratricidal

that war,

known

Chi-

American

were involved its

minor

in aU

and

battles,

tary-related tasks.

in a

And

at least

and Education Fund; Puerto Rican

Young Lords;

Puerto

Ricans on the Mainland; Raza Unida Party, La; Yzaguirre, Raul.

War, an

in

es-

sides.

Latinos

played a leadership role in the conflict.

David Glasgow Farragut was undoubtedly the most famous Latino warrior he

over,

in the Civil

War; more-

regarded by military historians

is

greatest naval ofiicer. America’s

first

as

its

admiral, Farra-

gut was the son of a Spanish father and an American

mother; he was raised in Tennessee. His naval career

—spanning,

with

amazingly, nearly 60 years

his first military action at

when

—began

age 11 in the

War

of

on which he was berthed capnumber of British vessels ofi^ the coast

a ship

of Valparaiso, Chile. Forty years

later, at

States, Farragut fleet

up the

ate ships

he handled with

1862 he organized a

Mississippi

anchored in

bombardment by

was placed in

charged with blockading Confed-

great efficiency. In sailed

War becommand

the beginning of the

erate ports, a challenging task that

Hijos de America; Puerto Rican Legal Defense

and

one, David Farragut,

Amencan Orden

of Amer-

broad array of other mili-

of the Union

Council of La Raza; Operation Bootstrap;

and

of the war’s major operations,

Feminism; Huerta, Dolores; League of United Latin

Luis; National

Civil

on both

tween the

Mexican Americans; Munoz Marin,

States

conflict followed,

cano Movement; Cuban Americans; Discrimination;

Citizens;

South-

1 1

Star State, seceded

sands of other Latinos, fought

tured a large

Relations; Brothers to the Rescue; Chavez, Cesar;

the

as

when

timated 10,000 Mexican Americans, joined by thou-

1812,

Affimiative Action; African Americans, Influence and

Lone

crisis

promptly created the Confederate

of earlier Latino nfrgrations.

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New

Orleans. Five days of

Farragut’s flotflla led to the surren-

der of New Orleans. For his success there and soon

Further Reading Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America:

A

History of Chicanos.

New

York; Verso Press, 2004. Camarillo, Alberto, and Frank Bonilla. “Hispanics in a Multicultural Society: A New American Dilemma?” In Rethinking the Color Line: Readings in Race and Ethnicity. Ed. by Charles A. Gallagher. New York: McGraw Hill, 2004. Meier, Matt S., and Feliciano Ribera. Mexican Americans and American Mexicans: From Conquistadors New York: Hill & Wang, 1998.

#

330

to

Chicanos.

after in fighting

near Vicksburg, Mississippi, a piv-

War

battleground, Farragut received a

otal

Civil

promotion

to rear admiral.

continued to grow

after

resulting in the capture ate port city

The

naval officer’s fame

he led the naval campaign

of the important Confeder-

of Mobile, Alabama. In August 1864

he was elevated to vice admiral and received ro’s

welcome

in

New York

a

he-

City. In 1866, with the

WAR

CIVIL

war

over, Congress created the

and Farragut became the achieve

ficer to

first

of

title

United

admiral

full

States naval of-

Although they did not reach the heights of Farrafrom diverse backgrounds acquit-

ted themselves in impressive fashion in that fratricidal

each earned the

soldiers,

Honor

Union Congressional Medal of

Bazaar and John Ortega, two

conllict. Philip

for their courage in battle. Bazaar carried dis-

patches under heavy Confederate

was feted

for gallantry in

company, known of only

soldiers

as

two

while Ortega

fire,

One Alabama

battles.

the Spanish Guards, consisted

with Spanish surnames. Their

ulti-

mate objective was protection of Mobile. Even

New Mexico saw an

faraway

ence. There the

important Latino pres-

Union Anny employed

Latinos as

knew

the terrain

both soldiers and scouts since they better than

most warriors, and were considered ex-

perienced Indian

Other in

fighters.

Latinos, like Jose Augustin Quintero, a poet officials

Mexico to ensure that critically needed supplies found their way from Europe through Mexican ports. Santos Benavicies, a Mexican American to northern

a

fonner Texas Ranger,

commanded

War.

A

num-

significant

them were Cubans, who had honeci

fighting

skills

their

during the early stages of a lengthy re-

on the

island against Spanish rule.

Jose Gonzalez, a Cuban, was the

under Confederate general

P.

Ambrosio

War, Gonzalez became

G. T. Beauregard

a leader in

in

Cuba’s con-

tinuing struggle for indepencience from Spain. Federico Fernanciez Cavada, a

Cuban-born

served with ciistinction for the

Union

soldier,

in the Battle

of Gettysburg before he was taken prisoner.

wrote an account of

his experiences, especially

He of

those while he languished in a CvOnfederate prison, entitled Libby Life.

he was

later

Cavada met

a sad

in the

book

Garesch du Rocher,

ground, was

Union

IWvuaii

Cuban of French back-

a

a brilliant strategist

and chief of staff to

general William Rosecrans. Garesch’s mili-

ended abmptly and

tary career

when he was

tragically in

Chaves,

Mexican American,

a

Colonel Manuel an interesting

offers

he fought with Mexico

transition as a soldier, since

Mexican War, 1846—1848, before becoming

a citizen

of the United

New

present-day

when

States

Mexico became

volunteers and fought with the

of Glorieta

ending

when

executed by Spanish authorities for

his

of the

is-

Mexico

in the Battle

Pass.

known.

of individual

We

American

Civil

have only anecdotal histo-

soldiers

but not yet

a

composite

picture of Latinos of different national backgrounds

on the was

their

Who were they? What in enlisting? How were

and beyond.

battlefield

prime motivation

they perceived by their respective ties?

And why

soldiers,

like

home communi-

does their story remain eclipsed? These

most

anony-

in other wars, labored

many

what was

cases, idealism in

for

most

in

a searing,

even transfonnational experience. Both the Union

and Confederacy owed

much

to these soldiers

and

to the roles they played in upholciing the ideals

and

objectives of the belligerents.

Rela'ted Articles History; Military, United States.

Further Reading Heidler, David

S.,

with Jeanne T. Heidler,

A

dia of the Amcricati Civil IVar: Histor}'.

Santa Barbara,

Thompson, Jerry D. Tex.: State

House

Press,

Velazquez, Loreta Janeta. IVar Narrative

of

Political, Social,

and

Militar)'

ABC-C'LIO, 2000.

C'alif.:

Vaqncros

eds. Encyclope-

in

Blue and Gray. Austin,

2000. IVoinan

'llic

Lneta Jatieta

V

in Battle:

llie

(jvd

elazquez, (jd)an \Vof)iatt

and Confederate Soldier. Intro, by Jesse Aleman. Madison; Univ. ofWis. Press, 2003. l^AUL

role in the uprising against Spain’s control

territory'

New

Union

Overall, the role of Latinos in the is little

the area of

U.S.

a

following the war. Chaves joined the

ries

Tennessee

decapitated by a cannon ball in the

Battle at Stone’s River. Lieutenant

in the

Battle. ]u\\o

iti

officer

artillery

Charleston, South Carolina. In the aftennath of the Civil

Harry' Buford. Velasquez wrote

mously, courageously, and with great loyalty and,

Latino warriors continued to fight in other

arenas following the Civil

bellion

a

force in the Battle of Laredo in 1864.

Many ber of

Con-

the

which defeated

federate 33rd Texas Cavalry unit,

Union

P.

War

peacetime, was assigned by Confederate

and

name of Lieutenant of her experiences

this rank.

gut, other Latinos

disguised as a male Confederate soldier under the

S.

GecRC.E

land.

The ing,

stor\'

of many Latino warriors with

even unusual,

twists in the Civil

War

interestis

readily

evident in the account of Loretta Janeta Velasquez, a

young woman who was

said to

have fought while

331

#

CLASS

CLASS

tral

percent of

The concept of class

refers, in part, to

the socioecolargest

nomic hierarchical place, and includes such as income and educational attainment. The majority of Latinos belong to lower social classes than do most factors

Anglo-Americans. Their place

somewhat

is

similar

to that of blacks, although important differences

among them

the fact that as a minority. Latinos are

not defined by race. But to one’s

exist,

class

socioeconomic position in

a

heritage represent about 14

Latinos. Puerto FUcans are the next

at 1 1

Cuban Americans

percent, while

just 4 percent

Each of these subgroups

of the Latino population.

creates connections,

first

and

foremost based on national background. But these connections are also defined by

class.

A middle-class

Mexican American is likely to empathize with someone of his background and economic status first, and later

with

a Latino

of a different national or

It

class

complex worldview that, in the end, crelinks, intrinsic and overt, among individuals in a

carries a ates

make up

only

community.

all

group

not only a reference

is

Amencan

or South

upbringing. This emphasis

is

registered in politi-

cal partnerships, social preferences,

and even

aesthetic

taste.

similar position.

According to the 2000 U.S. Census, more than half of U.S. Latinos have not

The median than

family

completed high school.

income of Latinos

is

slightly

more

58 percent, that of Anglo fairdlies. Latino class status is the result of distinct immigration

half,

social

histories

are the roles

origin.

United

More

complicated

of race and ethnicity, the policies of the particular groups

of

society to specific Latino subgroups.

Mexican Americans

are

by

far

the largest Latino

in the

United

States today,

as criminals

—drug

thieves. This

can be

Americans in the U.S. mass media traffickers, prostitutes,

said to all

making up about two-thirds of the Latino population. Latinos of Cengroup

and inaccurate per-

a persistent

documented immigrants. The myth of Mexican “illegality” is nourished by the portrayal of Mexican

in the

American immigrants, and the response of

American

Contrary to

to the immigrants’ class sta-

American government toward Latin

States.

earlier,

ception, aU but about 10 percent are U.S. citizens or

of

tus in their countries

Mexican Americans make up the majority of the Latino population in the United

As mentioned

States,

and adaptation patterns

which might be traced

Mexicans and Mexican Americans

and petty

some extent about mainstream

portrayals

of

Latinos, but the iconic southwestern settings (desert

cacti

and sagebrush under

a blazing sun) frequently

Mexican heritage for stereotypes. While many ques-

found in the media suggest

many of these

sinister

a

POVERTY STATUS OF THE POPULATION IN 2001 BY SEX, AGE, HISPANIC ORIGIN^, AND RACE Total population

Totaf

Number*^

Percent

281,475

100.0

Hispanic Number*^ Percent

Non-Hispanic, White Number’^ Percent

Non-Hispanic, Other Percent Number*^

100.0

194,538

100.0

49,625

100.0

21.4

15,271

7.8

9,639

19.4

Below poverty

level

32,907

11.7

37,312 7,997

Above poverty Under 18 years

level

248,568

88.3

29,315

78.6

179,267

92.2

39,986

80.6

72,021

100.0

12,763

100.0

Total

44,095

100.0

15,163

100.0

Below poverty

level

11,733

16.3

3,570

28.0

4,194

9.5

3,969

26.2

Above poverty

level

60,288

83.7

9,193

72.0

39,901

90.5

11,194

73.8

175,685

100.0

18 to 64 years Total

22,653

100.0

122,470

100.0

30,562

100.0

Below poverty

level

17,760

10.1

4,014

17.7

8,811

7.2

Above poverty

level

157,925

89.9

18,639

82.3

113,659

92.8

4,935 25,627

83.9

100.0

1,896

100.0

27,973

100.0

3,900

100.0

Below poverty

level

33,769 3,414

10.1

413

21.8

734

18.8

level

30,356

89.9

1,484

78.2

2,266 25,707

8.1

Above poverty

91.9

3,165

81.2

16.1

65 years and over Total

Source: U.S. Census Bureau; Current Population Survey;

March

2002, Ethnic

and Hispanic

Statistics

Branch, Population Divi-

sion.

’Numbers

thousands. ^Hispanic refers to people in

whose origin is Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, South or Central American, or other Hispanic /Latino, regardless of race. ^Excludes unrelated individuals under 15 years.

^332

CLASS

tions about Latino social-class status begin with an

of Latino immigration to the United

analysis

States,

the story of Mexican Americans begins with the

annexation of half of Mexico by the United

1

IS

even exported by the United

States.

ican story.

nations.

Puerto Ricans The same has not happened to Puerto Ricans, who make up about percent of Latinos and have been 1

Throughout the 19th and most of the

cen-

2()th

American

1

citizens since the

Puerto Rico

Mexican Americans worked

1898. Puerto Rico

picking vegetables and building the Western railroads.

As the United

States

became more urban,

its

depen-

dence on menial labor continued, and Mexican

Americans turned increasingly to the service sector

employment, becoming assembly-line, construc-

for

and light-industry workers (such

tion,

as

in

ing than that of a

have only

For instance, Puerto Ricans

state.

member of

nonvoting

a

though Puerto Ricans,

American

as

than

less

Class has

The Mexican American working class has regularly been made the scapegoat for economic decline north of the Rio Grande. Forced mass deportations

of Mexican Americans followed the Great Depression of the 1930s and again during Operation

Wet-

back in 1954. In the 1980s the militarization of the

United States— Mexico border

economy

intensified, as the

entered a penodic recession. Despite

hostility

(which continues today,

fomis), a

Mexican American middle

throughout the Southwest. are small-business

physicians,

as

most

well

as

class

this

muted

took shape

visible

members

municipal

offi-

Mexican American working-

—

This codified ambivalence

chile,

satillo tiles,

to the habits

of Puerto Ricans.

citizenship as the detennining fac-

who

tor for Puerto Ricans, both those

men and women

Southwest. These cultural elements

Mexican American middle

World War class

has

tural aspects into the country’s

whole.

What was once

II,

a

Mexi-

growing

pushed these cul-

consciousness

as

a

seen as a working-class iden-

has acquired an aura of sophistication, for ex-

ample

high-brow

American fashion

Tex-Mex

styles,

failed

economic-development

effort

by the U.S. gov-

ernment and corporations, migration from the mostly to

New

Facilitated

by low-cost

York

island,

City, increased dramatically. airline flights

from San Juan

New

York City and Puerto Ricans’ American citizenship, Spanish Harlem in upper Manhattan was boni. Puerto Ricans settled in other New York City to

boroughs

as

well

other major

as in

notably

cities,

Chicago. While some Puerto Ricans had successful business careers, the as

overwhelming majonty were

menial workers

in factories

and

in the

service sector.

cuisine,

Mexican

and the popularity of Mexi-

as

the racial labeling by the majority society’

black, not white, but clearly “other.”

language, and later Spanglish, ally “different,”

different

from the

deepened Puerto

Ricans’ low-class

Like Mexican Americans,

status.

the Puerto Rican

community

island

and on the mainland, has

and

smaller upper

a

class.

Puerto Ricans were for low-class

status.

a

today, both

on the

middle

a small

class

However, the majority of long time defined by their

Ciompared

to

white Amencans,

Puerto Ricans have low familv incomes, and because ’

the

middlebrow legacy

is,

culture),

made

a far-ranging

Spanish

well as other cultur-

as

behaviors (that

The

— not

mainstream or majonty

most

wordview

States.

In the 196()s, following Operation Bootstrap, a

can American singers beyond the ethnic line have their

live

racial identification, their self-identification, as well

is

stucco walls, and the casual

can Americans. But since

who

Tejano music, boots and

and behaviors of the

built the

and the majority of Puerto Ricans

on the mainland United

on the

live

almost

it

help define the working-class worldview of

tity

class status

The economic isolation created by these low-skill, low- wage jobs was compounded by Puerto Rican

so pervasive that

is

— especially

bilingualism of much of the population can be traced

who

trumped

employed

on American popular culture

Tacos and

ties,

Its

albeit in

U.S.

and educators.

Southwest

invisible.

string

owners

influence of the

culture

in the

al-

can vote

citizens,

in the fields.

island

class

Congress,

the

10 percent of Mexicans and Mexican Americans

The

of

commonwealth, a legal category that bestows more nghts on Puerto Ricans than it would to residents of a temtorv, but less stand-

can be traced to the

cials,

War

industry), as well as joining the invisible

labor force of maids and janitors. Today,

work

was awarded

Stites

a

is

in presidential elections.

gannent

United

the Spanish- American

after

menial laborers,

as

States to other

848

Conquest, not migration, begins the Mexican Amer-

tury,

that

also

have low educational achievement unlike

growing number

of

Mexican Americans

who

333

CLASS

educated people of color

not

pnson when the Cuban government

moved upward on die social ladder, they have entered the Amencan middle class in large num-

Puerto Rican

sensibility.

Stereotypes

as materially,

Americans has been established and is most tangible in expressions of adolescent urban culture, rican

hip-hop, and rap. This culture iden-

as graffiti,

tifies

itself as black.

In other words, race

become intertwined Rican

identity in the

in

and

the balseros received relatively

They got help from the established Cuban community, but today there is

south Florida

a clear residential

the

and occupational divide between

Cuban Americans who

those

who

States.

power

arrived in the

United

in the early

class

States in

1980

As with other Latino groups (and Amer-

Cubans exemplify

is

percent of as

how class

Bureau of Labor

Cuban Americans

white. In south Florida,

survey, 95

Statistics

identified themselves

which today

is

home

are university presidents, business owners,

The two Spanish-language

and elected

television net-

Cuban Americans. The Cuban vote failure

to IS

and national

state

politicians. In

the predominantly Republican

considered by

some

However, the

Cuban Americans

The

a

key reason he

diligently

2000 the

Cuban vote lost Florida’s

dramatically in the 1980s

Salvadorans,

Nicaraguans,

when many and Guatemalans moved

north of the

Rio Grande

in response to the civil

war

which

in

the United States supported existing governments

migrants settled in Florida, the Southwest, and California. Latinos

who

identify their heritage as Central

communities of Miami and Los Angeles, while

at

the same time the poorer “Little El Salvador” neigh-

borhoods of these

cities are clearly

Like the Cubans

who

working

class.

arrived in the 1960s, the

wealthier of these Salvadoran, Nicaraguan, and

temalan immigrants were categorized refugees

by the U.S. government, and

from government

as

Gua-

political

so benefited

The

assistance programs.

number of Central American immigrants

largest

that

came

shadows of society in the United

of the Cuban Anerican com-

Cuban

eled and the make-shift respectively, to the

known

as balseros, are

which they travwhich they traveled,

port from rafts

United

in

States in 1980.

This sec-

ond wave of large-scale Cuban immigration is starkly different from its predecessor in tenns of race, income, and education. A large number were poorly

334

These immigrant communities grew

described above are no longer ex-

and thus the presidency.

Manelitos, also

for the

States.

materially comfortable first-wave

clusively representative

munity.

United

were working-class people. Like their contemporary Mexican immigrants, they live in the

electoral college votes,

named

is

of Democratic presidential candidate A1 Gore

win

subgroups that constitute the Latino minority in the

or South American have blended into the wealthier

works, Univisitin and Telemundo, are managed by

courted by

cent of Latinos, the second largest of the national

to

the largest concentration of Cuban Americans, they

politicians.

and South Americans

over the insurgents. Most of these refugees and im-

correlated with race. In a 1995

Central

Central and South Americans account for 14 per-

income and the highest educational

ican residents generally),

of Southwest communities.

as

The 1960s wave of

Lift.

Mexican American dominance

than the

Cuban immigrants was largely middle class and educated, with many professionals in the group. Among U.S. Latinos, Cuban Americans have the highest meattainment.

in

from Central and South America diluted Cuban Latino political and cultural dominance in south

1960s tend to be of a higher social

dian family

Aso,

arrived in the 1980s and after.

the definition of Puerto

rise to

of the Mariel Boat

arrived in the 1960s and

the 1980s increased immigration to the United States

Cubans and Cuban Americans Those Cuban Americans who emigrated from Cuba

part

con-

crete assistance.

Florida, as well as the

Cubans who

little

class

United

following Fidel Castro’s

free.

entrapment

have become obstacles for mobility. Symptomatically, a sense of empathy between Puerto Ricans and Af-

such

them

set

class

This has resulted in a feeling of that defines the

serving time in

While 1960s Cuban immigrants were welcomed by the American government, ideologically as well

bers.

#

who were

have

in the 1980s

their poverty,

and

States

because of

their illegal status.

Throughout the 20th century there was

a small

but consistent stream of mostly middle- and upperclass

South Americans moving north to the United

States. Less

is

known

about

nefarious reason but because rary visas

and returned

chose to put

down

home

this

group, not for any

many came on tempoafter a short stay.

roots in the

United

Others

States.

Their

— CLASS

them

identity has allowed

class

to blend into the

community.

larger Latino

America “whiteness”

Latin

a decisive role

— the

constmct plays

as a social

lighter the skin, the better the

chances an individual might have to succeed. Immi-

Pan-Latino Class Identity As

stated earlier, class

middle

and lower

class,

concept: upper

a relative

is

class

opposed

(as

on

takes

and describe

When

particular groups

to, say, restaurants),

used

of people

the notion of class

meaning. That

a clear political

class,

are temis that implicitly

comipare one person’s status to another’s. to categorize

class

is,

and

Eastern Europe

who

France, England, and

Italy,

arrived in the region in the

1

9th

century followed an upwardly mobile path and, in general, have a comfortable place in Ffispanic soci-

on

ety is

this side

of the Atlantic Ocean. This pattern

similar in the Latino

community' north of the Rio

Grande.

coding and naming, are

Take, for example, the case of the exiled Cuban

Latinos and other people of color in the United

American subgroup. During the 1958—1959 Cuban revolution led by Castro, a large portion of the mid-

class status, as

States

well

as class

about power.

centrally

have traditionally been associated with

a

lower-

class

designation. According to the

as a

group Latinos have the lowest median family

income

United

in the

States.

U.S. Census,

2()(){)

They

poorer than

are

African and Native Americans. But family just

one dimension of

ever important a

from Crennany,

grants

it

their class

might

be.

income

is

worldview, how-

Education

factor in the definition

There

of class

also the issue

is

empathy

a

sizable

—

Florida.

portant numbers, by descendants of African slaves in the Caribbean

—stayed

behind. Thus, the

United

from

a factor inti-

States, the

wave of exiled Cubans

their skin color,

where fewer

Cuban

refuges, for instance the so-called

tended to be darker

rielitos,

demographic

in skin and,

have had more

national origin aside, linguistic similarities serve to

tering the Melting Pot than did their

between people of the same background:

the type of Spanish one speaks (defined by an upper-, middle-, lower-class extraction), one’s accent,

guage

speed with which one acquires English-lanare important markers. In other words,

skills

while Latinos

who

speak Spanish technically speak

the same language, the difference in tenns of national

and

class situation are decisive.

Cuban American

middle-class

from States.

its

For example,

parlance

is

different

Puerto Rican counterpart in the United

When

class

is

factored

Latino pan-ethnic project

is

in,

clear.

While

class

among

Latinos

and

en-

96()s

counter-

deeply ingrained in the Latino

commu-

1

parts.

Racism nity.

Not

is

surprisingly,

associated with education

“whiteness” for Latinos

and cosmopolitanism. With

the exception of the music scene,

through

is

where

race

is

a different prism, in politics, business,

seen

and

advertising Caucasian skin provides social mobility

not frequently offered to people of African descent. This

is

evident

among Colombian Amencans, Do-

minican Americans, Mexican Americans, Puerto

the

results in class

is

the race factor.

Latinos, as stated before, are not a racial

nority, race

difficulty

This

Equally important in the understanding of the

concept of

according

Ricans on the mainland, and other subgroups. In

and national origin tensions.

racial

studies,

Ma-

the fragility of the

resentments and jealousies, feelings often conflated

with long-standing

benefited

are placed before Caucasians than other racial types.

to

anci the

Cuban

social obstacles

mately connected with education. Immigrant and

create links

de facto

States,

“Cuban diaspora” centered in The lower class in Cuba constituted, in im-

creating a

Later

identity.

of language,

United

ideological lines but across racial lines as well. In the

an important

is

status in the

homeland and

their

— not only

degree, serve to define the

Latino might feel toward others and

sought refugee

abandoned

Revolution divided Cuban society across not only

but the various educational degrees, especial-

ly a college

classes

also provides

nuanced, measured sense of community

literacy

and upper

dle

class intersect in a

mi-

number of ways

Mexican American community,

mestizos constitute the middle

class,

for instance,

Indians are con-

sidered to have a lower status, and Europeanized

Mexicans

are perceived as

more

financially solid

opens doors for them

their class status

American culture

that are closed to

in

Anglo-

more

racially

mixed Mexicans.

within the community. For sociohistorical reasons, dating back to the Spanish conquest and colonization in the

1

6th century, upper-class Latinos tend to

be Caucasian and have

a

Europeanized ancestry.

In

Conclusion and marketing

At the

political

War

there has been evidence of a

II

levels, since

World

growing Latino

335

^

CLEMENTE, ROBERTO

middle

which

class,

defining the rubric of the so-

is

called Hispanic market.

Elements from

sensibility are visible in

it,

that

middlebrow,

IS

but the recognition

announces

ceives in the mainstream that

is

scnbed is

Some have

in the highest social stratum. this

middle

class as

America Rodriguez

of a segment

neither in the lowest

is

Reinner, 2003.

re-

it

the

a standardization

to say, part

of the Latino population that

nor

a lower-class

Yancey, George A. Who Is White?: Latinos, Asians, and New Black /Non- Black Divide. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne

de-

CLASSICAL MUSIC.

See Music,

Classical.

mestizo but the category

inappropriate because a considerable portion of the

Latino minonty traces

its

roots to the Caribbean Basin

and the process of miscegenation between Spaniards and Indians

commonly known

which was an tral

as mestizaje

America during colonial times,

absent in the

is

Caribbean the presence of Afri-

can slaves established a different type of racial crossbreeding. This suggests that the “Hispanic market,” in fact,

needs to be understood not in

economic

example,

(for

class)

Born: August 18, 1934; San Anton, Puerto Pdeo Died: December 31, 1972; San Juan, Puerto Rico

Mexico and Cen-

essential feature in

area. Instead, in the

(mixture),

CLEMENTE, ROBERTO

racial

but in

The expanding

terms.

Baseball legend first

Latino to be enshrined in the Baseball

Fame

in

Cooperstown,

mixed.

It

class

is

and geographically

racially

includes Puerto Ricans

on the mainland,

New

and

father,

and

won

HaU of

York. The youngest

of four children, he was raised by

his

mother, Luisa,

Melchor. Early on, he ran track and

medals in short distance

his real love

Latino middle

Roberto Walker Clemente was the

was

races.

field

However,

baseball.

At the age of 17 Clemente signed

a contract

the Santurce Cangrejeros in the Puerto

with

Rican League

Cuban Americans, Mexican Americans, Colombian Americans, and so on, each with crasy.

Thus,

this

entity, a social

middle

class

is

a

own

idiosyn-

complex pan-Latino

formation unlike any in the history of

Hispanic civilization worldwide. 21st century

its

is

cmcial:

its

Its

behavior in the

inner tension

is

likely to

either increase or ameliorate the class rivalries that

define Latinos in the United States.

Related Articles Assimilation; BiHngualism; Civil Rights; cans;

Cuban Ameri-

Demographics; Education, Higher; Mexican

Americans; Puerto Paeans on the Mainland; Race.

Further Reading Abalos, David T. La Comunidad Latina in the United States: Personal and Political Strategies Jor Transforming Culture. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998. “Hispanic Market Report.” HispanicBusiness, 24, no. 12 (2002). Rodriguez, America. Making Latino News: Race, Language,

Thousand Oaks, Calif.; Sage Pubns., 1999. Romero, Mary, Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, and Vilma Class.

Ortiz,

eds.

Challenging Fronteras: Structuring Latina and

Latino Lives in the U.S.:

An

Anthology of Readings.

New

York; Routledge, 1997. Statistical

Abstract of the United States.

Bureau of the Census,

2000. Stavans, Ilan. The LLispanic Condition. Collins/Rayo, 2001.

Supplement

New

York: Harper-

Current Population Siin^ey. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1995.

Weyr, Peter.

Hispanic U.S.A.: Breaking the Melting Pot.

York: Harper

# 336

© ART RICKERBY/TIME

to the

& Row, 1988.

New

LIFE

PICTURES/GETTY IMAGES

Athlete and humanitarian Roberto Clemente played for the Pittsburgh Pirates for his entire 18-year career in baseball’s

major leagues.

COCKFIGHTING

for a

weekly

salary

He

of S40().

many

attracted

big-

league scouts because of his hitting, fielding, and

throwing

signed Clemente in 1953

game with

given to a player

rule at the time stipulated that

any player

ship,

for a salary over

tion.

he never played

Major League team

signing with a

$4,000 had to remain with the club for

The Dodgers

tried to

a full season.

keep Clemente’s

Branch Rickey, drafted him

for

$4,000

November

(a

community involvement, and team contnbu-

Related Articles Baseball; Sports in Latino Life.

lower

sal-

22, 1954.

major league season with the

first

Pirates in

Further Reading Wagenheim,

homers and 47 RBIs.

He

built

on

that

and bat-

ted .311 in his second season. After that, he hit over

and Wilfrid Sheed. Clcmaitc!

Kal,

New

York: Olnistead Press, 2001. Walker, Paul Robert. Pride of Puerto Rico: llie Life of Roberto Clemente. Repnnt ed. New York: Odyssey Classics, 1991.

1955, Clemente had a solid year, batting .255 with five

best demonstrates sportsman-

Pirates,

ary than he had with the Dodgers, but a better

opportunity) on

who

profile low,

but the general manager of the Pittsburgh

In his

Major League Baseball created the Roberto Clemente Award, an annual award thereafter.

a single

for $10,000, but

A

Soon

1973.

ability.

The Brooklyn Dodgers them.

waived the five-year waiting penod and voted Clemente into the National Baseball Hall of Fame in

Selected

Web

The

Roberto Clemente

Official

Site site.

www.robertoclemente2 1 .com

.300 for the next 12 seasons.

OzziE GonzAlez

Clemente joined the ranks of Henry (“Hank”) Aaron and WiUie Mays as one of the top In the 1960s

players in the National League. hits

He

had over 200

four times (1961, 1964, 1966, and 1967), hit

COCKFIGHTING

over .350 twice (1961 and 1967), led the league in

A

batting four times, and during his career received 12

cockfighting

Golden Glove Awards

Hispanic communities for hundreds of years.

for fielding. In the 1960s

other player dominated the entire decade

He

mente.

also

won

his

first

two World

did Cle-

and only National

League Most Valuable Player Award starred in

as

no

1966 and

in

(1968 and

Series victories

1971).

popular blood sport in

mente had

He was

stellar

play throughout the years, Cle-

difficulties adjusting in the

major leagues.

not fluent in English and was often mis-

ing that

it

was

Rome, and

a

common

Persia

European

and became the

hit this

was

his last

first

game.

was personally directing

tom

Latino player to do

On December

3,000th

so. Sadly,

31, 1972, he

a relief mission to

earthquake-

Nicaragua. Clemente and four others boarded

a small

DC-7

supplies. der,

his

The

plane loaded with tons of food and

plane never got past the San Juan bor-

immediately crashing into the ocean.

baseball

All

of

and Latin America mourned the death of

Roberto Clemente

as a

great player

who died while He was survived

perfbnning

a

by

Vera, and three sons, Roberto, Jr.; Louis

his wife,

humanitarian service.

Roberto; and Roberto Ennque.

Recognizing the outstanding player he was, the Baseball Writers Association

of America immediately

north

as far

settlers, particularly

New

brought fighting cocks to the

show-

as

the Bnt-

the Spanish,

World, and the

sport enjoys continuing popularity in

much of Latin

America, the Caribbean, and

of the United

Beginning

banned cockfighting, and

September 30, 1972, Clemente got

origi-

It

practice in ancient Greece,

and even

him, since he took

On

among

further domestication of chickens, early records

States.

as racism.

of the world,

a practice that has persisted

quoted and ridiculed by the media. This angered it

parts

nated in South Asia and then spread west with the

ish Isles.

Despite his

is

many

the

in the early

1

parts

9th centur\’, 48 states

remains contentious

it

New

two holdouts, Louisiana and

The

cockfight consists of

between one and two

two

in

Mexico.

roosters, typically

years old, fighting in an en-

closed circular arena called a

cockpit.

They

are

frequently outfitted with 1- to 2-inch (2.5- to 5-cm)

metal spurs

edge

— round, hooked, or sharpened along one

— attached to the backs of their

are carefully bred cial diets

Dunng

and

birds

and undergo physical conditioning routines. the fight, the birds attack one another by

their spurs.

Both

in the

birds

may

course of the

of “gameness” or

gonng each other with

be killed or seriously infight.

neither survives, the winner plays

The

trained, often they are ted spe-

pecking, kicking, cutting, and

jured

legs.

spirit.

is

In the

event that

chosen based on

Each

fight has a

dis-

judge

337

o

— COFFEE

decisions are uncontested. Because the cocks

whose

molt during certain

of the year and respond

parts

poorly to heat, the sport

is

IS

business

and handlers.

for bettors, breeders,

generally scheduled for

Cockfighting appears in

literature

throughout Latin

Ruben Dario’s poem El gallo and Marquez’s No One Writes to the Colo-

America, including

the cooler seasons.

Cockfighting

becoming big

the United States for years,

conducted almost exclusively by

Gabriel Garcia

men, and with an emphasis on fighting spirit and prowess; a culture of machismo and overt, hypemias-

the sport as a subculture, mostly focusing

culine sexuality has evolved. In his famous study of

whites. Fictional depictions of cockfighting along the

Balinese cockfights, anthropologist Clifford Geertz

Texas-Mexico border include

postulates that the

rogance, and

become

as

cock

they

a

is

strut

symbol of pride and and

fight,

ar-

these cocks

sun-ogates for their keeper’s masculinity.

Gambling

is

ubiquitous

at cockfights, stakes

ranging is

con-

ducted infomially during the fight rather than

final-

from pocket change to fabulous sums, and ized beforehand.

Tournament

purses soar upwards

of $100,000.

— and

— especially

Puerto Rico

South American nations such

as

Venezuela, Peru, and Argentina have long been

homes

In the United States, folkloric studies describe

West’s novel The

Day

that

on mral

found in Nathaniel

of the Locust (1939).

A

hand-

of vibrant cockfighting periodicals in the United

ful

con-

States cater to fiercely loyal participants, despite

tinued wide opposition.

Related Articles

m Latino Life.

Gambling; Sports

Further Reading

Mexico, the Caribbean

and Cuba

nel.

to cockfights, las peleas de gallo. Iminigrants

from these countries have brought

this tradition

with

them to the United States, and the sport thrives in many Mexican American and Puerto Rican communities in mral and urban settings from New York to the Southwest to Los Angeles. Most cockpits are in

Bilger, Burkhard. “Enter the Chicken.” Harper’s Magazine 298, no. 1786 (March 1999): 48-57.

Dundes, Alan,

ed.

The

Madison: Univ. of Wis.

Coclftght.

Press, 1994.

Fraser,

Floward M. “The Cockfight

Literature.” Inter-American

in Spanish

American

Review of Bibliography 31, no. 4

(1981): 514-523.

Levinson, David and Christensen, Karen, eds. Encyclopedia of World Sport: From Ancient Times to Present. Vol. 1. Santa Barbara, Calif:

ABC-CLIO,

1996.

Singer, Mark. “The Chicken Warriors.” The

New

Yorker

(January 29, 2001): 68—73.

necessarily clandestine locations. Animal-rights groups

have lobbied

fiercely to

outlaw the sport nationwide,

Smith, Page, and Charles Daniel. The Chicken Book. San Francisco:

North Point

Press, 1982.

but supporters, including Latinos, Cajuns, Filipinos,

Aaron Britt

and mral southern whites, have maintained active networks and competitions despite growing tions.

In

interstate

in

May

ciation

restric-

2002 the U.S. Congress outlawed the sliipping of game birds. The following year,

2003, the United in

Gamefowl Breeders Asso-

Louisiana filed

claiming the law

suit,

discriminated against Cajuns and Latinos, of subcultures the sport

is

an integral

involved on both sides of the battles

whose

New raids

in the

among

In recent years

Bronx, where cockfighting

is

have seized hundreds of birds and hundreds of thousands of dollars in gambling cash, and have made ficers

The

fights, often

other tonus of gambling, such

as

^338

accompanied by

dice or cards, have

flourished under the radar in these

most popular beverage

and other

parts

of

in the

world

with over 400 biUion cups consumed each year. In the United States there are about 110 milli on coffee

who

spend more than $18

fee beverages every year. In

Puerto Ricans and other Latinos; of-

dozens of aiTests.

the

—between those

York City police have conducted intemiittent on reputed breeding locations and fighting are-

popular

is

consumers,

New Mexico legislature.

nas, especially in the

Coffee

part. Latinos are

who believe cockfighting is barbaric and individuals who promote its cultural and financial importance waged

COFFEE

the

most important

billion

cof-

doUar value, coffee

commodity

trade

on

is

(after oil) in

the world. In Latin America, coffee has shaped the

economy and

has

been the primary export

for

more

than 100 years. Coffee has been a traditional beverage

among

Latinos not only in their countries of

origin but also in the

United

States.

Coffee, a plant classified in the Rubiaceae family,

bom

originated in Arabia, (Kaffa)

of Africa, where

fee {coffea arihica)

about 575 a.d.

was

One

it

in an Ethiopian region

grew

first

of the

wild. Fdowever, cof-

cultivated in earliest

Yemen

in

names of coffee

might have been mocha, the name of an Arabian

— COFFEE

town. The name

however,

a

it is

been used

may not originally be Arabic; widely known name that has even coffee

long time.

in Arabia for a

was not

Originally, coffee

TEN MAJOR LATIN AMERICAN COFFEE EXPORTERS: SEPTEMBER 2003 (MILLIONS OF BAGS)

beverage.

a

Members Exports (60-kg, or

of the Galla

Ethiopian area used

tribe in the

it

as

food. Before raiding sorties, they prepared packages

of coffee beans in animal

fat,

which constituted

their

only food during those events. Coffee was also used as

medicine by the year 1000. After several experi-

ments, coffee was

but

it

added

first

adopted

as a

drink in Turkey,

was not consumed alone; the Turks often spices such as clove,

cinnamon, cardamom,

or anise to the brew. Later, coffee was adopted

beverage in Arabia, and cret.

The

was kept

it

as a

Venetian traders

first

when

brought coffee to Europe be-

tween 1570 and 1600;

later

was brought

it

Production^

130-lb bag)^

Brazil

47.3

27.5

Colombia Guatemala

11.2

10.4

3.8

3.9

Peru

2.5

2.7

Mexico

4.0

2.5

Honduras

2.5

2.4

Costa Rica El Salvador Nicaragua

2.2

1.7

1.5

1.3

0.8

1.0

Ecuador

0.9

0.7

as a

sacred se-

spread of coffee out of Arabia began

Country

Source: This table was adapted from information provided by the International Coffee Organization. Producing member countries. ^Exports by exporting members to all destinations.

to the

Americas. Latin

Coffee in Latin America It

coffee

John Smith introduced America when he founded

North

to

Jamestown,

some Ca-

Virginia, in 1607. Fdowever,

nadian historians claimed

it

a

deep tradition

ducing and exporting region.

believed that Captain

is

America has

arrived

first

in

Canada.

More

of the world’s coffee production

However,

Latin America.

tion of coffee in Latin

pro-

as a coffee

than 60 percent

is

exported from

the per capita

consump-

American and Caribbean

countries ranges from 1.3 to 4.0 kilograms (kg; 2.9—

Seed from Arabian coffee was imported into Suri-

8.8 lb)

name

Coffee C9rganization (ICO), the highest per capita

(1719)

and from there or from Cayenne,

French Guiana, fee

it

reached Brazil in 1723. Later, cof-

was introduced

and the Caribbean

The

to

South and Central America

collective

name of Brazilian

duced

Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Guatemala,

Salvador, Haiti, and Santo

consumption

coffees,

Domingo

Coffea arabica (Arabica coffee)

but coffee pro-

is

called Milds.

and Coffea

canepliora

for

over 70 percent of the world’s production. Moka,

Maragogipe, San are subvarieties

There United

Ramon, Columnaris, and Burbon

of Coffea

are four groups

States

arabica.

pound (in U.S. dollars), in 2{)()2 were Colombian Milds, $0.64; other Milds,

age prices, per as

follows;

ers.

The major

coffee producers in Latin

However, according exporters

fee

When

ICO,

the ten major cof-

not suffenng catastrophic

frosts, Brazil

pro-

duces from 30 to 35 percent of the world’s coffee. Despite

the coffee produced there,

all

including

its

well-known

however

specialty coffees Santos

and

— none ranks close to the world’s best, especialthe specialty-coffee trade. This

Colombia, which,

many; other Milds, 40 percent United States and 60 percent Gennany; Brazilian Naturals, 80 percent

zil,

25 percent United States and 75 percent France.

to the

from Latin America include some

percent to the United States and 70 percent to Ger-

and 20 percent Gennany; Robustas,

are

countnes that are not necessarily major producers.

ly for

States

America

Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, and Ecuador.

Brazil,

The major

United

per person), and Mexico

consumption, but they are not major coffee produc-

Rio

were Colombian Milds, 30

lb

(1.3 kg, or 2.9 lb per person), report high per capita

$0.59; Brazilian Naturals, $0.44; and Robustas, $0.26. destinations

or 6.6 lb per person). Other

(3.0 kg,

Nicaragua (2.6 kg, or 5.7

of coffee exported to the

and European countnes. Their aver-

reported by Colombia (4.0 kg per

countries such as El Salvador (3.0 kg per person),

(Robusta coffee) are the two most economically important species of coffee, with the fonner accounting

is

person), Brazil (3.5 kg, or 7.7 lb per person), and

Guatemala

Islands.

Arabic coffees produced in Brazil take the

in

per year. According to the International

in

production,

is

honor goes

to

second to Bra-

2 percent of the world’s coffee. Unlike Brazil, Colombia produces fine, mild cof-

supplying about

fees.

The

Supremo.

1

highest grade

Among

the

of Colombian coffee

many

is

other C'olombian cof-

339

COFFEE

fees are

Medellin, Amienia, and Manizales,

for the cities

all

named

are marketed; for pur-

from which they

poses of large-scale marketing, especially in the United States,

some

coffees are

grouped

as

MAM (Medellin,

Colombian

such

as

The

coffee production.

coffee industry provides

work

people

on

directly

about 800,000 people.

try

Annenia, Manizales).

depend

families

employment

for

estimated that 3 million

It is

of the coffee indus-

in different stages

production and harvesting, transformation,

and marketing.

Economic Impact Activities associated

in Latin

levels

of employment,

community development, and other such

ety,

Coffee

with making and marketing cof-

have positively affected the

fee

America

aspects of soci-

standard of living, education, family

as

many

structure,

and sense of community

American

countries. Nearly 25 million small farmers

obtain their primary

income from

in

Latin

coffee crops,

and

almost 90 percent of the coffee producers are small fanners with

less

than 3 hectares (7.4 acres) planted

Small fanners not only

products such

as fruit,

sell

coffee but also other

firewood, and timber, which

have become alternative sources of income. Indeed, coffee’s pulp

is

used for mulch. Conifer

which timber and firewood to shade coffee plants. In

coffee

come when

as a

harvested.

from

are obtained, are used

Guatemala, for example,

growers intersperse

popular palm (pacaya)

trees,

citrus,

bananas,

and

a

source of food and in-

In Nicaragua,

more than

30,000 people, and in Peru about 60,000 small coffee

producers depend on coffee for survival.

Colombia, around 560,000 small and

In

one of the primary sources

tional trading in Latin

2003

bags of coffee, while

lb)

milhon 60-kg (130national coffee

per person per

(7.7 lb)

2001 Colombia exported over 10 million

year. In

60-kg bags representing $1.4 is

own

its

consumption averaged 3.5 kg

fee

for interna-

American countnes. During

Brazil exported about 27.5

also a

billion in revenue.

Cof-

primary source of trading in Guatemala,

El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Pdca, Panama, Jamaica,

Dominican Republic, and

To

in coffee.

is

Flaiti.

consumed in other parts of the world, countries such as Colombia have created and maintained international marketing camSince 1959 the Colombian National paigns. Association of Coffee Growers (Federacafe) has adensure that coffee

with

vertised,

a

is

two-pronged promotion: the 100

percent Colombian coffee slogan and the Juan Valdez logo; the slogan guarantees quality of coffee,

logo the purity of the product.

and the

estimated that

It is

80 percent of the people in the United

States are

aware of Colombian coffee and 85 percent identify the logo.

medium farmer Coffee and Latinos About 450 million cups of coffee

are served in the

United

States every day. Traditionally, Latinos in the

United

States drink

and other foods,

it

hot beverage with bread

as a

at least

twice a day, during break-

and dinner. About 70 percent of Latinos eat breakfast, and 95 percent eat dinner. Latinos’ customfast

ary breakfast includes eggs,

tortillas,

milk.

A

milk.

Dinner usually includes

and coffee with

noncustomary breakfast includes

coffee with milk,

which

is

cereal

and

chocolate and

atole,

being replaced by nontra-

ditional beverages, such as cold milk.

Coffee has been more than nos;

it

coffee

Worker Rica.

# 340

CARTON/BRUCE COLEMAN

INC.

gathering coffee beans in a basket, Costa

among Lati-

has had certain religious connections. In 1600

was deemed

a blessing

©J. C.

a tradition

a Christian

beverage because of

from Pope Clemente VII In 1993 Carl .

known in church circles as included the hymn “Coffee, Coffee,

hymn

Seaburg, best

a

writer,

Coffee”

in his

book The Communion Book. About 80 per-

cent of Latinos are Catholics, and Catholics are

allowed to drink coffee while some other religions

COFFEE

forbid is

as

Consumption of coffee

it.

high

American

the United States. For example, Bra-

as in

consume about

zilians

in Latin

13.5 million 6()-kg bags of

Colombians

coffee per year,

cans 1.5 million.

According

(NCA), tion

the National Coffee Association

United

States the average

consump-

approximately 3.1 cups of coffee per day

is

4.4 kg (9.7

Men dnnk between while women drink 1.4

lb) a year.

1.9 cups per day,

coffee per day. In 1999 there

and $9

sector

and

cups of

were about 110 mil-

consumers spending $9

lion coffee

1.6

or,

billion in the retail

billion in the food-service sector every

many years

For

The and 52

rapid

growth of the Latino population

States has also affected coffee

sales.

in the

consumption

For example, Starbucks Corporation opened

stores in

San lOiego, California. In Texas, Moni-

ingstar

Foods has released

with

a

Hispanic-inspired flavor, “International

light

Canela,”

a

a

cinnamon

new, nondairv' coffee

De-

An-

flavored coffee. In

zona, coffee retailers Blue Luna and Arizona Cafe

more than 42

increased their sales by

ing $18.2 million. In

United

States

to

United

2002

States. In

,

the

imported about 22 million 60-kg bags

of coffee. Coffee drinkers in the United

States

spend

about $164.71 per year on coffee. In 2000 the

NCA

found

that

United

54 percent of the adult population of the 25 percent

States drinks regular coffee daily,

drinks coffee occasionally, and roughly 18 percent

of all coffee drinkers drink gounnet coffee beverages

Although most Americans drink more water

than any other beverage,

people in

cities

such

as

From 1994

been of significant eco-

coffee has

nomic importance

it is

interesting to note that

Detroit, Denver,

and Sacra-

mento, drink more coffee than do those

in other

cities.

of these

all

percent, reach-

cities.

Latinos are

lion

on food

to 1995, Latinos spent about

home and

at

home, and they

$30

bil-

$7 billion on food out of

prefer to drink coffee at

than away from home. Popular coffees

home rather among Lati-

nos in the United States include Supremo (Colom-

and Rio

bian), Santos,

which lends

are included in the specialty-coffee trade.

its

name

Rioy; for the Latin

Orleans coffee

what

is

part

taste,

the famous

Rio. Coffee remains one of

is

Latinos’ favorite drinks, for

Rio

to a peculiar medicinal flavor that cof-

fee people call

New

(the latter two, Brazilians),

and they

of their traditional

are willing to pay diet.

Related Articles Agriculture; Cuisine.

The United growth

in sales

States has

experienced

a significant

of regular and specialty

coffee.

Ac-

Further Reading Tlic

cording to the National Coffee Association, from

2000

mocha, and cappuc-

an important segment of the population.

year.

daily.

espresso, cafe

cino.

United

to

in the

beverages— latte,

and Mexi-

1.4 million,

dnnks include espresso-based

States coffee-specialty

2003 the number of new coffee drinkers

to

increased

by 3 million and

sales

of specialty coffee

Gounnet

Retailer. Specialty

port. Industry Pubs.,

McFadden, fee: 'File

Coffee Market Research

Re-

2001.

Christine, et

Defuntive Guide

al. to

World Enc)fclopedia of CofCoffee from Simple Bean to llie

London: Lorenz Bks., 2000. Ramirez-Vallejo, Jorge. “Colombian Coffee: The ColomIrresistible Beveraj^e.

continued to expand by 5 percent to 10 percent per year. Coffee retailers in

85 percent of regular coffee

prepared beverages. In 2001, the coffee market

share

was dominated by regular and

Coffee lar

sell

retailers

reported 49 percent in

coffee in cafes

coffee.

and 16 percent

The market

sales (of

specialty coffee.

share also

sales

in gift

showed

of regu-

or gounnet

differences in

both regular and specialty coffee) depend-

bian Federarion of Coffee Crowers.” Federacafe

Re

Vista:

Han’ard Review ofFitin America. (Winter 2002). Rice, Robert, and Justin Ward. Coffee, Consemation and

Commerce

in the

Western Hemisphere. Washington, D.C.:

Smithsonian Migratory Bird Ctr. and Natural Resources

Defense Council, 1996.

Roden, Claudia. Coffee. London: Faber & Faber, 1977. Wellman, Frederick. Coffee: Botany, Cidtivation atid Vtdizatiofi.

London: Interscience Pubs., 1961.

ing on the geographic location of the stores. Coffee retailers

tions,

reported 33 percent in

25 percent

in

sales in

urban loca-

suburban locations, and

16

percent in mral locations. Cafes and coffee and tea stores

emphasizing gounnet over regular coffee in-

Selected

Web

Coffee Research

Sites

Institute,

wwvv. coffeeresearch.org/

Koffee Komer. www.koffeekorner.com

Cerman

IL.

Cutz

creased their sales from 32 to 67 percent in prepared specialty coffee stores

compared with 19

to

40 percent

in

not focused on specialty coffee. In the United

341

^

COLOMBIAN AMERICANS

COLMADOS.

and blue-collar and service workers gradually began

See Bodegas, Colmados,

to replace their professional predecessors.

Mercados.

nfrgration streams have

Recent fected

COLOMBIAN AMERICANS

lence and

3 million Colombians currently reside outside

of Colombia, mostly in the United Rica, and Spain.

States,

Costa

Between 1971 and 2001 the Immi-

economic

period

this

Some

by Colombia’s

dmg war

af-

escalating vio-

During

more Colombians of all backgrounds have

and economic

Guamizo

and

instability since the 1980s.

been emigrating abroad tion

been strongly

to escape political persecu-

losses.

estimates that as

In

fact,

many

as

sociologist Luis

200,000 to 300,000

gration and Naturalization Service (INS) admitted

Colombians migrated

348,246 documented Colombian immigrants, and

1998 and 2001 alone (these figures are not equal to

the U.S. Census counted 151,100 grants in 1980,

Colombian immi-

303,093 in 1990, and 525,881 in 2000

(742,406 by adjusted 2000 Hispanic/Latino figures). In 2000,

Colombians were the

largest

South Amer-

United

ican immigrant group in the

only

States:

Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Jamaica, El Salvador,

and Haiti have sent more immigrants to

the United States

larger

rising steadily

from

and migrant remittances sent back

its

pre-1970

to

Colombia have mushroomed accordingly. In 1999

United

States

which only count

admissions,

grants admitted

by INS

offices).

between

immi-

“legal”

Among them

and Colombians traveling without

legal

INS ranked Colombians among undocumented immigrant popula-

the top estimated tions in the

United

States (at 141,000).

Unlike the “de-skiUing” of U.S. -bound Colombian migration through the 1970s, the

have been “professionalizing.”

We

new

streams

see this in

abroad.

the mid-1990s to present-day migrant stream.

with the

start

when

emigration picked up

of industrialization,

rural depopulation,

1970s and 1980s, the

late

favorable

economic climate

due

headed primarily to Colombia’s neighbors Venezu-

the drug war.

and Ecuador but

research

also to the

United

States.

Early

on Colombian emigrants divided them

into

three groups: traditional migrants (1918—1948), political

migrants (1948-1962), and post-1962 eco-

nomic

migrants. Los tradidonales

were

a small

number

of nfr grants

who came

They were

usually highly educated professionals, in-

to the

United

States early on.

Dur-

number ofmiddle-

to upper-class migrants increased despite an overall

and progressive urbanization. Colombian emigrants

ela

mid-1990s migrant stream and

late- 1970s to

ing the

Mi-

Eduardo Gamarra’s comparison

chael CoUier’s and

of the

country until the 1950s,

docu-

ments. In 2000 the

Colombia received $600 million from migrants

Colombia was primarily an immigrant-receiving

are

numbers of well-educated Colombian profes-

sionals

from Latin America since 1970.

Colombian immigration has been levels,

INS

to the

Colombia, the increase

to escalating political violence associated

nomic As

in

And

recession

a result,

in the

mid-1990s

worsened Colombia’s

a

deep eco-

political crisis.

even more middle- to upper-class Co-

lombians began emigrating in order to escape cally deteriorating

economic conditions

growing violence and personal

likely to

as

new

drasti-

weU

security threats.

pared with their predecessors, these

were more

with

as

Com-

migrants

be younger and older rather than

cluding doctors, engineers, professors, and students

just

looking for upward mobility, since

smaller cities in rural areas rather than just central

this

was becom-

working-age

adults,

more

likely to

ing harder to attain in Colombia. Next, during La

cities

armed insurrection and guerrilla activity in mral areas of Colombia uprooted more people. Finally, economic emigrants began moving

likely to settle in Florida than to

Violencia, extensive

with the onset of rising mral economic depression and population growth in Colombia after 1962.

While these emigrants came from aU social classes and backgrounds, dunng the 1960s and 1970s U.S.bound Colombians comprised increasing numbers of less-skilled

omy

#342

workers

when

generated greater

changes in the U.S. econ-

demand

for unskilled labor.

like

come from

Bogota, Cali, and MedeUin, and more continue going to

other traditional Colombian destinations such

as

New

York or Chicago. Indeed, in 2000, 30.6 percent of Colombian imnfrgrants settled in Florida (primarily in Miami-Dade and Broward counties), 21.4 percent in New York (primarily in Queens, where Roosevelt Avenue in Jackson Heights is considered the unofficial center of “Little Colombia”), 13.3 per-

cent in

New Jersey,

4.3 percent in Texas.

7.2 percent in California, and

— COLOMBIAN AMERICANS

In

all

of their destinations, Colombians exhibit

Guamizo

great diversity.

(2001) states that “today

New

York houses a representative cross section of Colombian society, including expatriated world-class and

artists

and petty drug

dealers,

New

in

York), and

U.S. -based organizations promoting peace, justice,

and welfire

in

Colombia

Colombia Sup-

(such as the

dmg

underemployed

an even larger vanety of Colombian music, dance,

and tenured academics, blue-collar work-

professionals

Colombia

for

Network in Madison, Wisconsin, and the Movement for Peace in New York). In addition, there is

billionaire industrialists, international

traffickers

TFS Committee

and emergent entrepreneurs.” Some Colombians

port

cultural,

and

groups (such

political

as

American

the

are highly educated, well integrated into the fomial

Colombian Democratic Organization in Hollywood, Florida; Colombianos Unidos, the C^olombian Lib-

U.S. labor market, and fluent in English. Others are

eral,

ers

work

semiskilled,

speak English

volved in

grants

fall

less fluently,

illegal activities

speak very

while

such

as

still

drug

others are in-

and

trafficking

Colombian immithe middle stratum of Latin American English. Overall,

little

in

immigrant groups. For example, they are not

as

represented

among

cupations

some other South American groups

as

and

in less prestigious occupations,

well

managerial and professional oc(like

and Conservative

Club

parties in

Social Deportivo

Colombia

of these

dale, Florida). All

New

in Fort

Lauder-

institutions help

Colommanage

maintain valuable cultural values,

bians

adaptation pressures, organize politically, and promote

knowledge of Colombian

greater

ture in the

United

States. In

was the lone elected Colombian York, serving

in the

are they as concentrated in blue-collar occupations

sociations

Caribbean groups. Even

still,

lombians encounter obvious in the

United

mented

States

while lower-class

— especially

if

they are undocu-

— many newer middle- and upper-class Co-

lombians have

also

encountered major

securing a visa and legal sional degree

difficulties

status, transferring a profes-

from Colombia

United

to the

or gaining a foothold in the U.S. labor market.

of them have had to endure mobility.

There

substantial

is

a stigma deriving

between Washington, D.C., and Bogota.

lations

so

settle-

much

so that the resulting social stigma has in-

creased levels of social fragmentation and general

among Colombian immigrants. It has also hampered many of their efforts to improve their so-

mistrust

cial

standing in the United States or to lobby success-

Temporary Protected

to differentiate themselves

origin, just as they did in

below

continue to exclude Colombians of lower certain racial status

Among tions

the

class

smaller

in the

United

Colombian

institu-

Colombian

and networking organizations (such

Federation of Colombian Professionals in

immigrant advocacy groups (such

as

future,

overcoming

own

the

Community Center

in

of Legal

legal

benefits

Status (TPS)

strengthening their

ties

to

Colombia. stigma

this collective

upward

and define

as

—while paradoxi-

divisions will be an important part

nation,

— such

internal ethnic, racial, regional,

as

well

as

In the

well

and

as

class

of Colombians’

mobility, avoid discrimi-

their identity in the

United

States.

the

Related Articles Ininiigration, Latino; tions.

as

the

New York), Colombian

Miami

United States-South Ainenca Rela-

profes-

Further Reading Cardona, Ramiro, dc

la corricntc

as well as

Council and the

et al. hi cxodo dc colottihiatios:

IJti

cstudio

ad^ratoria a los Hstados Utiidos y nfi intcnto para

propiciar cl rehmio

American Service CDrganization

and

political

States are larger

businesses (especially in the res-

taurant and tourism industries), sional

or

for

struggle to achieve

many Colombian American

and associations

cally

their

from membership.

Colombian American chambers of commerce as

Co-

many Colombian American listed

war on

Many

and consist of persons of

— and not necessarily those

from intemational drug

drugs in Colombia, and generally tense political re-

But Colombians continue

associations

United

in the

trafficking {fiarcotrafico), the U.S. -sponsored

fully

lombia. For example,

increase in the future.

Colombians’ situation

European, Afro-Caribbean, and indigenous heritage.

by race and regional

Colombian

States,

are also other divisions internal to

are racially diverse

States

to

may

as-

Drug trafficking and Colombian national identity have become inextricably intertwined in recent years,

downward

Colombian immigrants. Many Colombian ments

by

Unique

of Colombian

institutions suggests that

Americans’ clout

Co-

difficulties getting

and

New

in

official

65th Assembly District of Man-

hattan, although the proliferation

Mexicans and many Central American and

history and cul-

2004 Carlos Manzano

Venezuelans, Argentines, and Chileans), but neither

as are

York; and the

(The C'olonibian Exodus:

A

Study of the

U.S. -Bound Mittration Stream and an Intent to Mea.sure turn Migration). Bogota, ('olombia: Tercer

Mundo,

Re-

1980.

343

#

COLON, JESUS

C3oloinbian Diaspora in South Florida.”

Miami; Latin Am. and Caribbean

nes.

The

Michael W., and Eduardo A. Gamarra.

Collier,

Working Paper Se-

A

Peoples:

by

Elliott

United

to enroll in night school

and complete high school.

His contact with the Central and

Cordova, Carlos, and Raquel Pinderhughes. in the

of menial jobs, he decided

working

Ctr., Fla. Inti.

Univ., 2001.

South Americans

at a series

After

States.” In

A

Mation

of

Press,

workers movement in

York, along with

him with

Guamizo, Luis E. “On Old

tional Migrants:

Pluribus

the Political Participation of Transna-

Practices

and

New Trends.”

Ununi? Contemporar)> and

In

E

Historical Perspectives

Ininiigrant Political Incorporation. Ed.

the opportu-

and economic condi-

nity to understand the social

shared by Puerto Rican migrants and other ers.

on

by Gary Gersde andjohn

New

York: Russell Sage Fnd., 2001. Guamizo, Luis E., et al. “Mistrust, Fragmented Solidarity, and Transnational Migration: Colombians in New York City

Mollenkopf

Colon became

Univ.

work-

community and

active in

community newspapers. His

journalistic craft blos-

Kipung and

Press, 1998.

I

The weeks of unemployment and hard

Perez-Brennan, Tanya. “Colombian Immigration. Fighting Back: Activism in New York.” Re Vista: Harvard Review of

Market: Colombians in

knocks turned into months. I continued to find two or three days of work here and there. And I continued to be thrown out when I rebelled at the ill treatment, overwork and

Paper No. 34.

insults. I

Latin America 2, no. 3 (Spring 2003): 86-87.

Urrea Giraldo, Fernando.

“Life Strategies

and the Labor

New York in the 1970s.” Occasional New York: New York Univ., Ctr. for

American and Caribbean

kept pounding the streets looking

where they would treat me half decently, where my devotion to work and faith in Kipling’s poem would be appreciated. I remember the worn-out shoes I bought in a second-hand store on Myrtle Avenue at the corner of Adams Street. The round holes in for a place

Studies, 1982.

FiELEN B.

MaPJLOW

COLON, JESUS

the soles that

Bom: January Died; 1974;

20, 1901; Cayey, Puerto

New

York,

Rico

and

raised in the

New York

a

tobacco-growing mountain

champion of the workers’

been exposed

at a

young age

Colon

cause, having

to the sociahst culture

of the Puerto Rican tabaqueros

The

(cigar makers).

tobacco industry workers were an enlightened sec-

of the

tor

hiring tores

artisan class

owing

lectores (readers) at

to their tradition

the workplace. These

of lec-

kept workers infomied of local and international

events by reading from newspapers and from

of the

classical texts in social

and

some

thought

literature.

was 17 years old and ships

that

a

stowaway

in

one of the steam-

brought early waves of Puerto Rican

I

returned late after a long day

was hungry. My room was dark and cold. I wanted to warm my numb body. I lit a match and began looking for some scraps of wood and a piece of paper of looking for work.

to start a

fire. I

I

searched

all

No

over the floor.

wood, no paper. As I stood up, the glimmering flicker of the dying match was reflected in the glass surface of the framed poem. I unhooked the poem from the wall. I reflected for a minute, a minute that felt like an

eternity.

took the frame apart, placing the

I

upon the small table. I gold paper on which the poem was threw

its

tore the

printed,

pieces inside the stove and, placing

the small bits of wood from the frame

of the paper, as the fire

and hard gain strength and

I lit it,

began to

on top

adding

soft

coal

brightness. I

migrants to the

night

square glass political

Colon migrated to New York City in 1918, only months after the passage of the Jones Act that made Puerto FUcans U.S. citizens. He and world

with pieces of

the unrelenting snow.

region of Cayey, Puerto Rico, journalist Jesus

became

tried to cover

I

carton were no match for the frigid knives of

One

Bom

watched

how

the lines of the

poem

just

city.

withered into ashes inside the small stove.

An little

almost penniless Puerto Rican mulatto, with

fomial education and a limited knowledge of

English,

Colon soon

would be one of

labor

organizing, and began writing for Spanish-language

and Los Angeles.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 22, no. 2 (1999): 376-396. Jones-Correa, Michael. Between Two Nations: The Political Predicament of Latinos in New York City. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cor-

Latin

own

his

tions that contributed to the underprivileged status

1999.

nell

New

Puerto Rico and

survival stmggles, provided

Sourcebook on America’s Multicultural Heritage. Ed.

R. Barkan. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood

socialist

realized that living in

New York

the major challenges of his

life.

Excerpt from “Kipling and

Rican in Jesus

New

York,

Colon (1961).

I,”

in

A Puerto

and Other Sketches by

*

COLON, WILLIE

somed from

the trenches

—from

the “University of

once pointed out. In 1923 he began wnt-

Life” as he

Acosta-Belen and Virginia Sanchez Korrol and published in 1983 under the title The Mhy It 11 T' and

ing for the island’s labor newspaper Justicia (“Justice”),

Other Writh{qs by Jesus Colon. After

the official publication of Puerto Rico’s Free Federa-

personal papers were donated to the Center for

tion of Workers.

Dunng 1927—1928

he was

a regular

columnist for Graflco (“Illustrated”; 1926-1931), workers’ Spanish-language newspaper

owned by

Puerto Rican tabaquero Bernardo Vega, grant from Cayey.

a

the

went on

his

day job

as a postal

worker

career writing for progressive

a journalistic

newspapers. Fie had a long

with the

affiliation

newspaper The Daily Worker

Jones Act; Journalism; Literature, Puerto Rican on the Mainland; Politics, Puerto Rican.

change

(later to

Acosta-Belen, Edna, and Virginia Sanchez Korrol, eds. “The World ofjesiis Colon.” In llic IVay It Was and Other Writinj^s by Jesus Colon. Houston, Tex.: Arte Piiblico Press, 1983.

social-

to the Worker 2ind then the Daily World),

from the 1950s

lished

York.

Related Articles

its

Colon, Jesus, 2d

name

pub-

New

ed.

Puerto Rican in Neu> York and Other Sketches.

York:

Pubs. Co., 1982.

Inti.

Edwin,

Padilla Aponte,

His columns in

until 1971.

A

ed.

“To que

el

of U.S. society and provide

on the

Bom:

of democracy and

principles

exploitarive capitalist system that perpeaisocial inequalities

privilege in the hands

Coldn’s writing ing. a

He was

is

and keeps power and

used the

word

a storyteller,

and

sketches to

descnbe

largely

on the

He denounced

need

He

also

of class,

showed

his

racial,

and gender op-

awareness of the

and contributions of the

the standard for Latin music in the United

trayed in media and entertainment

romantic, became identified with

Col6n,

a second-generation

Rican descent, came of age changes. His

recorded

first

Fania label, established

Ciol6n drew on

United

er

of his writings in

A

Other Sketches, but

Puerto Ricaii

his

the ethnic revitalization

and

early 1970s.

work was

iti

of some

Neu> York

little

known

movement of the

atid

until

late 196()s

Another compilation of some

unpublished work and from in

a selection

of his

record, El

when he was just

two-trombone

States.

glamorous and

menacing urban

Mon

New Yorker of in the

pan-Latin sources

frontline of Puerto

Rican bandlead-

salsa

tor Lavoe, with great results: the

his

band the

superstar

sound

that represented an

workers newspapers was made by scholars Edna

urban

Latinos.

Hec-

combination of

music with the lyncal

of Lavoe’s improvisational vocal

— the

boniba and pletia

island’s

Puerto Rican sonero and future

modem

Cfiiy),

musical innovator.

rhythms. Ciolon also incoiq'»orated into

Ciolon’s jazzy

of these

Malo (The Bad

as a

a variety' of

Rivera and the

wake

Puerto

16 for the newly fonned

him

numerous columns

his

a

as

undercla.ss.

underprivileged working-class sector of society in the

Col6n compiled and published

in the

American mainstream: Cuban dance rhythms no

writing

to forge a historical record that will reflect the

perspectives, experiences,

subgenre

as a

and the Latino image, which had been pro-

civil rights violations

a clear

of music effectively disappeared

Latin styles

States,

an effective didactic and consciousness-raising tool

pression.

turning point in North

a

daily experiences,

community, and used

issues

Salsa as a specific

set

and racism, was incensed by prevailing stereotypes

with

development of salsa.

a pivotal

longer

and problems faced by Puerto Ricans and

in dealing

figure in the

is

his short nar-

issues,

as

and producer William Anthony Colon

American culture of the mid-196()s when

which focus

that diminish the

Bandleader, trombonist, singer, composer, arranger,

not simply journalistic report-

ratives,

other workers.

.

York

genre can be linked to

master of the anecdotal and testimonial narrative.

He

New

of a few.

commentator,

a social

April 28, 1950; Bronx,

the U.S. Constitution and Bill

of Rights, he deplored the betrayal of those prin-

profound

.

.

and survival struggles of Puerto

plight

Col6n admired the equality promoted in

ates

dice

a working-class perspec-

COLON, WILLIE

by an

me

Edna Acosta-Belen

Ricans and other marginalized workers. Although

ciples

pueblo

Jesus Coloti. Houston, Tex.: Arte Publico Press, 2001.

these newspapers illustrate his acute understanding

tive

Hunter

Further Reading

Col6n combined

ist

New

at

for almost

five decades.

with

College in

and Archives

Libraiy'

mi-

also a

This was the beginning of a

prolific journalistic career that

Puerto Rican Studies

Coldn’s

his death,

beauty-

style created a

new

emerging generation

Aside from

six

salsa

records,

of

the

345

^

COLONIALISM

Colon-Lavoe band recorded two albums of aguinaldos (Puerto Rican Christmas songs), the first of which, Asalto Navidefio (1972), was a Grammy Award

nominee and

a

long-term best

partnership broke successful

up

When

seller.

their

Lavoe went on

in 1974,

to a

ing), was a sensation in the world of Latin music; Blades ’s politically charged texts combined with

Colon’s strong arrangements and cutting-edge prochallenged the parameters of Latin

style

popular music. Several records Lavoe, was established tinued his career

as a

Only

production

ity for salsa

in Latin

as a salsa star,

producer and

Related Articles Cruz, Celia; Music, Popular; Salsa

Could Have Made

They

Further Reading Latin

Nae

York Magazine.

6,

no. 8 (August 1983).

Roberts, John Storm. The Latin Tinge. New York; Oxford Univ. Press, 1979. Rondon, Cesar Miguel. El libro de la salsa: CrSnica de la musica del Caribe urbano (The Book of Salsa: The Story of Urban Caribbean Music). Caracas, Venezuela; Merca Libros, 1980.

Dita Sullivan

His 1977

soloist.

effects, set a

new

This

standard of creativ-

and entered previously untapped markets

COLONIALISM The

definitions

Colon took on musical and social The hit of his 1989 album Alto Secretos

a solo artist

emerge from

poignant commentary on machismo, homosexual-

and AIDS, while being supremely danceable.

new

a

of and the dynamics within a

a process

on poHtical conquest and ecobetween different peoples (the colo-

relationship, based

nists

control,

and the indigenous people) vying

status

for a superiority

one over another through contention.

and

a biting

he brought folkloric Cuban music to

of colonialism and postcolonialism and

the theoretical analyses surrounding these terms

nomic

was “El gran varon” (The Big Man),

And

New York state.

gressional office in

and Colon con-

America.

challenges.

ity,

running for con-

a

and electronic

As

forays into the political field,

Blades, like

later.

duo recording with the “Queen of Salsa,” Celia Cmz, was a mnaway hit, and his 1981 solo production Fantasrnas, which used Brazilian themes

Album,

made

solo career and Colon teamed up with the

then-unknown Panamanian singer-songwriter Ruben Blades. Their second record, Siembm (1978; Sow-

duction

continues to write and produce music and he has

and the Church

Spain, Mexico,

In 1493 Spain, through

Columbus and 1,500 follow-

expressed settlement intentions in a new, albeit

ers,

place in his further, 1987 collaboration with Cruz,

occupied, land, and the enslavement process began,

Un

with demands for

Yemeya (The Winners).

bernbe pa’

Colon’s career, which has produced more than

40 records with numerous are considered to

music, ent

is

—but

hits as

well

evidence of a unique and prodigious at

and by extension,

edged

salsa

tal-

the same time demonstrates the Hmits to in the

artists

can achieve owing to the subordinate

of late,

pieces that

be seminal in contemporary Latin

the success that Latino

nos,

as

in the English-language

MTV,

status

States

of Lati-

their popular culture. Until

concerts and records

not appear on

United

and

were

rarely

media,

salsa

acknowl-

the

Willie States,

pop

stars

as a

category by

as Julio Iglesias).

Colon was bom and where his records sell in

sands, for a large part

had com-

Although

raised in the

United

the hundreds of thou-

of his career he received

recognition outside the Latin community.

^346

tems in the process of settlement and control was the encomienda system.

Through

colonists received large areas

this

of land and “posses-

sion” of the native people residing return, the colonists sibility to

them

system Spanish

on the

lands. In

wereRharged with the respon-

protect the indigenous people, to convert

to Catholicism,

civilization.

The

and to teach them European

encomienda system

colonizing institutions began,

it

as

other

seems, with

good

as

well

In a short time these injurious practices deteriorated

(earlier salsa artists

such

sys-

records were almost

peted in a general Latin music category, with international

of the

intentions but turned into punishing, abusive systems.

been acknowledged

Grammy Awards

One

did

salsa artists

never available in stores outside the barrio. In recent years salsa has

tribute, as well.

little

Colon

into outrageous

demands

for

compulsory

labor,

treatment, and sexual favors for Spaniards

mal-

by native

women. Such cruel treatment and forced loss of human dignity would in time come to the attention of priests litical

for

who

felt

obligated to face the powerful po-

and economic

more humane Spain

as

a

interests to

bring about change

conditions.

colonizing

power during

the

16th

through the 19th centuries, then through these colo-

— COLONIALISM

nizing activities, caused the emergence of specific institutions

such

Consejo de

as

Indias, the eticotuieiida,

Commandancy-Cjeneral

the missions, and the

govern the Interior Provinces of

New

Spain.

to

The

objectives of these colonizing administrative institutions

were

threefold: to control the subjugated peoples,

them

to “civilize” tianize

in

them, and

as

European ways, and

solutions to pressing issues

problems, they were instrumental for the success

to Chris-

as

well

as

and

cmcial

of each phase of colonialism. At each

juncture of the emergence of institutions were events

and debates such

the Americas.

as slavery in

Many

debates motivated by competitive stances gave

rise

of the “Black Legend.”

to accusations such as that

Later resentments developed against the encomienda

and mission systems. Even the church tion

as

an institu-

— intertwined with the political ami of the monand getting support from the other

archs, giving

was viewed with misgivings

at

times by both the

colonizer and the colonized. Moreover, religious and spiritual goals

economic and

were

at

times in conflict with secular

military objectives.

The Mendicant Orders and Dominicans,

as

BARTHOLOME DE LAS

(Regulars), Franciscans

C))r/ryn^ e/c

an integral part of the coloniz-


% state legislatures

frequently enacted anti-immigrant

laws in an attempt to appease

a fearful

and anxious

VICTOR

Front page of El Diario / LA PRLNSA .Spanishlanguagc newspaper, with a headline reading End of the Hunt.” ‘

403

— CI^ME AND LATINOS

immigration laws

very negative perception of America’s judicial sys-

of the 20th century, Lati-

tem. According to the National Center for State

new

Since the enactment of

during the

last

two decades

nos have been the primary target of enforcement

1

1

state

of alert on the border since the September

community, compared with 66 percent of African

,

attacks

have resulted in increased

criminal apprehensions of Latinos.

The

vigilance of

the U.S. Border Patrol along the southern border has, in

that

the justice system was not “in touch” with their

The War on Drugs and

200 1 terronst

,

felt

the height-

along the border.

ened

Courts, in 1999, 54 percent of ITispanics

some

cases, led to

migrants and

Amencan

violence against both im-

Americans and 39 percent of whites.

During the 1960s and 1970s, the American media seemed to glorify the outlaw image and focus on nos looked

citizens.

Immigrant Latinos have continued to be subject

Many Latigang member with

the criminal nature of minority identities. at

the Latino cholo

admiration for

conform

his refusal to

to

American

from police and border patrol agents in the United States. Lacking citizenship and documentation, they are classified as illegal by the government

But the image of the Latino gang member was reinforced on television and in motion pictures and became fixed in the psyche of the American

more vulner-

public. Unfortunately, the outlaw cholo represented

immigrants are cheated and abused by

only a small percentage of the Latino population dur-

to abuses

and

by

are,

able.

virtue of this condition,

Many

dishonest employers and other unscrupulous individuals

who

take advantage of their vulnerability.

society.

ing that

not be

Operation Rio Grande, was launched with the intent to halt the flow

of illegal

the U.S. -Mexico border.

aliens

across

involved a massive de-

It

ployment of Border Patrol agents

Grande

and drugs

in the

lower Rio

Valley. Their presence has driven large

num-

bers of illegal aliens farther out into the desert, leading to record

numbers of deaths.

human

group have been highly supportive of

reduce crime, but crime-reduction poli-

have had a disproportionately negative impact

on some Hispanic communities. The general consensus across state lines

victims’ ethnic or national

Mexican and,

to a lesser degree. Central

In

many

cities across

government resources

the country,

come

to an

community and

are being directed

stance-abuse programs and educating

issues,

toward sub-

women

about

With a sensitivity regarding cultural community activists are seeking to promote

healthy behaviors and environments in an attempt to

American and Mexican Amencan.”

combat the causes of crime.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and the Immigration Statutes Immigration Re-

Related Articles

fonn and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 both

Gangs; Immigration, Latino;

clarified the status

of illegal

nal sanctions for

employers

to the

U.

S.

of illegal immigrants

doubled dunng the

aliens

hired

illegal aliens.

Census Bureau, the number

in the 1

and provided crimi-

who

United

990s. Later

dicated that roughly 8.7 million

States

more than

statistics

(2000) in-

undocumented im-

Of

migrants live in the United States.

this

total,

almost 44 percent were from Mexico. Since the middle of the 19th century. Latinos have

been victims of an unfair and tice system.

A

arbitrary criminal jus-

disproportionate

number of

Latinos

have been sentenced to long— and sometimes unjust— pnson sentences for nonviolent or petty crimes. Because of these experiences,

#404

of

that racial profiling

Latinos and sentencing disparities should

backgrounds

overwhelmingly in the diverse Latino category

According

is

domestic abuse.

“The

principally

as a

rights abuses

had occurred along the border during that time pe-

fell

efforts to

Project conducted

by the American Friends Service Committee from

riod.

that flourished could

easily erased.

Latinos

cies

and the stereotypes

end.

The Immigration Monitoring 1989 to 1991 found that 971

era,

many

Latinos have a

Criminal Justice System;

Cririiinals

Law

and Bandidos; Dmgs;

Enforcement; Zoot Suit

Riots.

Further Reading Bastian, Lisa

D.

Hispanic Victims. Washington, D.C.: U.S.

Department ofjustice, 1990. Blumstein, Alfred. “On the Racial Disproportianahty of United

States Prison Populations.”

of Criminal

Law

and Criminology 73 (1982). Gaetano, R. “Alcohol Use among Hispanic Groups in the United States.” American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse 14 (1988): 293-308.

Murgia, Edward, et al. “A Comparison of Casual Factors Dmg Use Among Mexican American and Non-Hispanic

in

Whites.” Social Science Quarterly 79, no. 2 (June, 1998). Musto, David F. “Opium, Cocaine and Marijuana in American History.” Scientific American (July 1991).

National Council of La Raza. Latinos and nal Justice System July 2002).

the Federal Crimi-

CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM

National Council of La Raza. Testimony on and

Scntcfidiiii

on the Eitino Community. Presented by Charles

Its Effects

Kamasaki, Senior VP,

NCTR.

Febmar\' 25, 2002.

Rennison, Callie Marie. “Hispanic Victims of Violent Crime, 1993-2000.” Bureau ofJustice 2002 ).

Selected Drug

Web

Statistics Special

These high incarceration

emerged

in the 1980s.

safer society.

have been attnb-

rates

cnme”

policies

They argue

as a

way

to create a

that recent reductions in

Impacts on Latinos in

crime California.”

rates are attnbutable to the incarceration

those most likely to

www.drugpolicy.org/ docUploads/ archive/

John

Schmal

P.

commit

crimes.

Many

minonty groups, and

for Latinos, other

latino_fact_sheet.pdf

the position that crime

is

the poor take

largely a result

assert that the criminal justice system’s

and nonwhite communities

CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM histoncal relationship

between Latinos and the

U.S. system of criminal justice began to take shape

with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848.

Uncier

this treaty

Mexicans

living inside

of

redrawn national borders became subject to the laws and courts of the United

States.

Mexicans

of economic

the United States often found themselves subject to a justice

system that had double standards

— one for

Caucasians and another for other ethnic groups. spite the treaty’s

guaranteed protection of their

Mexicans were often injured or land forcibly taken

impunity.

The

away by Caucasians with because

it

their

relative

criminal justice system provided

legal recourse in these matters

sive to

rights,

and had

killed

De-

little

was expen-

do so and the system was unaccommodating

to the needs

of the Latino community. fiir

and

equal treatment under the laws of the U.S. criminal justice system.

The over

and African Americans

among

alanrt

on

tiny

critics

issues

of

voiced about the States

representation of Latinos

in the

system has generated

and has brought increased scru-

race.

Concerns have

fact that as

been

also

of 2003, the United

had the highest incarceration

with more than 5.6 million persons

rate in the

world

in prison or

hav-

ing spent time in the system. If current incarceration trends continue. Latino males have a

of going to prison in

in their lifetimes,

1

in 6

chance

compared

to a

1

17 chance for their Ckuicasian counterparts. Lati-

nos

make up

12.5 percent of the U.S. population,

The

most

significantly

omy

of the

1

ing incarceration

linked to the stronger econ-

rather than to

Policy studies by groups such

ris-

the National

as

Council of La Raza (NCLR), the Leadership Con-

(LCCR), and the MexicanDefense Fund (MALDEF) have

ference on Civil Rights

American Legal raised concerns

about the relationship between Lati-

nos and the criminal justice system. These concerns

War on

highlight the disproportionate effect of the policies

on Latinos over the

last

overwhelming majority of Latinos

20

years.

in federal

The

pnsons

(74 percent) are serving time for drug related of-

However, only one-third

fenses.

of these pnsoners

are given access to substance abuse programs,

pared to African

more than

Amencan

that Latinos are the

fore

trial,

com-

half of their (Caucasian

and

counteiq'>arts. Statistics also reveal

most

likely to

be detained be-

the least likely to receive early parole, and

they serve prison sentences

months longer than those

that,

on average,

are 14

of other prisoners.

For Latinos and African Americans

in particular,

the criminal justice system presents a social issue of

grave concern. Both communities have historically

been undeiqirotected and mistreated by law enforce-

and the justice system. These condi-

tions,

coupled with

pnsons

assert that the

rates.

majority of Latino prisoners

in federal

is

low-income and minority youth

officials

over represented

indicative of a lack of

990s and opportunity programs targeting

ment

(205,300) are held in state prisons, but Latinos are

impact on poor

These advocate groups further

total

but they account for over 18 percent of the prison population.

activity.

Drugs

Since 1848 Latinos have struggled for

They

commitment to economic and social justice for these groups. They also decry the use of racial profiling techniques, which imply that nonwhite groups are more likely to commit crimes, pointing to statistics that show Caucasians have higher rates of criminal reduction in crime

living in

is

of

advocates

inequality and inadequate access to education.

The

that

Conservative groups have ex-

pressed support for these policies

“Dmg War

popula-

total

tion (44,700 of 166,600).

uted to the “get tough on

Report (April

Sites

Policy Alliance.

where they make up 27 percent of the

racially disparate

sentencing for

the same crimes and police practices such profiling,

as racial

have led Latinos to harbor some mistrust

405

CRIMINALS AND BANDIDOS

for the cnniinal justice system.

compounded by and often

be,

Their concerns are

the fact that convicted felons can

denied public

are,

assistance, public

housing, and financial aid for college. This decreased access to social services

tember

exacerbated by post-Sep-

community.

Related Articles and Bandidos; Dmgs; Gangs; Guadalupe Hidalgo, Treaty of; Law Enforcement.

Crime and

Latinos; Criminals

2001, attention to background checks

have resulted in

that It

11,

is

address the needs of the Latino

more adequately

even more

many fomier

prisoners finding

obtain employment. Addi-

difficult to

from vot-

tionally,

many

states

ing— 12

states

ban them for life— totaling over 4

prohibit past felons

million prisoners and fomier prisoners enfranchised. Predictably, Latinos

who

are dis-

and African Ameri-

cans are disproportionately affected

by

these policies.

Latinos also participate in the criminal justice sys-

Further Reading Ardoleda, Angela. Latinos and System (Policy

Brief).

federal correctional officers,

gration ofricers)

rose

percent between 2000 and 2002. Latino

of

of Notre

Dame

Press, 1987.

Selected

Web

Site

U.S. Department ofjustice. Bureau ofjustice

14.1

percent in

members

from 9.2 percent in 1990 2000. These trends are most

strongly represented in urban centers

portions of Texas,

New

and in notable

Mexico, and Cahfomia.

Latino presence in the cnminal justice system

is

not

more prestigious posiand judges. The American Bar

strongly reflected in the

as

tions

of attorneys

Association reports that between 1990 and 2000, the

percentage of law school graduates

remained low, increasingly only cent to 5 percent.

The low

who were

slightly

Latino

from 4 per-

percentage of Latino

2003.

Duncan-Andrade

CRIMINALS AND BANDIDOS Social banditry

southwest.

between the Latino community and

the criminal justice system.

movements

From Texas

indi-

in the

19th-century

to California

Mexicans and

Mexican Americans responded

violently to the

Amer-

ican occupation of Mexico’s northern territories in

1848. These historical figures were socially constructed in

two general opposing manners. They

were perceived

in written accounts such as

papers, letters,

and

many

On

Anglos.

diaries as criminals

news-

and bandits by

were per-

the other hand, they

ceived through oral tradition which included ballads, teatro,

and

narratives as victims

one.

these trends of under representation serve to exacer-

was characterized by group and

vidual resistance

percent of federal judges and 3.8 percent of state

judges were Latinos. Progressive scholars contend that

reality,

and heroes by many

the experience was a

complex

A

good reason for this dichotomous view is the social context in which they acted as well as the actions they took. Some were ordinary citizens whose life circumstances put them in positions to act out of

Legal scholars point to the criminal justice system

outrage, necessity, or conscience, often times in self

holding

defense.

a duplicitous role in the lives

of Latinos,

because despite a long history of problematic relations

with the system,

it

is

also

where

the place

Latinos turn for justice. Cntics have called this justice a contradiction

about

social equity

because

its

purpose

is

Yet others engaged

pecting individuals, often

on unsusrobbing and killi ng them in violent acts

without immediate provocation except for material or monetary gain.

not to bring

but rather to maintain law and

Criminality

and

Social Banditry

order in a system in which Latinos have historically

Episodes of group resistance included those led by

been over represented

Juan “Cheno” Cortina in Texas and the

theless, Latinos

in the

tions of police brutality also

406

lower

stations.

None-

have used the justice system to win

important legal victones, such

$

Jeffrey M. R.

Mexicans. In

as

Statistics.

Univ.

www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs

judges has also been scmtinized. In 2000, only 3.7

bate problems

Ind.:

16.8

to

city police forces rose

to

Annapolis, Md.: National Council of

is,

and customs and immi-

from 15.2 percent

Criminal Justice

La Raza, 2002. Mirande, Alfredo. Gringo Justice. Notre Dame,

tem in various professional capacities. According to Department of Justice statistics, the percentage of Latino federal law enforcement employees (that

the Federal

as successful

and corruption

prosecu-

cases.

They

remain supportive of cnminal justice policies that

Las Gorras Blancas in

New

Mexico.

activities

Bom

of

into a

wealthy family, Cortina called Tejanos (Texas Mexicans) to

against

amied

1859

resistance in

Anglo-Texans about

as a

fomi of protest

whom he wrote

“came

CKJMINALS AND BANDIDOS

and scattered themselves any

in the settlements,

without

except the corrupt heart and the most

capital

perverse intentions.” Cortina was indignant

many Mexicans

persecution

the

at

as a

of the union. Cortina drew on the vigor of

state

many Mexican

residents

who

ing.

allegations

faced after the Texas

Revolt of 1836 and the incorporation of Texas

had themselves been

him in response to allegations of horse stealThe histoncal record demonstrates that the

to arrest

After killing the sheriff Cortez fled and was chased

by the Texas Rangers turned in by fled

murder without prosecution,

derer.

He

under Anglo law.

called

on such Mexicans

to

blood and

are ready to shed their

it

suffer

the death of martyrs.”

New Mexico

In

nate political and

the U.S.

among

Anglo-Americans began to domi-

economic

with the support of

life

large corporations.

the Spanish-speaking population

dered virtually powerless

as a result

Many

were ren-

ballads

and economic

traditional political

Mexican Americans engaged

tive

fomis of resistance that included cutting fences,

in passive

and ac-

destroying railroad tracks, and harassing homestead-

emerged

Las Gorras Blancas (White Caps)

as a

and other fonns of oral

culture.

Murrieta and Tiburcio Vazquez in California

War, which ended were often

in 1848.

by

sensationalized

gory

Their careers state

Murrieta was thmst into

in the 1850s. Yet,

ted

against non-Anglos.

his

some

The

Daily Alta

acts

to question

the rights and interests of the people in general; es-

Although the motive was never

Noting the difference

to action.

is

a

and

wide difference between ‘justice.’

must have In

at all

is

a

to

New

Mexico’s

God’s law, and that

who

organize those

of land, power, and basic

Smaller scaled and

less

we

believed

into sustained

in reaction

human

rights.

organized rebellion was

some of which

characterized by acts of self defense,

grew

movements by

the small parties they put together.

individuals

One example

cludes Gregorio C.ortez in Texas. Gortez lived

was believed until the

to

day he

clear,

newspaper ac-

assaults as indiscriminate acts.

Oral history accounts, which some dismiss

as

“ro-

and

his wife.

It is

significant to note that written

and

oral ac-

counts differed substantially and that historians and other scholars traditionally dismissed oral accounts

Mexicans and Mexican Americans

to the loss

as

criminal as a result of his politicized inclinations.

counts described these

‘law’

themselves to be aggrieved of an injustice and to politicize

acted

revenge he sought for offenses committed against him

hazards.”

was

Mumeta

in legal interpreta-

proclamation that was publicly distributed.

intent

northern Cali-

mantic creations,” attribute Murrieta’s banditry' to the

both examples, resistance was organized and

included

The

And justice

atrocities

call

under American law, they proclaimed, “There

tion

in

whether

a

of the Las Vegas Land Grant was their primary

Califortiia re-

included murder and robbery,

Blancas of 1890, they were committed to “protect

Anglo-American occupation

being

band where committed

Anglos and Chinese miners

causing

injustices occurred, the

with

commit-

violent acts

ported that “Murrieta’s gang” committed

These

While other

filled

this lifestyle after

some of the

by Murrieta and

fornia.

classes.”

newspapers. “Play-

repeatedly expelled from mines by Anglo vigilantes

injustices.

of the helpless

bandits

as

details.

against

pecially those

in the

Mexican Amencan

by-play” accounts of their actions were

clandestine organization that sought to address these

According to the Proclamation of Las Gorras

hero through

as a folk

“Bandit” groups characterized the plights ofJoaquin

of the usurpation

life.

ers.

Mexicans along the South Texas

quarter century following the

government and

of their land and

Among

gang leader and mur-

as a

border, he was immortalized

“extemiinate their tyrants, to which end those which

compose

a

Anglo-Texan media

the

and other fomis of unequal protection for Mexicans

days until he was

for ten

Tejano infomiant. Although he had alone, he was criminalized dunng the chase in

victims or had witnessed acts of pistol whipping, dispossession of land,

were not tme.

be an ordinary' killed a sheriff

life

in

who

and in-

what

South Texas

had attempted

owing sity to

to the perceptions that they

had the propen-

be biased. Others argue that wntten accounts

have the same propensity to be biased and

that such

assertions are a reflection of the politics inherent in

the production of historical knowledge. the case,

Whatever

one must consider the source when account-

ing for the

Mumeta

story'. It is

possible that as a result

of the highly politicized and racialized atmosphere

of the time, there are

as

many

story as there are individuals to

truths regarding this

who

told

and continue

tell it.

Another tified that

CLilifoniia bandit,

he committed

Tiburcio Visquez,

acts against

Anglos

tes-

whom

407

^

CRUSADE FOR JUSTICE

he perceived to impose themselves without regard in California. Vasquez’s actions also in-

Mexicans

to

cluded murder and robbery. That Murrieta and

Vasquez often acted indiscriminately

distinct

is

from

the targeted and seemingly organized actions taken

by the group

resistance led

by Cortina and La Gor-

cano population decided to take a radical approach

Coverage of Crime

rise

and “bandits”

“criminals”

tribution within written

and

way

portrayed in the

are

historical record. Just as significant, the ranges

of dis-

oral cultures tell various

stories

about the romanticization and accurate por-

trayals

of these events.

Written culture

of radicalism led to the origins and development

this period,

the 1960s, was Crusade for Justice (CFJ).

“Corky” Gonzales in 1966. Gonzales

ceived to be acts of criminality

on the

of

approach in

be distributed to national and

practices. In

international audiences.

part

Newspaper accounts and

were aided by technological de-

telegraph messages

velopments that promoted negative stereotypes and images of Mexicans in general and bandits in particu-

Because such perspectives existed in

they

the other hand, a predominant oral culture in the 19th

and

early

20th centu-

limited to a local or at best regional level the

distribution

heroes. atro,

of a portrayal of Mexican bandits

Mexican and Mexican American

and

of these

cuentos helped to teU a

more

as folk

ballads, te-

positive story

became discouraged with the

States, leading

him

to take a

1966 Gonzales wrote

Corrido;

Crime and

Folklore,

Mexican American.

Latinos;

a

poem

titled I

Gonzales had estabfished a network prior to the for-

which

political

1966 established

in

a

ideology of the CFJ,

community newspaper

was Chicano nationafism and the

entitled El Gallo,

idea of having a separate nation. Chicanos believed that the

United

States

which they wanted

Southwest was stolen land,

to take

back from the United

States.

CFJ joined

forces

movement to establish paign. The CFJ co-organized Cnminal Justice System;

radical

am Joaquin, which was one of the most inspirational publications during the Chicano movement period. The Chicano community organization was based in and around Denver, Colorado, an area where

rights

Related Articles

more

methodology and

organizational

his

In 1967 the

historical actors.

Viva

for the

in 1960.

mation of the CFJ. The

distributed widely.

among Mexicans ries

print,

CFJ

two-party system and the reform process in the

United

to

had been an organizer

In 1965 Gonzales

among Anglo-Americans allowed

Rodolfo

led in the establishment of

Kennedy campaign

what were per-

Mexican bandits

major revolutions and world events

one such group, which formed during

ganizations;

the general social construction of

On

The

social justice.

inspired Chicanos to establish various civil rights or-

the Media

in

Perspective has played a significant role in the

were

and

in the struggle for equality

ing

lar.

Chi-

sectors within the

During the 1960s various

of the Chicano movement, from 1965 to 1980. Dur-

Blancas.

ras

CRUSADE FOR JUSTICE

that

with the black

civil

Poor People Camthe Poor People March the

took place in Washington, D.C., in early 1968.

Fiowever, following the assassination of Martin Luther

Further Reading

King,

Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America: A History of Chicanos. 5th ed. New York: Pearson Longman, 2003.

People Campaign decided to dissolve the group.

Castillo,

Pedro, with Albert Camarillo. Furia y Muerte: Los

Baudidos Chicanos. Los Angeles: Azltan Pubs., 1973. Larralde, Carlos, and Jose Rodolfo Jacobo.Jnun N. Cor-

Stm^le for Justice in Texas. Dubuque, Iowa.: Kendall/ Hunt, 2000. Paredes, Americo. “With His Pistol in His Hand”: Border tina

and

Paz, Ireneo.

Its

Hero. Austin: Univ. of Tex. Press, 1970.

and Adventures of the Celebrated Bandit Joaquhi Murrieta: His Exploits in the State of California. Houston, Tex.: Arte Publico Press, 2002. Life

Ralph. Trailing the California Bandit Tiburcio Vasquez, 1835-1875. San Jose: Rosicrucian Press, 1968. F.

Gabriel Gutierrez

#408

Poor

the various organizations in the

June 29, 1968, the CFJ organized

Denver Police headquarters

a

march

On

to the

to protest the police kill-

ing of 15-year-old Joseph Archuleta.

the

Ballad and

Rambo,

Jr.,

In 1969,

CFJ helped organized citywide high school walkouts, for which organizers Gonzales and other Crusade for Justice

With

the rise of

organized a

members were

Chicano student

series

activism, the

of events on the question of

evant education, including in

conference

arrested.

March 1969,

CFJ rel-

a national

Annual National Chicano Youth Liberation Conference (NCYLC). titled

the First

CRUZ, CELIA

This national conference, one of the major events in the history at

of the Chicano movement, took place

the Crusade for Justice national headquarters in

Denver. Out of the

NCYLC

Plan Espiritnal de Aztldti.

work

movement

for

came

The

a plan titled El

plan set the ground-

organizations to follow in their

organizational practices and political ideologies;

designed

of the Chicano population. Therefore,

confer-

this

factors that led to the

movement

origin of the third political party

the Chicano

was

Chicano Movement; Civil Rights; Conzales, Rodolfo; Poliucs, Mexican Amencan; Raza Unida Fany, La; Spintual

Plan of Aztlan.

Further Reading Acuna, Rodolfo. Occupied America: ed. New York: Longman, 2004. Garcia, Ignacio

gain the support

as a grassroots strategy to

ence was one of the major

it

Related Articles

Raza Unida

M.

the

March 1970

and Research Center, 1989. Gomez, Juan Quinones. Chicano Politics: Reality and Woniise, 1940-1990. Albuquerque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1990.

Navarro, Armando. La Raza Unida

the Crusade for Justice organized

Second Annual Chicano Youth Conference

in

Moratorium Committee was designated Chicano national

Two

Party:

A

Party Dictatorship. Philadelphia,

Temple Univ. Press, 2000. Vigil, Ernesto B. Tie Cmsade for Justice: Chicano Militatic)' and the Government’s War on Dissent. Madison: Univ. of Wise. Press, 1999.

the offi-

as

war

coalition against the

Chicano Chal-

Penn.:

Denver. At the conference the National Chicano

cial

Tucson: Univ. of Ariz. Me.xican Stud-

ies

within

movement.

of Chicano. 5th

Histor]>

United IVe Win: The Rise and Fall of Ei

Party.

lenge to the U.S.

In

A

Morenc

JesE

in

Vietnam. In the mid-1970s the Crusade for Justice

fomied

chapter of La Raza Undia Party

a

which was

a national effort to build a

lishment. In September 1972 the

The the

Chicano

third

U.S. two-party estab-

political party to challenge the

LRUP

(LRUP),

aftemiath of that historical convention caused to pull out

Bom: October

of the national

LRUP

Bom

in the Santo Suarez

Celia

Cmz

the

“Queen of Salsa.” With

figure for the

she

embodied

forums, and other organizational gatherings. In land.

with

alliances

differ-

the

American Indian movement,

and the Puerto Rican national

From

movement.

CFJ had series of indictments, and deaths, which led

the years 1973 to 1974 the

internal conflicts,

to a decline in fall

liberation

membership and the ultimate down-

of the group.

The Crusade cano

civil rights

resistance

She

general

ent national liberation stmggles, including the black

power movement,

Cmz

also

as

group

movement.

was an important Chi-

in the history It

ot

Havana,

the world as

her party-colored wigs

of the Chicano

was one of the most ad-

heels, she

Cuban that

all

came

to

was

a larger-than-life

for

whom

their

home-

community,

exile

was good about

be associated with Latinos

sang from childhood and studied music

Con-

theory, piano, and voice at the National Music servatory.

At the urging of her

studying to

become

a teacher

when,

father,

she was

in

her teens,

still

her singing talent was discovered by some ot the

shows popular

radio talent

left

in

her studies and,

194()s after

Havana. She

making her

later

went on

to

perfomi

in

Havana’s most famous

nightclubs: the Sans Souci, the Montmartre, and the

By 1950

she had replaced Mirta Silva

Tropicana.

power movement

the lead singer for La Sonora Matancera. She

on the

origins

had

a

major

effect

and development of other Chicano

movement groups of

that era.

had major problems and tions,

it

issues

However, the CFJ within

its

organiza-

including being based on a handful of core

leaders, a lack

movement for many political

of experience

in building a massive

the U.S. Chicano population, and too divisions

among

its

membership.

re-

cording debut with the band La Sonora Matancera,

vanced organizations fomied during the Chicano period, and

in

the ultimate ethnic entertainer.

eventually for Justice

neighborhood

process.

for Justice arranged various conferences, marches, ral-

CFJ made

New Jersey

became known throughout

and trademark high

the early 1970s, the

Havana, Cuba

Died: July 16, 2003; Fort Lee,

Therefore, from the years 1966 to 1980 the Crusade

lies,

21, 1925;

CFJ attended the

national convention in El Paso, Texas.

CFJ

CRUZ, CELIA

on

to cut multiple

went

albums with the group.

The triumph of Fidel Castro in 1959 and emergence of a Communist dictatorship in C'uba led to a

new

Cmz left the

era in

Cmz’s

life.

island, allegedly to

Cn

Miami and soon

after in

New

the also

July 15, 1960,

tour in

La Sonora Matancera. Thus began in

as

Mexico with

a life ot exile, first

York

City.

When

409

CRUZ, CELIA

Celia

Cruz performing with Marc Anthony during

Castro’s

government

entry visa to

would not

visit

later refused to grant

her dying mother, she

Cuba gained

return until

In the 197()s

Cmz

her an

vowed

she

of the day. Her most

recording with the top art-

influential collaborators

were

Puerto Rican: she recorded numerous albums with singer Johnny

Pacheco and Willie Colon. Cruz

collaborated with

stars

also

Moderno, Burundanga, and Quimbara, which

Yerberito

topped the a role in

charts,

The

them

several Tatin

to

Cmz

with another musician, however. peter Pedro Knight while they

life

was

met tmm-

were both perfomiing

Kings and The Perez Farnily.

the

Grammy

that she

rap-infused La

Cmz

was

awards. Well into her

still

as

be her grandchildren,

earned her a

partnership of Cruz’s

acted in ten films, including

She received numerous awards for her music, among

enough

Puente was legendary

Cmz

Mambo

Her decades-long partner-

music industry.

The most important

godchildren.

proved

LaBelle,

of their nieces, nephews, and

lives

70s, she

as Patti

ship with timbales player Tito in the Latin

volved in the

David

such

Byrne, and Gloria Estefan.

Aretha Franklin in 2001.

Besides recording over 70 albums, with hits like

freedom.

played an instrumental role in

New York’s salsa boom, ists

its

a televised tribute to

Negra

hip

when

Tiene

Grammy for Best

as

Latin

peers

young

she recorded

Tnnibao,

which

Album of 2002.

received honorary degrees, including one

from Yale University and one from Florida International University,

and Lifetime Achievement awards

with La Sonora Matancera, and they married in 1962.

from the Hispanic Heritage Awards and the Smith-

They were admired by many as an example of a show-business couple who, through their steadfast

sonian Institution. In 1994 President

loyalty to

pany

one another and joy

(she called

him

iiti

in

each other’s

cabccita de al^odon, a

com-

personal

endeannent), were able to seamlessly weave together their personal years.

410

and professional

They had no

lives

children but

for

40-some

were always

in-

Bill

Clinton

granted her the highest honor bestowed on an in the

United

States, the

National

artist

Endowment

for

the Arts medal.

With

respect to ethnicity,

Cmz’s Afro-Caribbean

ancestry

is

music

an extraordinaiy ethnic laboratoiy where

is

a significant aspect to

consider. Latino

CRYPTO-JEWS

way

boundaries are often crossed in a

seem impossible

in daily

that

Cruz became

life.

a

would

rapidly into the Catholic mainstream, often intennar-

Latino

rying with old-Chnstian families.

and black icon among people of different languages and

showing

colors, thus

United

tion in the

States

Cruz died of cancer

that the Hispanic populais

heterogeneous group.

a

New Jersey. On her death,

Fort Lee,

of the

in the history

city

home

age 78 in her

at

the largest

of Miami took place

in

wake

was

laid to rest

clung tenaciously to their Jewish identity, which they hid under a veneer of confonnirt^ to Catholicism.

These Judaizers, preserved

and

called crypto-Jews or secret Jews,

much of their

as

beliefs as

near her friend Tito

Colonial Period

some Jewish

very likely had

showed no

vestiges

his writings reveal his

conviction that an important

of his mission was to carry Christian truth to

pagan world. His crew,

Spanish speakers around the globe, and especially for

Luis de Torres,

a simple

word

most Cuban of sweeteners, into an

for sugar, that

infectious salute to

that rang out like a battle cry.

life

Cruz’s music, her charisma, became a staple of Latino

music

and of Latino entertainment

in particular

in

numbenng

because of his

who was

gift for

tion’s interpreter.

where he ran

the expedi-

Other

a small plantation.

Cuba,

in

were

cotivcrsos

the physician Mestre Bernal, the surgeon Marco, and

crew members Alonso de

Salsa.

Rodngo

Torre and

la

is

no evidence engaged

beliefs or

In late-medieval Iberia soldiering lar

Furteier Reading Cruz, Celia, and Ana

Christina

Reymundo.

Celia:

jAziicar!:

biography of Celia Cruz).

La

New

Jewish

are not

My

York, N.Y.: Rayo, 2004.

Marceles, Eduardo.

who,

in

that

Jew-

ish practices.

Music, Popular; Puente, Tito;

New

became

Torres eventually settled

any of them held Jewish

Related Articles

among them

baptized in 1492 and

languages,

a

in total less than

100 men, included several converts,

Sanchez de Segovia, but there

general.

Life.

ancestry^ although he

of Jewish belief or practice and

The esteemed singer’s trademark cry of “jAzucar!” gave that noun a whole new meaning for made

who

Ibero-American history begins with Columbus,

part

it

fonner Jewish practices

they were able.

Puente.

Latinos in the United States;

coni^crsos

the

at

Freedom Tower, the same building where thousands of Cuban exiles were processed as political exiles in the early 60s. Her body was then flown to New York City where, after services at St. Patrick’s Cathedral, she

Some

bioj^rafia

York: Reed

Cruz (The

Press,

it is

a

popu-

not surprising that cofwcrsos

prominent among the conquistadors. The

known

best de Celia

trade, so

was not

is

Pedrarias de Avila, the grandson of a

converse court ofheial,

who

served King Ferdinand

2004. as a

Ana Roca Helena Alonso

troubleshooter and, after dispatching the rebel-

Nunez de

became the first colonial governor of Nicaragua. Some members of the colonial clergy were converses including several of great lious

Balboa,

prominence, such

CRYPTO-JEWS

as

Bartolome de

las

CAsas, Bernar-

dino de Sahagun, and Diego de Duran.

The

discovery, conquest, and settlement of Spanish

America followed

closely Spanish

and Portuguese

at-

tempts to eradicate Jewish influence from the Iberian Peninsula.

The

first

in

by the

early 148()s;

The

established

largest

group

its

own

its

— collectively

their

remaining Jews

new

Many,

in

The

which

1497 and 1

()(),()()()

much more numerous

tenned

ficu>

or, pejoratively, niarraiios

diverse group.

expelleci

settled in Portugal,

Inquisition in 1539.

or so converts and their

vcrsos,

Spain oc-

unconverted Jews were

converted or expelled

scendants

in

1391. Spain’s Inquisition was functioning

curred

in 1492.

mass conversions

de-

Christians, avi-

— were

a large

and

particularly in Spain, accepted

religion wholeheartedly

and assimilated

The waves of settlers who followed the tadors, on the other hand, included many They,

conquisconverses.

like their old-Christian counteiq'iarts,

seem

to

have come mainly for the economic opportunities offered by the colonies; converses, for identity

was the highest value

whom Jewish

in their lives,

tended

beyond the reach of the Spanish church— places such as Antwerp (and, after 1600, Amsterdam), Rouen, Ferrara, or the Ottoman to emigrate to safe havens

empire. Early

cofiverso

mainly Spanish

immigrants to Mexico were

artisans

and small merchants

paltry evidence ofjudaizing activity.

have

left

co’s

Inquisition began in

penitents identified in the

Mexi-

1571; none of the first

two major

who

tnals

105

was

411

^

CRYPTO-JEWS

The

accused ofJewish practice. However, after the found-

Knowledge of Hebrew had

ing of the Portuguese Inquisition, and particularly

Jewish annual calendar of holidays was reduced prin-

after Spain’s

guese

once

annexation of Portugal in 1580, Portu-

cofiucrsos

came

in substantial

seem

again, they

to

numbers, although,

have been attracted pnmar-

by the economic opportunities offered by the silver boom rather than by a desire for religious freeily

dom. Judging from the copious records of the Mexican Inquisition, most conversos settled in Mexico City, with smaller communities in the port city of Veracruz and the silver towns of Guanajuato, Queretaro, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosi.

Yom

cipally to

all

Kippur and Passover. The dietary

many

laws were simplified and, in

The

but disappeared.

cases,

abandoned.

assimilated Christian concepts such as belief in

the personal salvation of the soul

were dependent

Moses substituting for Jesus) or the cult of saints. The most prevalent custom among crypto-Jews was observance of the Sabbath. In many families Judaizing practices were kept alive principally by the women. Prominent crypto-Jews of this period included Tomas and Simon

on

belief in the Messiah (with

Tomas Trevino de Sobremonte,

The northernmost conversos documented in the 16th century were members of the Carvajal expedition to Nuevo Leon. Luis de Carvajal, an apparently

Vaez,

weU-assimilated converso, was given pemfrssion to ex-

evidence for a flourishing crypto-Jewish culture in

Mexico

Mexico. From 1650 to 1700 only 30 new-Chris-

plore and govern the northeast section of

(including tions

what today

is

Texas). Because his instruc-

omitted the normal requirement that expedition

members document

their old-Christian lineage, his

group included many Spanish and Portuguese sos.

Among them

was

his

nephew,

also

conver-

named

Luis

de Carvajal, a fervent and weU-educated Judaizer, a

who

poet and a mystic,

served

mentor and

as

ration for the struggling crypto-Jewish

of the time. His Inquisition

1596 paint

modem

trials

and have served

trials

as

of 1589 and 1595—

the basis for novels and an opera.

Whether or not any

significant

influence remained in the area of trials is

Jewish

Monterrey

speculative. Overall the

can Inquisition seems to have done

its

after

Mexi-

work

thor-

oughly enough so that by the time of the 1604 General Pardon, Judaizing was not considered a serious

problem and only one Judaizer remained

in

pnson.

largely Portuguese, or

tuguese conversos

Spamsh-bom

who

the 1580 merger of the

children of Por-

had returned to Spain

two

nations.

Europe and brought

Some had

after

trav-

fresh infonnation

about nomiative Jewish practice from the Italian, Dutch, or Turkish communities. Even so, 17th-century'

Mexican

Inquisition tnals suggest that the Jewish

content of crypto-Judaism was steadily weakening.

7^412

to

most of them

1700 crypto-Judaism was

for trivial practices. After felt

as Judaizers,

be so weak that the Inquisition rarely even

followed up the scraps of information brought to

The

attention.

identified Judaizer in

last

its

Mexico was

1788 for having been circumcised and for

tried in

wanted

declaring that he

to

be buried

as a

Jew.

Modern Period

colonial to

Mexican Jewish

culture

be derived. Since the 1960s

from which a

it is

held

number of Ameri-

cans of Iberian descent have identified themselves as

remnants of the secret or crypto-Jews

who

main-

tained a clandestine Jewish identity during the heyday

of the Iberian Inquisitions j(Spain, tugal,

c.

1480-1820; Por-

1539—1821; Mexico, 1571—1821). In the United

States the largest

particularly

group

New

is

in the southwestern states,

Mexico;

second concentration,

a

of mainly Portuguese descent,

is

in southeastern

New

England.

who

People

understand their identity in

this

way

often use ancient labels to describe themselves: con-

Converso imnfrgrants of the 17th century were

eled widely in

Mexico

tried in

Southwest must be understood in the context of the

heresy— although not ofjudaizing— and died

the Carvajal

were

have been edited, translated,

His uncle, Luis the Elder, was convicted of

in disgrace.

tians

Httle

is

Jewish influence on traditional Latino culture in the

some 200 members of the Mexican community were tried as Judaizers during those abetting

After the passing of that generation, there

community

In addition to Luis,

years.

Rivera, and Miguel Tinoco.

of that community. In

a detailed portrait

times his

inspi-

Margarita

versos (Spanish for converts);

merly

a

pejorative

temi);

anousim (singular, anous;

marranos (Spanish; foror,

Hebrew

from about 1990, for forced converts

and, by extension, their descendants).

Almost

all

of these

self-styled

into Catholic families,

anousim were

bom

and most were themselves

practicing Catholics until their sense ofJewish identity

came

to the fore.

Some modem

scholars have

questioned the historical relationship

of

modem

CRYl^O-JEWS

well-documented crypto-Jewish cul-

anoiisim to the

ture of the colonial period, while at the

acknowledging the strength and

(3)

same time

hented

of the

validity

They

sets

of criteria that sometimes coincide or over-

lap, identified as follows; (1)

A number

Beliefs:

in the

ongin

affimiation of the oneness of

ample, a disbelief in the Trinity);

of Jesus

as

as

adopted

verts

among

the

it is

women

common

way of identifying (4)

Practices: families

Some

last

all

as

have preserved certain practices since

Examples

colonial times.

are

some

aspects

“my

names, and the

converts).

some

cases the sense

was the only

father

“my

servance of the Sabbath and certain holidays

times Jewish heritage

by lighting candles, abstaining from work,

fimily anticlericdism:

serving certain foods, or even playing cer-

went

gambling game using

as a

four-sided top (dreidel). anthropologists

are

Iberian

historians

and

many of

these cus-

of central European rather than

mented among

many

that

origin,

not docu-

are

A

handful of

The

game

four-sideci top

is

played by

(1)

indigenous culmres, but

is

not

stones is

on graves

also an

ationsifii's

among like star

as

(2)

Ashkenazi custom.

Sabbath customs are

—which abounds

Mexican cemetenes and rn od.

is

(3)

The

in certain

(4)

Jewish symbol

in the colonial

that

most

convcrsos retained a strong sense of

their descendants

who

a thin

many

ve-

convcrsos

quickly assimi-

Inquisition

bore down, large

numbers of cryq')to-Jews

fled to the colonial

that

the

as

sus small

uni-

pe-

(most histori-

came to find religious freedom economic opportunity);

Mexico, seeking freedom

tunity;

(5)

to

New

worship (ver-

numbers seeking economic oppor-

little

penpheral

until the 19th century'

not documented

to the

penphery, particularly to MonteiTey and

New a

in colonial times

came

lated into the Catholic mainstream);

six-pointed

— did not become

principal

that they

and

common

northern

convcrsos

neer of Catholicism (versus

visits

of the

pnest into

Its

Jewish identity and practice under

Saturday-observang Cihristian groups

the Iglesia de Dios.

versal

Many

World

(versus

Leaving

tokens of cemetery

let a

ans agree);

known among

crypto-Jews in colonial Mexico.

numbers of

that large

New

European (Ashkenazi) Jews and many

central

and wouldn’t

never

points are these;

examples suggest the range ot possible origins.

“My grandparents

trary to prevailing historical consensus.

colonial crypto-Jewish prac-

other than in Jewish customs.

to explain

Most United States anousim reference a common origin story, some of whose components run con-

and that many have plausible ongins

tices,

presumed

is

Some-

the house.”

a

—notably Judith Neulander

have pointed out that

toms

Some

to mass

our

grandfather was the most

successful businessman in the region.”

games such

a su-

intellectual in

the Jewish dietary practices of Kashruth, ob-

tain

as a

reading of cultural stereotypes such

village” or

of

con-

on fimily names

Cultural stereoty'pes: In

perficial

anousim believe that their

is

are indicative of

of anons identity seems to derive from

ments.

It

of

communities

ivious

names

secret

the secret.

preserv'e

Inquisition did not rely

in such

the administration of the sacra-

been kept

Jewish origin (even though almost

ex-

a rejection

Church

who

that certain family

the Messiah; and a rejection of

the authority of the Catholic

matters

(for

Frequently

fear.

widely accepted

these are the

God

alleged to have

is

the family

among

some-

identity^ to

next generation. Often the fami-

lief from their

of central

or her deathbed passes

one

through

17th-century ancestors. These

his

knowledge of Jewish

have preserved certain tenets of Jewish be-

Christian beliefs. Prime

(2)

who on

the

ly’s

hold that their families

are often expressed as rejections

or practice but to an ancestrallv

occasionally report a family keeper-of-

secrets

of identity on

Atwusitii tend to base their sense

beliefs

point not to in-

atiousini

transmitted sense of jewish fimilv onuin.

anousinis sense ofJewish identity.

four

Genealogy; Other

evidence of settlement

in

other

areas);

that the e.xpedition of Luis de Car\’ajal to

MonteiTey served

to establish ciy'pto-Juda-

413

^

.

CRYPTO-JEWS

Mexican north (versus scant contemporary evidence of remnant customs or

David A. Bloom Southwest Jewish Archives at the University of Arizona and the Crypto-Jewish Re-

beliefs)

source Center

the

isni in

Setting aside issues surrounding the relationship

of modern anousitn to colonial crypto-Judaism, it is clear that a number of Hispanics, predominantly in the Southwest, consider themselves to be of Jewish

who was

hentage. In 1981 Stanley Hordes, as

New Mexico’s

state historian,

who

several people

practiced or

was approached by

knew of others who

practiced vestigial Jewish customs.

toms were Sabbath observances

from work,

cleaning, abstention a festive meal; the

serving

Among these

the University of Denver strove to

at

provide academic resources for Anousim. Several

Jewish outreach organizations

—notably

Kulanu

the United States, and Aanishav and Casa Israel

— established informative Web

and worked

sites

Shalom

in in

for anousim

to facilitate Latino integration into

main-

stream Judaism.

Related Articles

cus-

that included special

and

lighting candles,

observance of some dietary cus-

toms; infant male circumcision; celebration of certain

Anti-Semitism; Jewish

Life;

Religion; Spain.

Further Reading y sociedad en Mexico (1571— 1700). (Inquisition and Society in Mexico). Mexico: FCE,

Alberro, Solange.

Inquisicion

1993.

Jewish holidays; an emphasis on the Jewish Bible rather than the

New

Testament, and the prevalence

of certain given and family names presumed to be associated with Judaism.

The

and the cus-

reports

toms they described were cloaked in an

air

of secrecy.

Often knowledge of Jewish roots was revealed by the family’s keeper-of-the-secret only

deathbed to

a family

on her or

member chosen

his

to maintain

The Hispanic

Catholic or Protestant

communi-

from which the anousim of the Southwest emerge

often exhibit their

Jewish

little

comprehension or sympathy for

identity.

Some members of the Jewish

communities of which they would

like to

be

a part

reject anous claims as historically unsubstantiated

are generally

unwelcoming

to the anousim.

For

and

mem-

community, they occasionally undergo formal conversion. While

bership in the Jewish require anousim to

many

anousim have taken

this route, others feel in-

arguing that because their families have pre-

sulted,

served their Jewish identity for centuries, there

need

to

no be converted. Moreover, because most is

anousim are mestizos, and are frequently of reduced

economic means,

by mainstream Ashkenazi communities of recent European origin is their rejection

sometimes perceived to be

racially

or economically

the 1990s the

movement had spawned

sources of support for Latinos

more about or ning

in

who

several

wished to learn

to assert their Jewish heritage.

Begin-

1991 the Society for Crypto-Judaic Studies,

founded by Stanley Hordes and colleagues, held an annual meeting combining scholarly approaches to crypto-Judaism with a forum for anousim to network

and learn more about each other. The Leona G. and

#

414

UNAM,

1980.

Hernandez, Frances. “The Sephardim

in the

Secret Jews of the Southwest.” In

Americas: Studies in Culture and History. Ed.

Univ. of Ala., Press, 1993.

Hordes, Stanley. “The Sephardic Legacy

in

New Mexico: A

History of the Crypto-Tews.” Journal of the West 35, no. 4 (1996): 82-90.

Hordes, Stanley Mark. “The Jewish

Community

and the Crypto-

Inquisition

in Colonial

New Spain and New

Mexico.” In Cultural Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and the New World. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1991.

Liebman, Seymour B.

Lite Jews in

New

Spain. Coral

Gables, Fla.: Univ. of Miami Press, 1970.

Neulander, Judith. “The New Mexican Crypto-Jewish Canon: Choosing to be Chosen in Millennial Tradition.” Jeunsh Folklore and Ethnology Review 18, nos. 1-2 (1997): 19-58.

Santos, Richard G. Tie Silent Heritage: Tie Sephardim and the Colonization of the Spanish

North American Frontier

1492—1600. San Antonio, Tex.: 2000

New

Sepharad

Press,

.

Tobias,

Henry J.

A

History of the Jeu>s in

New Mexico.

Albu-

querque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1991. Ward, Seth. “Converso Descendants in the American Southwest:

motivated.

By

Mexico:

by Martin A. Cohen and Abraham J. Peck. Tuscaloosa:

the tradition.

ties

Cohen, Martin A. The Martyr Luis de Carvajal. The Story of a Secret Jew and the Mexican Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century. Albuquerque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 2001. Gitlitz, David M. Secrecy and Deceit: The Religion of the Crypto-Jews. Albuquerque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 2003. Gojman Goldberg, Alicia de Bakal. Los conversos en la Nueva Espaha. (The Converts in New Spain). Acatlan,

A Report on Research, Resources,

Search for Identity.” In Proceedings of the the

European Association

and the Changing

1998

for Jeunsh Studies.

Conference of

Ed. by Angel

Saenz-BadiUos. Leiden, Gennany: BriU, 1999.

David Gitlitz

CUBA

CUBA

spite efforts at resistance, the

Located just 90 miles (145 km) from the Florida Keys, the island of Cuba has long connected people

from Europe, Its

Africa,

and the Western Hemisphere.

strategic location in the

Caribbean and

close

its

proximity to the North American continent have

Cuba

conferred on that belies

and

size

its

a

prominence

relatively small

in

world

population

(44,218 square miles

(1

1

Spanish disease, and once Diego Velazquez had successfully

conquered the

island, colonists

agricultural enterpnses.

million)

Cuba as

its

early years as a Spanish settlement, eastern

(later

delineated

as

the

Cnente province)

When

(1

serv^ed

the base of operations for additional exploratory

expeditions to the north (Florida) and to the west

(Mexico and Central America).

Colonial Foundations

used forced

native labor to develop small-scale gold mining and

In

of Florida).

slightly smaller than the state

of Cuba succumbed both to Spanish warfare and

affairs

[114,525 sq km],

indigenous population

492-1 898)

Military' fortifications

protected early Spanish enteiqmses from competing

Cuba on

imperial interests and established the location of the

October 28, 492, the Arawaks constituted the predominant indigenous group on the island; in earlier

two pnncipal cities, Santiago de Cuba in the east and Havana in the west. When the gold and silver discovered on the Latin American mainland

Christopher Columbus landed

in

1

times, the stantial

Taino and Ciboney had maintained

presence

as well.

The

indigenous resistance on their nized by Hatuey,

a

a

sub-

Spaniards encountered arrival,

famously orga-

chief who had fled to

Spanish colonists arrived in his native

Cuba when Hispaniola. De-

island’s

attracted successive ba’s initial

waves of Spanish

economic importance

The colony became iards

migrated from

cntically

Cuba

colonists,

waned.

to Spain

depopulated

to Florida. Spain

Cu-

as s

Span-

control

415

#

CUBA

over

American empire was only to defend it from French and

its

ability

who

under the

//or (7

Cuba

as its

British corsairs

penodically plundered the island.

tary presence,

strong

as

With

its

mili-

played a pivotal defensive role;

system Spanish ships canying

silver,

lead in agricultural production in the Caribbean, spe-

sugar cultivation, and planters turned to

cifically in

means

slave labor as the

Although the

to prosperity.

subsequent increase of the African-descended population generated social fears,

prominent Cubans sup-

and other products from the colonies would rendezvous in Havana before sailing en masse to

ported the expansion of slavery on the

Spain. Havana’s proximity to the Straits of Florida,

trade

the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea, and the At-

order. Thus,

Ocean made it an ideal entrepot for this puipose. Thus, Cuba became known as the “key to the Indies.” Econonuc development on the island remained muted throughout the 16th and 17th cen-

from Spain and remained

gold,

lantic

mining,

turies;

cattle

ranching, and shipbuilding and

on Afiican

agricultural enterprises, often based

were

labor,

By

the

1

slave

relied

on the Spanish government to secure the slave and on the Spanish army to preserve social

Cuban

elites

postponed independence the

in

prompting King Ferdinand VII the

title

“Ever Faithful”

to

8th century, institutional innovations in-

permanent and

dicated a reinvigorated interest in a

colonial

orbit,

bestow on Cuba

in 1824.

Cu-

Sugar production gradually came to dominate ba’s

economy,

and

society,

growth of the

politics,

gious practices that later Santeria, for

and the dramatic

Cuba with culture. The reli-

slave population infused

unmistakable influences of African

small in scale.

They

island.

came

to

example, originated

1827

be identified with

among enslaved Afover 40 percent of

committed colonial presence: publishing operations,

ricans. In

an examining board of physicians, a seminary, and

the total population, and free people of African de-

the University of Havana

all

and 1730. Moreover, Spain

nomic production on the

emerged between 1700 tightly controlled island.

It

eco-

established a

monopoly on tobacco in 1717 and created the Real Compahia de Comercio de la Habana in 1740 to stimulate naval construction

and export production

of tobacco, sugar, wood, and hides.

When

English attacked Havana in 1762, their ten-month occupation of the island heralded momentous changes for

the

Cuba. Unshackled from Spanish mercantilist re-

Cuban producers

strictions,

nomic opportunities through

free trade

and an influx of African

Britain

new

discovered

slaves

eco-

colonies. In

1763 the

British returned

and tobacco production

Cuba had absorbed by Haiti

in

political

turmoil that an internal slave

from cofiee and tobacco

Political sentiments in the

around three general

lized

19th century crystal-

positions. Colonial loyalists

composed the dominant group because It

was not just wealthy planters or

who

favored the status quo;

ued

States as a

were

the effects of trade liberalization

in

were not

Cuba

as

as

they

mainland Latin Amenca. Despite increased

metropolitan control over local economic and political affairs,

Cubans did not nse up

the early years of the 19th century.

from the

against Spain in

They

benefited

amay presence on the island; their commercial restrictions were not as severe as those on the mainland; and, above all, they looked to

Spam

large Spanish

to maintain the slave trade. In the

the Haitian revolution,

416

Cuba was

sectors

On

many Cuban and North American

means of preserving

to the

slave

United

on the

slavery

the

island.

Havana, Matanzas, and Santiago had been trading

elites.

disruptive to colonial political order in

recalci-

many

descent, recognized the Benefits of loyalty.

owners advocated Cuba’s annexation

Y et

of

of the Cuban population, including those of African

under the Treaty of Paris. Spanish authorities continwith economic

their goal

keeping Cuba in Spain’s protective grasp was indeed

other hand,

fortified alliances

es-

of sugar plantations.

trant elites

of the island and

economy,

sugar market lost

Spanish impenal control in exchange for Elorida

to strengthen their defense

cofiee

and other enterprises to an expanding network

tates

and British

to

its

also fueled the

much of the

so

trade displaced workers

a reality.

Havana

While

scent represented another 13 percent.

with Great

goods, especially those from the North American

slaves constituted

wake of

poised to take the

with port

the

cities in

North American colonies and

the early republic since the late 18th century, and there had long

been

interest in acquiring

Cuba

the United States.

Thomas Jefferson

didly confess that

have ever looked on Cuba

most to

interesting addition

our system of

oed

I

States”;

for

noted, “I canas

the

which could ever be made John Quincy Adams ech-

his sentiments, referring to

severed by the tempest fi*om

its

Cuba

native

as

“an apple

tree.’’

Annex-

championed attempts by Presidents James K. Polk in 1848 and Franklin Pierce in 1854 to purationists

CUBA

chase the island from Spain, but their efforts lost

steam

when

Civil

War. Economic

the United States

ended

slavery with

between Cuba and

relations

the United States continued apace, however:

Americans played as

they settled in

United

to the

North and

a large role in the sugar trade,

Cuba — purchasing

tablishing businesses

its

plantations, es-

States as well, as travelers, business-

favored self-govern-

ment. Aside from several localized and ultimately

against “the annexation of the people of our

and bmtal North

ica to the turbulent

them trails

...

— and my sling

When It

lived in the monster,

I

the

acquired

war

justice as

it

is

for

that

and

as

know

was about

en-

its

of David.”

independence enipted

much

Amer-

that despises

broad base of popular support

a

fight

about

political

social

in

that

1

895,

made

and economic

freedom and national

movement had adopted an and multiraciiil composition, many

sovereignty. Because the antiracist

few challenges before 1868.

In that

African-descended Cubans joined the ranks of the

ern part of the island led the

Known

first

Ten

ideology

in the east-

rebel anny. So, too, did

many

island-wide separatist

the creole bourgeoisie,

all

peasants, workers,

and

of whom recognized the

War, the con-

inequity of the Spanish system. After three years of

grew out of what the leader Carlos Manuel de

intense fighting, with hundreds of thousands of mili-

rebellion. flict

1895 called on Cubans to

in

loyalty

however, disgruntled sugar planters

year,

years in exile. His

Cuban

unsuccessful anticolonial skimiishes, to Spain faced

where he had spent

the revolution

movement

third political

States,

famous words

— Cubans were making their way

people, and workers.

A

United

Cespedes and

his

the

as

Years’

compatriots viewed

as unfair taxes

tary

and

civilian casualties, the rebels

appeared to be

The war spread westward across the island and among different social groups, including workers, free Africans, and slaves. The insurgents controlled Onente province and embarked on a

winning by the spring of 1898. The conclusion of

campaign of burning sugarcane

the intervention invoked the ruthless tactics of the

and

tariffs.

provinces.

The

the western

fields in

rebel leadership also

wrote

a consti-

tution that abolished slavery, and they elected Ces-

pedes

new

as

president.

With

the installment in 1876 of a

Spanish governor, Joaquin Jovellar, and a

military leader, Arsenio Martinez

celerated

The

its

new

Campos, Spain

ac-

war

maintained Spanish colonial rule but granted ber of concessions. Cubans assembly, and association,

form

political parties.

such

as

won freedom

tested the temis

1878

a

num-

of the

Although some rebel

of the

in

press,

which allowed them

the mulatto general Antonio treaty

and

United

States entered

it

Cuba from

nally to free

to

leaders,

Maceo, pro-

insisted

on Cuban

when

during the summer, nomiSpanish mle. Supporters of

of the U.S.S. Maine, an American ship docked

in

Havana’s harbor to protect U.S. citizens on the

is-

land, as the reasons for U.S. involvement.

hegemony and

Economic

the establishment of a U.S. empire to

be the unspoken motiva-

tions.

Mediated Sovereignty during the Republic (1898-1 958) The end of the war of independence and the establishment of the Cuban republic struck most Cubans with a sense of dismay. The United States, not Cuba,

independence, claims for Cuban self-government

negotiated the peace treaty with Spain, and

were

tary

either

Liberal

advanced

Autonomist

refuge in the

in exile or

channeled into the

Party. Radical insurgents

took

Dominican Republic, Jamaica, and,

Tampa and Miami, Florida, and New York City, Cuban exiles planned the overthrow of Spanish rule in Cuba under the

above

all,

in the

United

States. In

the

Spanish general Valeriano Weyler and the explosion

were thought by some

efforts to stop the fighting.

Pact of Zanjon that ended the

the conflict took an unexpected twist

a mili-

goveniment headed by the U.S. general John

R. Brooke ruled Cuiba from 1898

Cubans held 1901,

it

their

own

to 1902.

Although

constitutional convention in

took place under the watchful eyes of U.S.

authorities,

and under duress Cubans incoiq^orated

leadership of Jose Marti, a journalist, a lawyer, and

Amendment, which authonzed an American naval base at Cuantanamo Bay, prevented Cuba

ultimately the leading agent and ideological expo-

from entering into

nent of Cuban independence. In 1892 Marti fonned

out U.S. approval, and allowed the United States

Cuban Revolutionary Party, which was illegal on the island, and worked to raise money and orga-

“to intervene for the preserc’ation of Cuban indepen-

the

contempt

nize

Cubans

for

Spanish colonial rule, he also mistrusted the

for war. In addition to Marti’s

the Platt

treaties

or contracting debts with-

dence |and| the maintenance of equate for the protection

of

a

government ad-

life,

propert\\

and

individual libert\'.”

417

astro, the

province.

He was

sentatives

on the

had fonned

running for the House of Repre-

ticket

of the Ortodoxo party, which

in opposition to Gran’s presidency,

while he publicly

and

filed a legal brief against Batista for

Moncada Amiy

Barracks in

Oriente province on July 26, 1953, demanding Batis-

from

The

office.

attack

was roundly defeated

but aroused popular curiosity. At tion, Castro

his trial for sedi-

remained unrepentant and gave

that included his

memorable

speech

a

“Condemn me,

phrase,

does not matter. History will absolve me.” In that

speech he described the contours of a refomi pro-

gram

that

would

fulfill

two

constitution. After

the promises of the 1940 years in prison, Castro

and

other political prisoners were granted amnesty by

and took refuge

Batista sition

movement

the failed assault

that

in

Mexico

took

as its

oppo-

to build an

name

the date of

on Moncada: M-26-7, or the 26th

of July movement. It

attention

munity. Given the intimacy between

Batista’s dicta-

and the U.S. government,

torship

refonn

early

the lOOth anniversary of Jose Marti’s biith,

seizing control of the

it

in

North American hegemony. Any cunosity or uncertainty in the United States about its continued influ-

Castro and his brother Raul led a small group in

exit

began

measures often made direct attempts to diminish

anned conspiracy.

ta’s

Cuban anny. When land refonn May, the new government demanded the of its people and of the international com-

Batista’s defeated

began organizing an

violating the constitution, he

On

ernment executed 483 of Batista’s fiercest agents. A new anny composed of fonner guemllas replaced

was

in

Mexico

that Castro

met Ernesto “Che”

Cuevara, an Argentine physician

who

had recently

ence dissipated within the

mier Anastas Mikoyan

Cuban

The

sistance.

move

Batista

from power and deal

a

Cuba

blow

to re-

to U.S.

imperialism. Eighty-two individuals sailed to

Cuba

landed in

December 1956 on the Grannia and Oriente province. The arrival was a disas-

ter: local

peasants had infonned officials of the pres-

from Mexico

ence of the

in

rebels,

the United States

anny

in the

Siema Maestra

a trade

now

Cuba’s

as

in place to supplant

largest trade partner.

As Castro nationalized approximately $1.5 billion of North American property including sugar cor-

—

porations, cattle ranches, oil refinenes,

and banks

railroads,

direction of the tion

of

a

—growing

Cuban

U.S.

utilities,

mines,

discontent with the

revolution led to the imposi-

economic embargo on ("uba

October 1960 and the suspension of diplomatic

in

rela-

tions in January 1961.

The

Agency (CIA) began

plotting attempts to sabotage

U.S. Central Intelligence

sugar operations and otherwise undennine the island’s prosperity and stability.

Bay of

The CIA’s

and led

became

plans

in-

to the April 1961 inva-

an inlet on the island’s

Pigs,

southern coast, by approximately 1,300 ("lA-trained

Cuban

who

exiles.

Allegedly tipped off by

a

fishennan

noticed suspicious activity near the bay, (diban

soldiei's

met

the invading exiles with a daunting

of force, prompting the

show

exiles to sun'ender three days

after their landing.

The

and only 12 of them survived,

taking refuge from the

were

Soviets

sion of the

hatched plans for an invasion of

Havana with

sugar and to offer financial and technical as-

nomic exiles

visited

delegation that aminged a four-year plan to buy

creasingly ambitious

Cuatemala. Castro and the other

year of ("astro’s

presidency. In Februar\' 1960 the Soviet deputy pre-

lent his efforts to international struggles against ecoinjustice in

first

filled invasion

understanding

among

only augmented the lack of

U.S. government

officials

about

move-

the revolution and the resolve of the (diban govern-

urban clandestine

opposition to Batista, and the forces gradually at-

ment and people to defend their sovereignty. When American U-2 spy planes photographed the constmc-

tracted over 7,(K)() reciaiits. Facing rebel attacks,

tion

motintains. In the late 195()s the 26th ofjuly

ment found ready

allies

in

an

his

ary

of Soviet nuclear

his military, Batista

Pre.sident John F.

the countrv at the end of 1958, and ("astro and

and placed ("uba

U.S. support, and dissent within left

little

fellow bearded guemllas entered 1

,

1

Havana on Janu-

most

its

Revolution and

Its

limited: in a

was

swift

penod of three months,

at

missile

in

mid- 1962,

their

removal

the center of the ("old War’s

crisis,

agreement reached the Soviet

and the United

States

in the

Union removed promised not to

use direct militaiy' force against Cuba; but the U.S.

Discontents

Postrevolutionaiy^ violence

missiles

sites

Kennedy demanded

dire episode. In the

wake of the

959, to the cheers of crowds.

missile

and the

relatively

new gov-

government developed other

strategies to

the ("astro government, namely,

undennine

economic sanctions

419

CUBA

and covert action

economy and

attempted to ruin the

that

foster

enough

would turn

bans themselves

island’s

Cu-

internal dissent that

against the revolutionary

economy,

tourist

and

dismption and sabotage of productive endeavors placed nearly constant, but never insumiountable,

came with

for decades.

The economic and United

States

tion policy.

found

Under

who

1966, Cubans

covert threats to

Cuba by

their counterpoint in

the

the

immigra-

Cuban Adjustment Act of

reached U.S. shores were guar-

anteed political asylum. After the revolution Cubans readily identified themselves as exiles than as

more

immigrants.

The

first

to arrive

were those most

in-

vested in Batista’s leadership: his political loyalists and

Batista’s

The

reforms

Cubans viewed by the government or its civilian mifitia, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, as resistant to becoming als

a price: those

“new men” — usually

— found

dissidents

themselves sent to

Military Units to

made

it

work camps

(UMAP)

Aid Production

compulsory military

their

difficult for

service.

Cubans

and homosexucalled

to

fulfill

The government beyond the

to travel

is-

land or to voice dissent, and the notion that Castro

would be a popularly Beyond the island

elected leader faded quickly. itself,

Cuban government

the

supported revolutionary movements throughout the

headed north. In 1960 about 62,000 Cubans the United States; approximately 67,000

and about 66,000

left

left

also

left

for

in 1961,

their toU

first

on Cu-

the demographic profile of exiles

class,

world. Inspired by the success of small guerrilla nuclei in

the anti-Batista struggle, the revolutionary

government supported armed

guerrilla struggles in

Latin America during the early 1960s. This led to

Guevara’s eventual departure from

in 1962.

As economic sanctions took middle

care.

Even some of the wealthy supportouster became quickly disenchanted

with the direction that the revolution took and

ba’s

of health

pursued an ambitious foreign poHcy and informally

who had

his dictatorship.

of

accessibility

profited under

well-connected individuals

ers

first

ted itself to eradicating racism and improving the quality

on Cuba

within the

The government commit-

years of the revolution.

regime. Assassination attempts against Castro and the

pressure

virtually disappeared

By

der in the Bolivian jungle.

Cuba and mur-

the middle of the

decade, security forces in Venezuela, Peru, Argen-

Repubhc had

Nicaragua, and the Dominican

was gradually transformed. Middle-class Cubans had

tina,

enjoyed consumer commodities from the United

crushed the Cuban-supported struggles, and the in-

States before the revolution

and had, in many

shared the values and ways of

cases,

of their northern

life

neighbors. Isolated from the United States and

its

many middle-class Cubans increasingly found Cuba unbearable. Rather than organizing op-

exports, life

in

on the

position

island,

however, they took advantage

of migration policies that were unrivaled

among

other Latin American nations and

United

States. In the

left

for the

long run, immigration poHcy thus de-

fused the impact of sanctions. Since 1959 approxi-

mately

1

United

States:

legal

Cubans have

million

left

the island for the

on Freedom Flights, on rafts, through channels, and on daring and dangerous jour-

Cuba ofrered. Cuba’s longtime support of anticolonial movements overshadowed the modest support

soldiers to

Those Cubans

who

remained on the island found

themselves actively involved in ensuring that the

would be social as weU as political and economic. They took their cue from Che Guevara’s revolution

vision of a

“new man”

nutted to a

new

in

Cuba who would be com-

society. Castro’s

government

initi-

Angola

in 1975,

recognition of the

Cuban

revolution during the

Cubans

1960s, Castro implored

moral investment. In the

late

make a material would equal their

to

contribution to the revolution that

1960s he

set a

10-mil-

hon-ton sugar quota for 1970 and reordered

sectors

of the economy to increase production dramatically. failure

of the measure prompted

a rethinking

of

the goals and outcomes of the revolution, and the

revolution during the 1970s and early 1980s a

more moderate

institutionalized

ments to

project.

and

it

1976

commit-

and

wom-

groundwork for some Whereas the Soviet Union

laid the

campaign

from

initiated reforms

76 to 96 percent. Prostitution, viewed by the government as the capitalist by-product of a permissive

ginning in 1986, to the

the revolution’s

peasants, education, medical care,

en’s rights,

became

A new constitution in

many of

citizen-elected leaders.

0 420

rebels in 1988.

Building on the relative success and international

ated sweeping educational refonns and a hteracy in 1961 that increased the literacy rate

and Cuban troops were

of Angolan

decisive in the victory

that

deployment of 15,000

in Africa culminated in the

The

neys.

American countries

creasing U.S. aid ofrered to Latin

such

as glasnost

and perestroika be-

Cuba experienced

model of socialism

built

a

retrenchment

on moral

incentives

CUBA

that

had

lent the early revolution so

much of its

ideo-

logical energy. “Rectification,” as the process called, rolled

phasized

back modest market refomis and em-

Cuban economic

tion into the

was

weakening

pert'onnance over integra-

international socialist system.

High-profile scandals in the military and in the interior ministry in

1989 provided

Cubans demanded

a closer

a platfonn

on which

adherence to revolution-

In the 199()s Cuba’s relationship with the socialist

bloc evaporated

when communist

rule

ended

in the

Union and eastern Europe. In the process the Cuban economy contracted nearly 40 percent, and Soviet

cialist

all

of the

world came

island’s trade

to an end.

with the fomier so-

Coupled with the end

of revolutionary movements and governments

in

Central America and Africa, the collapse of the Soviet

empire

when

to oust Castro continued unabated.

Democracy

Act,

commonly known

Law, and the CYiban danty Act,

also

known

as

left

Cuba

relatively isolated in an era

international trade

ization ordered

and much-heralded global-

world economics and

government implemented the

politics.

The

periodo especial (spe-

that focused

most

trades

further signaled

lars

Cuba toward

Crowds cheer

Fidel Castro as

Chiba

the late 1990s tour-

a

mixed economv. The

the

Cuban

in certain

of U.S. dol-

economic adaptations

economic changes continued

govemment,

the island’s

as

legalization

ingful political refomi has not

that

fact that

moved mean-

accompanied these

to frustrate the U.S.

exile

community, various

humanitarian groups, and some Chibans themselves.

Because foreign powers have subordinated Chiba for so

many

centuries,

it is

national sovereignty figure

likely that

among

autonomy and

the principal con-

Cuban government and people. Yet influence created endunng relationships: al-

foreign

ser-

By

Self-employment

and services and the

pervaded Cuban society; Cubans faced rationing

and

travel.

on tourism, biotechnology, mining, and

profitable industiy.

city

electricity, water,

Helms-Burton Law of

the

ism had suipassed sugar production

cerns of the

of

Soli-

pursued foreign investment through joint ventures

period), a blueprint for austerity measures. Scar-

loss

Chiba

the Tomcelli

as

1996, tightened restnctions on trade and

cial

and the routine

The 1992

and Democratic

Liberty’

infrastmctural development.

ary ideals.

virtually

Yet the detennination of the U.S. govemment

vices.

though Cuba’s

ties

to the former Soviet system are

he speaks out against Captain Hubert Matos, the former

military’

commander of

Carnaguey province.

421

CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL COUNCIL

weak,

It

shares close political

and economic

relations

major Cuban communities;

a national boarci

was elected by

and

with Spain, and despite the strained relationship be-

rectors

tween Cuba and the United States since 1959, the eyes of Cubans and North Americans are frequently fixed on each other. Cuban Amencan communities

were obtained

in Florida,

New Jersey,

and

on

tention to developments

separated

remain

by

as little as

New

York pay

rapt at-

and

fimilies

the island,

are able to

di-

federal funds

comprehensive demo-

to prepare a

graphic profile of Cuban Americans.

FJaving established the organization, Vizcaino re-

turned to religious duties. In 1978 the second execu-

Guarione Diaz, was

director of the council,

tive

90 miles of ocean

local chapters,

of

selected to guide the institution-building phase of

in contact.

CNC. From

the

headquarters in Miami, Diaz and a

Related Articles

reorganized,

newly appointed board of directors and

Cuban Amencan; Castro, Fidel; Columbus, Chnstopher; Cuban Americans; Cuban Missile Crisis; Cuban Revolution; Cuban Studies; Cuisine, Cuban; Guevara, Ernesto; Literature, Cuban American; Mariel Boat Lift; Marti, Jose; Politics, Cuban American; Sugar; Tobacco.

a corporate

board of advisers added

Art,

CNC

ponent to the services to

in order to

low-income

Over become

new comprovide human a

of all national

Fdispanics

community

ori-

gins.

time, provision of

has

the major focus of the organization. Pro-

services

Further Reading

grams include an employment and training center,

Benjamin, Jules R. The Utiited States and the Origins of the Cuban Revolution: An Empire of Liberty in an Age of National

alternative schools covering prekindergarten to high

Liberation. Princeton:

school, a day care center, leadership training pro-

Princeton Univ. Press, 1990.

New York:

Marti, Jose. Selected Works. Tr. by Esther Allen.

that has built 1,400

Penguin, 2002.

Perez, Louis A., Jr. On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture. Chapel Hill: Univ. of N.C. Press, 1999.

community housing.

Perez-Stable, MarifeU. The Cuban ReiNution: Origins,

in

New

York: Oxford Univ.

Press, 1993.

Roig de Leuchsenring, Emilio. Historia de la enmienda Platt: Una inter])retaci6n de la realidad cubana. 2d ed. Havana: Editorial

New

or the Pursuit

CNC has been an alternative, stable, for social services

and

organization has offices and programs

Miami; Orlando,

Continuing ties,

David A. Sartorius

The

For Miami’s Latino

and Washington, D.C.,

Florida;

as part

of the orga-

nization’s strategic plan.

ofPreedom. Updated ed.

York: DaCapo, 1998.

units.

with others under consideration

de Ciencias Sociales, 1961.

Thomas, Hugh. Cuba

the

housing

and comprehensive source

Perez, Louis A., Jr. Cuba and the United States: Ties oj Singular Intimacy. 3d ed. Athens: Univ. of Ga. Press, 2002. Course, Legacy.

community development corporation

grams, and a

the

original policy

its

CNC

produced over 60

American demography and ing studies

on

and research studies

social issues.

activi-

on Cuban

By publish-

Miami-Dade education, and com-

topics such as Latinos in

county public schools, bilingual

and other ethnic groups

CUBAN AMERICAN

parative studies of Latino

NATIONAL COUNCIL

south Florida, the council has prepared a rational foundation for discussion, planning, and action

The present-day Cuban American National Council (CNC) was founded as the Cuban National Planning Council in 1972 by pnest, with the support

Mano

Vizcaino, a

of a group of Cuban Amer-

in

among

academic and community groups interested in the status

sive

of Latinos in south Florida. During the mas-

Mariel boat

cidsis

of 1980, the

CNC

commis-

sioned a study clarifying the motivations, experience,

new

ican professionals in Washington,

D.C. The founders

and demography of the

of the council recognized

Cuban

the council’s director served as the federally appointed

be

that the

exile

would

long one, and they believed that there was a need for an organization to advocate for the interests

a

of Cubans in the United

States.

designed to address two objectives;

The first,

policy analysis, planning, and research tions, status,

to assure

and

Cuban

role

422

to provide

on the condi-

the

participation in the

emerging na-

movement. Under the leadVizcaino, local chapters were organizeci in

at

Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

CNC published

Cubans

1994—1995,

for rafters during their detention at the

U.S. naval base

in the

its

United

third

In

2002

demographic review of

States,

which

is

available

on-

line at http;// www.cnc.org.

of Cuban Americans; second,

tional Latino solidanty

ership of

council was

ombudsman

refugees. In

The

CNC

remains

a partner

with national

panic advocacy gi-oups, including the National

FJis-

Coun-

La Raza and the Flispanic Association for Corporate Responsibility. A future goal of the orgacil

of

CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FOUNDATION

nization

work

to

is

in a post-Castro

and

social services, research,

Cuba providing

institutional

network-

ing.

Cuban the

Manel Boat Amencan.

Lift;

Mas Canosa, Jorge;

Politics,

Cuban

In

when many obser\’ers were conCuba could not sur\Tve the collapse of

1992,

persuaded Congress

economic embargo. The Cuban )emocracy Act of 1992, followed by the Cuban Libeit\' and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996, included

Ackerman, H., and Juan ofUncertaifity.

1

Clark. Tltc Ctihan Balseros: Voya^re

Miami: Policy

Cuban Am.

Ctr.,

controversial regulations designed to discourage other

Nat.

countries from trading with or investing in Chiba. In

Council, 1995. Tlie

CANF

the Soviet Union, the to tighten the

Further Reading

Badia, A.

198()s

persuaded Congress to create Radio and Television Marti to broadcast uncensored news to

vinced that Rescue; Cuban Revolution;

Balseros; Brothers to the

In the

CANF

Cuba.

Related Articles

and investment.

trade, travel,

Academic Perfonnatice

of Hispatiics in Florida

Miami: Cuban Am. Nat. Council, 1994. Boswell, T. D. A Demoj^raphic Profde of Cuban Americafis. Miami: Policy Ctr., Cuban Am. Nat. Council, 2002. Diaz, G. M., ed. Ethnic Se^rep^ation in Greater Miami, 19801990. Miami: Policy Center, Cuban Am. Nat. Council, Public Schools.

its

lobbying campaigns, the C.ANF’s uncompromis-

ing positions and bullying

tactics

alienated

Cubans and Americans. Cntics charged with suppressing free speech and

doms

that

promoted

it

the

some

CANF

press, basic free-

in a free Chiba.

Dissident

1992.

Fradd,

S.

H. The

in metropolitan

economic impact of Spanish-lan^ua^e proficiency

Miami. Miami: Greater Miami

Commerce/Policy

Selected

Web

Cuban American

Am.

Ciuban

Nat. Council, 1996.

moted by

copy of its most recent publication and

of all publications available for

sale].

Holly Ackerman

CANF

CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FOUNDATION

policies.

is

a political action

group

that

promotes

install a

in

Cuba. The

CANF

has effectively represented the political perspectives

of the anti-Communist Cuban after

Castro assumed

exiles settled in

power

exiles

in 1959.

who

fled

Cuba

Most of these

Miami, considering themselves tem-

porary political refugees

who would

eventually de-

pose Castro and reclaim their homes and country.

Their hopes dashed

at

the

Bay

of Pigs in April 1961

the exiles remained finnly anti-Communist and stub-

bornly opposed to any nonnalization of relations with

Communist Cuba. To promote their dream of a democratic country, Jorge Mas Canosa and a group of successhil Cuban bu.sines.smen founded the CANF. As chainnan of the

Mas Canosa

C'ANF from

Mas

Chinosa’s

the organization remained

but

tried to use

means other than the embargo

it

to

its

policies.

CANF

The

has increased

and support of dissident groups radio broadcasts and

its

activists

on the

its

in

to its

Cuba.

contacts with

island, the

C.ANF

en-

courages opposition to the revolutionary govern-

ment.

policies cie-

democratic government

and market-based economy

leadership of

to a democratic transition in Chiba,

The

signed to overthrow the revolutionary government

of Fidel Castro and

a transition in leadership

committed

Through

Cuban American National Foundation (CANF)

1997, the

in

finnly

ties

nonprofit organization founded in Florida in 1981,

Mas Canosa

Under the son Jorge Mas Santos, and

prodemocracy

the

CANF.

gone through

has

promote

A

the

Since the death of

National Council, http://www.cnc.org

struggled to

be heard over the loud and rancorous debates pro-

Site

[contains an online a list

Ctr.,

Chamber of

Cuban community

voices within the

1981 to 1997,

reorientation of the

cided with

a shift in

CANF’s

policies coin-

the general outlook of Miami’s

Cuban American communipyL As a second generation of exiles came to power, including Mas Santos, more exiles were inclined to try new policies aimed at

promoting the same objective

tion in

of a political transi-

Cuba. Other Chiban American groups

for lifting the

embargo and

a

nonnalization of rela-

tions with Chiba. Despite the claims

the

C.ANF no

of cntics

that

longer represents the majority of

Chiban American opinion, erful

called

Chiban lobby

in the

it

remains the most

United

pow-

States, possibly the

most powerful lobby of any Latino organization.

Related Articles Ch.stro, Fidel;

Cuban

Missile Cmsis;

Mas Canosa, Jorge;

ILadio Marti.

directed a successful lobbying campaign

to strengthen

and enforce Amencan prohibitions on

423

^

CUBAN AMERICANS

Further Reading Bardach, Ann Louise. Cuba

The

Love and Vengeance Random House, 2002. in Aiianii and Havana. New York: Fernandez, Damian. “From Little Havana to Washington, Conjidential:

Foreign D.C.: The Impact of Cuban-Americans on U.S. Policy. Ed. by Policy.” In Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign

Mohammed 1987

E.

Ahran.

New

York: Greenwood

of the 19th century was pivotal

latter part

both in the history of the island’s struggle for selfdetermination, and in the cultural relationship it established with the

United

The Ten

States.

Years’

(1868-1878), the precursor to the Cuban-Spanish-American War of 1895, took the fives of 200,000

War

Press,

Cubans and Spaniards

.

Garda, Maria Cristina. Havana, USA: Cuban Exiles and Cuban Americans in South Florida, 1959-1994. Berkeley:

—roughly

13 percent of

Cu-

dunng which time Cubans

ba’s entire population,

Univ. of Calif Press, 1997. Lopez, Juan J. Democracy Delayed: The Case of Castro’s Cuba. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 2002.

emigrated to the United States for the first time in the long history of their exile. This little-known fact

Morley, M.orns, and Chns McGiUion. Unfinished Business. America and Cuba after the Cold War, 1989-2001. Cam-

puts

Cambridge Univ. Press, 2002. Perez, Louis A. Cuba and the United States:

Cubans emigrated to the United States between the years 1868 and 1898. In 1870 there were 5,319 Cubans living in the United States, and by 1898, over 14,000, dropping to 11,081 by 1900, when many

bridge:

3d

Intimacy.

ed.

Ties of Singular

Athens: Univ. of Ga. Press, 2003.

Paul Dosal

the so-caUed

wave of immigration in estimated that some 100,000

first

historical perspective. It

is

returned to their newly independent country.

Cubans migrated

CUBAN AMERICANS

1860s and 1870s, and

can substitute the ethnic designation of “Cuban

One

American” with “American Cuban” and the transposition would change little of the history shared by

Cubans and North Amencans. In fact, the United States and Cuba have been inextricably connected 200

to each other for nearly

years. Historically

have shared the ugly chapter of slavery

more

positive spirit

well

as

of independence and

they

as

the

self-rule.

between the people of Cuba and the United States goes back even further. According to Garcilaso de la Vega’s chronicle of Her-

But the

relationship

nando de

Soto’s exploration, the

first

of Cuban natives on American 1539,

when two of

and Diego de Oliva,

recorded instance

soil

took place in

Moron

de Soto’s men, Pedro

swam

ashore to what

is

present-

day Flonda.

ish;

until 1762,

but

it

when

was returned

it

was invaded by the

to Spain less than a year later

under the 1763 Treaty of Florida.

served

Brit-

Paris,

in

exchange for

That brief period of time under British rule

as a catalyst to

stimulate the island’s

economic

moment of independence quickly developed its sugar industry. And

growth, since Cuba, in a

from Spain, less

than 100 years

later,

Cuba had become

the

world’s largest producer of sugar, with a production rate

of 450,000 tons of sugar annually. Also

signifi-

biggest area of

West, where

a thriving

Augustine, Florida;

New

New

York to

City.

But the

1890 was Key

tobacco industry was devel-

By 1892 tobacco sales had soared to $100 million in Key West and to $17 million in Tampa. One of the earliest success stories of Key West took root in 1869, when Vicente Martinez Ybor bought oped.

over 40 acres (15 ha) of swampland and developed

them

what became known

into

as

pany town with over 120 cigar

Ybor

City, a

factories

com-

employing

some 5,000 workers, the majority of them Cuban. The population of Tampa, the second biggest producer of tobacco in Florida, was 20 percent Cuban-

Maceo

social clubs in the

then, that state

It

could

one of the

Society,

United

also boast the

first racially

States. It

two Cubans would be

Marti-

integrated

was no wonder,

elected to Florida’s

assembly in the 1880s and that Carlos Manuel

de Cespedes, the son of the revolutionary leader,

would be If the

mayor of Key West in 1875. south was the center of Cuban American elected

financial enterprise, the north,

and

specifically

New

Y ork City, was the intellectual center of Cuba’s exile community, the annex Cuba

anexionista (those

to the

Cecilia Valdes in

#424

Tampa, Ocala, Jack-

growth from 1870

Cuba mills.

St.

mington, Delaware; and

abolitionist

in slave ships to labor in the ingenios, or sugar

later to

Florida, in the

Orleans, Louisiana; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Wil-

by 1860 most of Cuba’s population was of Afncan descent, Africans having been brought to cant,

Key West,

to

and

sonville, Pensacola,

born by century’s end.

For the next 200 years Spain retained control of

Cuba

first

The

United

movements.

Cirilo ViUaverde

It

States), independista,

was in

wrote the famous

1859;

it

was

who wanted

in

New

York

to

and that

abolitionist novel

New York that rebels

Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo met Jose

Marti

CUBAN AMERICANS

in

1884 to plan the liberation of the

was

New

York

it

of

books and newspaper

his

in

wrote many

was the Cuban people’s dream come true of a free, democratic Cuba. But contraiv' to Castro’s well-

while seeking

orchestrated public statements that his goveniment

that Marti

Spain;

articles

from

island

the moral and financial support for Cuba’s indepen-

dence.

It

was

New

in

York

And

designed and sewn in 1849. that Fidel Castro

began

own

earlier, to

Cuban

was

it

in

was

flag

New York con-

his fund-raising travels,

sciously retracing Maiti’s

60 years

that the

North American “tour” of

gamer economic support

for his

revolution against the Fulgencio Batista regime.

Like Marti’s, Castro’s tour

would

take

him from

the

Cuban American enclaves of the Northeast to the established Cuban American communities of south Florida. In Mexico he purchased a boat to transport the amis he bought with the money raised in America. The yacht, previously owned by an American, was named Gratujia, significantly the name of the dictatorship’s sole newspaper.

nations’

interwoven history has been, from

its

inception, culturally bilateral. As Louis A. Perez says in

On

ture

Cuban:

Beconiinoast Guard. But as Alex Anton and Roger Hernandez report in their book Cubans in

America:

(2002),

it

A

Vibrant History of a People in Exile

was not

just the sea that

who went

dangerous. “Exiles

made

the tnp

up

relatives

to pick

were forced by Cuban government

officials to

onboard persons they did not know. As out,

many of those

strangers

were mental

it

take

turned

patients or

cnminals released by the regime for the express purpose of being sent to the United States.” This, more

made some Cuban Americans Manel immigration. And yet,

than any other factor, initially

oppose the

over 125, ()()() Cubans arrived

in the

United

States

between April and September 1980. As was the case for the previous exiles, at least 30 percent of them

were nonwhite. The

Marielitos, as they

were

first

DAVFC; HOUSIR

Snack bar

in the Ckille

HOUSIRSKM

K

Ocho neighborhood of Miami,

Florida.

427

CUBAN AMERICANS

exile) joyfully anticipated the

Popular opinion

i^nie.

Union

the Soviet

at

end of the Castro

re-

the time believed that if

dissolved,

it

would be only

a

mat-

of days or months before the Castro dictatorship would also fall, since, with Soviet economic support

ter

gone, the dictatorship would be unable to continue. But the dictatorship survived, and the first thing Cas-

was attack Gorbachev for a being a traitor to the communist cause. However, things were not easy for Castro after the Soviet Union’s withdrawal of tro did

economic support. The economy went into a tailspin, and Castro became even more repressive, sending one of his own tmsted generals, Amaldo Ochoa, death by firing squad on July 13,

to

trumped-up charges of drug

ELIAN CONOCIO A CRISTO... OTROS to NiEGAH

on

1989,

As had hap-

trafficking.

pened with Huber Matos, Ochoa had been gaming populanty and had dared to suggest a more dem-

in

government.

ocratic

Five years later the

economy was

with massive food shortages, anger

at

in

bad shape,

civil unrest,

and overall

the dictatorship’s violent tactics against those

who wanted

some of

to leave. In order to release

the internal pressure, Castro once again announced, as

he had done in the

would not

ties

anyone

stop

Cuban

authori-

who wanted

to leave

past, that

the island. This launched the

the

most painful of all the

inmiigrations to the United States.

had previously

on

left

Whereas people

leave the island en masse in balsas

(rafts),

empty od drums precariously strung tubes of car and

tmck

tires,

made from

and whatever

would name by

else

Hence balseros (rafters) became the which these people became known. According

to

Cristina Garcia over 17,000 balseros arrived in the States

known

is

by the end August 1994. What

exactly

how many perished in the

is

not

perilous

22, 1999,

Janet

when, on orders from Attorney General

Reno,

Elian’s relatives

and

before returning to

two months

Cuba

who

tim of the

EHan

most famous survivor was her five-year-old

son, Elian Gonzalez. Elian’s

mother had drowned

and he had been found floating coast of Flonda atop a car tire

in the

ocean off the

case

is

in the

United

the end of June.

States

Many

sided with the majority

believed that whatever political

Cuba, Elian belonged with

its

at

non-Cuban Hispanics had

hundred has been suggested. The most famous vicimmigration was Elisabet Brotons,

of

and took him away. The young boy

his father spent

of Americans,

home

broke into the

federal officers

differences there

and

at

Cuba. The episode ended on April

to his father in

journey from Cuba, though an estimate of several

balsero

him

started to

together, inner

float.

United

Suporters of Eli^ Gonzalez gather to pray for the home of his relatives in Little Havana.

through Camarioca and Mariel

sunmier of 1994, people

boats, in the

© ROBERT NICKELSBERG / GETTY IMAGES

were between the United his father.

The

States

sensational

merely one of thousands involving

have been

tom

by

and

faini-

lies

that

ship

— a fanfrliar and sad scenario many Cubans have

had to endure

when

apart

Castro’s dictator-

leaving family behind.

on Thanksgiving Day

1998.

Cuban Americans Today

The rescuing of Elian became an international event when the relatives with whom the child was staying in Miami wanted him to be granted asylum

The first episode of I Love Lucy was broadcast on November 15, 1951, and over 50 years later it can

in the

United

States.

His father and the

Cuban gov-

ernment, however, demanded that he be returned

#428

still

be seen in remns.

can television, the first

An

Cuban

early

anomaly on Ameri-

actor Desi Arnaz

was the

Latino personage of symbolic significance in

CUBAN AMERICANS

American media. Since those ing,

on

grown

to

television.

And

United

in the

1,242,000 are Cubans

bom

two-thirds) or

Cuban

the Latino population has

35 million, composing the

group

in the

minor-

largest

Of

States.

— either

number,

that

Cuban-bom

United

(nearly

one

states to least

as

group, have assimilated

have other Latinos.

the third largest Latino

much

at a

And

Cuban

their love for

faster rate

than

while they have not given

cuisine

—for arroz con

with black beans) and

negros (rice

more a year, or about 10.8 percent average income for all Hispanic groups

earns $50,000 or

above the

(Mexican, Puerto Rican, Central and South

may be

can, other Hispamcs). This

Amen-

explained by

educational attainment. As of 2000, 73 percent of

Cuban Americans had

either a high school diploma

or more, 21 percent higher than the comparable education level of Mexican Americans, and 8.7 percent

parent.

Moreover, Cubans,

up

of broadcast-

Americans have grown accustomed to seeing

Latinos

ity

early days

frijoles

vacafrita (shredded

—95

higher than Puerto Ricans, but 5.5 percent lower than African Amencans,

1

1.9 percent

lower than the

white population, and 11.1 percent lower than the population.

total

Americans had

23 percent of Cuban

In 2000,

diploma or more,

a college

16.1 per-

all

cent higher than Mexican Americans, 10 percent

Cuban Americans today prefer speaking English to Spanish, and many have intermarried with white

higher than Puerto Ricans, and 6.5 percent higher

Americans of every religion and

of

the white population, and 2.6 percent lower than

explained by the type of immigration of

the total population. Behind the numbers, however,

with ample onion)

fried brisket

this

may be

the

first

percent of

ethnicity. Part

and second wavers. Mostly professional and

white, the economically and educationally privileged first all

than African Americans, but 3.1 percent lower than

are individuals

second wavers saw themselves ican or

as

Cuban American, while

The

first

and

being either Amer-

the Mariel and post-

Mariel immigrants have identified

far

more with

the

as in all

groups, have distin-

guished themselves by their special accomplishments.

When

and second wavers were the most welcomed of

Latino groups to the United States.

who,

died

Celia Cruz, the

on July

lady of Latin music,”

16, 2003, at the age

sands of her fans lined up

Y ork

“first

City, to pay their

on

last

of 77, tens of thou-

Avenue

Fifth

respects to a singer

New York Times powerhouse” who had inte-

Cruz

called

groups. In any case, the problematic question of eth-

grated the sounds and rhythms of Puerto

shift in

the

few other

is

at least indicative

of a major

Cuban American community. Diverse as groups, Cuban Americans, for instance,

who

had brought them so much joy. The

Hispanic or Hispanic American label of other Latino

nic labeling aside, this

New

in

the

“vocal

a

Dominican Republic

into her

Cuban

Rico and music.

Before Jon Secada, Selena, Ricky Martin, Enrique Iglesias,

Jennifer Lopez, and Christina Aguilera, there

was Gloria Estefan and the Miami Sound Machine,

though mostly Catholic (about 80 percent), are also Protestant, Jewish, and Buddhist. In recent years the

who opened

Cuban

tefan’s multimillion-selling, top ten English-language,

religious tradition

of Santeria has received

the door for crossover Latin music. Es-

Conga,

considerable attention in the press, primarily because

gold-record

of its sensational relation to Haitian voodoo. Santeria

Way, and Rhythm

combines

Roman

Catholicism with the Yoruba re-

ligion

of West Africa and

divine

spirits

its

beliefs in the orishas,

— mixing Catholic saints with West AfAnd

rican divinities.

yet

as

diverse as they are in

religious belief, the vast majority

cans live

on the

East Coast. In

fact,

according to the

in the eastern states

sey (77,000), and states

of Florida (833,000),

New

York

(63,000),

live

New Jerand

in the

of California (72,000) and Texas

(26,000).

Of major

Latino groups in rates, salaries,

between Cubans and other the United States are employment

difference

and

levels

39.6 percent of the

of education. For example,

Cuban Amencan

population

Is

'1,

Going

2, 3, to

Words Get

hi

the

Get You, to name

a

few,

possible for other Latin crossover sing-

ers

their

mark. Estefan and her husband,

producer Emilio Estefan, continue to be major players in the Latin

of Cuban Ameri-

2000 Census, 86.2 percent of Cuban Americans

western

or

made it to make

hits

music industry.

In the area of writing,

won In

the Pulitzer

Pnze

1990 Oscar Hijuelos

The

Mambo

the novel In April

two Cuban Amencans have in literature in recent years.

won

the Pulitzer for his novel

Kings Play Songs of Love, and in

was made into

a successful

Hollywood

2003 Cuban American Nilo

Anna

in the Tropics.

many

great

Cuban American

are

singers, musicians,

the

writers,

composers, painters, media per-

sonalities, athletes, scientists,

tions,

992

film.

Cmz won

Pulitzer for his play

There

1

heads of major corpora-

congressmen and congresswomen, governors.

429

^

CUBAN

MISSILE CRISIS

Academy Award-winning

actors

and cinematogra-

on, yet the individual success stones pale in

son with the to painfully

far greater

remake

cans of every

Web

Cuba and Cuban Americans on

http://www.library.miami.edu/netguides/ cubanet.html

compan-

Cuban Ameri-

class,

religion,

background have proudly contributed

and ethnic

in equal

and

Rolando

Cuban Revolution,

Before the

and the United

Related Articles

With Amaz,

Cuban Ameri-

Desi; Art,

Cmz, Celia; Cuba; Cuban American National Council; Cuban American National Foundation; Cuban Missile Crisis; Cuban Revolution;

Ocho;

Cuban

Castro, Fidel;

Cuban;

Studies; Cubonics; Cuisine,

Estefan, Gloria; Florida; Idijuelos, Oscar;

Havana; Mariel Boat

Lift;

I

Love Lucy;

Cuban American;

Immigration, Latino; Literature,

Cuban

Marti, Jose; Politics,

the

War between the

States

Further Reading

New

AmerYork: in

Bettinger-Lopez, Caroline. Cuban-Jeunsh Journeys: Searching ot

Tenn.

Home, and

Press,

History in Miami. Knoxville: Univ.

two superpowers locked

nist

My Mind: Journeys

on

commu-

regime in the Americas, a region that both

powers acknowledged of influence.

When

and military

relations

the United States’s sphere

as

Castro established commercial

with the Soviet Union, the

States considered

Monroe

it

an unacceptable Euro-

to

Doctrine.

affairs,

a violation

The Cold War suddenly

turned hot in the Americas, marked by the botched invasion

merous

by Cuban

exiles at the

efforts at assassination

Bay of Pigs and nu-

and sabotage

that fol-

lowed.

defend the revolution, Castro accepted

viet proposal to Installation

Campa, Roman. Cuba

in a global battle

the Americans nor the Soviets expected a

To

ofVa., 1998. la

Asia.

surprised both countries. Neither

2000 [foreword by Ruth Behar].

Borland, Elizabeth Alvarez. Cuban-Arnerican Literature of Exile: From Person to Persona. Charlottesville: Univ. Press

De

Union

movement

tionary

Kensington Bks., 2000.

for Identity,

Soviet

triumph of Fidel Castro’s revolu-

of the

Vibrant History of a People in Exile.

battle-

had been in Europe and

pean intervention in hemispheric

A

main

for supremacy, the

United

Anton, Alex, and Roger E. Hernandez. Cubans

the

Little

American; Tobacco.

ica:

Peilez

CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS grounds in the Cold

dedicated measure.

Afro-Latino Influences;

the Internet. Univ. of Miami.

people in today’s

this enterprise

economic

can; Balseros; Calle

Sites

accomplishment of having

their lives as a

To

incredible mosaic.

and so

lawyers, doctors,

phei-s, university professors,

Selected

began

install

a

So-

nuclear missiles in Cuba.

secretly in the

summer of 1962

a

London/N.Y.: Verso, 2000. Eire, Carlos M. N. Waiting for Snow in Havana: Confessions of a Cuban Boy. N.Y.: Free Press, 2003. Garcia, Maria Cristina. Havana USA: Cuban Exiles and Cuban Americans in South Florida, 1959-1994. Berkeley: Severed Nation.

Univ. of Calif Press, 1996.

Greenbaum, Susan D. More Than

Black: Afro- Cubans in

Tampa. Miami: Univ. Press of Fla., 2002. Perez, Lisandro. “Cuban Miami.” In Miami Noiv!: Immigration, Ethnicity, and Social Change. Ed. by GuiUenno J.

Grenier and Alex Stepick

111.

Miami: Univ. Press of Fla.,

1996.

Perez, Lisandro. “Growing tion, the Enclave,

and

Up

in

Cuban Miami: Immigra-

New Generations.”

Children of Immigrants in America. Ed. by

In Ethnicities:

Ruben G. Rum-

baut and Alejandro Fortes. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif Press

2001 Perez,

.

Jr.,

Louis A.

On

Becoming Cuban:

Identity, National-

and Culture. Chapel Hill: Univ. of N.C. Press, 1999. Perez-Firmat, Gustavo. Life on the Hyphen: The Cubanity,

Way. Austin: Univ. of Tex. Press, 1994. Perez-Firmat, Gustavo. Next Year in Cuba: A Ciibano’s Coming-of-Age in America. Rev. ed. Houston, Tex.: ScrivArnerican

enery Press, 2000.

Thomas, Hugh. Cuba: Or The Capo Press, 1998.

^

430

©

Cartoon

Pursuit of Freedom

.

N.Y.:

Da

GIB C:R0CKETT

/

PICTURE HISTORY LLC

1962 in the WashingStar featuring Soviet premier Nikita Khruschev towing ships labeled "Offensive Weapons for Cuba." ton

originally published in

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MISSILE CRISIS

aniMlr.M

ON LAUNCH PAD

ERECTOR

READY BLDGS

MISSILE

OXIDIZER

VEHICLES

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READY BLDGS FUELING VEHICLES

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ON LAUNCH PAD

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ON

MISSILE

TRAILER

AIVWIDt:

Air photo of a medium-range

ballistic missile

base in

and was detected by American reconnaissance in

October.

The United

an unacceptable

dent John

F.

withdrawal of

shift in

flights

States considered this step

the balance of power. Presi-

Kennedy demanded all

Cuba

missiles

the immediate

and threatened

to launch a

Union if Kennedy im-

retaliatory nuclear stnke against the Soviet

the missile

posed

sites

were not dismantled.

quarantine around the island to inter-

a naval

cept further Soviet shipments, and he prepared to

launch

a full-scale

invasion of

missiles if necessary.

Cuba

Nuclear war was

to destroy the finally

(1962).

encouraged Khrushchev

dence for

withdraw the

missiles in

exchange

for

Kennedy’s

promise that the United States would not invade

this

position

American and Soviet tary option, (’astro

launch

preemptive

a

is

leadei*s also

is

Although

inconclusive.

considered

this mili-

often depicted as an iiTational

Latin dictator. Stereotypical Latino behavior

ascnbed to (’astro

the apociyyihal

in

is

also

stor\' that

he

personally fired the surtace-to-air missile that brought

down when

averted

Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev agreed to

to

nuclear strike against the United States, but the evi-

it is

when

WORI I) PHOTOS

an American plane during the

("astro appears in the accounts of the

only

as a

about the

way

crisis.

it is

dangerous nuisance.

cnsis, lliirtccii

represented in

not even appear

Days,

art

and

is

If

and

penod,

An Amencan

film

characteristic of the

literature: (iastro

does

in the film.

(Tiba. (’astro only learned

announced tees

in the press.

of the agi'eement

after

it

was

Despite the secunty guaran-

that (’uba obtained in

he was infuriated.

it,

While Kennedy and Khnishchev were subsequently praised

for

their

emerged with

his

statesmanlike

reputation for

conduct,

volatilitv’

(’astro

confimied.

Controversy continues to revolve around Castro's role in the

crisis.

Some

historians argue that (’astro

The pact

missile crisis nevertheless

had

on the prospects and perspectives

Americans living

in

a serious

im-

of the (riiban

the United States.

Kennedy

s

pledge to not invade the island diminished (iuban exiles’

hopes of overt hrowing the revolutionarv' gov-

ernment, compelling (’uban Americans to accept the realirt'

that thev

would have

States longer than they

to stay in the

United

had expected.

431

CUBAN

MISSILE CRISIS

Related Articles Cuban Americans; Cuban RevoluBoat Lift; Politics, Cuban American.

Castro, Fidel; Cuba; tion;

Mariel

eds.

James G., Bruce J. Allyn, and David A. Welch, Cuba on

the Brink: Castro, the ABssile Crisis,

Soviet Collapse.

New

Kennedy, Robert Missile Crisis.

Further Reading Blight,

Fursenko, Aleksandr, and Timothy J. Naftali. ^^One Hell of a Gamble”: Khrushchev, Castro, and Kennedy, 1958— 1964. New York; Norton, 1997.

and

F. Thirteen Days:

New

to

Eyeball:

The

Lechuga Hevia, Carlos. Cuba and bourne; Ocean Press, 1991.

Rev.

Inside Story of the

A National Security Archive Documents Reader. New York; New Press, 1998.

r

#

432

Mel-

Paul Dosal

1962:

ed.

the Missile Crisis.

the

Cuban A^Iissile Crisis. New York; Random House, 1990. Chang, Laurence, and Peter Kombluh, eds. Cuban A/Iissile Crisis,

Memoir of the Cuban

York; Norton, 1969.

York; Pantheon Bks., 1993.

Brugioni, Dino A. Eyeball

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