Empowering Men of Color on Campus: Building Student Community in Higher Education 9780813594798

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Empowering Men of Color on Campus

The American Campus Series editor, Harold S. Wechsler The books in the American Campus series explore recent developments and public policy issues in higher education in the United States. Topics of interest include access to college and college affordability; college retention, tenure, and academic freedom; campus labor; the expansion and evolution of administrative posts and salaries; the crisis in the humanities and the arts; the corporate university and for-­profit colleges; online education; controversy in sport programs; and gender, ethnic, racial, religious, and class dynamics and diversity. Books feature scholarship from a variety of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences. Vicki L. Baker, Laura Gail Lunsford, and Meghan J. Pifer, Developing Faculty in Liberal Arts Colleges: Aligning Individual Needs and Organizational Goals Derrick R. Brooms, Jelisa Clark, and Matthew Smith, Empowering Men of Color on Campus: Building Student Community in Higher Education W. Carson Byrd, Poison in the Ivy: Race Relations and the Reproduction of Inequality on Elite College Campuses Jillian M. Duquaine-­Watson, Mothering by Degrees: Single Mothers and the Pursuit of Postsecondary Education Scott Frickel, Mathieu Albert, and Barbara Prainsack, eds., Investigating Interdisciplinary Collaboration: Theory and Practice across Disciplines Gordon Hutner and Feisal G. Mohamed, eds., A New Deal for the Humanities: Liberal Arts and the Future of Public Higher Education Adrianna Kezar and Daniel Maxey, eds., Envisioning the Faculty for the Twenty-­ First Century: Moving to a Mission-­Oriented and Learner-­Centered Model Ryan King-­White, ed., Sport and the Neoliberal University: Profit, Politics, and Pedagogy Dana M. Malone, From Single to Serious: Relationships, Gender, and Sexuality on American Evangelical Campuses

Empowering Men of Color on Campus Building Student Community in Higher Education

DERRICK R. BROOMS, JELISA CLARK, AND MATTHEW SMITH

Rutgers University Press New Brunswick, Camden, and Newark, New Jersey, and London

Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data Names: Brooms, Derrick R., author. | Clark, Jelisa, 1987–­author. | Smith, Matthew, 1987–­ author. Title: Empowering men of color on campus : building student community in higher education / Derrick R. Brooms, Jelisa Clark, Matthew Smith. Description: New Brunswick, New Jersey : Rutgers University Press, [2018] | Series: The American campus | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017053399 | ISBN 9780813594767 (hardback) | ISBN 9780813594750 (paperback) | ISBN 9780813594774 (epub) | ISBN 9780813594798 (pdf ) Subjects: LCSH: African American men—­Education (Higher) | Hispanic American men—­Education (Higher) | Minorities—­Education (Higher)—­United States. | Academic achievement—­United States. | Brothers for United Success (Program) | BISAC: EDUCATION / Students & Student Life. | SOCIAL SCIENCE / Ethnic Studies / African American Studies. | SOCIAL SCIENCE / Ethnic Studies / Hispanic American Studies. | PSYCHOLOGY / Ethnopsychology. | SOCIAL SCIENCE / Men’s Studies. | EDUCATION / Higher. | SOCIAL SCIENCE / Gender Studies. Classification: LCC LC2781 .B758 2018 | DDC 378.1/982—­dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017053399 A British Cataloging-­in-­Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. Copyright © 2018 by Derrick R. Brooms, Jelisa Clark, and Matthew Smith All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher. Please contact Rutgers University Press, 106 Somerset Street, New Brunswick, NJ 08901. The only exception to this prohibition is “fair use” as defined by U.S. copyright law. The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—­Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-­1992. www​.rutgersuniversitypress​.org Manufactured in the United States of America

Contents Introduction 1 1

Men of Color in Higher Education

9

2

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College

27

3

Building Community from Cultural Wealth

46

4

Engaging and Empowering Black and Latino Men through Leadership

67

5

(Re)Imagining and (Re)Writing the Narrative

90

6

Supporting Men of Color’s Success Efforts

111

Appendix A: Participants in the Study 127 Appendix B: Data Analysis, Validation, and Conclusion 131 Acknowledgments 139 Notes 143 References 153 Index 169

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Empowering Men of Color on Campus

Introduction All too often, Black and Latino male students transition to college campuses unsure of their plight and how they might succeed. They are caught somewhere within an extensive developmental web of continuing to learn who they are, trying to belong in college, performing well academically, establishing meaningful experiences on campus, developing positive relationships, and earning enough credits to graduate. Across the vast literature on Students of Color1 in higher education, these arenas are the focus of much research. Yet for Men of Color, the challenges they face are manifold, and their opportunities for success are delimited. But what we argue—­in practice, service, teaching, and writing—­is that acknowledging the problems they face, though critical, is not enough. A plethora of research literature and discussions center on underachievement, and some also posit Students of Color as “problems.” While we acknowledge these challenges and discussions, our charge is threefold. First, we share a critical concern for identifying and supporting what works for Youth of Color across the K-20 pipeline. Second, we share a desire for positive youth development, which necessarily includes personal and educational success. And third, we share a belief in the power of community. Individually and collectively, we have served and continue to serve as youth workers, counselors, supporters, advocates, mentors, coaches, kin, and even surrogate parents in some cases to a range of students in general, and young Men of Color more specifically. We believe that how youth think about themselves is connected to the environments they reside in and navigate, the relation­ships they develop and sustain, and the institutions they engage with (or those that engage them). Thus, in many ways, we take a holistic approach to our work to develop relationships with youth based on their strengths and assets. This approach helps deepen our connections with them and 1

2  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

values their cultural wealth—­from their own personhood to their families and to their communities. Within our own educational experiences, we found school to be a space that felt like home; it was a place where our thirst for knowledge was supported and a place where we were challenged academically and uplifted. But we know for many Students of Color, especially Black and Latino males, schools are not always warm and welcoming places. Despite the great potential of schools, they also can be places where students are stereotyped, marginalized, and limited. However, they also can be places where students are uplifted and supported, particularly when we take heed of the unique needs of the students we serve. We developed the current study to investigate many of these critical points for Men of Color in college. Empowering Men of Color on Campus takes a close look at the interiorities of Men of Color at Schomburg University.2 In particular, we specifically talk with and learn from Black and Latino male students about their experiences in college in general, how they think about themselves and their male peers, and their engagement in Brothers for United Success (B4US), a male-­ centered program on campus. Our study presents findings of our qualitative investigation of engagement on campus and how this impacts their relationships, senses of self, and out-­of-­classroom experiences. In developing our study, we wanted to know what factors play a role in helping Black and Latino male students garner educational success and, more important, how participating in B4US might contribute to their successes. Additionally, we wanted to know how the men made meaning from their race and gender identities on campus, including their masculine identity and manhood constructs. The goal of this work is to add to the canon of what we know and what we need to know about our male Students of Color and how we can take specific, intentional actions geared toward enhancing and improving their success efforts and success opportunities on college campuses. Our concerns as researchers, practitioners, and community activists are in supporting youth’s personal development—­academically, socially, personally, and professionally. We see involvement in college and in the community as key tools to engage youth in ways that speak to their holistic selves. Based on our own experiences and work, we know that involvement matters in how students experience college. Involvement also can play a critical role in providing students with opportunities to access and provide support, build relationships, and grow. In fact, students’ involvement on campus can provide them with a supportive environment that can help bolster their persistence, improve their academic performance and engagement, and enhance their resilience. Also, given the context of their involvement, students can be exposed to a variety of individuals with whom they experience and learn to navigate cross-­cultural dialogue, interactions, and associations. Thus for Men of Color, engaging on

Introduction  •  3

campus in male-­centered spaces (like B4US, the Urban Male Initiative, or the Black and Latino Male Initiative programs, to name a few3) allow them opportunities to develop friendships, build their social networks, and explore multiple facets of their identities (such as race and gender). We know our students do not leave their communities, or families, behind when they enter our institutions and college campuses. Similarly, we know they are not finished products or static individuals; they are inquisitive, engaging, simultaneously strong and vulnerable, committed, conscious, reticent, and adventurous. Additionally, even through great challenges and obstacles, they also are believers—­in themselves as well as others, even as they learn to believe. We have a lot to learn from our students, but we have to be willing to engage them in critical conversations from their own situated standpoints. Our students are quite adept at identifying their needs, but the question remains about whether we are willing to listen and activate changes on their behalf. For instance, the recent #BlackOnCampus campaign4—­where Black students and their allies, across multiple colleges and universities, demanded that administrators assume accountability and address and change racial hostility on campus—­provides us with a great learning opportunity. In sum, students want to be engaged, both socially and academically; they demand that they are respected and valued members of the college environment; and they want their voices to matter. To say it plainly, students have declared that they will not be silent about their experiences, and in places like the University of Missouri, Ithaca College, Yale University, University of California at Los Angeles, and Virginia Commonwealth University (to name only a few), they have taken a stand against racism on campus.5 Students have organized rallies, staged walkouts, conducted sit-­ins, used performing arts and spoken word, created lists of wants (and demands), and called for administrative and cultural changes at many institutions. All these actions signal that our college campuses cannot offer rhetoric that is not supported in action. It is much easier to state a concern regarding students’ well-­being than it is to commit oneself, or an institution, to action that helps ensure the quality of their experiences. What we know is that the racial climates, environments, and cultures of U.S. colleges and universities have direct correlations to academic success and how students feel supported—­their sense of belonging (or lack thereof ) and their persistence efforts (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Strayhorn, 2012).6 Thus investigating how students experience college is critical for better understanding their plights, especially those who too often find themselves placed at or relegated to the margins on campus. The changing demographics of wider society will have implications for colleges and universities regarding their organization, function, and investments. Ultimately, these changes and the ongoing demands and needs of our students

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are powerful forces that call for educators, administrators, and stakeholders to position educational institutions to better serve our students.

Why This Book? Despite the litany of challenges educational institutions face—­such as funding, facilities, diversity, and governance—­ education is the single most important function of local government. Given the way that U.S. society is structured, education remains the most effective pathway for social mobility and plays a pivotal role in developing youth to earn gainful employment in our society. However, more than sixty years after the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that segregated schools were inherently unequal, a majority of Students of Color attend schools that are segregated by race and class and lack adequate funding and resources.7 In schools where the student population is considered diverse, there remains a disparity in experiences and outcomes. The inability to effectively educate significant populations within our society speaks to a systematic issue across public education. Improving the educational experience for Men of Color is important for two reasons. First, it grants them their civil right to an equal education. Our society has a moral obligation to provide equitable education to all students. Second, we equip these young men to share in our struggle to change policies and institutions within our society that have proven to be inequitable. Higher education professionals often look at K-12 institutions as failing to adequately prepare students for college. The recent past has shown us clearly that our colleges and universities need to develop new and innovative partnerships with local communities and K-12 schools to help improve student outcomes. These partnerships also can aid students’ preparation, close students’ knowledge gap about higher education, and help students transition to college. As demographics in the United States continue to change, and students arrive on college campuses in various states of preparedness, we must ask ourselves if our colleges and universities can and are willing to educate students they were not created to serve. Black and Latino males face many challenges while navigating their educational experiences, such as poor teacher quality, deteriorating schools, unequal funding, and disproportionate discipline. But despite these challenges, many Black and Latino males successfully navigate the terrain of K-12 schools and find themselves on college campuses. We can learn from these students’ experiences, especially with regard to the support and advocacy that helps engender their success. Empowering Men of Color on Campus highlights the important role that communities play in the lives of Men of Color. The book challenges the idea that Men of Color must leave their communities and assimilate into the college culture. Instead, it centers our attention on the important role that

Introduction  •  5

communities play in student success—­both on campus and beyond. By examining the experiences of Men of Color in a male-­centered program, our book challenges educators and practitioners to affirm the communities students bring with them to college and to cultivate communities on our campuses that will lead to students’ success. Importantly, as will be revealed, many of the young men in this study define their successes by what they accomplish in the classroom and the contributions they make to their communities. Consequently, as we affirm their communities and honor their skills and abilities, we have terrific opportunities to develop men equipped to combat the cyclical inequities in our society. As Frederick Douglass (1855) once claimed, “It is easier to build strong children than to repair broken men.” Of course, a critical question that must be asked is, In what ways do our educational institutions care (or dare) to contribute to the development of young Men of Color? If we have any hope of closing the opportunity gap in the United States, we must address some of the shortcomings of higher education, such as the lack of progress and failure to educate Men of Color successfully. The success of Boys and Men of Color is critical to our college campuses and our society. Too often, the experiences of Men of Color in education are framed around their poor educational and social outcomes. Recently, there has been an unprecedented amount of attention focused on improving the outcomes for boys and Men of Color. We see policies initiated at the local, state, and federal levels, such as Zones of Hope8 in local communities, male-­centered programs in higher education, and My Brother’s Keeper9 initiatives at the state and federal levels in addition to single-­sex classrooms and schools in K-12 environments, and partnerships between community colleges and four-­year institutions. However, many of these interventions often are underresourced and unsustainable, and the educators who lead them are not equipped with the necessary skills and experience to engage young Men of Color effectively. Additionally, and even more troublesome, many of these efforts and initiatives lack strong gender analysis and, as a result, they oftentimes silence, erase, or make invisible the experiences of Girls of Color in similar circumstances. Thus we believe this book comes at a critical time. We can no longer accept institutions that promote the success of Men of Color as a priority but string together underresourced and uninformed initiatives. The need for an informed response rooted in theory and encompassing the voices and lives of the young men we serve is more crucial than ever. Empowering Men of Color on Campus examines an institutionalized response to the challenges Men of Color face. By examining the experiences of students in B4US, educators and practitioners can discover strategies they can use to develop asset-­based programs that can be moved to scale and improve the outcomes for Boys and Men of Color throughout the educational pipeline. The critical theory used to examine the experiences of the men in this

6  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

study emphasizes the need for educators to dare to do things differently. The hope is that by reading this book, taking heed to the research approach, and appreciating the men’s voices and experiences, education stakeholders will be inspired—­or even compelled—­to respond differently and challenge the way we “do” education. As critical race scholar Gloria Ladson-­Billings (2013) has reminded us, stakes are high for students in the twenty-­first century, and this is especially true for Students of Color and their communities.10 We must reimagine institutional values, how we create and facilitate curriculum, how we develop and implement policies, and just as importantly, how we train educators and practitioners for working with these student populations. By shifting the education lens away from individualistic values and toward building community—­and no longer looking at certain communities outside of our institutions as “the problem” but instead as a valuable resource—­we can begin to change a system that was not created with everyone in mind. Said differently, we can make significant shifts in our institutions by placing a high(er) value on all of our students and their success and approaching them from a standpoint of love, care, and concern. Without doubt, how we engage them and develop programs for them would look fundamentally different with these positions as our starting points.

Overview of the Book This book investigates three core issues regarding how Black and Latino males build community on campus. The topic of educational success has been described as elusive for many of these men, and at the same time, it is identified as a necessary endeavor for success in U.S. society. Thus chapter 1 provides a brief overview of Black and Latino males in the educational pipeline. In the first portion of the chapter, we identify a number of challenges that these students face throughout their schooling experiences. This section is intentionally brief for two primary reasons. First, there are a plethora of studies that identify various barriers and obstacles that Black and Latino males face, but providing a lengthy description of these hurdles would take up a considerable amount of space. However, at the same time, it would be irresponsible for us not to acknowledge some of the challenges that these students face. Second, this book is framed using an asset-­based approach. Therefore, we highlight the challenges so that readers can appreciate with an even sharper eye the strength, resilience, and persistence that Black and Latino men develop, enhance, strategize, and deploy as they strive for success. In this chapter, we also provide the outline for and focus of the study and introduce our two major theoretical frameworks: critical race theory (CRT) and community cultural wealth. We blend these two constructs to analyze the students’ experiences

Introduction  •  7

and meaning making and to theorize community as capital. Additionally, we incorporate community cultural wealth throughout the book to explicate the men’s strengths and assets relative to the varying foci of each chapter. Chapter 2 utilizes the first theoretical construct of the study, CRT, which pays particular attention to how the men experience Schomburg University. We explore the men’s experiences through their transitions to college, including their family support and peer connections, and their experiences in the Summer Bridge program. In centering the men’s voices and meaning making, we also explore their understandings and perceptions of themselves as students and their efforts toward success. Chapter 3 pays particular attention to the second theoretical construct of the study, community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005), and the importance of community for students. The chapter includes a discussion of how the students narrate the significance of participating in B4US and how they built and benefited from community. In particular, we pay close attention to how students make meaning of their engagement in B4US and how they believe it matters to their bonding relationships, which we discuss as “brotherhood.” We also examine how their narratives and relationships speak to their identities and personal development. Chapter 4 focuses on the men’s leadership experiences both on and off campus. In discussing their time with B4US, the men weaved in narratives that amplified their own individual needs and how they meshed with B4US and the wider community—­both the campus community and the local communities. The men discussed the reasons they decided to lead, or serve in a leadership role, and how they made meaning from their leadership experiences. Primarily, the men shared that they learned even more about themselves and the community and gained valuable skills through their experiences. They connected their leadership to their sociocultural capital and, at the same time, shed light on their newly developed leadership capital. Chapter 5 explores the men’s stories as powerful critical counternarratives to the denigrating and diminishing dominant narratives of Men of Color in higher education—­which vacillates between the students’ apathy toward education, or oppositional culture, and imposter status on campus. Here we pay attention to the students’ masculine identities and manhood constructs, especially as they are featured in some of the B4US programming efforts (i.e., workshops and retreats). Additionally, the men’s awareness of and resistance to stereotypes and their educational agency were all critical to what they experienced through their engagement. As we demonstrate in this chapter, creating space for Black and Latino men to share their experiences, thoughts, and conceptions as they are committed to their individual and collective successes reveals the meaning and salience of their resistance capital. In these ways, we underscore the role that community—­with students at the

8  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

center—can play in Black and Latino men’s healing, aspirations, resilience, and collective consciousness. Chapter 6 summarizes the book’s findings and considers what it means to effectively engage Men of Color on campus. Reflecting on the concerns and challenges students faced throughout their tenure, we use the chapter to offer suggestions for ways that colleges and universities might ensure success for Men of Color and how programming efforts matter in what students experience. Lastly, we suggest directions for future research on Black and Latino males in the educational pipeline, educational agency, and personal development. We also make suggestions for practice in supporting and empowering students for success.

1

Men of Color in Higher Education The margin is more than a site of depravity . . . it is also the site of radical possibility, a space of resistance. —­bell hooks (1990)

Researchers continue to identify challenges that Men of Color1 face in higher education and continue to seek ways to improve and enhance their experiences. In particular, current efforts focus on access to education, academic performance and retention, and educational outcomes (i.e., graduation; Arbona & Nora, 2007; Cuyjet, 2006; Fry, 2002; Harper & Associates, 2012; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Pérez, 2014; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011; Williams, 2013; Zalaquett, 2006). One of the main areas of need, especially within research and media arenas, is to address the rampant deficit narrative that continues to frame Men of Color as problems that need to be fixed. This narrative accentuates their failures, supposed underperformance, and disengagement and places the onus of responsibility on students without examining the structures, policies, and practices that impact their schooling experiences. But, even more than this, this narrative and its accompanying stereotypes are forms of symbolic violence that accosts Black and Latino males in educational spaces—­and other institutional spaces. In addition to the narratives about Men of Color, their retention and graduation rates have been the subject of much scrutiny. National data reveal 9

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that Black male undergraduates at public four-­year colleges and universities earned 33.0 percent of bachelor’s degrees within six years from the institutions at which they started as freshmen, compared to 48.1 percent of students overall. Additionally, Black men’s college completion rates are lowest among both sexes and all racial groups in U.S. higher education, and Latino men have the second lowest rates (National Center for Education Statistics, 2016). Researchers assert that there is a high correlation between successful matriculation through college and certain student behaviors, such as actively participating in class, engaging in a variety of clubs and activities, and building relationships with faculty, staff, and administrators, to name a few (Brooms & Davis, 2017b; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). Specifically, ethnic student organizations, cultural centers, and student-­centered programs/initiatives provide safe spaces in which students can learn about and express themselves. Additionally, such engagement allows students to harbor and provide support, build relationships, and connect with the college and surrounding community (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Brooms, 2017; Griffin, Nichols, Pérez, & Tuttle 2008; Museus, 2008; Patton, 2006). The cultural wealth and knowledge that Students of Color bring with them to educational spaces are valuable assets for supporting and enhancing their educational experiences (Burciaga, Pérez Huber, & Solórzano, 2010; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998; Yosso, 2005). Empowering Men of Color on Campus argues against deficit framing of Men of Color and instead highlights their strengths and assets. In particular, we focus on the collegiate experiences of thirty-­four Black and Latino males through in-­depth qualitative interviews and ethnographic observations of their engagement activities. We present the men’s experiences through their own narrations, their engagement on campus, and their bonding and peer relation­ships. Empowering Men of Color on Campus critically explores the men’s engagement in Brothers for United Success (B4US), a male-­centered retention program designed for Men of Color on campus.

Black and Latino Men in the Educational Pipeline Now more than ever, the value of higher education is that it often defines the students’ range of access to and mobility within U.S. economic, social, and political spheres (Martinez & Aguirre, 2003; Moore & Lewis, 2014; Palmer, Wood, Dancy, & Strayhorn, 2014). Black and Latino male students continue to be underrepresented in postsecondary institutions (León, 2003; Palmer et al., 2014). A number of scholars continue to identify a plethora of reasons Black and Latino males struggle to access and persist in higher education (Harper & Associates, 2014; Palmer et al., 2014; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). Among other key factors, they have found that Black and Latino male students must contend with include academic preparedness, access to college-­bound

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  11

curriculum, financial aid, access to college information, mentoring and advising, and family commitments and contributions. Thus the pathways for Black and Latino male students to college are filled with a number of barriers that often impede their access to higher education. For instance, in a report titled “Latinos in Higher Education,” Fry’s (2002) findings suggested that Latino youth who were prepared academically to enter college matriculated to less-­ selective institutions compared to peers with similar educational backgrounds and performances. Also, Latinos experienced high levels of alienation and social isolation when they did attend college.2 Researchers note that improving educational outcomes and quality for Men of Color will benefit them, their families and communities, and society writ large (Brooms, 2017; Levin, Belfield, Muennig, & Rouse, 2007; Palmer, Moore, Davis, & Hilton, 2010; Sáenz, Ponjuán, & Figueroa, 2016). Within the educational pipeline, research has shown that Black and Latino males face challenges early in their schooling experiences that hinder their educational progress and compromise their secondary school success (Davis, 2003; Fergus, Noguera, & Martin, 2014; Jackson & Moore, 2006; Toldson, 2008; Valenzuela, 1999). In elementary and secondary education, teachers and school counselors play a significant role in these students’ schooling experiences. All too often, Black and Latino males are faced with lowered academic expectations, are problematized within classroom and school spaces, and encounter greater scrutiny for their actions in school (Davis & Jordan, 1994; Epps, 1995; Fernández, 2002; Howard, 2014; Noguera, 2008; Stanton-­ Salazar, 1997). Additionally, Students of Color are disproportionately cited for discipline and sanctions in schools (Milner, 2013; Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2002). Each of these factors, individually and collectively, impacts how male Youth of Color experience school and their future educational possibilities. Additionally, Black and Latino males’ cultural values and behaviors have been problematized throughout the educational pipeline. For instance, previous researchers noted that Black male students adopted an oppositional culture toward school in K-12 settings, where they resisted academic achievement based on an “acting white” hypothesis that correlated academic success with whiteness. Also, scholars theorized that Black males used a “cool pose” as a coping strategy; this disposition was a gendered performative coping style intended to deflect marginalization and stigmatization.3 Similarly, researchers asserted that Latino education and family culture often impede academic success (e.g., language, family commitments, ethnic identity). Additionally, researchers noted that a lack of financial support and academic preparedness contribute to the challenges Latino males encounter in higher education. These experiences are part of a larger narrative about how many Youth of Color are repositioned and marginalized and face a number of threats in

12  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

schools. Dumas (2014) asserted that “there is no way for black people to have survived education policy and practice in the past several decades and not have lost something” (p. 25). In effect, he argued that indeed, schooling is “a site of Black suffering.” We recognize this suffering and map it to Latino youth as well. In this context, Black and Latino youth, families, and communities struggle to make sense of anti-­Black and anti-­Latino policies, practices, and customs that create additional burdens and challenges that they must endure, negotiate, and resist. Also included here is the continued and ongoing killing of Black and Latino young men—­such as Trayvon Martin (aged seventeen), Hector Morejon (nineteen), Anthony Nunez (eighteen), Tamir Rice (twelve), Jesse Romero (fourteen), Israel Hernandez (eighteen), Mike Brown (nineteen), and Laquan McDonald (seventeen), to name but a few. In schools across the nation, recent stories attest to attacks on Black and Latino lives and humanity: In March 2016, Micah Speed, a Black male student at Wake Forest High School, recounted ongoing racist bullying at school. He reported dealing with racial slurs and derogatory comments for months before an altercation occurred in response to being bullied (Wootson, 2016). In November 2016, a teacher at a Baltimore city school faced disciplinary action after a video of a classroom interaction went viral on social media. The teacher called students “idiots” and asked if they wanted to learn or “be a punk ass . . . who is gonna get shot” (Hauser, 2016). In March 2017, a teacher in Hawaii sent an email to several other teachers noting that he would not teach “illegal immigrants” (Cherry, 2017). During a basketball game in Merriville, Indiana, students from the school hosting the game chanted “build a wall,” “no comprende,” and “speak English” at players and fans of the visiting team, Bishop Noll, which has a significant Latino population (Cuevas, 2016). And in Pittsburgh, a number of students recounted experiences of being attacked physically by Steve Shaulis, a school resource officer. In the most recent attack, Shaulis wrestled Que’Chawn Wade, a fourteen-­year-­old Black male student, to the ground, punched him in the face, and knocked out one of his front teeth (Bever, 2017; Shaw, 2017). These are just some examples of the interpersonal violence and assaults that Youth of Color face in classrooms and schools in the U.S.4 Black and Latino males experience other school-­related challenges as well, especially with regard to how they are evaluated and positioned for educational success. Researchers asserted that they are far more likely to be underrepresented in gifted education programs or advanced placement courses (Ford & Moore, 2013; Jackson & Moore, 2006). Thus, as has been noted previously, the school environment exerts influence on students’ pathways to college. As an example, Cerezo, Lyda, Berisitanos, Enriquez, and Connor (2013) contended that teachers hold a great deal of power in relationships between students, their families, and the school. Given that some Families of Color

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  13

have limited information about the necessary steps to access and succeed in college, students and families depend on school agents to help bridge the gap. Faculty and staff often are recognized as trusted gatekeepers and are tasked with assessing students’ abilities to succeed in college. As the primary source of information about college, they have the power to decide the quality of the information and to whom to provide it. Even further, in some educational settings, Black and Latino males are marginalized, stigmatized, and labeled with behavior and social-­attitudinal problems (Cavazos, Johnson, & Sparrow, 2010; Noguera, 2008) and experience microaggressions in the school context that suggests they do not belong (Hotchkins, 2016; Martinez & Aguirre, 2003). Research also continues to reveal a pattern of overrepresentation of these students in special education classrooms for mental development, specific learning disabilities, behavior disorders, and speech impairments (Perez, Skiba, & Chung, 2008; Watkins & Kurtz, 2001). In the on-­campus experiences of Black and Latino males, researchers continue to detail the racially hostile college climates and unwelcoming environments and the ways that both of these influence how students experience college and their persistence efforts. These barriers are most apparent at predominantly white institutions with small numbers of Students of Color and even smaller numbers of Men of Color.5 Still, there is much to be learned from Men of Color who, despite the challenges, perform well enough to matriculate to college, build strong positive relationships with peers, engage meaningfully on campus, and persist through college. Importantly, focusing on these students offers new insights into the role of cultural wealth in educational experiences and the ways that Men of Color develop and employ alternative modes of cultural capital.6

The Study Empowering Men of Color on Campus: Building Student Community in Higher Education explores Black and Latino male students’ college experiences with a particular focus on their engagement on campus, peer bonding, and personal development. The book addresses the following questions: How do Black and Latino males articulate and make meaning of their engagement in a male-­ centered program in college? How does their engagement impact their interpersonal relationships and peer bonding? How does their engagement matter in their personal development, masculine identities, and manhood constructs? And what do these students learn from their leadership roles and community engagement, and what do these mean for their collegiate experiences? To understand the men’s experiences and learn how they made meaning of them, we used qualitative research techniques to investigate their on-­ campus involvement in B4US. The B4US program focuses on improving

14  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

the educational aspirations, performances, and outcomes of Men of Color at Schomburg University. B4US has just over one hundred active members who benefit from a range of programming efforts that include one-­on-­one and peer mentoring; academic, personal, and professional development; and civic engagement. With a four-­member staff, including the program coordinator, B4US hosts monthly meetings, individual and group meetings and workshops, and retreats in addition to participating in leadership conferences and community service events and activities. Additionally, B4US partners with other organizations on campus, such as Engagement Club, Arts Collective, and Student Business Association. By focusing on persistence and retention, B4US aims to create a college graduating culture, increase educational success for Men of Color, and build partnerships within the community and across other social institutions. The program uses a holistic approach to student success by focusing their efforts on Men of Color. Since its founding almost a decade ago, B4US boasts a 90 percent retention rate and graduation rate. B4US is housed at Schomburg University, an urban, medium-­sized, four-­ year, primarily Hispanic-­serving institution in the Southwest region of the U.S. Latino students account for nearly 60 percent of the student population, while Black and Asian students account for nearly 15 percent and 10 percent, respectively. The school demographics are reflective of the surrounding community, which places students in a unique position to engage in service and work-­related activities that allow them to “give back” to the community as college students. Schomburg University has grown in size over the past decade and has experienced an increase in its Latino student population. In particular, we were interested in how the men’s engagement in B4US impacted their academic and social experiences, social integration on campus, and personal development. In the first phase of the study, we conducted participant observation research where we attended B4US activities, such as a general body meeting and other sociocultural bonding activities, and facilitated a survey of sixty-­five student members. In the second phase, we conducted thirty-­four in-­ depth individual interviews. And finally, we completed data collection with four focus-­group interviews in the third phase. Examining the educational experiences of Men of Color is an important area of research, especially in focusing on their collegiate recruitment, retention, and graduation across multiple disciplines. While recruitment efforts have increased at many colleges and universities, Men of Color’s retention and graduation continue to be areas in need of improvement. Researchers have noted that Men of Color face a number of unique challenges in their educational careers that often impact their presence and inhibit their collegiate success (Cuyjet, 2006; Fry, 2002; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011; Williams, 2013). In addition, men’s race and gender identities are important arenas to explore,

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  15

as they contribute to what and how the men think about themselves and how they experience college. Research studies on Men of Color’s student involvement continue to highlight the positive impact of campus activities on their collegiate experiences (Brooms, 2017; Brooms, Clark, & Smith, 2017; Brooms, Goodman, & Clark, 2015; C. Brown, 2006; Harper, 2006a; Pérez II, 2014). For instance, Brown (2006) suggested that campus involvement and participation creates attachment and a sense of belonging, especially at predominantly white institutions. Similarly, Harper (2006) asserted that participation in a variety of out-­of-­class activities contributes to students’ learning and cognitive gains. More particularly, Harper focused his research on African American males’ leadership and active involvement and identified both practical competencies (i.e., cross-­cultural communication, time management, teamwork, and public speaking) and perks and privileges (i.e., meeting dignitaries, relationships with key administrators, and greater access to various resources and opportunities) that enhanced the students’ college experiences. Thus Harper’s study is important because he argued for the “powerful nexus linking involvement, leadership, gains, and outcomes” (p. 90). Finally, in a study on Black men’s participation in a Black male initiative program, Brooms, Goodman, and Clark (2015) found that engagement increased the students’ sociocultural capital, enhanced their connections to their same-­race peer group, and helped them shatter negative stereotypes about Black men. These studies and others reveal the need for additional research that adds depth to the experiential realities of Men of Color on college campuses. Empowering Men of Color on Campus undertakes a nuanced examination of student experiences, drawing on ethnographic and qualitative interview data to explore the question of how thirty-­four Black and Latino males negotiated college through their engagement in B4US. The centrality of experiential knowledge is the theme of critical race theory (CRT), which guides our narrative approach. We identify the men’s experiential knowledge as recognizing and explaining the utility of B4US’s practices and their cultural ethos as shaping personal and academic efforts. Also, this study is framed in Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth model, which draws on the knowledge that Students of Color bring with them from their homes and communities into the classroom. In Empowering Men of Color on Campus, we reveal how these students, individually and collectively, make meaning of their experiences, think about themselves, connect with other Men of Color, and aspire to success. We argue that despite the oft-­held notion that Black and Latino males don’t care about school—­as in the cultural opposition framework7—­these men are in fact highly desirous of personal, social, and educational success. We introduce the

16  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

concept of educational agency—­the capacity and inclination to take purposeful educational actions—­which is harbored in community cultural wealth and demonstrates how ongoing engagement in B4US enhances student’s efforts and abilities to persist in college. Through our study, we show the ways in which the cultural wealth of the community enhanced the students’ educational agency, which bolstered their academic aspirations, academic and social engagement, and personal development. Through educational agentic actions, we assert that students devise ways of coping and adapting to various educational settings, decipher ways to navigate institutional milieu, and (re)negotiate and (re)construct the environment for better progress. Through educational agency, students improve their odds of persisting in their educational ventures. Thus we examine how educational agency can be developed (and refined) given salient and meaningful immersions, experiences, engagements, and communal connections. Additionally, we place a premium on exploring the men’s masculine identity development and manhood constructs; as a result, we take stock of their intersecting race and gender identities. The title of the book, Empowering Men of Color on Campus: Building Student Community in Higher Education, speaks to three findings or desired outcomes of the study. First, community for many of these Black and Latino men refers to the community cultural wealth they bring with them to college. That is, many of the men are connected to their home communities, which serve as a source of strength and support in their college efforts. Thus examining their experiences through an asset-­based approach is critical in honoring their skills, talents, and aspirations. All too often, Students of Color are encouraged to leave their communities behind or, even more problematically, to understand college as a way to “escape” their families and neighborhoods. The men in our study offer something quite different: their engagement in multiple communities has enhanced their success efforts by serving as a source of pride, motivation, and aspiration. Second, “building student community” on campus reflects the students’ engagement in the B4US program. For many of them, the B4US community is a space in which they can connect and bond with other Men of Color and, just as importantly, explore their identities (both raced and gendered) and possibilities. In many ways, B4US serves as a communal space for these male collegians to learn and expand on what it means to be men—­paying particular attention to alternate masculine constructs. We argue that these men’s manhood constructs can be understood better as “communal masculinity,” where concepts of connectedness, sharing, and collectivity are at the forefront of their consciousness and how they do gender. In particular, through the B4US program, men are engaged in activities and exercises (such as retreats and workshops) that ask them to question their conceptions of manhood and masculinity and critically assess messages presented to them

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  17

about manhood (from family, peers, and media alike) and are presented with alternate models (communal masculinity) that focus on collective efforts as opposed to individualism. And third, the “shared community” incorporates how the men connect with the institution through engagement and leadership and with the local community through service and professional efforts. Here, the men’s other-­ centered work helps crystallize the benefits of community. In engaging with others on campus, through serving in leadership roles and as youth mentors in local schools, the men’s engagement helps them conceptualize community from a much broader perspective. For instance, some of the men see their efforts to engage and persist as necessary to (re)write the narrative about Men of Color, while for other students, serving as leaders is empowering. Connecting to, engaging in, and building community works to heighten their own self-­expectations, academic performances, educational aspirations, and future endeavors. For these men, building community on campus has been transformational—­academically, personally, and relationally. This book thus attends to how building community between and for Black and Latino male collegians both reaffirms and arms them with community cultural wealth that they harbor, develop, and employ in their persistence efforts.

Conceptual Framework In this study, we use CRT and community cultural wealth tools to analyze the perspectives and experiences of Black and Latino males at Schomburg University. In particular, we focus on their experiences in B4US. Recently, CRT has been used as a conceptual lens in a range of educational studies in general, and higher education in particular, which lends credence to its use in our study (Brooms, 2017; Harper, Patton, & Wooden, 2009; Teranishi, Behringer, Grey, & Parker, 2009; Villalpando, 2003). Additionally, CRT helped inform Yosso’s (2005, 2006) conception of community cultural wealth. In particular, Yosso (2005) noted that using a CRT lens permits the researcher to transcend dominant deficit notions of Communities of Color. Additionally, as Tierney (1993) argued, finding more ways to incorporate pluralist possibilities, hope, and connectedness could help education stakeholders improve the college experience. With respect to the purpose of this book, the concept and construction of community are significant steps toward unraveling how the men added to and benefited from their community cultural wealth.

Critical Race Theory: Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality In 1848, Horace Mann declared, “Education then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is a great equalizer of the conditions of men—­the balance wheel of social machinery.” Hundreds of years later, many of us continue to

18  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

see education as the great equalizer, despite the persistent race, class, and gender inequalities visible in schools. But if education is the great equalizer, how do we explain persistent racial inequalities in education and broader society at large? How do we explain that African American students continually report feeling culturally alienated, physically isolated, and silenced on college campuses (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004)? And, more important, what do such experiences mean for their retention and college persistence? Historically, social scientists interested in understanding why education is liberating for some and oppressive for others have used sociological, anthropological, and psychological lenses that explain the inequality as the result of biological differences, family, culture, community, social class, and school culture (Lynn, 2002). What is needed still, however, is a serious analysis of the role of race and racism in educational settings as well as the voices and experiences of Men of Color in these spaces. Racial inequalities are embedded in the fabric of a racialized society; as such, Ladson-­Billings and Tate (1995) argued for the use of CRT in education research to “cast a new gaze on the persistent problems of racism in schooling” (p. 60). CRT, which originated in critical legal studies, has the express intent of understanding how white supremacy and its reverse, subordination of People of Color, has been created and maintained in America (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thoams, 1995). There are several unifying themes of CRT: recognizing the permanence of race and racism (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Dixson & Rousseau, 2005; Solórzano, 1997); challenging dominant ideology surrounding notions of objectivity, meritocracy, colorblindness, race neutrality, and equal opportunity (Crenshaw, 1989; Delgado Bernal, 2002; Delgado & Stefancic, 2011; Solórzano, 1997; Yosso, Parker, Solórzano, & Lynn, 2004); demonstrating a commitment to social justice (Solórzano, 1997); centering the experiential knowledge of People of Color (Ladson-­Billings, 1998; Howard, 2008; Solórzano, 1997; Teranishi et al., 2009); and engaging in transdisciplinary scholarship (Howard, 2008; Yosso et al., 2004). First, our work speaks to these tenets by focusing on these men’s narratives, which challenge the dominant ideology. Second, centering the men’s experiential knowledge reflects our commitment to social justice. Given the men’s identities, race and gender are important lenses through which we understand their experiences. A central tenet of CRT is to acknowledge that race and racism are permanent features of U.S. society and central to understanding how it operates (Bell, 1992; Solórzano, 1997; Dixson & Rousseau, 2005). Race, while a social construct, is rooted in the lived experiences of a group of people with a common history and ancestry (Donnor, 2005; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002a); thus both historical and current social conditions are critical to explaining racial inequality (Donnor, 2005). For instance, Sáenz and Ponjuán (2009) questioned why Latino males are “vanishing” from the educational pipeline and,

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  19

more specifically, how this affects their enrollment in higher education. In unraveling this complex issue, they asserted that some early schooling experiences impact boys’ academic engagement, motivation, and identity development. Even as we write this book, anti-­Black and anti-­Latino policing tactics and practices continue to violate and abuse Black and Latino people and communities.8 Also, misidentifying Youth of Color leads to what Rios (2011) called “labeling hype,” which ultimately serves to criminalize Black and Latino males and affects how they are viewed and treated across social institutions, such as schools and the criminal justice system. These early experiences and labeling converge into social, cultural, and structural pressures that (can) delimit their academic aspirations and outcomes. Valenzuela (1999), for example, employed the term subtractive schooling to argue that the structure and culture of schools can be detrimental to the academic progress of Latino students. In addition to acknowledging the continuing significance and centrality of race and racism, CRT allows us to center the experiential knowledge of Black and Latino male collegians in this study. Primarily, stories used by the dominant group often are intended to justify their power and privilege over other groups and individuals across society (Bonilla-­Silva, 2017; Ladson-­ Billings, 1998). Additionally, stories about the low educational attainment of Students of Color often rely on deficit narratives, which suggest that they are either biologically or culturally deficient (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002a). Similarly, Teranishi, Behringer, Grey, and Parker (2009) asserted the utility of CRT in highlighting the “needs of marginalized populations, which are often overlooked, as opposed to the agenda served by normative frameworks” (p. 59). Our scholarship recognizes these limiting forces and frameworks and is geared toward combating deficit orientations of Men of Color; thus we seek to foreground the college experiences of Black and Latino males in the current study. Using Teranishi and colleagues’ work as a guide and clarion call, we also use CRT to highlight these experiences by “providing thick descriptions of students’ stories related to campus environments and college experiences” (p.  59). Focusing on students’ perspectives, meaning making, and knowledge, we emphasize their voices as experiential and “expert” sources of knowledge. CRT allows space for People of Color to name their own realities through storytelling, and counterstorytelling (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Ladson-­ Billings & Tate, 1995) helps us recognize the resilience of Students of Color (Villenas & Deyhle, 1999) and highlights the various assets and forms of capital they possess (Yosso, 2005, 2006; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). Here we present counterstories and counternarratives, which allow our participants to name their own realities. They tell us stories about their hardships, triumphs, families, friends, and other support systems. But most importantly, they tell us about how these students are making it through college. These counterstories are important for several reasons. First, as Delgado

20  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

(1989) suggested, members of marginalized groups who name their own realities are afforded a mental safe space. Storytelling can help them understand how they became oppressed and, even more important, how they can begin healing. Counterstories have been likened to medicine that can heal the wounds of racial oppression (Ladson-­Billings & Tate, 1995). Second, counterstorytelling has the potential to disrupt “dysconscious racism” (see King, 1991; Ladson-­Billings & Tate, 1995).9 Counterstories challenge the dominant narrative and received wisdoms about things such as meritocracy, neutrality, and the bootstrap work ethic. Third, counterstorytelling allows us to disrupt the deficit narrative surrounding Students of Color. Rather than recounting all the problems associated with them, we can begin to understand how Black and Latino males are able to aspire to college despite the odds and challenges they face, negotiate and navigate the college milieu, garner a range of successes, and persist to graduation. In order to better appreciate their counter­ stories and counternarratives, resilience, persistence, and assets, we also examine the students’ community cultural wealth.

Community Cultural Wealth In this study, we use Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth framework to better understand how Black and Latino male students work collectively and collaboratively to establish a community on campus that nurtures their academic and personal development. Literature regarding the experiences and academic successes of Students of Color has been rooted in the monolithic story that marginalized communities are depraved. Hence these communities are considered culturally and intellectually inferior. More specifically, the men within these communities often are viewed as deviant and uninterested in education. Consequently, academia peddles the idea that in order for students to be successful in college, they need to depart from their communities and assimilate into the college culture. As demographics shift in the United States and more research is conducted on the successful experiences of Students of Color in postsecondary education, the idea of students leaving their communities to cleave to a culture that is rooted in white middle-­class values is problematic. Yosso’s community cultural wealth model provides an effective framework for educators to understand the strengths of marginalized communities. The concept of community cultural wealth is rooted in CRT and expands on Bourdieu’s (1977) theories of social and cultural capital by embracing the knowledge, strengths, and contacts that students from marginalized communities utilize to combat oppression. According to Bourdieu (1986), social capital refers to the ways in which some individuals gain privilege because of their ability to access resources through their social networks. He contended that an individual’s social capital is determined by the size of his or her network

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  21

as well as his or her economic and cultural standing. Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital is important to consider as well. He asserted that dominant social groups are privileged because they possess certain knowledge, dispositions, orientations, goods, and credentials that are valued highly within the context of education. These forms of capital are used often for social and cultural exclusion. Thus Bourdieu asserted that dominant groups maintain their privileged position because of two conditions: (1) their capital accumulation and (2) the lack of capital, especially cultural capital, at the disposal of the general population—­especially People of Color. A plethora of scholars offer critiques of Bourdieu’s theories of capital (Carter, 2003; Lareau & Weininger, 2003; Yosso, 2005; Young, 2004). For instance, Portes’s (2000) findings suggested that when controls are entered (e.g., students’ age and sex, parental socioeconomic status), the effects of social capital on student success drop significantly. The findings revealed that social mobility is influenced largely by the effects of systematic oppression and community solidarity. In addition, Yosso (2005) argued that Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital has been used inappropriately to claim that Students of Color do not have the necessary knowledge, skills, and strengths for social mobility. Although Bourdieu’s theory is used widely, it fails to capture the experiences of Students of Color adequately. In recent years, researchers have proposed alternative approaches to understanding how Students of Color make meaning of their educational experiences (see Kohli & Solórzano, 2012; Quaye & Harper, 2014; Rankin & Reason, 2005). The concept of community cultural wealth offers a strengths-­based approach to examining how students enter, experience, and succeed in postsecondary education. The six-­part model includes the following forms of capital: aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant. Yosso (2005) asserted that these forms of capital “are not mutually exclusive or static, but rather are dynamic processes that build on one another as part of community cultural wealth” (p.  77). Each form of capital is discussed in the following paragraphs relative to the current study. Aspirational capital refers to the “hopes and dreams” that students have in the midst of daunting challenges. Aspirational capital is a critical component for students in marginalized communities (Brooms & Davis, 2017a; Burciaga et al., 2010; Duncan-­Andrade, 2009; Ginwright, 2015; Yosso, 2005). They often face environmental violence, poor nutrition, and oppressive systems that limit the opportunity for development before they enter the K-12 educational system. Once they arrive, students often find themselves in underresourced schools that fail to prepare them adequately for postsecondary education. More specifically, Black and Latino males are bombarded with negative images of Men of Color, which makes it difficult for them to envision themselves being successful in an educational system that does not offer consistent

22  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

positive portrayals of Men of Color. Despite these challenges, students maintain high expectations for their futures. Researchers such as Harper and Associates (2012) have found that high-­achieving Black males’ aspirations for and matriculation to college are due to high expectations from their communities. This type of nonnegotiable expectation to go to college within a community creates a culture where Men of Color’s achievement is normalized. Educators can bolster Black and Latino males’ aspirational capital by maintaining a culture of high expectations, surrounding them with caring and culturally conscious adults, and working with them to set clear goals regarding their academic and professional development. Linguistic capital signifies the various languages and communication skills students bring with them to college. Yosso (2005, 2006) highlighted the value of storytelling in Communities of Color, pointing out that as a result of engaging in storytelling, students can develop skills such as memorization, attention to detail, and rhythm and rhyme. Within the context of education, linguistic capital plays a critical role in identity development, combating racial microaggressions, and motivating students to achieve their goals. Pérez (2014) found that being bilingual affirmed Latino males’ ethnic identity, helped them combat racial microaggressions, and helped them expand networks, which supported other forms of capital. Black and Latino males often come from communities that pit them against one another. Linguistic capital is a powerful tool that can be used to deconstruct the negative messages they receive about one another and motivate them to work together to achieve success. Familial capital includes cultural knowledge that espouses a sense of community well-­being. This form of capital highlights human resources that students can draw from their families and community networks (Archuleta & Perry, 2016; Carey, 2016; Herndon & Hirt, 2004; Kiyama, 2010; Yosso, 2005). Students who arrive on campus with familial capital understand the importance of being actively involved in their communities. The stigma around Black and Latino males expressing emotions often leads them to believe that they are the only ones dealing with challenges. This perception, and internalization, can result in silent departures, where young men leave college campuses without ever sharing their stories of struggle or feeling as if their experiences have not been acknowledged, making it difficult for them to receive the support they need. Familial capital reduces the chances for isolation and allows individuals to connect around common issues and find comfort in knowing they are not alone. For Black and Latino males and other Students of Color, these connections can be liberating, as they allow them to create microcommunities through genuine connections with other men and reimagine their conceptions of self, masculinity, and success. Yosso (2005) refers to social capital as “peers and other social contacts” that students rely on for various forms of support, and they use these support

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  23

networks to navigate social institutions. Strayhorn (2010) found empirical support that Black and Latino male students’ social and cultural capital is related to academic achievement (as measured by grade-­point average) and that the effects persisted, regardless of precollege experiences and preparation. Additionally, he noted that Black male students benefited significantly from their involvement in college activities such as student government and volunteering. Researchers have found support to be a critical element of student experiences in male-­centered initiatives (Brooms, 2017; Brooms et al., 2015; Brooms et al., 2017). For instance, in his study of forty Black males in a Black male initiative program at two different institutions, Brooms (2017) found that students who felt supported by the program specifically identified its culture of caring as critical to their college experiences and personal development. These experiences helped students refine the tools they wanted and needed for academic success and enhanced their sense of belonging on campus. Navigational capital refers to the ability to maneuver social institutions that were created without consideration for Communities of Color. Public education has been fundamentally flawed since its conception in America. Spring (2006) asserted that public education was seen as a tool to solve the moral ills that immigrants brought to America. Public schools were set up as deculturalization centers designed to “Americanize” individuals. The expectation was that if students were going to be successful in school, they would have to assimilate into Euro-­American culture. Therefore, students who come from diverse backgrounds find it difficult to navigate educational institutions successfully and, to some extent, might identify school as a site of suffering (see Dumas, 2014). Navigational capital allows students to use their skills and social networks to navigate educational institutions while still holding on to their identities and cultures. Researchers have found that Men of Color use their diverse social networks to help them understand school systems and build community on campus (Brooms et al., 2017; Luna & Martinez, 2013; Pérez, 2014; Samuelson & Litzler, 2016). These communities provide examples of individuals who have displayed resilience and successfully navigated postsecondary education. According to Yosso (2005), resistance capital refers to the skills gained from challenging inequality. Resistance capital can take on one of two forms: transformational capital or conformist resistance. Resistance capital is transformational capital when it is rooted in the knowledge of structural oppression and inspires people to work toward social and racial justice. Yosso (2005) asserted that Parents of Color often encourage their children to engage in behavior that challenges the status quo. When informed by the structural nature of oppression, these acts of resistance can prepare students to solve some of society’s most pressing issues. However, students who do display righteous indignation for systematic oppression are often penalized within educational settings.

24  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

Black and Latino males who are successful in college often credit transformational capital as being a key to their success (Brooms, 2017; Pérez, 2014). Furthermore, Pérez’s (2014) phenomenological study of twenty-­one Latino college male achievers explored how they employed cultural wealth to enhance their academic and social experiences at two predominantly white institutions. The findings indicated that as students engaged in transformational resistance, it helped them reevaluate success, leading to a definition of a successful person that included being actively engaged in his or her community. Additionally, especially as it relates to the current study, resistance capital can play a role in how Black and Latino males defy how they are stereotyped and denigrated across social institutions and especially schools. Solórzano and Delgado Bernal (2001) asserted that these behaviors—­redefining success, incorporating inclusion, and defying stereotypes—­are forms of transformational resistance because the resistance “refers to student behavior that illustrates both a critique of oppression and a desire for social justice” (p. 319). The community cultural wealth framework highlights the importance of educators who understand the vital links between Students of Color, their communities, and the cultural wealth they possess. Samuelson and Litzler’s (2016) study of Students of Color in an engineering program found that although students used resistance capital as a tool to be successful, the students appeared to align more with conformist resistance, where they are motivated to enact change without critiquing the systems of oppression. This finding is significant because conformist resistance encourages students to adapt to a meritocratic system. This behavior, or attitude, aligns with Duncan-­Andrade’s (2009) concept of “Hokey Hope,” which is the idea that if individuals display a strong work ethic and play by the rules, then everything will work out in their favor. This misplaced hope gives the false impression that there is little need for individuals to participate in the collective struggle for equity. In this study, we show how building and engaging in community are paramount for how Black and Latino men negotiate and navigate their collegiate experiences, develop and enhance their community cultural wealth, work together to achieve collective goals, and develop healthy identities and relationships.

Cultivating Culture, Building Community In exploring the concept of hope, Duncan-­Andrade (2009) emphasized the need for critical hope in our educational endeavors, which can “deliver us from false hope by teaching in ways that connect the moral outrage of young people to the actions that relieve the underserved suffering in their communities” (p. 182). Importantly, as the theoretical models used to frame this study contend, critical hope also demands a committed and active struggle to improve the plight of urban youth in general and Black and Latino males in particular

Men of Color in Higher Education   •  25

in the current study. Critical hope and community cultural wealth emphasize the need to create a campus environment that prompts educators to be aware of the communities their students come from, affirm the communities students build on campus, and work alongside students to thwart systematic oppression. This community is embodied as a space that cultivates hope and healing.10 This book relies on the existing literature that defines community and the concept of school belonging as key areas for unpacking the experiences of Black and Latino male students in a male-­centered program. In her classic study of Black families, Stack (1974) focused on the extensive kin networks that helped Black families develop adaptive, resourceful, and resilience strategies to survive desolate poverty. She asserted that the extensive kin networks were functional and stable and identified cooperation and mutual aid as two critical survival strategies. Undoubtedly, Black and Latino male students benefit from opportunities to engage meaningfully on campus, which also connects to their sense of belonging and persistence (Brooms, 2017; Lozano, 2015). Furthermore, support is a critical component in increasing students’ college satisfaction and their involvement on campus in addition to their persistence efforts. Importantly, building relationships with peers and college personnel deepens students’ sense of belonging on campus and builds their self-­efficacy. In building community, not only does the potential for higher academic achievement increase, but personal development also can be enhanced. We write this book from the spaces of possibilities; these are spaces that we believe in as researchers and practitioners, and these are spaces where we have seen students flourish. When we consider “what works” for supporting Black and Latino males, we know that their identities matter in their college experiences. Thus building community on campus must include elements that affirm who students are and who they can be, where they come from, and to whom they belong. These affirmations can have a healing quality and provide a foundation for developing and deepening bonds. We take heed from previous lessons and incorporate the men’s race and gender identities into our focus because we know from experience and practice that both of these matter—­in addition to other social identities. Davis (1999) declared, “Although considerable attention has been directed toward understanding gender and racial differences in higher education, little of that effort has centered on the intersection of race and gender.” More recently, a number of scholars have given attention to the confluence of race and gender for Black and Latino males, including identity development, gender socialization, masculine performance, and health and wellness (see Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-­Blank, & Tracey, 2008; Brooms et al., 2017; Dancy, 2011, 2012; Davis, 1999, 2012; Ford, 2011; Harris, Palmer, & Struve, 2011; Sáenz & Bukoski, 2014; Sáenz, Bukoski, Lu, & Rodriguez, 2013).

26  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

Previous research shows that peer group influence has a substantial impact on students’ psychological development (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005), identity development (Brooms et al., 2017; Dancy, 2011), academic engagement (Holland, 2011; Rodriguez et al., 2003), and success efforts (Brooms, 2016, 2017; Museus, 2008). In our work, we aim to better appreciate how Black and Latino male collegians make sense of and make meaning from these relationships. Importantly, the male-­to-­male bonding is anchored in the B4US community; through their narratives, the students offer us insight into their desires for bonding with their male peers and the significance of these relationships. Thus we highlight how identity impacts the men’s peer relationships and sense of community. The vast majority of people involved in the discourse concerning Black and Latino males focus on crises and risks, especially with regard to education. The popular narrative is that Black and Latino males are failing or are on the verge of failing, and their “underperformance” is the key contributing factor. We acknowledge that Black and Latino males do have academic struggles, especially in higher education, where many institutions heave Students of Color into the campus waters and chastise them with a “sink or swim” mantra. As we show, the young men whose stories make up the heart of this book are full of potential, equipped with cultural competencies and critical thinking skills that inform their persistence, embody possibilities and educational agency, and continue to resist stereotypes and lowered expectations—­even against the odds. This study provides a qualitative analysis that is important for two critical reasons. First, more research is needed to better understand how Black and Latino males make meaning from their collegiate experiences. This examination takes a close look at Students of Color’s social engagement on campus, personal development, how they relate to and with each other, and how they think about themselves—­primarily through a racialized and gendered lens. Second, this study adds to the canon of what we need to know about Black and Latino males’ engagement on campus. We give primary attention to their engagement in a male-­centered initiative program because students identify their experiences here as critical to their college tenures. In fact, as several of the students attested, B4US “made me the man I am.” This acknowledgment is important to consider, as it reveals how their engagement on campus matters. Accordingly, the theoretical question that emerges from the framework we have elaborated is not simply how identity is centered and resources accessed but rather how community, and being in community, helps empower and engender success for Black and Latino males.

2

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College

National discussion in higher education has shifted from a focus on college access to college success. Only 60 percent of first-­time, full-­time undergraduate students complete their degree in six years. For Black and Latino males, the odds of graduating in six years are even lower; only 35  percent of Black males and 49 percent of Hispanic males graduate within six years of matriculation (U.S. Department of Education, 2016). Many concerned constituents continue to ask how we can improve graduation rates, especially for marginalized students. The students interviewed for this study highlight the transition to college as a crucial period in their educational careers. Early college experiences are a time when students can be primed for success. Our data revealed that students were engaged in a process of self-­learning; they learned how to identify and operationalize resources on campus, and they began to develop identities as successful students. As the students shared their self-­reflections, they gained valuable knowledge and understanding about themselves and also began to identify the skills and behaviors necessary to engender success: motivation, perseverance, and familial support. Students also expressed understanding of how on-­campus resources could serve as influential factors to college success.

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28  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

Learning Self in the Transition to College Many college students, particularly those from marginalized communities, matriculate to college not knowing what to expect (Freeman, 2005; Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996).1 It is during these early college experiences that students engage in a process of self-­discovery and learn many of the skills and abilities necessary to persist in college. Many of the students participating in Brothers for United Success (B4US), in addition to being from racially marginalized groups, contend with the challenges of being first-­generation college students and hailing from low-­income families. The majority of the students participating in B4US are high-­need students; more than 68 percent of B4US students have an estimated family contribution (EFC) to college expenses of less than $2,000.2 The transition to college is a challenge for all students; the challenges for first-­generation college students, however, are especially pronounced. In addition to the anxieties, dislocations, and difficulties that all college students face, first-­generation students must contend with intense social and academic transitions.3 In this section, we discuss how students deal with the traditional challenges posed by the transition to college and demonstrate how these challenges are complicated by their race and class identities and backgrounds. For many B4US participants that we interviewed, their early college experiences were characterized by challenges associated with freedom, autonomy, and responsibility—­challenges that most college students face. Nelson stated, It was really hard at first because I was so used to high school. I like everybody doing everything at once, but in college, it was different because you get more freedom. And you can basically do whatever you want because you’re paying for it. RESEARCHER:  Was having all that freedom hard? NELSON:  Yeah, at first because I felt like I didn’t know what I was doing because I had to do all the homework. And then I realized that I needed to do the homework in order to pass the class. NELSON: 

For Nelson, the level of autonomy he had as a new college student complicated his transition to college. In high school, Nelson was accustomed to a uniform experience for students; however, upon attending college, he realized that gaining freedom to make his own decisions was not without its challenges. Nelson recognized that homework was something he needed to do in order to be successful academically, and no one was going to guide him through every step of what it would take to be a successful college student.4 Similarly, Dennis, in acknowledging the difference between high school and college, offered, “You have more freedom. You have professors—­not constantly checking up

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College   •  29

on you—­[who] expect you to come prepared. I have that about myself, so I would do what I was asked to do. It was a little scary because I thought people were gonna put me down and discourage me. It was really fun and went really well.” Dennis, similar to Nelson, came to realize that the student-­professor relation­ship is very different than the relationship he may have had with teachers in secondary school. Faculty may have implicit expectations about student behaviors and work that students—­particularly first-­generation college students—­may be unaware of. Learning about relationships with and expectations of faculty was a very new experience that students did not have the know-­how to navigate upon transitioning to college. Thus some of the men felt that they were “relearning” how to do school once they arrived to campus. In addition to learning how to gauge and manage faculty relationships and expectations, students also engaged in a learning process about themselves. For example, in discerning his college transition, Kobe reflected, “[College] made me realize how immature I was. Made me grow more mature, especially being around adults. It’s a different environment, especially when you’re a senior and looking down on freshmen in high school. Right now, I have class with thirty-­year-­olds. At first, it was really strange, but now I’m getting used to it. So it’s just a road of maturity for me.” Kobe extends what Nelson offered about maturity in college by acknowledging how the diversity of experiences in college helped him engage in a process of self-­learning. Not only is everyone going (and learning) at their own pace and taking different courses, but there are many students from different walks of life and with different levels of life (and college) experiences. Coming in contact with this range of experiences and this type of diversity compelled Kobe to engage in critical self-­ reflection regarding his own thoughts, presence, and aspirations. This self-­reflection allowed Kobe to recognize his immaturity and motivated him to grow. The men’s self-­learning and self-­reflections were critical to their early college experiences. For instance, several participants discussed learning to balance responsibilities in their transition to college. Quan discussed, “It was . . . it wasn’t too hard, but it was slightly different because when you’re in high school, you don’t have as many responsibilities; you’re still ‘a kid.’ In college, you’re trying to perform well academically, you want to have a social life—­so it’s like a seesaw, trying to balance.” Similarly, Ernesto stated, “I learned that I am responsible for my own actions. I’ve always known that, but if I don’t take responsibility, then it won’t work. And you need to manage your time because if you don’t, then you’ll fall behind.” These men’s narratives highlight some of the challenges that students must negotiate in their college transition. Quan juxtaposed his college needs with the routines of high school and discussed the critical need for students to learn

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to balance their academic and social responsibilities—­both of which can also be paired with family obligations. Similarly, gaining responsibilities in college for Ernesto was situated in his own personal development and connected to his educational agency. Thus, according to these students, transitioning to college was grounded in lessons about time and self-­management as well as balancing work and family commitments. For many college students, classes are not their only responsibility. Furthermore, students are faced with managing social obligations to friends and family members. For nontraditional students, the task of balancing responsibilities can be even more challenging. In addition to these common challenges among a diverse population of college students, some students, as a result of social disadvantages, do not know what lies ahead of them once they are accepted into college. Juan confessed, Well, in high school, I didn’t really care. I just wanted to get to college—­that was the goal; that was it. Once I got to college, I figured I’d figure out what to do. I mean, they offered me a bunch of stuff here, and I really didn’t know what to do or what my career would be, so I just came here for the offer [of admissions]. And I did figure it out that I wanted to be in history, and the reason I wanted to do history is because I wanted to be a storyteller. And I want to be a writer because that just falls in [with history]. I want to be a storyteller; I learned that about myself. I love storytelling, I love good storytelling, I love to be a good storyteller, and I guess I figured that out, in a way, you know.

Juan, similar to many students from marginalized backgrounds, did not know what to expect for college. He knew that it was important to get to college, and in being accepted, he achieved the goal that he had established within his secondary education. However, he had not even gotten as far as establishing his career goals. He conceptualized his transitional period as one where he would discern his future goals (“Once I got to college, I figured I’d figure out what to do”). Upon beginning course work, Juan expressed learning and understanding more things about himself, in particular that he was interested in history and wanted to be a storyteller, and he came to realize how college fit into this goal. Learning about college in this fashion moves beyond idealized notions of educational trajectory, where students know or have insight into their future career plans and goals. For students like Juan, college was a place to “figure out what to do” with his life. Sentiments and approaches such as these place even greater emphasis on the critical roles that institutional agents, programs, and resources play in students’ college careers, how students negotiate and navigate college, and how students persist. For those students who may be unclear about their future goals, engaging in a culturally responsive community may be key in helping them develop and better understand their objectives—­and how to accomplish them as well.

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“I Can’t Fail”: The Role of Family in the Transition to College During the interviews, students weaved in stories about the role that their families played in their transition to college. An important construct for students’ transition and integration to college is developing a sense of belonging, which is centered on a feeling of cohesion within a university, city, or community and is related to how students—­especially Students of Color—­may develop a sense of membership or mattering in the university. Critical to students’ transition to college are the communities that they are engaged with and connected to—­both on and off campus.5 In fact, as research suggests, family can play a vital role in providing emotional, academic, and financial support to students in college.6 Not only do families help shape students’ identities as indomitable, as discussed previously, but the families of students in our study support these men in myriad ways and provide motivation to succeed. For Kendrick, his family’s material contribution to his college education motivated him to perform well and persist in college: “Honestly . . . my parents are providing me with school and my housing. So that’s my motivation; I can’t fail. There’s people who have to work all the time or work full time. There’s a lot of people who don’t have the same privileges as me. From the view of my parents, you can graduate. I have no choice but to graduate.” Kendrick recognized the hard work and the sacrifice of his family and the privileges these afforded him in his college efforts. In being thankful for his family supporting him through college, Kendrick viewed college success as the only way to pay them back. Additionally, his college success was an expectation that his parents placed on him given the material support they provided. In other cases, families developed a college-­going culture, and students wanted to live up to their parents’ (or family’s) expectations. For Larry, the transition to college was stressful because he wanted to live up to his parents’ expectations. He described his transition to college in the following way: Scary! I felt prepared because my parents had, from a very young age . . . instilled college in me. I remember as a child people thinking, “Oh, I don’t know how I’m going to get to college.” I didn’t think that; I knew I had to put in work, but the transition [to college] was scary because I didn’t want to let anyone down. My father had went to some community college; my mother had went to community college, and later she got her bachelor’s—­maybe in her thirties. A few years later, she got her master’s. That gave me, “Oh, I can’t let my mom beat me!” So I had to do good. So the transition was very challenging because I didn’t want to let people down. I know that my father is looking down on me and I know my mother, she’s paying a lot of money. I know I felt a lot of pressure, but there was a sense of purpose at the same time.

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For a number of men in our study, their family backgrounds played a pivotal role in how they thought about college, and it informed their focus in transitioning to college as well. For those men, like Larry, whose parents and families established a college-­going ethos, they felt a sense of purpose about attending and graduating from college, and they felt motivated especially in transitioning to college and their early college efforts. As he shared in his narrative, Larry was sure of his ability to get to college—­which distinguished his pathway from some of his peers who were unsure (or less clear)—­because of his family life and socialization. Once enrolled, however, Larry expressed a clear understanding that he would have to work hard to live up to the expectations placed upon him. Larry described his college-­level effort as “putting in work” to denote the attention to detail, thoroughness, and consistency needed in order to matriculate successfully in college. Despite his self-­confidence about his abilities, he “felt a lot of pressure” to succeed because he did not want to let his parents down. And finally, even as he worked to find his own way in college, Larry expressed a sense of purpose for his college efforts, which were inspired and motivated by his parents.

Summer Bridge Program: School Support Services Students’ self-­identities and familial support were not the only factors that aided in a smooth transition to college. Many students discussed the ways in which college resources and services were invaluable to them as they learned to become college students. Here, we give specific attention to students’ Summer Bridge experiences. Almost a third of the students in this study participated in the Summer Bridge program, which is a student success program intended to aid students in their transition to Schomburg. Additionally, the program provides students with opportunities to take classes during the summer prior to the start of their first year in college. Some students are referred to the program as part of their admission to the university. In these instances, students take math or English classes in an effort to increase their abilities and performances based on some of their previous academic work (such as high school grades, ACT scores, and/or placement exam scores). Other students take courses at their own will, but they can choose only from offered classes. Thus students’ interest in classes must match with course offerings. Schomburg University offers a range of classes, but most classes focus on subjects identified as critical to college success: math, writing, and English. These classes, and the skills and content that students learn in them, also are important because they connect across the curriculum and can provide students with a strong foundation to perform in higher-­level courses. In specifically reflecting on their experiences in the Summer Bridge program, the students highlighted manifold opportunities, including their own

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growth and maturity. For instance, Kendrick relayed how he moved from considering the summer program as a forced option that “wasted” his time to seeing it as an opportunity to grow and sharpen his academic skills: Summer Bridge was great. Initially, when I first came to Schomburg University for new student orientation . . . I felt like it was forced. I didn’t really like that. But in the end, I had to take remedial classes over the summer, and it was free. But it was my choice, and that was really important for me. I really improved my writing . . . over that summer, I was in the library trying to improve the writing. Summer Bridge taught me how to take advantage of the resources on campus. It really does help; that’s like an hour of studying that most people won’t do. RESEARCHER:  For Summer Bridge, what did you take away from that experience? KENDRICK:  If I was talking to someone and they were asking, “Should I go to Summer Bridge?” I would definitely say yes. It was free; that saved me a lot. And it didn’t put me behind. What I got from Summer Bridge, I made a connection with my English professor; I have him for a class now. I got to know the campus. It was nice to know the people where I was going to go to school at, even over summer. It’s definitely a different vibe during the summer. It’s nice to get that empty vibe and that school vibe. KENDRICK: 

As their narratives attest, students’ educational agency is intact and activated prior to their arrival on campus. One area of possibility is for colleges and programs to position themselves with students to help them learn to leverage the assets and capital they are armed with already. Kendrick recounted positive associations and connections in his Summer Bridge program. Importantly, he asserted his agency by participating in Summer Bridge through his own desire. As he reflected on specific in-­class experiences, Kendrick considered some of the challenges he faced and the ways that he benefitted from them. He offered, “There were challenges. I got a C on that first paper, and that hurt. The grades don’t really count—­well, that’s what people say—­but I found that not to be true. I found that every professor was like, they care. I thought, coming from high school, teachers are not going to care about you. You still have to go to class; you still have to show up. The transition was pretty smooth, but there were still obstacles I had to face. I think if I would’ve taken that summer off, [the transition] would’ve been difficult.” As students attested, even though they faced obstacles—­some personal and others academic—­the benefits of participating in the Summer Bridge program were significant. Additionally, students’ in-­class experiences provided important learning opportunities about the level of rigor, attention to detail, and effort needed to perform well in some of their college classes. Kendrick

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identified rather specific and tangible benefits of participating in the summer program (“I really improved my writing”) and discussed how he developed and sharpened his writing through significant efforts (“I was in the library”). Importantly, although he experienced “hurt” from the C he received on his first paper, he showed great resolve by working to hone his academic skills so that the time spent in the library was dedicated to improving his writing. Thus Kendrick’s experiences, growth, and learning made an indelible impression on the utility of the program that he felt should be expressed to others. Many of the students appreciated opportunities for learning and, just as importantly, building relationships with faculty and staff during the summer program. These relationships are important components of students’ social capital that builds on and helps reinforce their aspirations and persistence. Being able to connect with caring professors alleviated some of the presumed tension that students thought they would experience and helped make the transition “pretty smooth.” Other students also discussed their experiences in the Summer Bridge program. Damien, who took a math course during the summer program, reflected, It was really long, stressful days. I just had one class, but it felt like an eternity. It was beneficial though. You got to experience college life before others do, you got to study for midterm, you got to interact with professors—­getting a head start on financial issues if anything is missing. Just getting to know campus was really huge. I didn’t realize how beneficial the campus really is with student services, the financial aid office, even with the career center. RESEARCHER:  What made you decide to do Summer Bridge? DAMIEN:  Mostly that it was free, a lot of students were in it, and I didn’t want to fall behind in class. I might as well take it in the summer as opposed to the fall. It wasn’t any money. It was a head start for a lot of people. If people didn’t go to Summer Bridge, they would’ve dropped out. I didn’t know which forms I needed for financial aid until I was actually here—­like the verification forms. It was, overall, a good experience. RESEARCHER:  For Summer Bridge, what did you take away from that experience? DAMIEN:  I didn’t really like the Friday sessions; I felt like half of them were pretty useless. I mostly learned how to network with a lot of people. You get the benefit of just learning how to learn, in a way. You get to meet with your advisors, choose the right classes, [learn] what you really want to do, even though you have two more years to find that out. Learning if this is the right campus for you—­it was just a lot of small, simple things. DAMIEN: 

For Damien, although he considered the time period as “long” during the Summer Bridge program, he was quick to reflect on the positive aspects of

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College   •  35

the program and his experience. In particular, he appreciated the opportunity to gain college credit during the summer and learn even more about the college. For some students, the choice between taking a course and engaging in social activities during the summer before their college career starts can be daunting—­and unattractive. However, students like Damien and Kendrick evinced their educational agency by trying to align themselves with opportunities to prepare and work toward college success from their earliest days on campus. In fact, there is an appeal to “experiencing college life” before the traditional rush during the fall so that students can transition a bit smoother. Being on campus early allows students to learn about different support services, which can enhance their navigational capital early in their college careers. Additionally, they can garner important social capital by “learning how to network with a lot of people” and “meeting with [their] advisors”; these early points of contact can help students establish strong relationships and position them to receive targeted advice and feedback very early in their college years. Additionally, the summer program allows students to get firsthand experience in important aspects of college life, such as “learning how to learn,” that often differentiates secondary school from college academic efforts and performances. For instance, many Men of Color experience academic and social difficulties in their transition to college given their lack of academic preparation and low levels of self-­efficacy.7 All of these are important points of contact that can help students appreciate and understand how student services can contribute positively to their college experiences. As opposed to trying to navigate college from an individual standpoint, students can gain greater clarity on how to access services and resources on campus. As a result of these points of contact, connections to various campus services and resources, and meeting with different institutional agents (e.g., advisors or faculty), students can gain a better conception of “what [they] really want to do” during their college years—­and possibly beyond. These “small, simple things” can play a significant role in students’ successful transition and matriculation through college.

“I Had a Great Supporting Cast”: Peer Connections, Support, and B4US In addition to the benefits that students attributed to student support services and participating in Summer Bridge, they also discussed the peer connections that they made early in their college careers. Students identified these relationships as important connections that helped support their academic efforts and personal growth. For instance, as he reflected on his summer program experience, Dennis paid particular homage to the friendships that he made. He stated, “Well, I mean . . . I took away a lot of friendships and a lot

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of connections. Once I got [to the academic year], I knew a lot of people. We encouraged each other. Even though [summer classes] were remedial, they were pretty difficult, so we encouraged each other. And people won’t put you down whatsoever. ’Cause I thought people were . . . people in college would put you down. But when I got here, I didn’t experience that.” Other students discussed the importance of being open-­minded and connecting with students across racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds during their transition to college. Wyatt shared, “I guess before I went to college—­like, high school teaches you to be not so open-­minded. . . . In high school, you’re with like your own group and stuff, so you really don’t get to explore other cultures or other religions. But once you get to college, it’s like an open window . . . I went from being close-­minded to being like, ‘Oh my gosh, so many cool things!’ Like, I want to learn about other cultures.” Students’ willingness to move beyond their own social and cultural groups provides great opportunities for learning and personal development. As the students attested, being “open” to individuals from diverse backgrounds could help them move beyond preconceived conceptions of others—­and themselves. In addition to connecting with peers across various backgrounds and identities, students also expressed an appreciation for connecting with B4US during their transition to college. In particular, we share two student comments here that highlight how B4US served as a critical transitional agent in welcoming them to the campus. Luis and Kobe’s comments speak to how students benefited from their early connections to B4US. In reflecting on his early college experiences, Luis offered, “I had a great supporting cast. I’ve had advisors that have really put me on the right path. My TRiO program and B4US has made everything a lot smoother. They’ve given me a lot of skills to make it through. A lot of it is B4US; they’ve given me a sense of purpose. They’ve given me my why. I know I want to help people, and B4US has helped me with that. I know I want to be an administrator; that’s my career goal.” Similarly, Kobe spoke to his B4US connections; he acknowledged the following: My motivation to succeed is fueled by B4US; they really inspire me, actually. Another motivation is my group of friends; one is at South Rancho College and the other is at Caperton University; we all want to get good grades. Another motivation is my grandmother because I always want to make her proud. RESEARCHER:  How does B4US motivate you? KOBE:  They motivate me by . . . they’re always encouraging me to get good grades and pay attention in class. And, like I said, I never really had that; I never had that motivation. KOBE: 

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A final comment by Pedro adds even more depth to how the men felt they benefitted from their early connection to B4US. He shared, “The volunteers in B4US really help me out in terms of keeping my mind-­set toward the goal of succeeding in college and going even further to get that degree and get my master’s or doctorate. And [going to graduate school] might not be a year after I graduate from college, but it will be soon. And so that’s my mind-­set, and I’m glad that B4US and the brotherhood is here, and some of the brothers on campus have been very helpful and getting me to that path.” According to the students, engaging with B4US during their transition to college helped make “everything a lot smoother.” Research continues to reveal the vital role that social networks play in helping Men of Color navigate campus and pursue educational success.8 In particular, the men pointed to accessing resources, connecting with peers, and feeling motivated to succeed. In each of these ways, B4US was a vital resource in the men’s early college experiences and allowed them to build on their social and cultural capital. Regarding social capital, the men were connected with B4US members and other institutional agents in learning about campus life, networking, and some of the available resources on campus. The men enhanced their cultural capital in the shared experiences they had with other B4US members to help better discern how they could navigate college. Even further, the men highlighted their cultural capital as gaining a “sense of purpose” and fueling their “motivation to succeed.” In developing and enhancing their sense of purpose, B4US helped strengthened the men’s resilience and persistence. As Luis acknowledged, B4US gave him skills “to make it through” college and provided him with opportunities to help others. Similarly, Kobe contended that he felt inspired by B4US, his friends, and his family. Thus the community he developed in B4US connected well with his developmental needs and was important in supporting his educational goals. As noted by Kobe and Pedro, the constant encouragement that the men received from B4US increased their educational agency. For Pedro, B4US helped ground his mental fortitude to succeed in college and beyond. He fashioned post­graduation plans early in his college career and identified pursuing a graduate degree as a new goal.

Striving for Success In the previous sections, we highlighted a number of the students’ pathways and transitions to college, the support they received along the way and in their early college tenure, and their experiences in the Summer Bridge program. Each of these elements provided important insights into how students made sense of their experiences, the support they received, and how they developed

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and enhanced various forms of capital. In this section, we highlight students’ voices as they share their desires for educational success. Primarily, students make meaning from and make sense of their academic and personal motivation. Thus a key to success for many Students of Color lies in the nonacademic characteristics and assets that they bring to college with them. In discussing their efforts for success, we highlight two major themes: (1) students’ perseverance and willpower and (2) students’ aspirations and motivations.

“I Do Have That Sense of Willpower and Determination”: Perseverance and the Willpower to Succeed In addition to and perhaps in the process of learning the new rules and culture of higher education, several students recognized their will to succeed and what this would mean for their college experiences. Jose stated, “I would have to say the good things that I’ve learned about myself [are] that I do have that sense of willpower and determination. It is not easy, and people really do crumble under a lot of stress. And to know that I can really carry it around and, you know, it’s not about getting hit but how you can get hit and keep moving forward—­and it sucked. [You need] determination to succeed, and that’s definitely something good I’ve discovered about myself.” Jose understands college as stressful and arduous and recognizes that for many people, the stress can be unbearable; however, he tried to rise above these challenges through his willpower and determination to succeed. Juan, in recognizing a similar willpower and determination, used the word grit to discuss his ability to persevere: “I guess I have something called grit. I just feel like if there’s something, then I have to do it—­like there’s no other option. And when I put my mind to something, it never fails me, assuming I actually want it, you know? I’m strong willed I guess.” Juan conceived of failure as an outcome that was not an option for him. Even further, his determination fueled his self-­ efficacy and psychological approach to success; in particular, he insisted that when he puts his mind to a task, he is poised to succeed. The men’s determination to succeed and garner positive outcomes was evident in the academic and social coping strategies that they engaged during their college years. Some of the men developed and participated in small study groups. In these groups, they shared thoughts, understandings, and strategies regarding course content and held each other accountable in completing assignments. Still, Juan’s point about grit is important to note. A number of research studies identify psychological determinants of student success in college by situating students’ outcomes (e.g., retention, grades) as a function of both cognitive traits (e.g., what students think) and behavioral actions (e.g., what students do).9 In addition to psychological factors, some scholars have focused on grit as an important component of students’ educational achievement. According to researchers, grit refers to students’ ability to commit significant energy

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College   •  39

to sticking to long-­term goals.10 For instance, Strayhorn (2014) found that “grittier Black males earned higher grades in college than their less gritty same-­race male peers.”11 Still, even with these findings and others, we know that grit alone cannot be the measuring stick for students’ academic achievements and outcomes. Focusing only on grit places the onus of responsibility on students for their achievement and does not at all address some of the structural barriers, obstacles, challenges, and inequities inherent in our educational institutions. In fact, Ladson-­Billings (2006) argued for the need to reconceptualize the achievement gap as the “education debt” to denote the historical educational inequities for marginalized populations in the U.S.12 Thus, as the men share, and as we argue, Students of Color must continue to develop and engage in collective efforts that help them reach their educational goals and aspirations. We move beyond grit and focus more on the men’s resilience and community cultural wealth. As opposed to isolating their experiences or leaving students to work in silos, students’ collective efforts can be a powerful form of cultural capital that helps them garner greater levels of educational and personal success. And just as importantly, these collective efforts help them build and improve their communities. In an effort to appreciate the men’s college engagement, we discussed their self-­perceptions and meaning making at different points during our data collection. How the men thought about themselves, individually and collectively, was important to how we structured the study, as we wanted to understand the students’ engagement in and building of community and their self-­and collective consciousness (and knowledges). Rolo confessed to learning many things about himself, and in learning these things, he engaged in a process of change and discovered his willpower to succeed: I wasn’t open-­minded. I was an introvert; I was kinda pessimistic. And I learned that I could overcome all that. I learned that I could overcome all the . . . all the, what is it called, flaws? Yeah, now I[’ve] learned that I’m . . . convivial, positive, and very dedicated and diligent. RESEARCHER:  How did you learn to overcome those things? ROLO:  I put myself out there . . . because I overcame it, now I’m not any of those things. Now any obstacle I have, I can overcome it, if you put your mind to it. Also, I believe that you can accomplish anything you put your mind to—­if you see it, believe it. It’ll come. ROLO: 

Rolo came to understand his so-­called flaws and realized that these things (i.e., being an introvert and pessimistic) posed a challenge to his success in college. Furthermore, he learned that these were not the sum of his personality and that he could also be “convivial, positive, and very dedicated and diligent” with a bit of hard work and determination. Rolo’s critical self-­reflections and

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self-­assessments allowed him to enhance his self-­awareness, and through his B4US engagement on campus and a range of experiences, he shifted to an asset-­ based perspective of himself. The great majority of men in our study developed, or were in the process of developing, healthy self-­conceptions—­about themselves, about their value, and about their worth. Also, the men’s self-­ conceptions were connected to their educational agency and the ways in which they felt agentic in achieving their educational goals. The men looked into their own lives through self-­reflection of their lived experiences and narrated testimonies of their capabilities.

“College Means a Lot to Me”: Aspirations and Motivations for Success As mentioned previously, many of the men entered college determined to achieve success during their tenures—­from year to year and through their degree attainment as well. In considering their early college experiences, the men also shared their aspirations. Here, they centralized their family and family histories in how they narrated their strivings toward success. For instance, Eddie commented, My motivation to succeed academically is much higher now than it was before. It’s much, much higher because I want to succeed and I want to do much better. I created a vision for me to reach my goals, and one of those is [academic success]. Like I said, just because you get accepted doesn’t mean that you will graduate [from college]. My grandparents didn’t have that opportunity, and for my younger brother, I want to show him an example of what he can be. And plus, I wanted to, you know, step outside of that statistic. It seems like in many African American communities, we lead in a lot of areas, and I wanted to lead in this one.

A number of men expressed a high level of motivation to achieve their educational goals. For instance, Eddie expressed a high level of motivation that was combined with a desire to perform even better academically. His family members—­grandparents and younger siblings in particular—­played a vital role in helping shape his educational goals. Eddie, like a number of men, desired to honor his elders and ancestors with his academic performances and degree attainment. Additionally, he wanted to inspire his younger brother and use his performances as an example of possibilities for his family members. Finally, his educational attainment was important for his family and community writ large. In particular, his desire to “step outside of that [negative or noncompletion] statistic” revealed his resilience and resistance. As opposed to succumbing to stereotypes or narratives levied against him, he believed that his educational efforts and personal growth could resist deficit framings

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College   •  41

about his life and his family’s lives as well (we discuss the men’s educational attainment and resistance capital in greater detail in chapter 5).13 Other students also centered their families in their efforts to achieve. For Deion, his educational efforts were driven and increased by his family’s struggles. His comments add nuance to the men’s familial capital and speak to his commitment to improving his family’s experiences—­and their futures. He stated, “I want to say my family. Since I see their daily struggle, I’m like, ‘Nah, just give me a few years, y’alla stop doing that.’ So that’s been motivating me—­to get my family out the hood. Get my bachelor’s and start working in my career field; start making it out.” The men saw their college performances and degree attainment not as an individual achievement but rather as collective efforts that reflected their community cultural wealth. For Deion, he expressed his educational achievements as a mechanism that could improve the social mobility of his family. For several participants, their determination to succeed was rooted in their connections to family and community. Phillipe, in reflecting on his ambitions, recognized his own self-­determination and also acknowledged the role his family played in his motivation for success. He specifically related his determination and motivation to his parents and the dynamics of their lives: I want to say self-­determination. Also, I want to say my parents’ life influences. I can tell you that my parents didn’t actually go to school. My dad grew up on a farm; I don’t know the story of my mom. My dad, even though he didn’t go to school, he knows how to speak and write Spanish and he knows how to speak and write English. He was self-­taught. He came to this country, and he actually fought and struggled to provide for us—­to provide food, to provide a house, and to take care of us. So yeah, my father is a pretty motivational person that figures in my life. Yeah, my mom also supports me too; she was like that person in the background that said, “Hey, if you don’t go to school, then I’ll hit you.”

As a first-­generation college student, like the majority of the men in this study, Phillipe extracted both familial and aspirational capital from his parents’ lives. In particular, seeing how hard his family worked taught him the importance of a college education. He discerned valuable and powerful lessons from his parents’ lives and inscribed them into his own self-­determination. His father’s life experiences taught him self-­reliance and self-­determination, and he also learned some benefits of self-­education. His father’s life experiences revealed important manhood constructs that Phillipe could incorporate in his own life (e.g., perseverance and serving as the provider) and helped him develop a “no-­ excuses” mentality regarding his college efforts. The men’s narratives challenge popular discourse that Black and Latino students and their families don’t care

42  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

about education, provide nuance to familial capital, and also showcase their resistance and resilience. Although the overwhelming majority of men identified their families as supportive of their educational efforts, a few students shared that they were unsure how and to what extent their families provided support. For instance, Terrence explained, Oh, overall, [I’m] self-­supported. Like I said, my parents couldn’t go to college. Sometimes I ask do they really care if I go to college; I know my mother cares. But I know they don’t really know how to show it. At Schomburg, I have my own support system; they support me greater than my family supports me. It’s a bigger picture, and you’re doing it for more than just yourself. My older brother, he passed away from an illness when he was a teenager. He wanted to go to college and play basketball. I know that motivates me sometimes. That goes to my older sisters and my mom and my dad—­they did get that a chance to go to college or they chose not to. So [I want] to be that first one [to graduate] and become successful in corporate America and things like that.

Some of the men discussed supporting their own college attendance and attainment efforts. For these students, many had jobs off campus, which impacted their levels of participation on campus—­such as in B4US and in other organizations and opportunities. Terrence shared his concern regarding his family’s support. Still, he considered their own modes of expression as possibly limiting how they engaged him in conversations about his schooling efforts. From their families, the men made a number of meanings for their college tenures and achievements and drew on others’ experiences for inspiration as well. Some students, like Terrence, saw college as a unique opportunity to craft a new educational narrative about and for his family. A few of the men struggled to name what motivated them during their college years. Some of their struggles also reaffirm their interests in B4US, as they saw their connections to the organization as a way to be in community with others for external support. Mo acknowledged his need for drive and determination as he shared his thoughts about his current college efforts: “I don’t know, right now I’m kinda like, urghhh. Right now, I need a little kick in the butt. I have one professor I really, really want to impress. I guess I want to say getting into grad school [is my goal] ’cause . . . I can’t really do anything with [only a bachelor’s degree]. I mean, I can, but it’s grad school [that will make the difference]. And I want to go back east. And I have to keep telling myself [to stay motivated].” In his reflection, Mo initially expressed a lack of clarity about his motivation and then quickly followed up by stating the concern he held for himself and his efforts. His point about needing “a kick in the butt” referred to

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College   •  43

a need for him to raise his level of academic performance. How students are and feel supported are critical to their college persistence. Mo’s concerns also amplify the benefits of peer relationships and building community on campus. Research continues to reveal the need for enhancing the academic climate for Men of Color in college and how peers can play a vital role in supporting how students negotiate and navigate the collegiate milieu.14

Community Cultural Wealth In this chapter, we get a glimpse of the men’s community cultural wealth as they discuss why they aspired to attend college and their early college experiences. As mentioned previously, the various forms of capital are highly interactive and build on one another. Thus our purpose here, and in subsequent chapters, is to detail how the men’s community cultural wealth exhibited their educational agency and helped empower them, their efforts, and their communities. By examining their early college experiences, specifically their transition to college and experiences in the Summer Bridge program, we identify a number of critical factors that impact students—­such as the men’s ambitions and self-­learning, family support, and motivation. Viewing each of these through a community cultural wealth framework, we connect this chapter’s findings to three forms of capital: aspirational, familial, and navigational.

Aspirational Capital The men in this study, as they conveyed throughout the narratives in this chapter, held and maintained high aspirations for themselves, which included going to college. The men saw attending college as a way to contribute to their families and as a means to meet family expectations. Thus a component of the men’s aspirational capital was supported and bolstered by their families and their familial capital. Yosso (2005) used aspirational capital to refer to the ways in which Students of Color maintain their personal, academic, and professional goals in the face of real or perceived barriers. The students’ transition to college was situated within their family histories, personal efforts and abilities, and drive and determination. The support the men received from their families helped instill a sense of responsibility and motivation for them to aspire to and succeed in college. Additionally, some of the men’s family histories (e.g., struggles and sacrifices) bolstered their motivation and self-­expectations as well (see Carey, 2016; Easley, Bianco, & Leech, 2012; Freeman, 2005; Herndon & Hirt, 2004; Yosso, 2006). Familial Capital A key component of students’ motivation to attend college is related to both individual and collective concerns. As discussed throughout this chapter, the

44  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

men’s families played a critical role in bolstering and supporting their educational goals and aspirations and their transitions to college. Yosso (2005) used familial capital to refer to the cultural knowledge nurtured within the family that carries “a sense of community, history, memory and cultural intuition” (p. 79). The great majority of men relied on, and benefitted from, strong family support for their college aspirations and transitions. They carried their family histories and community commitments with them to the university, which informed their aspirations, enhanced their motivations, and strengthened their resilience and resistance efforts. For some men, their families’ college attendance and degree completion served as key forms of social modeling; for others, their family histories helped strengthen their drive for success. In both ways, the men translated their family histories, efforts, and achievements as capital that they could lean on, learn from, and build on. Overwhelmingly, the men expressed family support—­from encouragement to material support to expectations—­as critical to their own orientation toward college.15

Navigational Capital In addition to their aspirational and familial capital, the men’s experiences also reflect their navigational capital. Navigational capital refers to students’ abilities to navigate social institutions successfully—­especially organizations that do not acknowledge or attend to the needs of marginalized communities (Yosso, 2005). Our use of navigational capital reflects the students’ early college efforts as they learned how to “be” college students. The men gained and sharpened their navigational capital in two fundamental ways: participating in the Summer Bridge program and connecting with peers and B4US members. In particular, in acknowledging some of the benefits of participating in the Summer Bridge program, the men expressed gratitude for garnering firsthand classroom and social experiences on campus prior to the start of the academic year. They were able to interact with faculty members in their summer courses, gained insights into how courses could be organized and the academic responsibilities they would have, and met and connected with peers on campus. Each of these venues helped the students’ college transition be a bit smoother and helped them learn how to access various resources to navigate the college. Some of the men’s early experiences reveal the effort required to matriculate successfully. Additionally, being on campus early—­specifically for Summer Bridge—­provided students with academic-­orienting experiences that helped them learn more about college life and academic expectations.

Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality in the Transition to College   •  45

Conclusion In this chapter, the men shared narratives about their early college experiences, when they began to realize and expand their educational agency and utilize the resources they had at hand. Their stories suggest that aspirational, familial, and navigational capital all are crucial during the transition to college. Students indicated that they felt supported and nurtured in the pursuit of their individual goals by their families and peers (aspirational capital). Families provided verbal, emotional, and financial support to students. Familial capital gave students a sense of agency and purpose in their college pursuits. When students acknowledged their families’ sacrifices and expectations, they were inspired to “double down” and do what it took to persist to graduate. Therefore, it is paramount that educators draw from the funds of knowledge—­the “historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge and skills essential for household or individual functioning and well-­being” (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992, p.  133)—­in students’ families and incorporate familial pedagogies into policies, programs, and practices aimed at college-­going students. Navigational capital also served the students during their early college experiences. The young men in our study indicated that they learned to navigate Schomburg University and developed supportive relationships with faculty, staff, and peers. The Summer Bridge program was a key resource for many students. It was through this program that students learned of B4US, found mentors, and honed some of their academically oriented study skills. The Summer Bridge program served as an early orientation to college and allowed students to bypass some potential roadblocks, such as dealing with and resolving financial aid issues. Given that many colleges and universities may have similar programs already in place, they need to continue to find ways to identify students and encourage their participation. The interplay between aspirational capital, familial capital, and navigational capital proved to be a powerful combination for students that enhanced their early college experiences. Students ultimately understood themselves as responsible for their success; additionally, feeling supported in their educational pursuits, understanding collegiate expectations, and knowing where to find help all contributed to students’ ability to develop educational agency. The students indicated that their community cultural wealth—­specifically in the form of aspirational, familial, and navigational capital—­was critical in their early college years and experiences, and they understood it as a key ingredient in persisting to college graduation. In the next chapter, we give full attention to the men’s efforts to engage with and build community while in college.

3

Building Community from Cultural Wealth

The transmission and utilization of social and cultural capital require close-­ knit relationships that are built on trust. Scholars such as Espinoza (2011) and Yosso (2005) suggest that educators need to develop trusting relationships with students in order to effectively transmit the necessary social and cultural capital for students to navigate educational institutions successfully. Jamelle used the term family to describe the close relationship he developed and felt with his B4US peers. He stated, “Besides my girlfriend, I didn’t think that other people were gonna be there [for me], but I have people here. These people didn’t replace my family; they became my family.” Family speaks to interdependence and a sharing of valuable resources. For men in B4US, these valuable resources often came in the forms of social and cultural capital. As Jamelle describes, the men joined a community where they enjoyed strong family-­like bonds with one another. As a result, B4US members were able to transmit and activate social and cultural capital. Unfortunately, the methods employed to develop trusting relationships or communities for Black and Latino males on college campuses often are discussed vaguely or ignored entirely.1 Additionally, Black and Latino males are often labeled as being uninterested in cocurricular activities offered on college campuses.2 In this chapter, we examine the mechanisms employed to recruit Black and Latino males into B4US. Additionally, we explore how the men in B4US make meaning of the program and define their peer relationships. Lastly, we utilize the community

46

Building Community from Cultural Wealth   •  47

cultural wealth framework to draw connections between students’ participation in B4US and their collegiate experiences.

Engaging Men of Color on Campus In order to understand how programs such as B4US impact Black and Latino males’ identity development and college experiences, it is beneficial to examine how participants articulate and make meaning of their engagement in this male-­centered program. B4US is a student-­success initiative designed to recruit, retain, and graduate Men of Color. The program prides itself on accomplishing these goals by providing space for members to develop close bonds with each other, encouraging students to be ethical leaders in the community, and offering personal and professional development opportunities. Three elements are vital to the program’s structure: individual and group mentoring, personal and professional development, and engagement in the community (through involvement, leadership, and community service). The program attempts to use a holistic approach to student development and success by engaging students academically and in appropriate developmental ways. The program hosts a variety of programs, events, and activities both on and off campus. Students participate in monthly group meetings and individual meetings with program staff, engage in events that focus on gender identities (such as men’s retreats) and relationships (social bonding experiences and excursions), and partner with other student organizations (such as Take Back the Night). Additionally, members participate in professional development workshops and opportunities and attend conferences locally and nationally. The development of B4US was based on these principles, where Men of Color could come together in college and contribute to each other’s efforts through support, friendship, and collegiality. Through these programming efforts, building community was an integral component of the B4US program. Bringing students together on campus can have academic and social benefits. Primarily, these benefits suggest that the men sought out support groups on campus to stave off feelings of isolation or loneliness. As opposed to thinking about their college tenures as individual endeavors, the men could conceptualize their efforts as a collective (or communal) effort. The interviews and focus groups revealed irrefutable parallels between the participants’ descriptions of the purpose of B4US and their experiences within the program. The overarching theme that emerged from the students’ descriptions was community. However, students discussed this topic in various ways, such as the function of their community, the purpose of the relationships within it, and descriptions of who was included. For clarity, we parceled

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the student’s descriptions into three distinct themes. Participants described their community as being (1) a place to cultivate change agents, (2) a place to develop friendships and associations with other Men of Color (most often articulated as a “brotherhood”), and (3) an organization that provides opportunities for personal development and community engagement. These three themes help explain the participants’ perceptions of the program and how and why they engaged with B4US. The participants in the study began to formulate their perceptions of B4US starting with their first interactions with the program—­or with people connected to the program. Throughout the interviews, the students described getting involved through referrals from individuals they trusted within their social networks and recruitment efforts by B4US staff and student members. Students were referred to B4US by a wide variety of stakeholders, such as family members, coaches, and professional staff at the university. However, a majority of the referrals students discussed came from faculty and staff who had knowledge of the benefits and opportunities that B4US provided. For example, Miguel went to his academic advisor to ask about volunteer opportunities. He reported, “She said her office doesn’t necessarily do that, but there are other clubs and organizations that do, and one of them that she mentioned to me was B4US. And she talked to me a little about them, and I was interested, and she connected me with the program coordinator. And so I called him and he sounded really interested in meeting me, and so we met up and we talked and that’s how that started.” The advisor’s relationships with B4US and Miguel allowed her to serve as a bridge for Miguel’s involvement in the organization. Personal referrals to B4US served as pivotal moments for students (see Espinoza, 2011).3 The students were informed about and referred to B4US by individuals in their existing community (e.g., family, coaches, faculty and staff ). Therefore, the students believed that those individuals wanted what was best for them. Consequently, students were open to engaging with B4US and enlarging their community. Ultimately, by joining B4US, students were able to connect with individuals, expand their educational agency, and enhance their community cultural wealth. Furthermore, referrals appeared to be effective because those making the suggestion were able to target what mattered to individual students. In Miguel’s case, his advisor was able to connect him to an organization that supported his desire to volunteer and engage with his community. Therefore, the advisor’s knowledge of the mission and goals of B4US allowed her to introduce the organization to Miguel based on shared values. The students in the study repeatedly mentioned recognizing a connection between their own values and goals and the mission and objectives of B4US.

Building Community from Cultural Wealth   •  49

“We’re Here to Help Each Other”: Connecting Recruitment to Students’ Lives The second way students were introduced to B4US was through recruitment efforts. Participants discussed recruitment efforts as organized activities through the university, such as tabling or formal presentations, and individual efforts made by B4US staff and members. Regardless of the format of the recruitment efforts, students described being drawn to the program because they valued and desired the mission-­centered work and personal development opportunities B4US offered. The B4US staff and members who conducted recruitment appeared to be intentional about relaying important information about the purpose and mission of the organization. For instance, Damien described his recruitment by Luis, the B4US president, as meaningful because of the information and motivational speech that he offered. Damien recalled, “It was the statistic that he [Luis] gave us about African American and Latino graduation rates from college. I was surprised that the number was so small. His motivational speech . . . was, ‘We’re here to help each other; we’re here to help others’—­it’s just in my nature to help others.” Here Damien describes Luis’s familiarity with data regarding the status of Black and Latino males’ academic outcomes in college as moving. Based on this introduction to the organization, Damien seized upon a critical facet of B4US: community and concomitantly helping others. The point was not simply that Black and Latino males are underachieving but that this was an organization that was actively engaged in improving their status and performance—­namely, through helping one another. The sense of community and the opportunity to support others were values shared by Damien and encouraged his involvement with B4US. As students reflected on the ways that they were introduced to B4US, along with what they imagined and believed the program to be about, they focused their comments on the program’s mission. In making meaning from his B4US experiences and articulating the purpose of B4US, Kobe noted, “They focused on minority men—­not just going to college but helping them graduate and also in helping them with their career[s]. And that’s what I’m about. So if that’s something that they’re for, then I’m all for it.” This mission-­centered approach to recruitment motivated students to get involved and familiarized them with the purpose of the organization. Upon first interacting with B4US, potential members gained insight into what the organization stood for, and for many students, the mission and values of the organization were salient points for engaging with B4US. Both Damien and Kobe described the academic outcomes of Black and Latino males and how B4US works toward and centers on addressing them. Their initial perceptions were aligned with the core values of B4US to a great degree. As the men’s narratives attest, they were oriented and

50  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

joined B4US based on shared values. Consequently, students were impressed with what the program represented. Enrique described how he was impacted by the reputation of the program’s mission when he first heard about B4US: “Just their devotion, just to help anyone—­especially the minorities who go to school. Where I come from, that’s a big deal; some of us don’t have the resources to get to college. To have a group that says we know your experiences and we want to help . . . to me, that blew my mind.” Enrique professed his admiration for B4US because the program positioned itself in close proximity to the men’s experiences. In particular, he noted that the program was structured in a way that conveyed an understanding of many of the academic and social barriers Black and Latino males must navigate in order to access and matriculate through college successfully. The aforementioned quotes speak to the effectiveness of B4US’s mission-­centered approach. While recruiting students to get involved with the program, B4US staff and student members effectively articulated its importance. In one sense, the program piqued students’ interest and enticed them to learn more about its activities and events as well as its members. In another sense, B4US was attractive explicitly because it spoke to students’ lived experiences as Black and Latino males. Getting involved with B4US based on shared values and lived experiences enhanced the men’s levels of engagement and commitment. Furthermore, many of the students got involved with B4US based on their desire to help others, which also reflects students’ educational agency and aspirations to build community.

“I Like the Way You Think”: Seeing Students’ Assets and Wealth Another effective element of the B4US outreach was based on participants feeling necessary and valued. Several members articulated that they believed they were recruited because they had something to offer the program. Jose and Quan described their recruitment experiences and how the program identified their specific strengths: B4US had a table outside, and there was a large crowd of people. One of the people at the table on that day pressured me to the front of the line, and I talked to them. And I remember he says that I look like the kind of person that could get things done and has good energy. And I said thank you because no one understands.

JOSE: 

Similarly, Quan offered, It’s funny! I was actually recruited [laugh], for lack of a better word. One of the brothers . . . was in the computer technology program, and he invited

QUAN: 

Building Community from Cultural Wealth   •  51

me to B4US. I didn’t know him at the time, and he was like, “Hey, man, I like the way you think; you should come to B4US.” I went to a general body meeting and I was hooked; I’ve been hooked ever since. RESEARCHER:  What hooked you? QUAN:  I liked the concept that they stood for because they wanted to help young Men of Color; and young Men of Color could be Latino, it could be Black, it could be Pacific Islander. Just the fact that it was geared toward young Men of Color, I was like, “Yeah, I need to see what this is about.”

Both Jose’s and Quan’s interactions with the B4US representative speak to the important role of validating what Black and Latino males have to offer college campuses. Jose described feeling misunderstood; however, the validation he received in his first interaction with B4US encouraged him to get involved with the program. Similarly, Quan’s recollection of his first interaction with B4US demonstrates how the program’s representatives affirmed the skills and experiences the young men could contribute. Quan’s and Jose’s experiences highlight the critical role of speaking to and affirming the knowledge, skills, and abilities that Black and Latino males bring with them to college. For many students, these affirming interactions helped them realize that they were needed and valued and that their contributions were welcomed. Other students were drawn to the program because the B4US staff and student members clearly articulated why the program is needed along with the mission and the goals of the program. Overall, students described being intrigued by B4US because they shared values with the program, they believed the mission was important, and they saw it as a place that affirmed their abilities and experiences. Our finding about initial interest and involvement with B4US speaks to students’ educational agency and confirms what previous researchers have found. Men of Color desire places on college campuses designed specifically for them.4 Additionally, the men’s experiences and narratives add to existing literature by providing clear evidence that Black and Latino males are interested in engaging in organizations whose missions and values speak to their lived experiences and provide a way for them to give back to their communities. Furthermore, an overwhelming majority of the Black and Latino males initially attended B4US meetings due to personal contact. The contact was either a referral from someone within their social networks or an individual who recruited them. None of the participants in this study described getting involved with B4US due to an email or flyer. This speaks to the critical role of individual contact with young Men of Color. In order to have young men engage in programs like B4US, it is important to have individuals who can speak directly to them regarding why the program is important, what the

52  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

program has to offer, and what the young men can contribute to the organization and, ultimately, their communities.

B4US as Community Throughout the interviews and focus groups, we found that the men’s conceptions of community affected what they thought B4US was about and how they conceived of the program’s functions. The participants constructed community within a broad perspective that necessarily connected their educational aspirations and engagement along with their personal and social lives. In particular, they described their “community” as consisting of their college campus, B4US members, the local neighborhoods they grew up in, their biological families, and their friends. Students’ narratives recount how they often described their B4US peers as their family. According to the great majority of the men, B4US relationships are entangled within a family-­community nexus that is intended not to replace family but rather to show how these connections build on and extend students’ familial capital. In his description of B4US, Jamelle offered, “Besides my girlfriend, I didn’t think that other people were gonna be there, but I have people here. These people didn’t replace my family; they became my family.” This sentiment, which was echoed by several other men, rejects the narrative that Students of Color must detach from their home communities and assimilate into the campus community to be academically successful.5 Instead, Jamelle’s statement suggests that the organizational culture developed within male-­centered programs such as B4US, and the value attributed to the culture and connections therein, have the potential to be so beneficial and constructive to Men of Color that they essentially are grafted into their existing family structure. A key theme throughout interviews was participants’ descriptions and articulations of how B4US functions as a community. For instance, the students described the B4US community by emphasizing the important role of the relationships that form within their community (brotherhood), the role of their community in cultivating change agents, and the role of a collection of individuals working toward a common goal (holistic development and academic success). Collectively, the men described B4US as a community organized to get important work accomplished. In fact, Quan summarized the community developed within B4US by offering, “A fraternity you join because you want to be a part of something; B4US you join because you want to achieve something.” Quan’s remark speaks to the intentional way B4US brings young Men of Color together to accomplish specific goals. More specifically, participants describe B4US as a community dedicated to supporting one another, academic success, personal and professional development, service in the community, and establishing healthy relationships with others. These

Building Community from Cultural Wealth   •  53

goals are not arbitrary objectives set up by the organization. Instead, they represent shared values of the students and B4US and reflect students’ lived experiences as Black and Latino males.

Cultivating Change Agents Previous studies have suggested that two primary reasons young Men of Color choose to attend college are to provide for their families and give back to their communities (Gardenhire-­Crooks, Collado, Martin, & Castro, 2010).6 Students’ connections and contributions to their college community can help them see the value of their education in even broader ways and feel connected to the campus. B4US affords young Men of Color with this opportunity by providing avenues (employment and volunteer opportunities) for their members to support their peers on campus and mentor young men in the local community. The opportunity to make a meaningful impact in the lives of others can be a transformative experience—­in this case, it allows members to see themselves in others, and increases their desire to be better people. Luis alluded to the transformation when he expressed his understanding of B4US as an organization: “To make it simple, it’s just about changing lives. When you’re committed, you can get so many opportunities that you never knew was there through B4US. It changes your life; it gives you leadership skills. As a person, you’ll be able to grow and develop skills. And the last thing, it gives you that opportunity to change another person’s life, whether it’s one person or many.” Luis describes how having the opportunity to make a positive impact in someone else’s life can be significant. This transformative experience often entails students learning more about themselves, being motivated to perform better academically, and wanting to become better men. Like Luis, other men repeatedly discussed the way B4US cultivated individual and community empowerment. Collectively, students expressed that any member can impact the lives of others. As he reflected on B4US as an organization, Jamelle expressed a high regard for the men’s connections to each other. He amplified the notion of brotherhood and described the men’s bonding as a call to impact their communities. As such, engaging in B4US was not simply an activity but rather a lifestyle. Jamelle noted, “You know, when you say it, you can just say it: ‘I am my brother’s keeper.’ But it means nothing if you’re stepping on other people’s head to get there. You can be spotted out as a fraud easily. I feel like when you say it, you have to live it. If I am my brother’s keeper, then I have to look out for these brothers. It creates a mind-­set; it creates a reality for you to live in.” We also noted the important ways in which the men incorporated what they learned from B4US into their daily lives. Some of the men felt that they had been “called” to participate in the program. As Jamelle asserted, the deep

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bonds, associations, and fellowships that the men developed within the organization required actively engaging in each other’s lives and serving as change agents. Students not only expressed the potential to change lives as something they believed was possible but shared examples from their own experiences. They also felt compelled by a deep-­rooted conviction to invest in other people’s lives. This notion of having a positive impact in the lives of others served as a catalyst to their leadership development (we discuss students’ B4US leadership experiences in chapter 4).

Brotherhood Previous research suggests that Men of Color seek social connections with their male peers as a means for building social support and developing a microcommunity on campus.7 For instance, Hopkins, Martinez-­ Wenzl, Aldana, and Gandara (2013) argued that relationships with peers, which they identified as “peer social capital,” can help Latino students expand their peer networks and provide them with opportunities to develop their identities. Similarly, Estrada, Mejia, and Hufana (2017) found that Latino students in their study described brotherhood “as an aspect of their male identity that was fulfilling” partly because of their opportunities to help others.8 In fact, even our own previous findings help situate Black and Latino men’s conceptions of brotherhood in the B4US program.9 In male-­centered spaces, these men point to developing relationships with other male peers for holistic purposes that can encompass academic, social, and personal development. The students in our study invoked brotherhood and bonding in their narratives. We unpack this to show how forming relationships with male peers helped the students engage in college and develop community. Importantly, how these men think about their race-­gendered relationships is critical to understanding how colleges and universities can enhance students’ on-­campus and engagement experiences. During observations and interviews, the words brother and brotherhood abounded in the students’ associations, relationships, descriptions, and expressions of other B4US members. Our observations at a variety of B4US events helped us see how the men used brother as more than just a word in speaking to one another. In our research, we understand brother as connected to how the students relate to and connect with one another, and we see it as an important form of relational capital. Upon greeting each other at B4US events, the men embraced each other with combinations of handshakes and hugs. Thus we argue that the men’s conceptions of brotherhood were enacted in their critical care and physicality toward one another. Often, the men stood or positioned themselves in close proximity to each other, and they frequently made physical contact as they talked to each other. These behaviors were consistent with B4US staff as well;

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they often embraced the men in greeting them and made physical contact during conversations and discussions. B4US staff exhibited most of the physical and expressive behaviors that the men engaged in during their own B4US peer interactions. Where traditional masculine identities celebrate aggressiveness among men, the men in this study prioritized and focused on being a “brother’s keeper” with regard to how they felt connected, accountable, and responsible to each other. As opposed to tearing each other down—­through chiding jokes or shaming—­or engaging in behaviors prescribed by traditional masculinity, the men instead focused on uplifting each other. Taking our observations and interviews collectively, we argue that an ethos of care is a critical element of B4US’s organizational culture. Reciprocal love and an ethos of care provide lenses through which researchers can make sense of interpersonal and peer relationships within student communities.10 Beyond greetings, Men of Color touching one another is important for three fundamental reasons. First and foremost, touch requires both physical and emotional proximity. The men constantly positioned themselves close to each other in gatherings, discussions, meetings, and events—­in addition to some of the men sharing dormitory rooms, working together off campus, or attending off-­campus events. In each of these on-­campus venues during our study, the men remained in close proximity, where reaching out to touch each other did not require great effort. Second, the men’s use of touch serves as a bridge to both develop and deepen their bonds. We observed touching as students offered explanations to each other (e.g., a hand on a shoulder), shared laughs (e.g., a tap on the arm or back), recounted a recent experience (e.g., a clutch of another’s shoulder), and discussed an important element of the program at events or activities (e.g., an arm around another’s shoulders). And finally, the proximity of these men in relating to each other—­including some of their discursive language (such as love and care)—­pushes back against and rejects one-­dimensional notions of manhood often attributed to hegemonic and traditional masculinity. The men internalized notions of “community” that they developed within B4US and activated this in their manhood constructs and masculine identity scripts as well. The men’s modes of expressiveness as it relates to brotherhood were incorporated in their descriptions of their B4US experiences and relationships as well. We identify three explicit ways that the men discussed brotherhood in their narratives: personal connections, goal-­oriented support, and accountability.

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“We Have Strong Friendships and Relationships”: Personal Connections Within their engagement experiences, students frequently referred to their B4US community as a brotherhood. The brotherhood was described as a place where they could find support and work toward a common goal, a place where they could be held accountable, and as a safe space to learn about their male peers in a personal way. Essentially, this led many of the participants to describe B4US as a family and a place where they could find authentic relation­ships and feel loved on campus. The presence of and being immersed in a thriving brotherhood helped members connect to their peers and feel like they were valued on campus and provided personal and academic support. The foundation of their brotherhood was having a space to connect with their male peers that the men considered safe for their expressiveness, emotionality, and vulnerabilities. In many ways, we found that B4US acted as a culturally enriching environment that provided the men with a setting that validated their cultural knowledge, backgrounds, and identities. Additionally, environments like B4US are essential spaces for confirming, humanizing, and holistically supporting Men of Color.11 Pedro, a relatively new member to the organization, found this culturally enriching environment very helpful: These brothers really help us out in terms of providing us with an open space of communication and being able to talk to them from one person to another. It’s really hard to find a place where you can speak your heart when you’re busy with school, with life, and with work and family. Trying to just show up with all this packed into your life can be just really hard, and B4US has provided a lot of motivational speakers and a lot of faculty that really help us out . . . it’s really a safe place, and I wouldn’t have it any other way.

Even within their early B4US engagement, students articulated how caring for male peers and having space to express and share with one another was an essential component of B4US. Pedro’s description of the brotherhood provides insight into the weight that many young Men of Color carry with them precisely because of their gender identity and ideologies. That is, traditional masculine norms do not always allow space for boys and men to unpack or express their emotions concerning their responsibilities. Various researchers have cited the burden and pressure young Men of Color feel when they have to balance school and provide for their families. This pressure often results in Men of Color delaying their graduation or leaving school entirely.12 However, Pedro describes B4US as a space where he can talk to other male peers who also are trying to balance school, work, family, and social life.

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As the men reflected on their personal connections, they expressed comfort in knowing that they were not alone, which further articulates how building community can benefit students’ educational efforts. The safe space also provided access to students, faculty, staff, and motivational speakers who inspired students to excel inside and outside of the classroom. Similarly, Deion described the sense of safety he found in the B4US brotherhood: “There is a level of trust and confidentiality that you feel when you’re with them. The members open up, and you see that they don’t judge them. So if I open up, they won’t judge me either. So if I get in, then they’ll treat me the same. We treat each other with respect and can still have that space to play around with one another.” The B4US brotherhood provided Deion and Pedro with an opportunity to open up and create healthy relationships with their male peers. As Deion describes, B4US went beyond just a support group in that it was also a place where he could connect with his peers socially. Multiple students described B4US as a place where they could have fun with their peers and the faculty and staff connected to the program. Sharing personal stories about their experiences helped strengthen their bonds with each other. As Pedro described, this culturally enriching environment also served as constant motivation and support for students to accomplish their goals: “We have strong friendships and good relationships as well as a lot of other things like loving one another. We can decrease hate around each other, and that’s pretty much the purpose of it—­to show love for one another, regardless of where we’re from.” Similarly, Kobe claimed, “We show care and love for each other  .  .  . we respect each other, especially those that don’t come from the same background.” Caring for and about Men of Color in educational spaces is vital to their sense of self, self-­efficacy, and development. Importantly, this care can serve to support students’ engagement, personal development, and academic performance. Thus, in many ways, care also can be used to enhance and support students’ cultural wealth, especially their social and cultural capital. Pedro and Kobe speak to the important role of love, care, and respect that students found in B4US. The young men described these elements of the program as providing an affirming and supportive environment. As a result, students felt connected to B4US and the college campus. The care students expressed and shared for one another helped them establish supportive relationships that they perceived as being mutually beneficial.

“You Want People to Succeed”: Goal-­Oriented Support Another key to the B4US brotherhood was the students’ unwavering support for one another while working toward their individual and collective goals.

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The students described receiving support from the B4US staff and their peers. More specifically, the men described academic support, such as tutoring and studying with one another; emotional support, such as having someone to speak to about personal challenges; and practical support, which came in the form of connecting one another to campus resources or helping with transportation. The support students gave and received was described as a critical component to their brotherhood. For instance, while providing his own definition of brotherhood in the program, Wyatt described the role of goal-­oriented support and discussed how it mattered in the men’s experiences: “Brotherhood is where everybody has common goals and everybody watches each other’s back, and you’re also going to help each other succeed . . . I think we all have the same ideas. You know, we are all [dressed similarly], and we’re all in unison like on a football team—­you all have the uniform and everyone has the uniform, and you’re also playing for personal reasons like a last name or your family. It’s the same with B4US because you want people to succeed.” Many of the men shared that the B4US community helped them engage in and build a collective consciousness about their efforts. In particular, as Wyatt describes, B4US members “all have the same ideas.” Accordingly, B4US members discussed being on “the same team” and working toward common goals, such as personal development, college completion, and civic engagement. Instinctively, Wyatt compared this bond to a football team. Although students in B4US are working toward a common goal (e.g., graduating or improving educational outcomes for Men of Color), they may have different sources of motivation, such as providing for their families, giving back to the community, or carrying on a legacy. The team metaphor is apt to describe the myriad ways the students (teammates) work together, motivate one another, and support one another so the group can meet its collective goals. In doing so, each member of the team will be able to accomplish his individual goals. What Wyatt describes is a collective identity that students find in B4US. Members often described their personal success being intrinsically tied to the success of other B4US members. This collective identity is formed with an understanding that the members do not all have the exact same aspirations, but they are all looking to accomplish specific goals. This allows students to connect and encourage one another authentically. Similarly, Rolo described the members as demonstrating that they “genuinely care” for one another. He added, “We might not have the same aspirations, but we all have goals. And those goals we have drive us so that we might spur another brother to his goals.” Rolo and other members of B4US described this encouragement as playing an important role in helping them feel connected to the program, to their peers within the organization, and to their own goals and aspirations. Participants described the assistance they received from B4US staff and their peers as critical components of their success. The encouragement often

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came in the form of students helping one another study, sharing important information about navigating college and applying to graduate school, or introducing one another to informational networks and enrichment opportunities. However, the support was not limited to just academic endeavors. The men also offered testimonials of B4US staff and student members offering personal help, such as assistance with moving into a new place and listening to one another and offering advice. The assistance and encouragement students received expanded their social capital and validated their place on campus. As a result, students felt connected to B4US and were motivated to complete their degree.

“Holding Each Other Accountable”: Developing Brotherhood and Accountability One of the pillars of the B4US brotherhood is accountability. Students repeatedly described that their personal connections and goal-­oriented support were connected by and through holding one another accountable. Thus, according to the men’s narratives and experiences, being brothers and engaging in brotherhood is centered on the other. Well beyond surface-­level associations, some members characterized engaging in brotherhood as selflessness. For instance, Tomas affirmed that the sense of brotherhood established and maintained in B4US is “very selfless; it’s not for just myself and my brothers who I’m closest to, it’s genuinely for all of us as an organization.” Tomas’s statement reflects how men constructed their relationships, activities, and engagement with each other through collective terms of we and us quite often. An important component of this collective consciousness was the men’s sense of responsibility to each other and the group. As Larry describes, students felt like they had an authentic brotherhood that they could rely on if they ever strayed off course: “Brotherhood is also holding each other accountable. I’m not going to help you cheat or do something wrong. I’m not going to sit here and let you demoralize women. Brotherhood is holding each other accountable. If your brother doesn’t want what’s best for you, then how is he your brother? . . . So that’s what I mean by brotherhood, somebody who has my best interest all the time.” Larry’s description of the importance of accountability was echoed by many of his peers. Students reflected on holding one another responsible for their performance in school, respecting others, working to become better men, and staying on track to accomplish their academic and personal goals (such as degree attainment). According to Larry, holding each other liable centered on being men of character, valuing women, and keeping one another’s best interests in mind. This commitment to integrity was a reflection of their care for one another. Common in their narratives was the men’s ideas (and ideals) that true brotherhood

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was rooted in caring for one another, even if it resulted in uncomfortable interactions. Notions and expectations of accountability appealed to many of the men who decided to get involved in B4US and connected to their developing manhood constructs as well. For example, Luis reflected on the brotherhood in B4US in the following way: “It’s when you have accountability—­when you have people there and they don’t have to be. It just goes back to being a brother’s keeper. It’s hard enough when you already have yourself to take care of, but when you know that you have people there who have your back, it is a beautiful thing. Brotherhood is not something that you gain in a moment or an instant; it takes time. I feel like a lot of our guys are really connected, and it feels good knowing that you have a brother who is there.” In addition to the men’s ideals of brotherhood, they also spoke about behaviors and ways to put brotherhood into action. Their descriptions of brotherhood as a responsibility are important because these characterizations suggest that the men need to be engaged in intentional actions in order to support each other. According to students like Luis, accountability is important to the B4US brotherhood and signaled to him that he had a support system that was choosing to remain in his life. These bonding relationships may be sparked by a pivotal moment; however, students must make considerable investments to nurture these relationships (“it takes time”). Knowing that people “have your back” can provide students with psychosocial support for their academic, social, and personal efforts and can be seen as a form of security as well. Expressively, the connections, support, and community developed among these male peers “feels good” and can increase students’ sense of belonging as well. The men’s accounts of brotherhood speak to the ability of male-­centered programs to facilitate the engagement and connections of young Men of Color in college.

Brotherhood, Identity, and Personal Development One of the overarching themes we detected in the men’s narratives about their experiences in the B4US community was commitment to personal development. The commitment to becoming better men led participants to challenge hegemonic ideologies regarding masculinity and success. Throughout the interviews and focus groups, students described how B4US provided an enriching environment for them to begin to challenge and reimagine what it meant to be a successful man. For instance, when Larry reflected on what B4US was about, he addressed the role of B4US in redefining manhood: “I feel that B4US is about brotherhood; it’s about integrity. Not just being men, but challenging what it means to be a man . . . because in society, that oftentimes gets misconstrued. We have this guise that we have to be tough, we have to be unemotional. B4US is breaking down those barriers, and we have

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to get past those things that society tells us that we can or can’t do as men. It might be that you need to cry sometimes—­it’s a natural body function. B4US is about bettering lives and changing the community that we come from.” Larry’s conceptualization of B4US centered on what he considered to be the program’s defining characteristics: supporting and developing men of quality, refining constructions of manhood and masculinity, improving men’s lives, and impacting the community. His reflection on what B4US was about immediately evoked thoughts about integrity, which shows a commitment to personal development and challenging socially constructed ideas of masculinity. Larry articulates B4US as providing a space for men to problematize and redefine what it means to be a man. He even gives a specific example of men needing an opportunity to express and convey their emotions to others, which he describes as a natural process that men are often denied. Additionally, his reflections on redefining manhood are important because they resist traditional (or hegemonic) masculinity, which often pits men against each other and limits how they can express themselves emotionally—­especially to other men (we discuss manhood and masculinity further in chapter 5). In addition to how the men characterized their deep bonding and relationships, they also discussed the unique qualities of being in community with their male peers. Pedro described how the men benefitted socially and personally through their B4US engagement; in particular, he discussed the ways B4US creates and is a critical space for the members: “Guys are not really open to really express themselves. You have to talk to them for a little bit. You have to open up yourself in order to really know who they are and what they’re capable of doing. That’s what B4US really does effectively in terms of these workshops. The facilitators are really great when they talk to these individuals and share their heart out, and it’s really inspiring to see that.” Pedro details how B4US students and staff take the time to speak to students and get to know them personally. They model authenticity by being vulnerable and sharing personal experiences that inspire other students to do the same. As a result, B4US provides young Men of Color with a space to be authentic, express emotions, and overcome barriers that inhibit their personal development and academic success. As Larry describes, students often viewed their personal growth as directly related to how they could improve their communities. Students expressed a commitment to improve themselves so they could make a positive impact among their peers, families, and communities; change some of the systemic issues their communities face; and improve the lives of others. As we discuss in chapter 4, B4US provides students with leadership opportunities such as mentoring in local middle schools and high schools. These cocurricular opportunities do more than just allow students to count service hours or check off having done “some” community service. Instead,

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these out-­of-­class activities provide students with opportunities to make real-­ world impacts—­that is, students can connect their lives to others beyond campus and apply what they learn in classes and across the curriculum to their local communities. The leadership experiences motivate students to broaden their ideals of what it means to be a man and redefine success as something that leads to the improvement of themselves and their communities. The students in this study described their B4US community as being a space that cultivates change agents and a brotherhood and as an organization that provides opportunities for personal development and meaningful community engagement. The young men were introduced to B4US via referrals from individuals within their social networks or from personal recruitment efforts by the B4US staff and student members. What made the referrals and recruitment efforts particularly effective was the alignment between the young men’s values and B4US’s mission. B4US offered young men an environment to be their authentic selves without the fear of judgment. The program provided students with practical ways to connect their learning and development to the college community by creating avenues for them to mentor young men in local middle schools and high schools. As a result, students saw their personal development as having direct impacts on the community. The opportunity to connect their learning to their community motivated students to be the best version of themselves inside and outside of the classroom.

Community Cultural Wealth Anzaldúa (1990) argued the need for educators to “de-­academize theory” and intentionally bridge the community to the academy. The young men in our study echoed this sentiment and described B4US as the bridge between their community and the academy. In their own words, the young men described how B4US nurtured and affirmed their cultural capital and expanded their social capital. More specifically in this chapter, the students described the critical role of B4US in fostering their linguistic capital, familial capital, and social capital. As a result, students felt equipped to excel academically and were inspired to reimagine and redefine their families and communities in ways that established deep bonds with one another. In the following subsections, we discuss the men’s conceptions of B4US, their experiences of building community, and their brotherhood and bonding in relation to the community cultural wealth model.

Linguistic Capital Linguistic capital can serve as a valuable tool for Students of Color. For example, Yosso (2005) described linguistic capital as a skill that many Students of Color possess upon their arrival on campus. In our study, students

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incorporated some of the B4US language into their own experiences in and descriptions of the program; additionally, students referred to linguistic capital in the form of storytelling. As it relates to B4US language, the men’s use of terms such as brothers and brotherhood is important in considering how the program impacted their college experiences. Given the design of B4US to connect Men of Color on campus, these terms relay how the students believe they built relationships and community on campus. Additionally, story­ telling was used often as a tool to equip the young men with the intellectual and social-­emotional skills necessary to complete college and become better men. For instance, Pedro described facilitators as using workshops to tell their stories and “share their heart.” This form of storytelling gave students tangible examples of other Men of Color who had overcome challenges, navigated institutions and various components of society, and successfully completed college. Furthermore, these forms of sharing inspired students to open their own minds and hearts to the process of becoming better men. The men benefited from having a place to be vulnerable and share stories. Students described sharing in these ways as motivating and comforting. Consequently, B4US members felt compelled to create similar spaces with young men in their community (as we discuss in the next chapter).

Familial Capital Familial capital plays a vital role in nurturing cultural knowledge and preserving history and community. Familial capital extends beyond kin relationships and can include kin-­structured social networks (Stack, 1974), such as close-­ knit friendships where individuals maintain close proximity and perceive and treat one another as family. This form of familial capital is evident in how the students describe B4US as a brotherhood. Additionally, the men often referred to one another as brothers and described the familial bonds they had with one another. Vincent described how feeling like he was in a family helped him overcome the struggles he experienced in college: “For me, personally, I’m a family man, so I value close relationships and loyalty. So of course I’m close to family. . . . Being there for each other, being on the ‘field’ with guys who are going through the same things as you, who’s struggling with classes like you—­it’s like struggling with family, just going through life.” Many of the men expressed their close relationships with other B4US members and with family. Family relationships often serve as valuable sources of support, knowledge, and accountability. Similar to what Vincent detailed, these relationships were important in helping students persevere through obstacles—­both academically and personally. According to a number of men, the bonds they developed with their B4US peers provided them with comfort as they worked through challenges in college. Familial relationships can inform an individual’s educational consciousness and their funds of knowledge

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(Kiyama, 2010; Yosso, 2005). Vincent likened the struggles in school to struggles in life. This comparison speaks to the normality he finds in his academic challenges. Just as he saw his family as his support for life struggles, he perceived his B4US brothers as his support for academic challenges. Many of the men described the important role of family and community in their lives. The familial connections with B4US members preserved and affirmed the men’s desires to stay connected to their communities. Furthermore, the collective identity among B4US members embodied the value of preserving the communities they came from. This meant that despite differences in backgrounds, there was a commonly held belief among B4US members that their communities were to be valued and respected. For instance, Kobe stated, “We respect each other, especially those that don’t come from the same background.” This respect for community allowed the men to learn from their differences, appreciate their commonalities, and grow closer to each other. Critically, students in B4US found that the program did not pressure them to reject their home communities. As Jamelle’s quote at the beginning of this chapter illustrates (“I have people here. These people didn’t replace my family; they became my family”)—­along with reflections from a number of others—­B4US became family for students (or functioned much like a family in meeting their needs). The men expressed appreciation for the community and family they developed during their college years. As we demonstrated throughout this chapter, male-­centered initiatives can serve as culturally enriching environments that allow Men of Color to develop nurturing relationships and stay connected to their community.

Social Capital For young Men of Color, social capital can play a pivotal role in their academic success. More specifically, social capital includes social networks and peers that provide meaningful support and information to help students navigate educational institutions. Participants in our study identified their peers and B4US staff as providing valuable social capital. For example, Kendrick stated, “If I need academic advice, I can go to them; if they can’t give me advice, they’ll tell me where I can go. If I need personal advice, any advice, they can help you. And if they can’t, they can show you to someone who can.” Many of the men described their peers and B4US staff members as capable of providing them with valuable information and expanded their networks to include people who could offer adequate support. A majority of the men in our study were first-­generation college students and came from working-­class communities. As a result, they did not always have individuals within their existing networks who could provide them with the necessary information and emotional support to navigate college successfully. The men described

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B4US as an organization that connected them with other men with whom they developed valuable relationships that helped them successfully maneuver through college.

Conclusion This chapter revealed the strategies B4US used to recruit Black and Latino males into the program. Additionally, we examined how the men perceived B4US and how they made meaning of their experiences in the program. Through the words of the men in B4US, we can obtain a better understanding of the nuanced experiences of Black and Latino males who participate in male-­ centered initiatives. This insight can help educators identify effective strategies to support the academic and personal development of Men of Color. The men in B4US described how personalized referrals and recruitment efforts piqued their interest in the program. More specifically, the referrals and recruitment efforts poignantly connected the men’s values to the mission and purpose of B4US. Collectively, B4US members defined the program as a community that is bound together by brotherhood or familial bonds. The B4US community served as a culturally enriching environment for them to engage in authentic relationships in which they cared deeply for and supported one another in order to accomplish their individual and collective goals. Within the B4US community, the men were able to find holistic support such as tutoring resources, study groups, emotional support, and help with transportation and finding employment. The B4US community was held together by the members’ mutual appreciation for and commitment to accountability. The men saw accountability as an expression of their devotion to one another. The students described their B4US peers as motivating them to become the best version of themselves. In doing so, students felt they would be more effective when engaging their communities. The B4US program served as a catalyst for students to develop and activate their social and cultural capital. The B4US staff used linguistic capital by telling stories of perseverance and achievement. These stories motivated students to see their own value, increased their self-­efficacy, and taught them valuable lessons about community. B4US also enhanced student’s social capital and educational agency. B4US served as a place for students to expand their social networks and learn about opportunities that would enhance their collegiate experience and prepare them for life after college. Students described familial capital as being one of the most salient aspects of the program. Repeatedly, the men described the program as a place that allowed them to build a brotherhood with each other. Their decision to use brother in relation to one another speaks to the deep familial connection students shared. Students expressed brotherhood verbally and physically. Through observations, we saw

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the men constantly demonstrate affection with one another through touch during conversations. The relationships students had with one another contributed to their progress toward attaining their degree and their development as individuals. The students described their brotherhood as being a constant source of motivation, support, and accountability. Additionally, and maybe even more important, the B4US brotherhood was a space at Schomburg University where the students could find love. These caring relationships heightened their sense of belonging on campus. As men received and gave love to one another, they felt connected to their peers, the B4US program, and ultimately the campus. As a result, the students demonstrated a strong desire to persist and graduate. Furthermore, they discussed a desire to not only earn a college a degree but also become better men while en route to completing college. This chapter highlights the impact that male-­centered initiatives can have on the educational agency and college experience of Black and Latino males. Programs like B4US have the ability to cultivate educational agency, which empowers students in their educational endeavors. Through their involvement in B4US, the men took purposeful educational actions that positioned them to access critical forms of capital on campus and supported their college persistence. Their educational agency was developed in and enhanced through their B4US peer connections (community). As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, there was an undeniable alignment between how the students described and experienced the program and what the B4US program was created to provide. From our review of the B4US program’s mission and goals, we found that the mission of the organization revolved around brotherhood, academic support, professional development, and engagement with its local community. As demonstrated throughout this chapter, students described B4US as a brotherhood committed to academic success, personal development, and making meaningful contributions to the community. This demonstrates the affect institutions can have when they commit to providing programs and services designed specifically for Men of Color. In the next chapter, we turn our attention to the men’s leadership experiences on campus and within the local community. Additionally, we show how the men incorporated lessons, benefits, and capital acquisition obtained through B4US into their leadership roles and community engagement.

4

Engaging and Empowering Black and Latino Men through Leadership Many of the students in our study engaged in B4US because of the leadership opportunities the program provides. In this chapter, we focus on the leadership experiences of students in two different capacities. First, we extrapolate the experiences of five students who served on the B4US executive board and give particular attention to how they made meaning from their leadership roles. Second, we turn our attention to twelve of the men’s leadership experiences in serving as youth mentors in a select few middle schools and high schools in the communities surrounding or near the university. In discussing their B4US leadership experiences, the men weaved in narratives that amplified their own individual needs and how these needs meshed with B4US and the wider community. The great majority of the students’ experiences were described in positive ways, as students described and attributed many of their academic and personal gains to their refined and newly developed capital: sociocultural, aspirational, and navigational. Additionally, we found that building on the students’ cultural wealth through relationships and male peer-­to-­peer bonding provided them with unique opportunities for learning, self-­growth, and agency. Student engagement, peer relationships, and identity development are important topics in extant literature and discussions about student success in college. For instance, scholars identify student engagement and leadership as contributing factors to how Students of Color experience, integrate, and 67

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persist in college.1 Colleges are also places in which students negotiate their identity development, especially as it relates to their masculine identities and manhood in navigating campus.2 Scholars interested in students’ sense of self, personal development, and sense of belonging continue to identify engagement and leadership opportunities as key components to understanding how college affects students.3 In this chapter, we examine the men’s educational agency through their leadership roles both on and off campus, their dedication to growth and personal development, and their commitment to community.

Black and Latino Male Students as Leaders There is much to learn about how Black and Latino males experience college from enrollment to graduation, especially their engagement in male-­centered initiative programs. In an effort to better understand and appreciate their experiences, we examine how Men of Color think about and theorize their leadership and what this means for their male peer bonding relationships, capacity building, and identity development. We begin by examining the men’s decisions to serve in leadership capacities and follow with what and how they learned through these roles.

“Move with a Purpose”: Deciding and Desiring to Lead In talking to the students about their decisions to seek leadership positions with B4US, they centered two primary reasons: a B4US focus and a personal focus. First, most of the students were interested in serving in leadership roles as a way to commit themselves to servicing B4US and their peers. For instance, a comment from Caleb helps accentuate this point: I think it was a chance to try to lead my brothers because I’ve seen like—­especially the work of Jamie and especially Bro. David over here . . . and it was like, “Wow! They’re always engaging us, they’re always offering these workshops, they’re offering ways for me to better myself.” So I wanted to challenge myself to also be a part of those leadership roles to help some of my brothers who are coming in as freshmen or as transfer students. I want to help pave the way for them as well as the guys who’ve been with this organization for years.

Similarly, David, a fourth-­year biology major who served as the vice president, acknowledged, The first time I was on the e-board was 2013, and Joseph [the program coordinator] asked me if I wanted to be academic chair; that was my first position in B4US. And at first, I was a little scared. I was like, “Whoa, I haven’t done

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anything like this before.” And so . . . being academic chair . . . really helped me gain confidence in doing something and also gave me confidence in leading people. And so I decided that, you know what? I maybe want to be vice president now. Initially, it wasn’t my decision. But . . . ultimately, it just became an act of providence that I was able to serve on the e-board.

For Caleb, serving on the executive board was an opportunity that he interpreted as an important step in his commitment to B4US. He was inspired by the work of his male peers who served in leadership positions and consistently encouraged him to get involved in the program. Caleb interpreted these actions as desirable leadership traits that he aspired to and wanted to replicate. In fact, he saw leadership as a way to push himself to perform at a higher level (“I wanted to challenge myself ”) and as a form of giving back to an organization that he benefited from himself. He identified his leadership as an opportunity to assist his male peers (“help some of my brothers”) and as a way to engender success (“help pave the way”). Importantly, especially as it relates the men’s social and relational capital, David received an invitation from the program coordinator to serve on the executive board. Initially, he was unsure about his own ability to lead and expressed anxiety about leading his peers as academic chair. As the self-­doubts subsided and his contributions manifested, David was inspired to serve B4US in an even larger capacity as vice president. Importantly, he noted his noncognitive gains (i.e., “helped me gain confidence”) as a key to his thoughts about his ability to extend his leadership roles (“also gave me confidence in leading people”). Thus David considered serving in a leadership capacity as an “act of providence” and an opportunity that he cherished throughout his college career. A second way that students narrated their decisions to serve in leadership roles was in their viewing leadership as an opportunity for their personal development. Here, students discussed modeling high-­quality personal characteristics for their peers and having a sense of purpose. Tomas, a second-­year theater major who served as cochair of the Academic Arc (a small group of students who offered academic support to their B4US peers), identified personal development as a key to his leadership aspirations: Personally, when I look at leadership, I feel like there’s two kinds of leaders. There are the ones who lead from the rear and then the ones that lead from the front. I know that a lot of brothers look up to me as a role model. And so, knowing that, I feel like I have the responsibility to lead from the front. I want them to see that it does take dedication, but the dedication does pay off. So I am in the library most of the day; I am the first one to do my work, and I help other people

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who are struggling because in helping them, it also enriches what you know. It’s just a matter of really internalizing what it means to be a strong person, a leader, and then just acting on it.

Tomas also discussed how being on the executive board impacted his engagement in B4US: So from the first weekly e-board meeting to when I approached Johnnie about my position as an Arc leader, Johnnie found it suitable for me to be cochair with him because the Academic Arc [that we lead] is the largest Arc. But he and I share a lot of the same goals, and we were trying to facilitate some of our objectives this semester, so we felt like I needed to be there. So because of that, I saw a little change in my demeanor. I joined knowing that I need to get things done; now, I feel like there’s a sense of urgency, and that’s a good thing. It’s like lighting the fire beneath my feet. It’s that impulse to move. Not just move because I want to but move with a purpose.

In reflecting on his decision to lead, Tomas differentiated leadership into two primary positionalities: leading from the rear and leading from the front. However, he noted that his role as a leader was determined by how he was viewed by his B4US peers. In being perceived and looked up to “as a role model,” Tomas felt compelled to take the “responsibility to lead from the front.” Here, he suggested that he positioned himself in the front when he accepted how he was viewed and took on this role as an obligation. Additionally, by “leading from the front,” he believed that he could show his peers how his work effort and ethic actually did manifest themselves into different opportunities. And he interpreted his engaging specific academic practices and assisting others as model behaviors that others could emulate. Tomas internalized these experiences and perceptions and believed that he could activate these in his behavior and attitude, he felt motivated to perform well academically, and he sharpened his sense of urgency and purposefulness in working with and leading his peers. Larry discussed responsibility as a significant factor for his leadership: Since I’ve been on the e-board, I feel just that it’s an extra layer of responsibility—­on top of the responsibilities that I already had. And I can say it’s definitely been a positive change because anytime I think about slacking off, or do I really need to go to this class today, I can look at my [shirt and tie], and be like, “You know what, I’m not even doing this just for me, I’m doing it for all of my brothers who when they feel like slacking off, they can look at me and say, ‘He’s [not] slacking off.’” It can be like that. I have to, like Bro. David said, I have to be the change I want to see in people. Most definitely, that’s pretty much how it’s had an effect on me. It’s made me really, really be on my p’s and q’s.

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Larry, like several of his peer leaders, identified responsibility as his call to action in desiring a leadership position and also in his actions as a leader. He asserted that he himself was the change that could initiate movement and progress for the group (“I have to be the change I want to see in people”). The effect of this responsibility meant that he had to be accountable to his B4US peers for his actions on a daily basis, which necessarily meant that he could not “slack off ” in his academic efforts. Importantly, David also developed an other-­centered approach to his academic engagement. As opposed to thinking about how their decisions and actions might impact their own academic performance, the idea that these men were “doing it for all of my brothers” helped remind them of their need to model the standard of academic focus and dedication for the group.

“I Try to Learn as Much as I Can”: Learning through Leadership B4US offers Men of Color distinct opportunities to learn about themselves and develop their educational agency and key leadership skills. In particular, students identified skills such as advising and counseling their peers, learning strategic planning, developing people skills and communication skills, mentoring, and coordinating with their peer group members. For instance, Luis reflected on his leadership experiences and focused on what he has gained through his position: “A lot of students ask me if I can help them with advising and I’m like, ‘Well, I’m still an undergrad.’ But the thing is, I’ve been set up with certain skills that you don’t get at any other—­just being a secretary or student assistant at any other organization.” Similarly, Larry remarked on how he developed people skills through his leadership experience: “I would say that [what] I’m gonna take away from this position is the knowledge—­knowledge of self and then knowledge of people. . . . Just being able to sit in these settings and being able to interact with different people has given me a lot of knowledge on people.” As the student leaders in this study reflected on what they gained through their leadership experiences in the organization, they discussed a transformational learning experience. This transformation was rooted in a heightened consciousness about their own identities (knowledge of self ), a validation of their abilities as scholars (perform well academically), and enhancement of their leadership skills (serve as a model to others). The men’s time as student leaders enhanced their college experiences and allowed them to connect in-­class learning to their out-­of-­class experiences—­both on campus and in local communities—­and career aspirations. Consequently, the students identified serving others, learning, and growth as the most salient benefits of their leadership experiences. The student leaders described how the B4US program offered a unique learning experience that they did not believe they would have had anywhere

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else. Primarily, they expressed that the program offered college men a safe space to explore their identities and unique opportunities for personal development. For example, Larry stated, “I now know that I have the ability to do all of the things that I’ve been asked to do within my position. I now know that I have what it takes to run this position, to run what I’m doing. And in doing this, you find out about yourself along the way—­a lot of intimate details about yourself that you might not have known.” Throughout our study, student leaders discussed the importance of learning about themselves. This “intimate” learning often referred to their time reflecting on their own identities and how these could be transferred to leadership skills. The process of self-­discovery led to the students developing skills to work with others as well. Luis offered, I feel that I’m taking more than I ever would’ve thought out of this position. It’s exceeded my expectations. I’m taking a skill set that’s very invisible to the human eye . . . there’s no formal training [because] it’s that social component that you really do need when you go out to the outside world. You gotta be able to adapt, and that’s the biggest thing I’ve been taking out; [I’m] very adaptable, very aware of whatever it might be—­time constraints, flexibility with time, people’s schedule[s], the weather’s crazy today—­so I gotta be able somehow to move the event, talking to the right person, looking for resources. So it’s a lot of components that you just don’t get to learn at certain jobs.

Like the other student leaders, learning how to be adaptable while serving in a leadership position proved to be invaluable for Luis. In particular, he asserted that the hands-­on application of his experiences was important in organizing and coordinating events and could be beneficial in his future endeavors. The ability to adjust to new conditions, remain flexible in managing time, and work well with others (members as well as partners) is vital to the success of B4US-­sponsored events and activities. These experiences can help student leaders improve their interpersonal skills and successfully navigate their college years. The learning process that participants described highlights the critical function of their leadership positions in B4US. Their ability to analyze their own identities and work well with others helped them persist in college and will be invaluable as they transition into their postcollege careers. As the students reflected on what they believed they might take away from their time as leaders in B4US, it became clear that how they learned was paramount to their development. Students referred to the important role that peers played in their success. Research has shown that peers serve as invaluable resources for Men of Color (Brooms, Goodman, & Clark, 2015; Harper, 2006; Strayhorn, 2008). Connecting with peers who exhibit academic success in college can reassure Men of Color of their own abilities to garner

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success. Additionally, these connections can show students the important leadership roles they currently possess or could possess on campus. As students discussed their relationships with other members, it became evident that B4US created an environment where students understood the importance of leading, supporting, and learning from their male peers in the program. For example, David reflected, “I asked Nate this in the summer, or rather when the semester began, if I could have more of a behind-­the-­scenes role [in B4US]—­ somewhat of an advisor to the executive board because I’ve done just about everything that I’ve wanted to do with the e-board. And I really wanted to see young guys flourish. Me being about to graduate in a year, it’s very exciting to see B4US really flourish the way that it has, and I’m proud of these guys.” The connection the leaders expressed having with each other and the program is evident in David’s desire to support the executive board even after his tenure concluded. The investment in his community on campus and the success of his peers are examples of how the student leaders internalized the spirit of the program, embodied how they learn from each other, and revealed how they remain committed to personal development and serving their community. Additionally, their offerings can be connected to how they build community and their educational agency. Finally, a comment from Caleb helps summarize the student leaders’ learning experiences. Caleb described the impact that student leaders can have on their peers—­potential B4US members as well as other college peers—­by being role models for younger or less experienced students. He explained, I wanna be president, so I wanna try to learn how to be a leader. Not just like him but in my own way of just like, How am I going to get my brothers, not necessarily to follow me, but to do the things that I do? Not because I want them to but because I want to see them just grow like I have through this organization. I’m still learning the ropes. I’m like, I consider a lot of the guys on the e-board like my mentors; I’m learning from all of them because a lot of them are older than me. I think I might be the youngest out of everyone on the e-board, so I look up to a lot of these guys and I try to learn as much as I can—­not only about leadership roles but about how to be a better person as well.

Caleb’s narrative demonstrates the powerful influence B4US members can have on one another. The students’ experiences as leaders reaffirm the powerful nexus of student engagement, learning, and peer bonding. Caleb’s point about the mentoring he received from his peers is summative for the group, as he recognizes the need for leaders to inspire people to be their authentic selves. Thus, in multiple ways, the men push and teach one another about becoming a better person and striving for success so they have more to offer their community.

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“It’s Our Duty to Bring Back the Information”: Honors, Opportunities, and Responsibilities of Leadership In reflecting on some of the honors afforded to B4US leaders, many of the men highlighted the opportunities they were afforded given their leadership positions. Some of these opportunities included on-­campus or local activities and events, while others included off-­campus events. For instance, on-­campus activities included meeting with key faculty and administrators, being afforded opportunities to engage in leadership roles and activities in and with other organizations, and learning about different resources or opportunities. Off-­ campus events included traveling to regional conferences as well as attending national male summits in locations such as Florida, Ohio, or Michigan. These activities, both on and off campus, are important spaces for the men to build their social and cultural capital (sociocultural capital), aspire to even greater feats, learn how to navigate a range of settings, and increase their professional development. Researchers note that student leaders can accrue various perks and privileges on campus.4 Importantly, these opportunities and experiences also are critical for enhancing the men’s leadership capital as well—­cultural knowledges developed and nurtured within students’ leadership roles (we discuss this further at the end of this chapter and in chapter 6). In reflecting on some of the honors and opportunities afforded to them in their leadership roles, the men gave great thought to their responsibilities as leaders and B4US representatives. In considering his experiences as a general body member with his current leadership role, Tomas focused on the efforts that the leaders made in staying grounded and connected with all members. He asserted, “Well, I think what I tried to say is that being on the general body, you receive the effects of our coordination on the e-board and the programs in which we try to extend to our members. But on the e-board, we’re actually able to commit those resources, see what goes where, how to allocate funds here and who we contact, and the nature of our workshops. It’s the behind­the-­scenes stuff that I’m proud to be a part of and that is what I was trying to convey.” According to Tomas, an important effort that B4US leaders engaged in was constructing and coordinating programming on behalf of members that connect the group to specific resources. In particular, student leaders exerted their educational agency in how they envisioned resources could be garnered and activated within the program on behalf of B4US members. Of course, in many ways, how resources are allocated is fundamental to what the program can offer students through activities and events; a lack of available resources may impact the program’s ability to connect with students’ needs. In addition to Tomas, other leaders also offered their insights into opportunities they were afforded. While Tomas spoke of the backstage (“behind-­the-­ scenes”) work that B4US leaders coordinated in a number of ways, Larry

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succinctly described some of the ways that the men get to lead in what might be considered the “frontstage.” He shared the following: Just to give a few examples [of opportunities] that the e-board has that the general body doesn’t necessarily get to have. I believe it was either last month or the month before that we went to SAAB’s [Student African American Brotherhood] Western regional cluster—­their first one out here. And I got to meet Dr. Bledsoe, and that’s an honor and most certainly an opportunity. We also went on two retreats over the summer. We had a B4US Retreat and we went on a Leadership Retreat, which was their first Leadership Retreat. So we’ve actually got to take part in some groundbreaking things, and it definitely makes you feel important and special—­especially since we put so much into the organization.

Several of the men pointed directly to some of the business people, elected officials, and education leaders they met and interacted with during their leadership tenures. Larry’s narrative speaks specifically to some of the honors and opportunities the men are afforded, such as meeting Dr. Tyrone Bledsoe, the founder and national director of the SAAB organization.5 Participating in the SAAB regional event was important to the student leaders because they were able to learn from other Men of Color about their college experiences in general and their experiences in male-­centered programs more specifically. Participating in regional and national events can provide students with unique opportunities to enhance their community cultural wealth through networking, professional development, and access to mentoring. Some of the men considered attending and participating in these events as reciprocity and as ways that B4US staff could honor their dedication and investment in the program. The honors and opportunities afforded to these men also reveal a range of possible moments that they can connect to other instances of learning and experiences. For example, Larry later shared that meeting Dr. Bledsoe connected to some of the self-­learning he accrued through his B4US engagement. While meeting Dr. Bledsoe was a singular moment, it connected well to his developmental desires and needs and built on some of his previous connections with institutional agents and mentors. Critical conversations with Joseph, Dr. Wilson (another male administrator on campus), and an off-­campus mentor helped strengthen his aspirations. Larry shared his desire to achieve a 4.0 for the full academic year. After attaining a 3.8 for the fall semester and a 4.0 in the spring semester, he expressed his excitement about achieving these specific academic goals and shared how he felt inspired to reformulate some of his future aspirations. In the next academic year, he pursued and attained a different leadership role within B4US. As Larry’s experiences can attest, some

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of the opportunities afforded to the men helped support their academic aspirations and spark leadership growth and development. Thus, in these ways, the men’s own educational agency and personal efforts could serve as revelations, inspirations, and bridges connecting to how other B4US members could benefit and grow from serving as leaders. As they garnered a number of opportunities, some of the leaders focused on transparency and providing the general body members with as much of their own learning and exposure as possible. In these ways, the leaders speak to other forms of community-­building activities, as they want to share their experiences, bridge the gap between themselves and general body members, and provide insights into possibilities for the organization. Luis offered, I think the biggest opportunities that do arise where it’s going outside of the university (or) where it’s going on trips. The members that Joseph might look at is [sic] the e-board and those that are involved, and you can’t be any more involved than being on the e-board. So when it comes to us going to Detroit or Nevada or New Orleans or Florida or wherever it may be—­even outside of B4US because we do get a lot of invitations to go to places. So once you’re on the executive board, we’re the first ones [considered]; these guys are at every single event, so we know they’re dedicated and we can represent B4US in a positive way when we go outside the university.

According to Luis, those members who serve in leadership roles on the B4US executive board shoulder a great deal of responsibility in leading the organization. Some of these responsibilities include coordinating events, conducting workshops, recruiting B4US members, and helping broker relationships and partnerships with local businesspeople. The men’s successes in fulfilling these roles and tasks are considered and translated as positive character traits and can be viewed as reflective of their levels of accountability and dependability. Halfway through his response, Luis turned his attention to the general body members: At the end of the day, the general body does get at least, I wanna say, 90 percent of what we offer, and it’s just those little random trips that come out of nowhere. “Oh, we need two students to go to such-­and-­such.” And because of that, I’ve been traveling a lot as well. I feel like the e-board makes it a priority to give our members exactly what we’re learning. So at the end of the day, whatever we get in that conference, we bring it back and we’re like, “You know what, we gotta do something. Like, there’s a crisis going on or there’s this positive thing going on.” So it’s crazy, but maybe that’s the one thing that I can think of that the regular members don’t get as much.

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While they were afforded a number of honors and opportunities through their leadership roles, these student leaders were adamant about connecting their experiences and learning with B4US members. Although general body members “don’t get as much” as student leaders do, they have opportunities to benefit as well. Finally, Caleb’s comment summarizes the ways that student leaders feel responsible to the group. He acknowledged, “I feel like when we get a chance to get around to these opportunities, it’s our duty to bring back the information to the rest of our members so they can also get a chance to learn as well.” As the men attest, bringing back information and resources that they’re exposed to and sharing them with other B4US members is part of their “duty” and “priority” as leaders. The men expressed a high desire for their B4US peers to learn from their experiences.

Mentoring Black and Latino Male Youth In addition to their leadership on campus, we also engaged in conversations with nine of the men who served in leadership roles in the community. In particular, we explore the men’s experiences in serving as youth mentors in the local K-12 schools. Investigating the men’s experiences in this arena not only shows how they built and engaged community beyond the university but also reveals how they positioned and envisioned themselves as community change agents. Importantly, through their roles as leaders both on and off campus, the men exhibit high levels of understanding community needs and community capacity. This intimate knowledge of their communities, or even their desires to serve the community, also is important in their growth and development. Additionally, working with local youth allowed the men to exhibit their educational agency and showed how they worked to develop the educational agency in youth as well. In this section, we focus on how the men conceptualized and assessed the benefits of youth work through serving as youth mentors. Primarily, we discuss the men’s work as culturally responsive caring and critical mentoring. Gay (2014) characterized culturally responsive caring as a holistic approach to understanding students both personally and academically. According to Jackson, Sealey-­Ruiz, and Watson (2014), teachers and other institutional agents (or even mentors) who engage in culturally responsive caring are positioned uniquely to “foster relationships with students that encourage them to develop confidence, pride, a sense of responsibility, and critical consciousness” (p. 400). We view the men’s work as youth mentors through a culturally responsive lens, which positions them to play multiple roles with youth, including that of the counselor, encourager, and advisor. Some of the men see their mentoring as “family work” given their closeness in age,

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engagement with youth, and relational teaching, which also nuances the men’s notions of brotherhood.

“It’s That Camaraderie Aspect”: Engaging Black and Latino Males through Mentoring A number of men expressed that the importance of B4US lied in the organization’s ability to bring Men of Color together on campus and help them better understand their linked fate. Given the low rates of graduation for Men of Color at Schomburg University, B4US connected directly with the men’s performances on campus and sought to improve their educational outcomes. As opposed to thinking about their goals and efforts in individual ways, participating in B4US created a space where the men could push each other to greater heights academically, socially, personally, and professionally. Importantly, as they reflected on their B4US experiences on campus and how they could create change, the men (and the program’s coordinators) identified reaching out to young Black and Latino males as a way to improve these youth’s educational agency. Reaching out to young Men of Color was facilitated in two primary ways. First, B4US established partnerships with local middle and high schools that connected young men to Schomburg University. These partnerships primarily took the form of B4US members serving as youth mentors to the local middle and high school students. Second, B4US organized the Male Success Conference, which was an annual one-­day event intended to highlight and celebrate young Men of Color. As he reflected on the B4US program, Manuel focused primarily on the work of the youth mentors. He noted that serving in this capacity was centered on how the men positioned themselves in relation to and with the youth. A number of men situated themselves in close proximity to the youth and identified their roles as “brothers” or even in some ways as “father figures.” Manuel shared, I think it’s also important to mention that what our boss says, Joseph, it’s always important to focus on the affect over effect. So we try to build relationships with the young men, and we try to engage with them as much as possible as I guess you can say older brothers instead of as teachers or mentors or counselors or people trying to save their lives. It’s more of a, “Hey, I’m here for you, and I expect you to be there for me.” It’s that camaraderie aspect. So we try to, more than anything, be there for them as older brothers or maybe as the parents or the dad that they never had. Especially at the middle school because we’re a little bit older than they are, it’s very important to be there as some sort of father figure that they may or may not have had. So I think that’s very important, that camaraderie aspect and the—­even the older male that they may never have had in their life.

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Manuel explained that building relationships with the young men was crucial to the B4US members’ work as youth mentors. These relationships helped them learn a great deal about the youth and about themselves. In particular, the men made caring the center of their work, which many believed could deepen the bonds between themselves and the youth. Importantly, according to Manuel and others, the men did not see their roles as saviors but highlighted the importance of their presence, guidance, and camaraderie. Much of what the men offered about their mentoring, not only from serving as a mentor but also in the need for caring for the community, is centered on culturally relevant pedagogies and practices. Scholars have noted that culturally relevant and culturally sustaining practices rely on building authentic relationships with students (Brooms, 2016; Luedke, 2017) and exposing students to familiar cultural frames (Gay, 2014; Jackson, Sealey-­Ruiz, & Watson, 2014; Weiston-­ Serdan, 2017), which have the potential to foster students’ learning, critical consciousness, and educational engagement. Darius also sought to aid Black and Latino male youth’s development through building authentic relationships with them and helping them succeed. He believed that B4US helped the men establish a collective standard of excellence that they could hold each other as well as the youth who they mentored accountable to. He provided a lengthy reflection and described youth work in the following way: A lot of what we do in the middle schools and high schools is hold students accountable. “So, you said you wanted to get to college, right? But you’re not doing what you said; you’re not working in the capacity that you can work or you’re capable of working. Why is that, you know?” And you find that nobody’s really asked them that before; nobody’s really challenged them like that before. What B4US does is we really, you know, create that standard for our students . . . and expect them to meet that standard because we know they’re capable of meeting that standard. And that’s something that I haven’t seen, even in my own personal life going through the K through 12 system—­or college for that matter—­that B4US does.

An important facet of the men serving as youth mentors was how they positioned themselves relative to youth within the educational pipeline. In particular, Darius connected his own K-12 experiences to the experiences of youth with whom he worked. Also, Darius believed that a critical factor in helping young Men of Color recover from being “cast aside” within educational settings was to develop healthy in-­school relationships. It was through these relationships, specifically, that he argued for establishing and maintaining standards of excellence for youth. Strong, positive relationships can serve as anchors for student achievement and educational outcomes. Without such

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relationships, statements about “high expectations” may be translated as a bootstraps mentality or meritocracy. Darius believed that these youth did not reach their potential primarily because they lacked being connected to (enough) people who cared for them and wanted them to succeed within school settings. According to Darius and others, caring must be authentic and culturally appropriate for students. Because many of these men approached students with and through love, they could engage, inquire, and encourage their efforts in ways that were critical to their development. As a result, their mentoring not only helped enhance students’ engagement in school but also served as a means of healing some of the damage caused by a lack of care and concern. For instance, Darius’s remarks about the B4US members holding students accountable is dependent on the relationships they develop with the young men, positioning themselves better to understand their goals and aspirations, and then holding students accountable for what they say they want to or would like to accomplish. Thus the lack of care, concern, and expectation for Males of Color throughout the educational pipeline is highlighted here as a significant limitation to their efforts and possibilities. A final comment from Juan reveals how the men can serve as advocates through their roles as youth mentors. In particular, he suggests that youth advocates can help students navigate schooling contexts: To add to that, it’s like being an advocate because we’ve been through the school system at these schools so we know that if they tell us, you know, our teacher is giving us a hard time, their parents may not listen to that so much, but we’ve been through that and we can say, “All right, let’s go and see what’s going on with your teacher.” And that’s something I’ve been able to do, and Diego and I have been able to do that with the middle schoolers—­go and see what’s going on with the student in the classroom, and sometimes the teacher is so flustered that he doesn’t want to deal with the student. So by the time we show up, it’s still a little hard to communicate with them and say, “What’s going on with this student? What can we do to help him get back on track?” So big brother aspect is spot on, father figure aspect is spot on, but also an advocate as well.

As expressed across the men’s narratives, authentic care for youth can be developed through a range of capacities in their work. Juan noted the importance of the men’s own cultural capital in having “been through the school system at these schools.” Thus the men’s intimate knowledge of the system can play a role in how they coach, guide, support, and advocate for youth. A significant portion of their advocacy relies on their listening to students, and it also relies on their actively wanting the students to succeed. Primarily though, it is the

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relational capital that they build with students that informs their mentoring approach and practices.

“Something Very Much Needed in Our Communities”: Serving as Youth Mentors In addition to fulfilling a community need, the men asserted that serving as mentors held them accountable and responsible to the youth and showed them what their actions and behaviors could communicate. Terrence noted that serving as a mentor was a reality check because the men were being watched by the youth: “And generally, being a youth mentor, it really keeps you in check, you know . . . you get a reality check because we’re always being watched. What if he [a protégé] see me doing this? I’m telling him to go to class and get on his grades, but if I’m ditching class, it may impact my GPA and things like that. I have to be a mentor as well, so it keeps you in check.” Darius echoed the men’s conceptions of being accountable and focused explicitly on the shared connections between the college men and the high school and middle school students. Primarily, he highlighted the men’s potential to contribute to positive youth development and uplift. Darius noted that the men had a responsibility to share knowledge and help increase the young men’s sense of self and knowledge of self. He explained his decision to serve as a mentor in the following way: For me, it was a way of practicing what I was learning in terms of my scholarship. So, like I said before, I’m a sociology major, and so we learn about race, we learn about systems, we learn about education, we learn about double consciousness and all these things, but we never really get an opportunity to pass that knowledge on to others. And you know, to practice what we’ve been learning for the last, for me . . . eight years in school. So for me, I remember in middle school and high school, I could’ve really used somebody saying, “What you’re going through right now is called double consciousness, and this is how it affects your life,” you know what I mean. That would’ve made me feel like I wasn’t crazy.

Darius’s reflection is important in identifying the impact of building community with male Youth of Color for their positive development. First, he clearly articulates how he felt empowered in serving as a mentor because he was able to activate his in-­class learning and apply it in his work with youth in the community. This form of knowledge sharing also is empowering to youth.6 Second, Darius points out the importance of naming one’s reality, which he identified as powerful as well. Naming one’s experience means being informed about the context of one’s experiences and having a toolkit to help inform one’s perspective—­both of which are critical to nurturing youth

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as assets and agents of change. Third, the ability of Youth of Color to state explicitly what they experience can allow them to resist how others attempt to position them, or even their responses, and allows them to be creators (or cocreators) of knowledge. And finally, Darius also points out the racism that young Men of Color face in school and the impact these experiences can have on their sense of self and self-­worth. As opposed to being shunned and denigrated for their academic performances, this knowledge allows them to keep their sense of self intact (“That would’ve made me feel like I wasn’t crazy”) and could enhance their motivations and aspirations for academic and personal success. This youth-­centric approach is an important component of positive youth development and critical mentoring, as it places youth’s developmental needs at the center of the work. Importantly, critical mentoring is situated within a critical race theory (CRT) approach, which speaks to the ways in which youth are marginalized and minoritized across social institutions.7 Additionally, the men’s efforts, and the multiple possibilities that mentoring offers, reveal the need for engaging youth as active agents in addressing inequities that impact their lives and identifying ways to empower them as community change agents. Several of the men asserted that serving as youth mentors was a critical need in Black and Latino communities based on their own schooling experiences and their experiences working with youth. Importantly, these reflections did not focus on the deficits and deficiencies of these communities but rather outlined how the men in our study thought they could contribute to youth’s schooling experiences and personal development. All too often, mentoring opportunities are fashioned as an intervention for Black and Latino males and positioned to encourage individual-­based “reform”—­such as focusing on youth’s behaviors, attitudes, and actions. While some of this focus may be warranted, focusing solely on their behaviors does little to improve the environment, school culture, and institutional climate that our youth experience and must navigate. Thus an important component of these men’s critical mentoring was sharpening youth’s cultural, navigational, and resistance capital. They shared their own stories with youth about how they navigated the schooling system to make it to college. In fact, some of the men acknowledged that they achieved academic success and many of their educational goals in spite of school, not because of it. Additionally, some of the men’s shared stories, advice, guidance, and advocacy provided youth with a number of strategies for navigating school, supported their educational aspirations, and helped develop their resistance capital as well. In particular, the men noted that they could be needed and necessary examples in these communities that contribute to youth’s resilience and academic efforts. Jamelle and Ardel spoke directly to these needs in the following ways:

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I have two younger brothers that are, again, gonna be navigating this space pretty soon. Being there for young men at middle school and high school, it’s something that makes me proud, and it’s something that makes me have the responsibility that counts, that contributes to society at large. So just being there and being the example [helps]. Like, “Hey, you know what? My brother isn’t there, my dad isn’t there, certain people aren’t there, but here’s this guy that comes in and actually cares about us. And he’s there and he says we can do it, so if he says we can do it and he did it and nobody was there when he was doing it, then I can do it.” ARDEL:  I feel that [being an example] is something very much needed in our communities, in the Black and Hispanic communities. We don’t always have role models, or positive role models; we [don’t always] have those big brothers or father figures that we need. And I feel like we’re stepping into that role for the kids that do need it. JAMELLE: 

In addition to fulfilling a community need, the men asserted that serving as mentors helped them hold themselves accountable to the youth. In particular, as Jamelle noted, these college men could serve as powerful examples for youth, both in their families and within the community as well. Importantly, some of the men translated their involvement and serving as mentors as significant contributions to the community. Additionally, as these men have noted, as opposed to waiting for others to come in and “save” them8—­or their community—­they identified themselves as key agents who could help guide, support, advocate for, and serve youth within the local community. The men’s approaches to mentoring and working with youth also affirm the need for cultural competence in developing relationships with youth.9

“Showing Them Their Voice”: Conceptualizing the Importance of Mentoring In addition to discussing their decisions to serve as youth mentors and how they framed their work, the men also shared how they conceptualized mentoring. Here, the men spoke about the need to engage with youth in developmentally appropriate ways that connected to the youth’s sense of self and established authentic relationships. The practices and habits that the men engaged in during their B4US involvement also informed the efforts they took with youth in their mentoring. For instance, because affect was central to how B4US connected with and engaged college men, and the men experienced the impact this had on their own experiences, they also took this approach in working with youth. In particular, we identify three approaches that reveal the importance of the men’s mentoring work: establishing relationships with youth, centering youth, and building community. First, in order to make meaningful contributions to youth’s academic selves and their academic efforts, the mentors believed that connecting with youth

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was the foundation of this work. As an example, Terrence shared that the two most critical parts of youth mentors’ work were their presence and building relationships. He offered, Overall, for myself, I’d just say showing up [was the most important part]. We built these relationships; we have these connections with these students. If you don’t show up, then they’re asking, “Where were you at?” And that’s from experience. “I needed somebody to talk to.” So overall, just showing up and being ready to listen. Sometimes you don’t have an answer, so you just gotta swallow it, but if you can give some advice, that’s what you have to do. We are the outlet; they’ll come to us before they go to their parents or their older brothers or siblings. So definitely just showing up and being ready to listen.

Overwhelmingly, the men stressed the importance of being intentional in building their relationships with youth. The mentors highlighted how these relationships were built on trust and allowed great opportunities to engage youth in critical conversations about their lives—­often going beyond their experiences within a single classroom or school in general. As Terrence’s statement reveals, there are youth who “need somebody to talk to”; as a result, “showing up and being ready to listen” are vital to these relationships and to their growth, maturity, and healing. All too often, youth are further marginalized in schooling contexts, as they are positioned on the lower rungs of the educational hierarchy and repositioned as outsiders in school. Students are surveilled constantly within school settings, from actions and behaviors to dress, language, and interactions. These approaches alienate and isolate students and, in many ways, construct the school as a site of suffering.10 A second way that mentors approached working with youth was from a youth-­centric perspective. Here, mentors focused on how working with youth was an important component of improving communities. Embedded in this approach was positioning students’ interests, concerns, and efforts as part of community uplift. In reflecting on the most important parts of his work, Khalil acknowledged, I think it’s also showing them their voice—­that’s one of the most important things. Showing them that they have the ability to cultivate their future. And also showing them that through the difference and diversity that they have as students, when we move even among themselves, they have power in that. That ties into their education and into the community . . . I think that’s the most important thing. That’s how educational agency is working for the students, by allowing them to [hear] their voice and see the need for their education to continue . . . and how that has an impact on the community.

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The youth mentors showed that they valued youth voices and experiences in how they engaged with the students and institutional agents. A significant aspect of this approach is to view youth as valuable and worthy—­of time, of attention—­and the best of themselves. As opposed to mentors engaging their work with youth from a standpoint of their own readings on youth, they positioned youth as experts about their own lives. In “showing them their voice,” the men also helped empower youth and embraced their talents, skills, abilities, and intellect. As a result, youth had opportunities to enhance their educational agency as they learned more about themselves and their own possibilities. Additionally, youth also developed their resilience and learned about leadership. In these ways, young Men of Color are the ones that we have been waiting on, and they are the ones who our youth have been waiting on. Many of our youth have answers about how to improve their schooling experiences and their lives; however, the challenge continues to be schools and adults who decenter and marginalize the youth’s (potential) contributions. Tapping into students’ sense of self, providing them space to express their opinions, and supporting them in sharing their ideas and experiences can serve as a form of healing and positive youth development. Additionally, centering youth’s voices and connecting them within and across community-­based spaces also can help reveal how youth can rise up as well as show many “radical possibilities” for our youth (e.g., see Anyon, 2005; Ginwright, 2009). A third way that mentors centered their work on youth was through building community. Here, many of the men’s ideas of community and brotherhood informed how they engaged youth in their guidance, advocacy, and support. Given the proximal nature of these relationships, the men understood the multiple connections between themselves and youth. That is, because of the relationships they developed with youth and their own schooling experiences, the mentors felt they could relate to the youth’s experiences in school and believed they had a more accurate and thorough knowledge of youth’s developmental needs. As he reflected on his mentoring experiences, Juan affirmed, One of the most important things as a youth mentor would be just to make sure that they know that they are not alone because mom and dad may not understand what it’s like to go to school. You do this part-­time job, you might be the youngest . . . you might be the first one [to go to college]. It kinda makes you feel alone in your own home or your own neighborhood because that’s something that I had to experience. I don’t have a family, I don’t have a mom or dad who went to school, I don’t have an older brother that knows what it’s like to go to college; he doesn’t work part-­time and do all of these academic activities. To be the only one on the block that’s going to school and seeing everyone kinda

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live their life with Monday through Friday for work [is difficult]. For all of us, it’s not Monday through Friday, it’s a 24–­7, 365 [-­day responsibility] where you’re working on yourself and trying to better your future and trying to better others. That’s the most important thing for me . . . for them to know that they’re not alone.

The mentors suggested that engaging in the youth’s educational experiences made a decisive statement to youth that they are not alone. The men deconstructed this sentiment from their own lives and through their understanding that some youth may not have deeply invested support within the school, and some of their parents’ lack of familiarity with schooling systems may limit how they can contribute. Thus the men filled an important gap in some youth’s lives. Even as they reflected on their mentoring, the men envisioned themselves as the youth with whom they worked and often weaved in their own histories and biographies and thoughts about how they understood schooling—­and how Youth of Color often are marginalized in school settings. Critical to youth work is “relocating the deficit”11 away from Youth of Color, reimagining youth as capable, and recognizing them as integral community contributors. As they considered how they could benefit from others’ experiences and the social and cultural capital they could have accrued along the way (e.g., connecting with people who have college experiences), the men saw how they could invest in and support youth. Additionally, the men saw that taking an active role in the youth’s lives could enhance their educational agency and capital accrual. Also, mentors could teach youth to navigate schooling contexts, better understand explicit and implicit expectations, and engage with teachers and other authority figures.12 Significantly, the men spoke to their educational agency and tried to share this wisdom with youth while building on their own, as their educational endeavors allowed them opportunities to increase their personal development and commitment to the community.

Community Cultural Wealth In the current chapter, the men’s narratives and experiences speak powerfully to their community cultural wealth. By examining their leadership, we see how the men developed, enhanced, and deployed the various forms of capital at their disposal to serve the B4US community writ large—­both on campus and within the community. In particular, we connect findings in this chapter to two forms of capital: sociocultural capital and leadership capital.

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Sociocultural Capital The men’s experiences reveal the important role that sociocultural capital (social and cultural) plays in their engagement and leadership. The men relied on, extended, and benefitted from their social capital as student leaders. These positions allowed them to make significant connections on and off campus and enhanced their social networks and access to resources. Similarly, the men’s cultural capital was sharpened through their accumulation of knowledge, skills, and abilities, especially as these related to their leadership experiences. The men garnered experiences above and beyond other B4US members’ exposure—­still, they expressed high desires to share their learning with their B4US peers. Importantly, the sociocultural capital that the men developed could be deployed in specific B4US spaces (e.g., programming and events, working with youth) and also could be called upon in other endeavors (e.g., negotiating a job interview, working with family members and friends). Additionally, the men’s sociocultural capital helped support their persistence. Given that they held important leadership positions through their involvement, the men were positioned as “models” (both consciously and unconsciously) that B4US members and youth could aspire to replicate—­and replace at some point. The men’s narratives also show clearly how serving as leaders helped them see their connections and responsibilities to B4US and the community (social capital) and aided their personal development (cultural capital). Also, the men’s sociocultural capital contributed to their sense of value, mattering, and agency. As previous studies have shown, social capital can be gained through students’ out-­of-­classroom experiences (Brooms et al., 2015; Strayhorn & Devita, 2010). As we highlight in this chapter, and the previous chapters as well, sociocultural-­capital-­accruing experiences are significant because they allow students to access a broad range of resources, enhance their sense of self, promote college success, and strengthen their leadership experiences. Leadership Capital Engaging in B4US provided the men with even more opportunities for building community both on and off campus. As student leaders, building community was related positively to the men’s connections, contributions, and sense of responsibility to others. Significantly, the men developed their leadership capital as well, which speaks specifically to the cultural knowledge developed and nurtured within their leadership roles and experiences. The men translated ideas for programming, events, connections, and learning into results through their work with B4US members and youth in the local community. Additionally, the men developed and enhanced their leadership capital through opportunities that connected their in-­class learning with their

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out-­of-­class experiences. In his study of student leaders, Hotchkins (2014) found that students enacted aspects of relational leadership in order to facilitate their growth through advisor mentoring and being purposeful in determining processes to create positive organizational change. In a different study, Hotchkins (2017) found that Black student leaders were socialized by parents and elders to become activists who were charged with building and sustaining Black college communities.13 In our study, students engaged in intentional and purposeful actions to sustain a positive organizational culture and create positive community growth and change—­on campus and in the community. Importantly, the men’s leadership roles and efforts were grounded in how they built (and continue to build) relationships with others—­including their peers and the youth with whom they worked. These relationships serve as the cornerstone for the B4US culture, inform the members’ leadership approach, and ground how the students at the university build and sustain community. The men also incorporated some of their own learning and experiential knowledge from B4US into their leadership roles, positions, and actions. The men made a number of references to program teaching and community building that impacted and informed their leadership efforts; they embodied these in their own lives and incorporated them into their work with youth as well. We give greater attention to leadership capital in chapter 6.

Conclusion The men in this study served in various leadership roles on campus and in the community. While we have given serious consideration to leadership through the men’s elected positions and roles as youth mentors, we also acknowledge and connect leadership (both ideals and skills) to each of the men we interviewed. In fact, some men expressed that they were being schooled and groomed for leadership—­on campus, in their families, in the community, and in their futures. The B4US community met these men where they were—­physically (on and in campus spaces), socially (through peers or institutional agents), and developmentally (based on their skills and abilities)—­ and worked to enhance many of the assets, characteristics, and traits that they brought with them to college. Some of the men did express surprise in the roles they assumed, while many others commented that they already were mentors, role models, and leaders prior to arriving on campus. Getting involved with B4US, then, ultimately enhanced their educational agency as well as who they were and who they could be. A significant component of their experience at Schomburg University was being provided a culturally enriching environment where they could blossom.

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B4US connected Men of Color to a community where they were valued highly and could thrive—­academically, socially, and personally. B4US helped reveal to students their possibilities as change agents on campus and in local communities. The leadership experiences provided the men with valuable sources of cultural capital. They strategically thought of themselves as critical community agents, a notion that was reflected in their identity scripts, leadership traits and behaviors, and youth engagement. As a collective, the men made (and continue to make) powerful statements about themselves and their communities. Not only are they capable of engagement, leadership, and success, but their peers on campus and youth in the community are capable as well. Even when afforded great personal honors and opportunities, the men took a communal approach in considering how various communities could benefit from their experiences. These men, and the great majority of their which includes the youth—­ exhibited an audacious B4US community—­ hope that they would not passively accept limitations on their lives or their possibilities.14 The men’s aspirations are rooted deeply in their families, their brotherhood, and their communities, each of which reflect and strengthen their cultural wealth. Their own engagements, activities, and successes are testaments to their possibilities and amplify their educational agency and leadership roles and responsibilities across a variety of contexts. As the men’s narratives suggest, it is critically important for Men of Color, and young Men of Color, to develop a healthy sense of self. This sense of self helps them navigate schooling environments better, their experiential and cultural knowledge allows them to resist deficit framing (“That would’ve made me feel like I wasn’t crazy”), and their understandings can help shape their sense of belonging. Through their engagement experiences in general, and their leadership experiences more specifically, the men gained even more confidence about their value and wealth. In themselves, they saw hope that strengthened their self-­efficacy and motivation. In their brothers, they saw visions of themselves, which strengthened their sense of self and focus. And in youth, they saw promise, which reaffirmed their commitment and consciousness. In the next chapter, we focus specifically on the men’s gender identity development, resistance, and resilience.

5

(Re)Imagining and (Re)Writing the Narrative

In this chapter, we focus on, explore, and amplify the men’s stories as critical counternarratives to the denigrating, limiting, and pathological dominant framings often espoused about them. Primarily, Men of Color are accosted by negative ideologies that continue to delimit their educational and communal agency. In an effort to usher in new ways of imagining and writing the narratives about Men of Color, we center their voices and experiences that speak explicitly to how they see themselves and how they understand their efforts. In particular, we examine the men’s narratives across their gendered identity constructs (manhood and masculinity), their understandings of and responses to how they are viewed and projected in society writ large, and the meanings they attribute to their (upcoming) college graduation. Critical to the men’s meaning making is their resistance capital. On one hand, the men’s resistance is in response to projections of the media or even educational institutions. On the other hand, the men’s resistance is about their agency. Overall, this chapter reveals how the men are active agents in their own lives, within the community, and with and for their families. In the following sections, we demonstrate how these Men of Color think about themselves and engage in behaviors that challenge the status quo. These men resist dominant framings and do not conform to subordination; they express their resistance in their ideologies, conceptions, and meaning makings. From these men, we also reveal how stakeholders—­including educators, researchers, and practitioners—­and the wider public can learn from 90

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their efforts to carve out new imaginings and narratives about their lives and possibilities.

On Manhood and Masculinity A number of the men shared that learning about manhood and masculinity was a fundamental aspect of their Brothers for United Success (B4US) experiences. While we highlighted some of their manhood constructs and masculinity scripts in their discussions about brotherhood and bonding, students also discussed specific learning moments and opportunities they had through B4US events. As can be expected, the men engaged in B4US from their own situated standpoints and brought with them a variety of conceptions of their racialized and gendered identities. Not only did program coordinators—­especially through a number of events and individual and small group conversations—­challenge them implicitly and explicitly about their identity constructs, but their peers challenged them as well. While there was no singular definition of manhood or a masculine ideal that was constructed within the program, students shared that a variety of discussions (and events) were noteworthy. In the subsections that follow, we pay particular attention to three main focal points: the men discussed (1) respecting women, (2) expressing their emotionality, (3) and harboring a strong sense of self.

“Understanding Their Experiences”: Respecting and Valuing Women Recently, a great deal of attention has been placed on social and personal interactions between men and women, especially on college campuses. Much of this attention has highlighted ongoing interpersonal abuse and violence that men subject women to in interactions and relationships.1 The following exchange highlights how conversations that center on respecting women can impact how men think about how they relate to women and other men: They’ve [B4US members] taught me a lot in terms of what role women play in our world—­like, we’re not an organization that thinks it’s only us and women aren’t important. In fact, we value women, and that’s something we talk about a lot. I couldn’t go to last year’s men’s retreat, but I’m definitely going to this one because that’s something that I heard that they talked about a lot. RESEARCHER:  They talked about respecting women? MIGUEL:  Yeah, they touched on a lot of that stuff. RESEARCHER:  What does it mean to be a man? Or what is masculinity to you? MIGUEL:  I feel like manhood comes with a responsibility to each other, because men overall have a certain stigma, especially Men of Color—­being very macho, being very centric to themselves. And I think we have a role in that. MIGUEL: 

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Like, we’re here to pursue that equality for everyone because everyone does deserve to be equal. RESEARCHER:  And what roles do women play in that? MIGUEL:  I would say simply understanding. Because if we can understand each other, then we can reach an agreement in terms of what we can do together as men and women. So I would say just understanding and understanding our experiences and us understanding their experiences.

In addition to engaging men in conversations about heterosexual interactions and relationships, B4US also hosted a number of events that focused on the men’s thoughts about and conceptions and definitions of self. A number of men appreciated opportunities to discuss their ideas of manhood and masculinity and welcomed the chance to examine and interrogate how women are positioned within society. These discussions and events enhanced and reaffirmed the men’s value of women; some of the men also shared how mutual understandings of men and women’s experiences can help enhance their relations. In fact, pursuing “equality for everyone because everyone deserves to be equal” pushes back against hegemonic masculinity and the need (or goal) to dominate over others. Students like Miguel expressed an interest in engaging in activities where the conversation centered on valuing and respecting women. In this view, B4US events like a men’s retreat could play a number of roles in strengthening the bonds among the members. Additionally, there are multiple opportunities in these spaces to engage men in critical conversations about their lives, academic efforts and performances, and identity development. For instance, researchers note that some Men of Color fear femininity, especially as it relates to homophobia, and therefore may maintain or project negative attitudes toward some women and men.2 The men rated the B4US men’s retreat high on the list of activities that they found meaningful. In spaces like those provided by the retreat, men can be more informed about the ways in which hegemonic masculine identity may govern their gender expressions and how it can limit their relationships, friendships, and connections with others. Primarily, students found that B4US was a social entity that allowed them to develop their personal identities and credited the program with helping them challenge and expand their conceptions of manhood and masculinity. Larry best exemplifies this challenge in his description of the B4US program: “I would definitely like to say that B4US is a challenge—­a challenge in that it makes you think about masculinity and what it means to be a man, what it means to be a brother. What it means to literally be a brother in the respect of are we just gonna go and talk about girls or am I gonna prep you for how you need to be dressed for an interview? Or, am I gonna prep you for what you need to do in class rather than horsing around all the time?” Additionally,

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respecting and valuing women through developing healthy and meaningful relationships was critical. Luis acknowledged this in the following statement: I feel like the relationships that I can get now are boundless . . . I feel that B4US gave me the tools to be able to create those relationships with whoever I meet. I think the special [relationships] are the ones that came about because of B4US, where B4US gave me the knowledge of how to be a good man. I’m in a relationship now that’s two years strong. I feel like it gave me the insight of not just, you know, being a good father and all that but also just being a good human being. Healthy relationships [make] for a good life, whether it’s with a significant other or even with my brothers.

Luis articulates the importance of character by stating that B4US taught him to be a good man. B4US uses the phrase conscious and committed to define and describe both the brotherhood that the members form among each other in the program and manhood as a larger, overarching concept. For Luis, being a good man extended beyond B4US and included maintaining strong, positive relationships. Within the program, Luis learned skills that transferred to a successful romantic relationship, allowed him to engage positively with an older adult male, and promoted confidence in his future abilities. According to Larry, B4US “challenges” how men think about themselves and their relations with one another. As we discussed in chapter 3, a significant component of the men’s B4US experience was building a community among their male peers. In building this community (brotherhood), it also was important that the men held each other accountable and focused on many of their primary goals, such as pursuing academic excellence and respecting each other and women as well. Thus the men’s learning about valuing and respecting women was connected to their current experiences, their relationships (and friendships), their identity development, and their conceptions of their future selves.

“It’s OK to Open Up”: Men Expressing Their Emotionality For a number of men in the study, how they thought about and performed as brothers was woven intricately within their understanding of “what it means to be a man.” One of the challenges that men often face is suppressing their emotions. Often, they are placed in competition with one another, which is not conducive to expressing emotionality or vulnerability. Still, how men present themselves in relation to other men offers an opportunity to understand what suppressing emotions means for enacting masculinity. This suppression is threefold. First, due to gendered framing, many young men are taught and socialized not to express their emotions. Women are constructed as “emotional”—­they share their emotions to express both what they feel and how they feel—­while men are discouraged from engaging in similar behaviors.

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This framing often presents how men and women engage in emotional labor as antagonistic styles and may “create” a gap between the two groups that some believe cannot be bridged. These constructs take on additional meaning across various contexts and institutions.3 Second, a number of young men in urban communities, such as the overwhelming majority of men in this study, grow up in environments where being vulnerable and expressing emotions place them at risk of verbal harassment, physical threat, and even personal harm.4 Finally, we argue that suppressing one’s emotions stunts men’s identity development and, in fact, can be toxic to their health. Additionally, this suppression also limits how relationships are developed and navigated and can restrict men’s proximity to other men. In his reflection on the relationships that he developed through B4US and in considering how men are socialized concerning their emotions, Larry shared, One of the things that I can say B4US has helped me with is to understand that I can’t let the culture of today define how I go about my life. I can’t let—­just because other people feel that you don’t need to show emotion and you can’t show that you’re intelligent—­I can’t let that affect my relationships. . . . It’s OK to open up and have a better relationship. And I feel that having these more open relationships, especially with males—­I don’t know what it is, it’s not very much talked about, but it’s specifically something within males, Men of Color, it’s specifically within Men of Color—­this thing where we’re not supposed to show emotion within relationships. A lot of people are shocked when I say, “I love you, brother.”

As noted by a number of men, one of the crucial messages they received from B4US centered on healthy masculinity and rejected dominant framings of manhood. Thus Larry’s reflection is quite illuminating for the men in B4US and in their leadership on and off campus. According to participants, sharing and expressing one’s emotions (“It’s OK to open up”) is a necessary component for men to be their authentic selves. Importantly, Men of Color must resist societal ideas of how to be men and develop their own conceptions of manhood that include being open and trusting, which can harbor a healthy sense of self and healthy relationships with friends, romantic partners, and the community. Some of the men referenced specific B4US events that helped them expand their conceptions of manhood and masculinity. Pedro shared his experiences in the following way: They’ve really had workshops that really inspired me to become capable of opening and really sharing out. . . . And they’ve really done a great job of

PEDRO: 

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expressing that to the males on campus and to be able to gather everybody in the family you’re in and to make it seem like it’s an open environment. And look, there it is right where it was all this time, and I really want to open up and to just come to them and say . . . when you say “B4US,” it’s like, “Wow, this is what it means to be in Brothers for United Success!” RESEARCHER:  What does it mean to be a man? PEDRO:  It means to be capable but also be understanding and to be open to anything and to be able to share your vast knowledge [with] other males because we get to do that with our family. And you get to do that with your mom and your sister and friends, but you don’t really share like your whole 110 percent—­like you don’t really share who you are. . . . B4US has really created this environment where you can share out your feelings and you can share your past experiences and you can share whatever you have inside. B4US brings it out for the best. Like, you can be 100 percent with time—­right, they don’t really create workshops that you’re going to share it instantaneously, but they really provide your own process of those workshops that really helped us open up.

Creating events that speak to men’s gender identity development, such as workshops and retreats, was an important venue of growth and maturation. Within and across these events and activities, men are provided with vital spaces where they can engage in sociocultural conversations that speak directly to and about their lives. According to their narratives, some of the men felt inspired for their own development (“inspired me to become capable of opening and really sharing out”) and believed that this learning could position men to be (better) community agents. As opposed to focusing on dominating other men or dominating women (e.g., hegemonic masculinity), B4US was credited with harboring and sustaining a community atmosphere that allowed members to be open, understanding, and involved. Importantly, men did not feel forced to open up immediately; rather, they were able to share their interiorities at moments that worked best for them. And without fail, sharing themselves in these ways deepened the bonds that the men had with each other—­and informed how they could engage with others and the community.

“Step Out of the Things You’ve Been Conditioned to Do”: Reconceptualizing Masculinity and Men’s Sense of Self In addition to respecting women and expressing their emotionality, the men discussed how learning about manhood and masculinity informed their sense of self. A significant number of them shared how they felt connected to B4US through a heightened sense of self and collective identity awareness.5 These opportunities and learning experiences were pivotal moments that empowered the men, providing them with opportunities for self-­discovery. In fact,

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B4US offered a culturally enriching environment for the members to become men of character. These family-­like spaces with diverse images of masculinity encourage positive identity development.6 The men’s sense of self was tied to how they constructed their masculine identities and how they viewed themselves within their communities. For instance, Luis acknowledged, I can say I’m more in touch with both my masculine side and feminine side and I’m OK with both of them. B4US has given me opportunities to speak on those subjects to other men, and we’ve had really good conversations. I’m able to do it with fluidity and comfortability [sic] and get credentialed in certain ways. It’s tough—­some guys will want to do it themselves. We had a guy who said, “I’m about to graduate, but I don’t know if I’m ready to be a man.” And I want to be a person that they can talk to and maybe say, “You can do this, this, and this.”

A number of students pushed back against rigid constructions of manhood and masculine identity and instead focused on their gendered identities in broad and inclusive ways. Luis’s construction of being in touch with both “my masculine side and feminine side” positioned him well to support other men’s identity development. Being “more in touch with both” meant that these men understood that valuing themselves holistically could help them navigate their worlds. As opposed to limiting how they thought about their masculinity, the men discussed identity as an inclusive concept and construct that required knowing one’s full self. Additionally, as a number of students noted, there is no need for men to engage in individualistic approaches to their work and progress, which can make their academic, social, and leadership work and efforts challenging. Alternatively, working together, or working with others within the community, can lighten the burden and make reaching goals even more rewarding. For some of the men, the B4US community aligned with how they thought about and framed themselves and also sharpened their sense of self. For instance, while reflecting on what he learned about manhood through B4US, Larry offered, “I would say . . . it’s played a significant one. I feel that I always have had a great sense of what being a man was, but B4US has helped to further that. My father, like I said before, was a man among men. My father would cry on his mother’s birthday. I feel like I had a better idea of what masculinity was [than some others], but B4US helped to affirm my beliefs—­I should say, it aligned with [them].” Developing and expressing a healthy concept of masculinity was an important facet of B4US and revealed students’ multiple opportunities for growth and maturity. Given that not all masculine performances are valued equally, the space B4US provided for self-­expression gave the men greater latitude to perform a wide range of masculinities. For instance, a number of men spoke

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about their abilities to cry, share, and be vulnerable with their B4US peers, which we argue are critical opportunities for healing and self-­discovery. Even for men who entered B4US with a strong sense of self, and even among those who had great foundations and examples of manhood within their own families, the messages they received and what they experienced during their B4US tenure still mattered. The alignment of some of the men’s beliefs with what B4US offered was reaffirming. A critical facet of their sense of self was demonstrated by the men’s discussions of the ways they presented themselves. Some of the men acknowledged learning about the importance of dressing a certain way for specific events—­such as business dress attire for some B4US events and in meetings with local leaders and businesspeople. These learning experiences helped expand the men’s conceptions of their self-­images. This presentation of self was a holistic approach, as it was important to and within B4US, the college campus, and the community. As the men in this study reflected even more on the multiple roles they played in their families, communities, and B4US—­and even on campus—­they expressed a desire to present the best of themselves to others. For example, Chauncey shared, “When I first came in, I was introverted and reticent. B4US put me around like-­minded people who [were] going after the same kinda goals I’m going after, and it kinda broke me out my shell and transformed me. My first year on campus . . . I was sagging [my pants] and all that, but I was around. They was in suits, and I’m like, ‘I’m not doing [it]!’ And it changed me. Now when I see people sagging, I’m like, ‘Is that what I looked like?’” Similar to Chauncey, Ardel provided the following comments about his presentation of self: “It’s a growing experience. Like everybody said, the community is the reason why it is. Just like Chauncey said, him sagging and stuff like that, I still do that, and now I’m starting to realize . . . that’s not OK. You know, you need to change the way you’re doing things. You need to step out of the things you’ve been conditioned to do. And it’s a beautiful thing; I like what this program is doing for me.” A number of men described both individual and communal benefits of engaging in B4US. Some of the men participated in critical self-­reflection that raised their own self-­awareness, which helped inform and initiate a number of changes to (or realizations about) their behaviors and presentation of self. Some of the men wanted to hold on to their previous fashions, styles, and presentations of self when they joined B4US; however, members could earn a B4US tie after participating in a certain number of events. There were no dress requirements for engaging in the program, but members were invited to wear dress shirts and ties during some events, and executive board members wore blazers as well. Returning B4US members encouraged new members to wear professional clothing not as a critique but rather as an invitation to discern how

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they presented themselves and represented the organization—­and what they wanted their dress to communicate to others. In fact, Ardel’s realization that “you need to step out of the things you’ve been conditioned to do” aligns well with Chauncey’s inquiry about his self-­presentation (“Is that what I looked like?”). These students’ experiences speak to an expansion of masculine possibilities. Many of the men shared having gendered expectations placed on them by family members, community members, and peers regarding dress and behaviors during their adolescent years. Engaging in B4US heightened their self-­awareness and helped them mitigate external pressures to behave or dress in stereotypical ways. Thus in their B4US experiences, some of the men were socialized about professional dress, presentation of self for different contexts (e.g., as B4US leaders and as youth mentors), and how their presentations of self were more than just about themselves. And importantly, some of the men asserted that their self-­presentations were connected to the collective consciousness and identity of the group.

“I’m Living Proof That They’re Not True”: Men of Color Resisting Stereotypes Many of the men’s B4US experiences centered on empowering them to become change agents on campus and within their communities. This involved developing bonds with other men and changing their thoughts and conceptualizations of masculinity and manhood. As they engaged in critical conversations, serving and building community, identity development, and self-­reflection, the men also were quite mindful of how they were positioned within wider society through stereotypes and deficit rhetoric. Participating in B4US was an important activity that revealed the men’s agency and desire to improve and enhance their college experiences. Also, their burgeoning self-­and collective awareness helped the men develop and deploy their own narratives about their lives and needs. Thus part of what the men offer can be informative for how we can (re)imagine and (re)write narratives about them. Here, we focus on how the men understood, discerned, and resisted stereotypes about Black and Latino males. The B4US members in our study were highly cognizant of the many stereo­ types about young Men of Color in mainstream society. B4US positioned these men as leaders both on and off campus, and the men’s experiential knowledge is noteworthy. During a focus-­group interview, Naimon stated, “Stereotypes are born from ignorance. Humanity fears what it doesn’t know. So a lot of these stereotypes are born from a lack of knowledge or consciousness about other people. Some of that may be intentional, some of that may not. Regardless, it’s that fear that you don’t know about this other group of people.” There

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is much to be made here from what Naimon offers. Critical in his response is that although people lack knowledge or consciousness about others, they continue to project people like Men of Color in deficit and denigrated ways. Regardless of intentions, what we do know is that ignorance and fear continue to reveal themselves in anti-­Black and anti-­Latino violence, especially against young men.7 Naimon continued, Personally, I don’t try to change the people who are scared of me—­as what I represent, which is an educated Man of Color. I try to change the minds of people who just don’t know; they just assume what they know about me because they’ve heard about it. But they’ve never actually done anything to engage themselves to change that narrative that they’ve been hearing. So if I can change that narrative, if I can be that change and then showcase myself to them and see that . . . those stereotypes are just generalized to all people—­I’m living proof that they’re not true and change their mind, so be it; I prefer that.

In sharing their thoughts about their lives, and the connectedness of their lives, the men’s narratives provide critical insight into their ways of knowing and meaning making and their interiorities as well. While the stereotypes and projections about Men of Color may be damning, some of the men expressed that they did not shoulder the burden of alleviating others’ fears. Instead of burdening Men of Color, Naimon places the onus of responsibility on those who have received these stereotypes and projections as truth and remained passive in their responses to changing the narrative(s) that they have heard. Still, the men do understand and appreciate the impact that their efforts can make in revealing that one stereotype does not fit all Men of Color—­or all people with a specific racial and ethnic identity background. And, as the men’s lives demonstrate, who they are and who they have become serve as “living proof ” that the stereotypes are not true. In addition to sharing how they think about negative characterizations of Men of Color, some of the men also discussed how stereotypes informed their leadership efforts. As he reflected on how he thought about stereotypes in his work as a youth mentor, Manuel offered the following: I think it’s important that they’re [the youth] exposed to the ones that they don’t know about. A lot of times, we just get the very tip of the iceberg ones, the ones that make fun of how we eat or how we are—­athleticism, what kinda work we do. But it’s very important for me to expose them to “This is the stereotype that applies to you when you’re in school; this is the stereotype that applies to you when you’re in certain settings.” So to me, it’s “These aren’t the only stereotypes, and this isn’t the only way that it’s set up against you, let me show you this much

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more.” It’s really just exposing them and saying there’s way more out there. But this is how you, first of all, accept it and know that it’s there, and this is how you dispel it—­or this is how I dispel it.

For some of the men, being exposed to stereotypes was a critical component of their identity development, which could help inform their cultural wealth as well. For instance, Manuel incorporated teaching youth about stereotypes of Men of Color as a way to arm them with knowledge about how they will be positioned and repositioned within society. This approach is situated well within a critical mentoring framework built on a critical race understanding and pedagogy. It is vital for our youth to know these framings so that they can develop adaptive coping strategies in order to negotiate how they are viewed. And at the same time, they must be informed about how to resist these stereo­types, framings, and projections, especially as they can have deleterious effects on how the youth are allowed to engage with schools, institutional agents, and even their own neighborhoods. In sharing how they have experienced stereotypes, racism, or even microaggressions, the youth mentors are in fact teaching for the community. Their teaching and mentoring help heighten youth’s awareness of how their lives can be restricted and constrained by external forces. Additionally, sharing their experiences can help deepen the bonds within the mentor-­protégé relationship. Finally, understanding how one might dispel these stereotypes (and other forms of denigration) can help young Men of Color develop healthy identities, extend their resistance capital, empower their efforts, and offer healing. The men expressed a deep desire to listen to and understand how youth thought about themselves. Also, they thought about how their lives were connected to youth. A final comment from Chauncey, who responded to Manuel’s point about teaching the youth about the challenges they are likely to face, provides nuance to the ways in which the men engaged youth in conversations about stereotypes and what these projections might mean in youth’s lives: Yeah, I agree with that—­the last part, the dispelling part. When I talk to some of my students about the stereotypes, we don’t joke about it or make light about it. Well, I guess we do kinda joke about it. But one of the things that we do is ask, “You know why Black people get pulled over more?” And we say, “It’s because we’re special, and they just wanna talk to us.” Stupid jokes like that, but we’re addressing it; we’re not just getting all sad about it. Sitting there talking about, “Oh, we’re just being killed off. Awe, everybody hates us.”

As stated, all of the men expressed that being aware of the stereotypes held about Men of Color was critical—­for themselves and for youth alike. This awareness can play a crucial role in how one might receive and respond to

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these tropes. Additionally, this awareness also informed the men of the need to develop adaptive coping strategies, positive self-­identities, healthy relationships, and resistance. Chauncey’s approach to making light of stereotypes and profiling is situated in how youth might internalize these negative messages and interactions. A key to what he offered is that he and his students do “talk about it and address it.” It was crucial that the students not internalize these messages but understand that “it’s not just you.” Chauncey added, It’s more of, you know, when someone’s special . . . there’s really jealous people, and they’re gonna try to take your light away. I just make sure that they [the youth] know that you just have to keep on shining; you just have to keep doing you. There’s stereotypes on every race, it’s not just you, so don’t feel that; that’s how it feels like. Young Men of Color, it feels like everything is you; you look in the media and everything is [about] you. Someone is robbing, it’s you probably—­not you physically, but it’s one of your people. We talk about it and we address it, but we always make light at the end and make sure they know “That’s not you, you know, you’re sitting here doing what you have to do, so keep on doing what you gotta do. And shut everybody up, that’s all you have to do—­that’s all you can do.” Either sit and be upset about it or be the change. It’s a cliché, and I hear it, but it’s the realist one, you know; just be the change because it has to start somewhere, and it has to start with somebody. You may not think of yourself as someone special enough to start it, but anybody can. It’s a domino effect; all it takes is one person.

Although news coverage about Black and Latino male youth often centers on those engaged in and reduced to nefarious actions and delinquent behaviors, these stories are not true for all youth. Some media stories and accompanying narratives accost Black and Latino males and their development; these framings do little to reflect their complexion. Even further, as opposed to being sad or upset about these framings, these men and the youth they mentor have myriad opportunities to be change agents. Rather than succumbing to how they are framed negatively or diminishing their own possibilities, we can help youth tap into and build on their cultural capital—­such as resistance and navigational capital. We can offer radical healing for urban youth by providing them with spaces and opportunities to share their stories, experiences, and lives. Also, we can honor their lives and efforts by helping sharpen their creative adaptation to social, political, and economic inequities.8 Additionally, as we argued in the previous chapter, we must engage our youth through audacious hope and radical possibilities so that we can strengthen their roles as community change agents.

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“Tell My Haters to Have a Seat”: On College Graduation . . . and Beyond The men in this study faced a number of barriers and disadvantages throughout their lives. These challenges spanned the gamut, from personal and familial hardships, to enduring and overcoming health issues and concerns, to navigating higher education and academic challenges, and as discussed in the previous section, to navigating a range of projections and stereotypes that denigrate their being and abilities. As has been made clear to readers throughout this book, the men whose voices and experiences fill these pages have persevered and persisted through all of these challenges. To be sure, there are still hurdles and obstacles for the men to overcome, such as self-­doubts, successfully transitioning to graduate school, and beginning their professional careers. Still, the men have much to offer about their journeys, how they are connected to their communities, and their accomplishments and efforts. As we endeavor to improve the educational outcomes for Men of Color throughout the educational pipeline, we must better understand and appreciate their situated standpoints. In an effort to honor their resilience, persistence, and agency, what we offer in this section is a collection of their voices regarding their thoughts on college graduation. As the subtitle for this section suggests, a number of men are keenly aware of the doubters and “haters” who have maintained low expectations for them, have questioned their resolve and abilities, and never gave them a chance to succeed—­or to be themselves. In response, the men’s authentic voices speak to their resilience and agency and can help us reimagine and rewrite our narratives about them. Importantly, we argue that the new narratives must be developed with these men and not simply about them. In the quotes that follow, the men speak to their cultural wealth gained through self-­authorship, sense of self, accomplishment, achievement, resilience and resistance (e.g., prove-­them-­wrong mentality), responsibility, community, family, and gratitude, to name but a few significant themes. Instead of offering an analysis of each of the quotes, we offer a collection of the men’s words so that our readers can focus explicitly on what the men share. The men were asked what college graduation will mean to them. Some of the men responded in the following ways: Just a start. I do want to get a PhD or EdD. My mom does have a bachelor’s degree from here, with three kids and pregnant. A bachelor’s is equivalent to a high school degree. So when I graduate, I will be stepping into the next stage for a master’s [degree]. —­Luis

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Everything! It means a culmination of everything from my mother and father and all the things that people have instilled in me along the way. It would mean everything; it is everything. —­Larry College graduation will mean to me just another step further in life, just another way that I can advance myself and help others. Another way that I can get closer to my new goal, which is a PhD or a post PhD, where I can contribute something new to the entire subject itself. —­Mike Oh! It will be an honor. My goal is to graduate summa cum laude or one of the tops. To get that accomplishment would be out of this world for me. You set a long-­term goal, you actually worked for it, you actually did it, and you graduated as one of the tops of your class; that would be a really big accomplishment. You set your goals and you accomplished it and you will have a degree for the future. —­Phillipe College graduation would mean a lot to me. I would have a degree, and hopefully I have the job I’m looking for. And it’ll prove the statistics wrong. . . . Having a degree means that I didn’t just attend [college] but I made it all the way. It’s actually a milestone that I’ve set for myself because you might end up working for a lower-­wage job. If you get fired, then you can still find a job. You’re gonna get fired, then where are you gonna go? —­Ernesto Nothing. I’m still gon’ be in school because I’m [a] pre-­med [major]. That graduation will be confirmation that I’m headed on the right path. I know I’m gon’ graduate; I didn’t come to college not to! —­JC

As can be seen by these statements, the men had a great deal of thoughts and meaning making about their college graduation. Some of the men, like Luis, Mike, and JC, clearly identified that college graduation is “just a start” or “just another step in life” or even simply what they expected of themselves. Clearly articulated here is that many of these students already had postcollegiate plans in place that included graduate and professional school or professional aspirations. As they reflected on their experiences and thought about college graduation, a few of the men contextualized their offering through some of the challenges that they faced. Importantly, and most clearly, the men astutely pointed

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to their perseverance, persistence, and resilience, which all include educational agency as an underlying theme. Here we highlight Quan and Enrique’s reflections as representative of these characteristics: Graduation was surreal. Like, it almost felt like, “Man, that’s it!” You walk across that stage and you’re like, “That’s it, really?” All this sacrifice and you’re done? Go figure it out now. For me, it was the most rewarding moment of my life. It allows you to look back and say, if I got through all of that and got to this moment, I got to this place and I’m not done yet—­ yeah, that’s empowering! But you do look back for a moment and say, “That’s it? It’s over?” RESEARCHER:  Put those years of experience in perspective; what do you think about your journey? QUAN:  It definitely makes you realize how much you’ve changed over time, and then you start to realize how differently people view you now. You don’t do it intentionally. But because you’ve evolved over that time frame, they just look at you differently. We’re still cool, but I can’t hang out with you that much right now; I have different priorities. Looking back, people are still doing the same things that they were doing when I started community college. So, the evolution. QUAN: 

Oh my god! That’ll mean the world to me because I would be the first person in my family to graduate. My brother didn’t finish because he has a kid now. In my family, there is no one else to do it. Any struggle that I had to go through was worth it! Yeah, graduation! Graduation will mean the world to me. RESEARCHER:  What types of struggles have you had to go through? ENRIQUE:  First was financial troubles; when I was younger, we ended up losing our house. [Then] my parents got divorced. . . . They want me to do more, but at the same time, they know we’re kinda holding you back, but not in a mean way. We’ve been through so much. ENRIQUE: 

For students like Quan and Enrique, graduation can be a pivotal moment that makes their accomplishments stand out even more. Considering their growth and development (especially through what we offered in chapter 2 and throughout this book), the men’s reflections are important for their own self-­ realization. Resoundingly, the men point to their development as critical to appreciating where they come from (“Because you’ve evolved over that time frame”) and their accomplishments (“Any struggle I had to go through was worth it!”). Thus some of the men saw struggle as part of their development and triumph and also understood that people may view them differently. They

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did not wish to be defined by their struggles or through a deficit perspective but instead hoped that what they achieved can and will be placed in a perspective that respects their efforts. As Quan stated, he prioritized his educational efforts, and given his ascent through college, he especially highlighted his own evolution—­academically, intellectually, and personally. For many of these men, college graduation is distinct evidence and proof that they are capable of achieving many of their educational goals. In the final section of the men’s thoughts about graduation, we turn our attention to how the men made meaning of college graduation in relation to their families. As quoted earlier, without being prompted, Enrique placed his college graduation within his own familial context. As the first person to graduate from college, graduation “will mean the world” to Enrique and a number of other men as well. In these last shared narratives on the subject, the importance of family is highlighted and central to the men’s interiorities and thoughts about themselves and their efforts. Ah, man! That’ll be a great feeling! First, it would mean the opportunity to make more money, the opportunity to make my family proud and my future kids proud because I’d be able to tell them that I’ve overcame the obstacles as a Black male. That also means less school I have to go through because you go four years for your bachelor’s and two years for your master’s and then your doctorate. RESEARCHER:  What will it mean for your family? KOBE:  I think they’d be proud, but I think they’re expecting me to do great things. So I think they’ll have the same excitement that they had when I graduated high school, which was not much. So it’s more like an expectation when it comes to me because I am different than a lot of people. RESEARCHER:  What do you think about that expectation being placed on you? KOBE:  Pretty big one. I feel if I were to drop out or fail classes, they would be disappointed in me, so they have a lot of expectations. KOBE: 

Oh, gosh! Oh, it’ll mean joy, a relief. Sometimes I feel like I carry the weight of some of my ancestors who didn’t come on this journey—­especially my grandparents. It just means so much breaking those stereotypes, not being a part of those statistics, setting that example for my little brother and my children. Getting to that point where my success is taking off. But most of all, not . . . how can I put it? Most of all, walking that stage means that the people who have lost their lives for efforts for Men of Color—­to walk that stage is not in vain. And that their cause is worth it. And also the sleepless, restless nights, the unknown untold stories of what my mom went through to provide for me and my siblings—­the sacrifices.

EDDIE: 

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What will it mean to your family? Hmm! It will mean the world to them, especially my mom. I’m the oldest boy. Yeah, it would mean a lot! It would mean a lot . . . how proud she would be. RESEARCHER:  Has anyone ever asked you about your college experiences before? EDDIE:  Yes, my high school mentor, my uncle who recently passed—­maybe like a year ago. He had his own little way of telling me things, but before he passed I told him, “I heard it; it didn’t go out one ear.” But it didn’t register until I came here. I might not have liked what he said, but it was his way of saying I could do better, and he was right—­very much so! On my mom’s side of the family, well both sides, [we] came from the projects. How society looked at them, like they weren’t supposed to make it . . . but they turned out well. . . . And he just talked about how there’s more opportunity than when he was coming up, and he’s definitely right about that too. RESEARCHER:  So it sounds like you’re carrying a lot with you? EDDIE:  Yeah, it kinda is. But also, a personal journey for myself too—­just wanting to succeed. Somebody told me that if I focus, I will have a beautiful future, so I don’t take that focus lightly. RESEARCHER:  What makes this emotional for you? EDDIE:  Just living in that moment and the relief and stuff. I shared this with someone in B4US too. I asked, “Did you feel like you were carrying an extra weight? Like, you were on that way of breaking that mold of there being no college graduates [in your family]?” He said it was, and it was good having someone to relate to because that was how I felt; that was how I felt. RESEARCHER: 

EDDIE [BEGINNING TO CRY]: 

As evidenced from Kobe and Eddie, some of the men initially spoke about their families as they made meaning from their upcoming college graduations. Here, the men’s familial capital is critical in how they think about their college graduation as a collective achievement. In his initial response, Kobe focused on degree attainment as being connected to social mobility and the impact that his accomplishments will have on his family. Additionally, he invoked his future self as a part of his sharing (“my future kids”); thus the men’s sense of family is critical to how they think about themselves. Kobe also translated his family’s expectations into his own aspirations to achieve. Similarly, Eddie discussed how his achievements were connected to his family—­across multiple generations. Also important in the men’s conceptions was how their accomplishments can reveal their resistance capital (“I’ve overcame the obstacles as a Black male” and “It just means so much breaking those stereotypes, not being a part of those [negative] statistics”). The men’s desires to achieve were situated deeply in their family histories and their own personal journeys. They carried with them both lessons and burdens, which were displayed in their narratives,

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exhibited in the ways they navigated the college milieu, and embodied in their lives. It’s gon’ be big; overall, it’s gon’ be big. I’ll be the first one to have it out of ten siblings. First one in generations. Overall, be able to hang that [diploma] up on the wall or give it to my moms. And that’s gon’ be the goal for my younger brothers and sisters: “All right, Terrence graduated from college, so make it happen.” This is just a stepping-­stone. High school is not just enough, and then college is not enough, so I just want to create some footsteps with that. RESEARCHER:  What will it mean to your family? TERRENCE:  Like I mentioned, it’s gon’ be big. Something that they really gon’ embrace. I can tell because I got an inspiration spirit award, it was the first award that I ever got. After that, I got ten recognition awards, and I have them all in my room [at home]—­all the awards are sitting in there. Recently, my younger brother got a 100 percent on his quiz, and he slipped his paper in there. It’s like, “All right, you making an impact.” I see they mirror me, so trying to make that impact—­high school degree and so forth. TERRENCE: 

That would mean, [in] shortest way possible, that would mean everything. That would mean that everything that I went through in high school and beyond it was worth it. Despite health, despite personal factors, I did it. That would be extreme motivation for me to keep going. College graduation will mean everything to me. RESEARCHER:  What will it mean to your family? JAMELLE:  For my mom, it’ll mean that it was worth it; everything she did was worth it. For my dad, it’ll be he did his part because that’s what he said to my sister. But to my family, it’ll mean that I am a strong individual; I deserve it because I overcame all this stuff. JAMELLE: 

Everything! Everything, everything! I don’t—­I mean, I can’t put it in words. I’m strong, it shows I’m strong and I can do it. I am something. It would just mean everything. Especially first generation, you know—­that’s kinda cool. RESEARCHER:  What’s it gonna be like to be a first-­generation college grad? MO [SHAKING HIS HEAD]:  It’s gonna be, I mean, it is enlightening. My brother was here; we were at the bar, and he’s about to turn twenty-­five. Who you are right now is who you are going to be for the rest of your life. It’s cool, I don’t know, it’s just cool to pass on things that I’ve learned to my siblings . . . I think it’s pretty cool, it means that everything that I learn, I can pass it along to them. There’s a lot of people hating on me too. I definitely have a MO [SMILING]: 

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lot of people rooting for me. It’s about being a role model. I tell my younger siblings that you’re going to college even if I gotta pay for it. It’s not about a job, it’s about how you see the world, how you think, how you spend your time, how you vote—­everything. Yeah, that’s what I’m passing down. And then when I graduate, I get to go home because I haven’t been there because I have nephews that I need to inspire. I want to tell my haters to have a seat—­all those people who wanted me to be nothing.

Being a first-­generation college student was important to how the men thought about their college graduation. In many ways, the men see their college graduation as a way to meet some of their own self-­expectations and aspirations. Also, this accomplishment was conceived within their familial capital; the men saw how their efforts could impact various members of their families. As we discussed in chapter 2, the men’s families have played significant roles in supporting their educational efforts. And just as importantly, the men believe that their accomplishments can have a positive impact on their families. As can be seen in the men’s narratives, college graduation will mean a great deal to their families. Some of the men posited that their academic efforts and perseverance as well as their growth and development were representative of their families, cultures, and histories (familial capital and cultural capital). The men have internalized a great deal of their in-­class and out-­of-­class learning and understand that their ascent can be attributed to their communities: their personal relationships, their families, and their connections with their male peers. Across the myriad ways that they thought about college graduation for themselves, the meanings and significance of their college graduation for their families will create new histories and sustain ongoing legacies. In both of these ways, and in all of the ways that the men shared throughout this study, the men’s efforts, achievements, and cultural wealth are crucial to understanding how we can reimagine and rewrite the narratives about Men of Color.

Community Cultural Wealth: Resistance Capital The men’s narratives and meaning making about their identities, sense of self, and college graduation are situated well within their resistance capital. Yosso (2005) defines resistance capital as the “knowledges and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that challenges inequality” (p.  80). The men used their critical consciousness, about themselves and their communities, as a key anchor for how they resisted hegemonic conceptions of masculine identities, deficit-­oriented narratives about them, and educational engagement. In particular, they espoused and engaged in communal masculinity, where their value of women, expressiveness, and presentations of self were important elements of their identity scripts. Additionally, the men did not conceive of

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themselves as in competition with other men but rather in community with other men. Within this community, the men idealized, articulated, and performed their masculine identities in ways that spoke to their collective sense of self. Also, the men considered how their ways of knowing and being were important forms of actively resisting stereotypes. The men in B4US frequently discussed their commitment to working to change some of the social inequities in their communities that they and others have endured. As can be seen throughout their quotes, arming youth with knowledge about themselves and completing their college degrees were constructed as opportunities to make meaningful contributions to their communities. The B4US program served as a conduit for students to connect their learning to their communities and cultivate educational agency so they could make meaningful contributions while in college. Similarly, their college accomplishments, including milestone achievements and upcoming graduations, were positioned as collective achievements. The men saw their efforts as ways to uplift their communities, inspire youth, and improve their future lives. Throughout this study, students expressed their commitment to making meaningful change in the community. The students exhibited a collective optimism about their capacity to make a difference. The intimate bond the young Men of Color in B4US shared culminated in a critical hope that intensified their desire to be change agents. The men’s resistance capital played a key role in enhancing their identity development, deepening their community commitments (among family and community members, especially youth), and intensifying their educational aspirations and agency. Importantly, even through their efforts to persist to (and beyond) college graduation, the men’s individual and collective efforts reveal their educational agency and how they worked to rewrite and reimagine the narratives about their lives and possibilities.

“I Can Change That Narrative”: Conclusion The men’s manhood and masculine identity constructs are important elements of both how they see themselves and how they want to be seen by others. Thus many of the men expressed feeling constrained by the stereotypes levied against Men of Color. Some men went to great efforts to fight against the deficit framing and stereotypes; their resistance was revealed in how they actively worked against the stereotypes and profiling that were and are part of the dominant narratives—­some that even limit their life chances and opportunities. The great majority of men who desired to be their authentic selves saw their educational agency as a way to change the narrative about Men of Color. Overwhelmingly, the men expressed and maintained a positive sense of self, which was enhanced by their engagement, collective consciousness,

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and cultural wealth. As opposed to thinking of their performances as “code switching”—­the sometimes subconscious practice of changing one’s behaviors, dress, or style of talk to fit in with one’s surroundings—­we understand their performances, behaviors, actions, and adaptations as strong indicators and representations of their cultural wealth. That is, the men’s style of dress, which they used to navigate and negotiate different social and professional contexts, reveals some of the sophistication of their cultural, linguistic, and navigational capital. Additionally, the men’s cultural capital was revealed by their appreciation and sense of connection to their collective identity and collective consciousness. As it pertains to their linguistic capital, the men’s style of dress and their presentation of self can be considered how they wished to “speak” to others through their dress and behaviors. And finally, the men evinced great navigational capital as they negotiated a variety of contexts both on and off campus. Additionally, as it pertains to resisting stereotypes, the men thought about their own actions and their work with youth as important venues for resisting. In many ways, the men incorporated some of their own learning from their B4US experiences into their engagements with youth. Thus the men sharpened youth’s community cultural wealth as well. To many of the men, their college successes were centered on others; they saw their efforts as being connected to their B4US peers (and staff ), their families, and their communities. Additionally, the men believed in the benefits that their degree attainment could convey—­to each other and to their families. The men’s definitions of self also were interwoven into their college success. And finally, the men’s reflections, narratives, and meaning making all affirm their high value for education as well as their educational agency.

6

Supporting Men of Color’s Success Efforts

We stand with our colleagues engaged in the fields of educational research and teaching in asserting that Men of Color’s success in higher education is, indeed, a national imperative (e.g., see Cuyjet, 2006; Dancy, 2012; Palmer, Wood, Dancy, & Strayhorn, 2014; Polite & Davis, 1999; Sáenz, Ponjuán, & Figueroa, 2016). As we argued throughout this book, and as our findings indicate, we must be even more committed to supporting and enhancing Men of Color’s educational endeavors. We must pay attention to our students’ backgrounds, as these very often inform their efforts and provide insight into the types and forms of support we offer in and structure into our institutions and programs. Additionally, students’ backgrounds can inform us about how they might relate to one another and the work we can do to create bridges for them to see and understand their connectedness. Colleges and universities are places that can provide opportunities for students to not only pursue their educational goals but also build and extend their communities. In today’s turbulent social and cultural climate, students—­and members of their families—­are under constant attack in neighborhoods and social institutions across the nation. Our histories and current realities make clear that community is an essential element of our lives and livelihoods. Without doubt, community is a critical site for collective struggle. Community is a space where we can remain whole and stay lifted; community is a space where we can be energized and supported in our life journeys and educational endeavors. 111

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The battle to ensure Men of Color’s educational success takes place on multiple fronts. On one front, creating and structuring opportunities for students to build community can enhance their sense of belonging, strengthen their resolve to persist, and provide vital forms of support. At the same time, we need to continue to press for changes at colleges and universities that do not support Students of Color in meaningful ways. Rhetoric is not enough; our commitment must be clear and transparent. As our study attests, the ways in which participants positioned their narratives focused on community; they connected their college aspirations, performances, efforts, and successes to their families and communities. Similarly, they discussed their engagement in B4US as well as their leadership both on and off campus through interdependence and cooperation. Overall, the students’ narratives revealed a wide range of community assets that they brought with them to college and developed and leaned on in their efforts to matriculate to graduation. Our findings show that creating opportunities for Men of Color to bond with and support one another is imperative. Importantly, these connections provide tools for Men of Color to build community on campus. Building community enhances students’ perspectives and can create or reaffirm a sense of purpose. For instance, a number of the students in this study narrated their experiences using the collective we, which was grounded in their sense of connectedness to and with each other. Said differently, Brothers for United Success (B4US) provided a culturally enriching environment that helped increase members’ sense of belonging on campus and fostered a sense of brotherhood among them. Additionally, students felt that their interests and values were reflected in the programmatic mission to engender success for Men of Color. A portion of the narratives that students offered centered on their family backgrounds along with their desires to be change agents—­both on campus and in the community. As a result, the men identified participation in B4US as a bonding experience for themselves and others. Regardless of students’ pathways to college, their efforts for success in college were connected deeply to their backgrounds (e.g., family and community) and the importance and value they placed on education. As a result, being in community allowed the men to broaden their social networks, which helped sharpen their adaptive, resourceful, and resilience strategies to pursue their educational goals. Another critical element of building community on campus was revealed through the opportunities the students in our study had to learn about themselves as men. These occasions were particularly salient in helping the students develop their gender identities. Additionally, as Hunter and Davis (1994) posited more than two decades ago, and as other researchers have attested as well, we can no longer allow the voices or experiences of Men of Color to be “hidden”—­or silenced or overlooked—­but instead must allow the

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complexities of their experiences, definitions, and self-­perceptions to be heard and appreciated. This is crucially important, especially as we hope to aid and bolster Men of Color’s persistence and success efforts. In effect, creating new visions for Men of Color could allow for more robust opportunities for them to refine and redefine their masculine identities and manhood constructs and resist hegemonic masculinity and allow for new stories about Men of Color to garner greater prevalence.

Engaging Men of Color to Support and Engender Success Building community on campus is important, not only because students can benefit from collective ideas (and actions), but also because research has shown consistently that Men of Color are “troubled” in and across the educational pipeline. Racism, both individual and institutional; microaggressions; stereotypes; and profiling all amount to racial battles that often fatigue marginalized students in general and Black and Latino male collegians in particular (see Franklin, Smith, & Hung, 2014; Smith, Allen, & Danley, 2007). Thus Men of Color’s efforts to build community do not simply bring students together but also serve as powerful statements about these men’s educational agency, sense of self, collective interests, and values. This also creates opportunities for students to engage in their local (or even home) communities. These efforts also could be extended to connections with faculty and student affairs personnel as well as increasing the number of invested institutional agents on campus. Faculty members could aid in the retention and persistence efforts for Men of Color; they could serve as mentors on campus, providing students with research opportunities or other ways to engage. In these ways, the “community” aspect of B4US-­type programs broadens, students are provided with opportunities to learn from and about a wide range of invested parties, and the collective efforts for success are enriched. Other faculty and administrators can play roles as support agents and mentors as well. The primary goal in building community is establishing an environment where Men of Color feel supported and valued on campus and where the connections they develop can help engender their success. Ventures such as B4US can play a unique role in increasing the educational agency and sense of belonging for Men of Color in college, and organizing activities and hosting events that speak to their social identities (e.g., race, gender), nonacademic and cocurricular endeavors, and service interests also are essential. Yet these initiatives are important beyond just Men of Color, as they also can provide a platform for colleges and universities (faculty, staff, and administrators) to be better informed about the Men of Color on their campuses. Not only can they learn more about who these students are, but they also can learn these men’s aspirations and goals, how these men experience the

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campus milieu, some of their challenges and persistence efforts, how they feel connected to the college (or not), the value and values they bring to campus, and the role they might play in effecting change on campus and in the community (through engagement, leadership, and service activities). Importantly, as has been noted throughout this study, Men of Color’s communities on campus, such as B4US and other similar organizations, can play a vital role in increasing their retention and graduation, enhancing how they (continue to) develop their masculine identities and manhood constructs, and better appreciating the cultural wealth that they bring to campus. In the remainder of this chapter, we turn our attention to how we build on and extend the community cultural wealth framework and how this study can inform future research and practice.

Leadership Capital In addition to the multiple forms of capital the men in this study used throughout their college tenures, an additional form of capital materialized from the data: leadership capital.1 Leadership capital can be understood as a combination of knowledge and skills rooted in one’s experiences with both formal and informal leadership roles. Leadership capital can be accrued through in-­class, on-­campus, local, and other off-­campus experiences and is gained from one’s position, status, and/or role(s) in those events. Leadership in its many forms centers one’s ability to translate ideas into real-­world results, particularly within and through student organizations and campus-­based programs as well as community-­based work. These venues are important sites of engagement, which allow students to hone their leadership skills and abilities. This form of cultural wealth draws on the work of Sutton and Terrell (1997) and others who have shown that Black and Latino males benefit greatly from leadership opportunities in college (also see Arminio et al., 2000; Garcia, Huerta, Ramirez, & Patrón, 2017; Harper, 2006a; Lozano, 2015). Leadership provides students with practical competencies—­such as peer group and cross-­ cultural communication, relationship building, and public speaking—­that are transferable to other settings (e.g., graduate school, community-­based work, jobs, internships; Harper, 2006a; Hotchkins & Dancy, 2015; Miller & Vaccaro, 2016; Pérez, 2016). More specifically, leadership in racial/ethnic, cultural, or gender-­based organizations and activities is important given students’ potential identity salience (Garcia et al., 2017; Guiffrida, 2003). Additionally, leadership adds value to students’ college experiences, provides opportunities for them to connect and bond with peers, enhances their identity development, and strengthens their resilience and persistence (Arminio et al., 2000; Brooms, Clark, & Smith, 2017; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Hotchkins, 2014, 2017).

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Students’ engagement and leadership are tantamount to their college experiences. In fact, Kuh and colleagues (2003) contended, “One thing about the college student experience is certain: students learn more when they are engaged at reasonably high levels in a variety of educationally purposeful activities, inside and outside of the classroom, over an extended period of time” (p. 1). Students’ engagement in out-­of-­class activities affects their learning and cognitive gains and develops critical thinking and analytic problem-­solving skills (Baxter Magolda, 1992; Kuh, 1995). Similarly, Garcia, Huerta, Ramirez, and Patrón (2017) found that Latino male students in their study learned to “work as a team, developed leadership skills, gained mentors (i.e., hermanos, padrinos), trained future leaders, and learned to build coalitions” (p. 11). Additionally, in venues such as Black fraternities, Latino student organizations, or male-­centered programs, scholars note that members nurture each other’s leadership abilities and benefit from their previous collective experiences in other organizations (see Brooms et al., 2017; Guardia, 2015; Hotchkins, 2014; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; Lozano, 2015; Pérez, 2016). In considering fraternities in particular, fraternity members often report increased confidence in their abilities to perform leadership-­related tasks and perceive that their fraternal involvement enhances their leadership skills and strengthens their identity development (Guardia, 2015; Kimbrough, 1995; Kimbrough & Hutcheson, 1998; McClure, 2006; Pérez, 2016). Culturally enriching environments are prime places for Students of Color in general, and Men of Color like those in this study more particularly, to garner leadership experiences, enhance their leadership identities, and develop their leadership capital. An important component of leadership that we found in our study is the men’s efforts to work toward and through collaboration. As the men considered their various leadership roles, they also discussed how their roles and skills complemented each other. Thus the men envisioned working collaboratively as a way to harness the greatest qualities of the group for the betterment of B4US members and the community. Importantly, leadership experiences nurture critical skills (e.g., time management, communication, teamwork, organization), help students acquire and gain access to other resources, and connects with other forms of capital.

Men of Color and Identity Scholarly emphasis on the burden of “acting white” and oppositional identities suggests that collective identities for Black and Latino students serve as liabilities rather than assets. The narratives provided by the men in our study challenge this formulation of collective identity. The students we interviewed indicated that through their participation in B4US, and college more generally, they became more self-­assured in their identities as students, men, and

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community leaders. Additionally, in being in community with Men of Color, the men also sharpened their collective consciousness. Many students engaged with B4US based on shared values and the opportunity to aid in racial/ethnic uplift. According to Franklin (2002), developing a sense of group consciousness and collective identity is an important facet of cultural capital in Black education. And this group consciousness and collective identity can serve as a resource “aimed at the advancement of an entire group” (p. 177). Notions of collective identities are expressed through cultural symbols or emblems reflecting attitudes, beliefs, feelings, behavior, language, and/or dialect. B4US members developed a collective identity through their participation in the organization, which facilitated their relational connectedness and proximity to each other. Their shirts and ties were used to signal to themselves and others that they were part of the organization. Furthermore, the ways in which they discussed and enacted brotherhood suggested a sense of “we-­ness” and belonging. Additionally, the men’s sense of brotherhood and “we-­ness” was connected to and informed their work with youth in the community. As it relates to their masculine identities and manhood constructs, the men’s identity development was sharpened through the collectivity of the group. The students felt affirmed and valued through their connections with other Men of Color. The depth of these relationships led to healing that allowed the men to ascend beyond their racial and cultural differences. As opposed to seeing each other in competitive or denigrating ways (e.g., Black versus Latino), the men saw their linked fate and better appreciated their diverse backgrounds, histories, and efforts to work collaboratively toward collective goals. B4US provided a space for the men to engage in critical sociocultural conversations about their gendered identities and allowed them to explore alternate masculine constructs, such as communal masculinity. Importantly, this sense of collective identity can be used to empower the men’s persistence, commitment, and engagement.

Implications for Men of Color in Higher Education The popularity of male-­centered programs on college campuses has exploded in the past decade. These provide student affairs professionals and other college personnel with unique opportunities to build community on campus and create an environment that supports Men of Color’s transition, retention, and persistence in college. These programs can have a range of benefits, including enhancing students’ identity development and increasing their sense of belonging on campus. Additionally, these programs and activities can provide students with opportunities for out-­of-­class learning, which could support

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their academic efforts. Based on the men’s experiences from this study, we outline specific recommendations for both research and practice.

Implications for Research The findings presented in this research suggest the need for more studies that investigate how Men of Color experience and make meaning from their engagement on campus, particularly in male-­centered programs. While significant attention has been given to the challenges Black and Latino males face and their “underperformance” in higher education (e.g., see Cuyjet, 2006; Palmer et al., 2014; Sáenz et al., 2016), more attention is needed on what students actually benefit from during their college years. Using critical race theory (CRT) and community cultural wealth as lenses to understand and analyze the students’ experiences, we revealed a need for extending the conversation further regarding what Men of Color’s engagement in a male-­centered program means to their college experiences. As the narratives presented in this research certify, Men of Color want and need communities to connect with for support, advocacy, and personal development. This research adds to the canon of what we know about student engagement on campus—­namely, that it helps them feel valued, can deepen their sense of belonging and mattering, provides culturally affirming spaces to explore and develop their identities, and enhances their interactions and relationships with peers (see Brooms, 2017; Brooms et al., 2017; Estrada, Mejia, & Hufana, 2017; Guardia, 2015; Lozano, 2015; Strayhorn, 2008, 2010). Education stakeholders cannot continue to use theories and strategies that were created without Students of Color in mind to engage Black and Latino males or other Students of Color (e.g., see Guiffrida, 2006). Educators who understand how Men of Color benefit from leadership and engagement can help provide meaningful experiences for Latino and Black males and better gauge their assets and strengths. These meaningful engagement experiences can bolster the students’ self-­efficacy, improve their academic outcomes, and assist in preparing them for life after college. Given the benefits that the Men of Color attributed to their experiences in B4US, future research should continue to examine ways that Black and Latino males develop and make meaning from their engagements and relationships in college. Additionally, as opposed to looking at them separately, it could prove useful to investigate how Black and Latino males develop bonds with each other in college and how these impact their college experiences. This is important, especially given the continuing increases in Latino enrollment in college. Also, as this research was conducted at a primarily Hispanic-­serving institution, more research is needed at other college settings, such as historically Black colleges and universities, historically white institutions, and community colleges. Varying institutional

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types provide different contexts for how Men of Color experience college, connect with the college, engage on campus and serve in leadership roles, and develop relationships and construct their identities. In addition to Men of Color, there are great opportunities to apply CRT and community cultural wealth theoretical frameworks to other marginalized student populations. In particular, more research is needed on Women of Color’s experiences in the educational pipeline in general and in higher education in particular. Finally, future research could take a longitudinal approach to assessing students’ educational experiences. This approach can be useful in understanding the ongoing impact and benefits of student-­centered programs on students’ college tenures and personal and professional development.

Implications for Practice: Strategizing Male-­Centered Programs beyond GPA and Graduation If colleges and universities choose to create and implement male-­centered initiatives, it is important for them to recognize that programs like B4US can do more than support students in reaching their academic goals. As we discussed throughout this work, participants described B4US as supporting their identity development, creating avenues to apply their learning to their communities, and providing opportunities for them to develop healthy peer relationships. Programs like B4US are positioned uniquely to enhance Men of Color’s educational agency and give Men of Color a place to develop healthy self-­conceptions, deepen their sense of belonging and expand their roles as active participants in their communities. Due to the critical functions that male-­centered initiatives perform on college campuses, institutions that choose to implement similar programs need to fully commit to investing in the proper resources. How colleges and universities provide resources (human, social, financial) says a lot about what they believe to be important. At Schomburg University, the institution made a sizeable investment into B4US. The program is equipped with full-­time staff, an operational budget, and access to social capital across campus, which helps the program reach its operational goals and objectives. Too often, programs designed specifically for Men of Color are underresourced and designated as extra duties assigned to faculty and staff. As we have argued, rhetoric alone is not enough; we need investments that connect student-­centered support to institutional structures. Institutions must devote the necessary resources in the form of training and developing full-­time staff, a substantial operational budget, and cross-­campus support in order for students to reap the benefits that these programs and initiatives can provide. Even as we write this book, more attention is being focused on the experiences of Men of Color in education. Simultaneously, the U.S. has been inundated with various forms of violence against People of Color in general

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and Men of Color in particular. As a result, Men of Color live in a constant paradox. They are led to believe that if they work hard and play by the rules (e.g., bootstraps mentality and the myths of meritocracy), they can achieve anything. However, through various incidents of symbolic, environmental, and physical violence, society demonstrates the lack of value placed on their lives—­and they receive clear messages that abiding by the “rules” does not always allow for the stated outcomes. It is in the midst of this paradox, from both the challenges and possibilities, that we reflect on the voices of our participants and offer four specific implications for practice: an ecology of support, healthy peer relationships, the role of professionals, and developing/ positioning Men of Color as leaders. An Ecology of Support Sometimes I ask do they really care if I go to college; I know my mother cares. But I know they don’t really know how to show it. At Schomburg, I have my own support system; they support me greater than my family supports me. It’s a bigger picture, and you’re doing it for more than just yourself. —Terrence

We are not suggesting that male-­centered programs like B4US are a solution in and of themselves to the challenges that Men of Color face in higher education. However, as we discussed throughout this book, there were multiple elements present at the university and in B4US that allowed members to flourish. First, B4US had partnerships with other student success initiatives at the university. The cross-­campus collaboration allowed students to benefit from a community of educators in various offices. Having such ties allows B4US members to tap into multiple resources and supports their recruitment and development. For example, the Summer Bridge program provided a smooth transition into Schomburg University by enhancing students’ learning inside the classroom and helping them understand how much time they needed to devote to studying in order to be successful. Additionally, B4US staff recruited their members from Summer Bridge, and faculty and staff referred students to the program. Our findings suggested that the referrals from faculty and staff were often warm handoffs, meaning the faculty and staff members made personal introductions on behalf of students to the B4US staff. The cross-­campus collaboration created an ecology of support and success for Men of Color on campus. Terrence’s quote demonstrates the important role that Schomburg University played in supporting and guiding him through his collegiate experience. Terrence felt his family encouraged him; however, they did not always understand how to manifest their support. The university provided programs and services that were able to supplement the assistance he received at home. Additionally, the community of support he received

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through his B4US engagement helped him realize that his success in college had significance beyond himself. Schomburg provided an ecology of support while affirming Terrence’s home community. As a result, he saw Schomburg University as extending the encouragement he received at home. If colleges and universities hope to improve the educational experiences and academic outcomes for Men of Color, they must understand the critical role of their campus environment. Programs designed specifically for Men of Color can improve their academic engagement, aid in their leadership development, and provide a space for positive peer relationships to flourish. As our findings suggest, a campus-­wide environment focused on collaboration and student success adds multiple layers of care for students, supports their recruitment, and enhances their learning inside and outside of the classroom. Healthy Peer Relationships We have strong friendships and good relationships as well as a lot of other things, like loving one another. We can decrease hate around each other, and that’s pretty much the purpose of it—­to show love for one another, regardless of where we’re from. —­Pedro We show care and love for each other . . . we respect each other, especially those that don’t come from the same background. —­Kobe

Our findings challenge previous scholarship that says that minoritized groups often compete with one another over scarce resources (Kaufmann, 2003; Literte, 2011). Instead, when students feel they are interconnected through community, they can work together to support their mutual and collective goals. Our findings show that students’ senses of belonging, self, and self-­ efficacy were heightened and enhanced by being in community. The students described the B4US brotherhood as one of the most salient aspects of the program. The peer relationships they developed created a culture of high expectations and accountability within the organization. As a result, students viewed their peers as critical contributors to their academic success and personal development. In addition to enhancing student learning, peer relationships within B4US were paramount to cultivating a community of change agents. The deep connections students felt with one another compelled them to want to make positive changes in the broader community. For instance, Kobe’s description of the program highlights the foundation of the B4US community as a place that demonstrates love and care for all the men. The loving and supportive environment within B4US facilitated strong bonds between the members. As a result,

Supporting Men of Color’s Success Efforts   •  121

students developed a collective identity and shared collective goals. Thus an implication of our research is that colleges and universities can do more work toward supporting students’ collective goals and ideals. An implication of our research is that colleges and universities can do more to support the development of healthy peer relationships among Men of Color by providing spaces designed specifically for Boys and Men of Color to connect with one another in meaningful ways. Our findings suggest that it is important for these spaces to challenge hegemonic notions of masculinity, allow students to have meaningful dialogue with one another (such as sociocultural conversations), and provide an opportunity for students to discuss collective goals and further their understanding of how students can support one another. Additionally, it is important for campuses to ensure that these spaces are provided consistently throughout the year. The students in B4US participated in monthly meetings, attended overnight retreats, traveled to conferences both regionally and nationally, and met with their peers and B4US staff in various other formats. Thus students were affected by the cumulative opportunities to be in community with one another. In order for Men of Color to develop healthy peer relationships, attention must be paid to their individual and collective well-­being. Colleges and universities who provide spaces for Men of Color to build community should encourage students to engage in dialogue about mental and emotional health. Furthermore, providing opportunities for Men of Color to learn from mental health professionals and speak with other men who have received counseling can demystify mental health problems. In sum, being in community with peers contributes to the ecology of support and helps promote individual and collective healing. The Important Role of Professionals Just their devotion, just to help anyone—­especially the minorities who go to school. Where I come from, that’s a big deal; some of us don’t have the resources to get to college. To have a group that says we know your experiences and we want to help . . . to me, that blew my mind. —­Enrique

Due to the unique role initiatives geared toward Men of Color can play in the lives of students, institutions must thoroughly vet candidates and identify educators who can spearhead these programs effectively. Educators who lead these initiatives must be able to create a program that aligns closely with students’ lived experiences, use literature and theory to inform practice, and create spaces for Men of Color to build close bonds with their peers and university faculty and staff. Beginning in the development stages, programs must position themselves in close proximity to students’ lives and experiences, and

122  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

their leaders must identify ways to validate what Black and Latino males have to offer college campuses. Additionally, staff and administrators for these programs also must be mindful of their unique population and avoid generalizations about Men of Color. For instance, the overwhelming majority of the men in our study were first-­generation college students. Student affairs professionals are encouraged to be mindful of and figure out ways to incorporate students’ backgrounds into the structure and activities of the programs they develop. Enrique’s quote speaks to the necessity for educators to create and implement programs centered on the knowledge and experiences students bring with them to college. Enrique described being amazed that a student success program connected with his lived experiences and offered genuine support. Furthermore, he saw the relationship between himself and the program as a unique partnership. His statement “Where I come from, that’s a big deal; some of us don’t have the resources to get to college” speaks to the lack of valuable student support programs he had in his prior educational experiences. Therefore, it is important for educators to identify students’ strengths and figure out how to incorporate their experiences into the program. Educators who lead programs for Men of Color must be able to translate theory to practice. Scholars such as Anzaldúa (1990) and Rendón (1992) have argued that educators should transform the academy by building bridges between higher education and the community. The findings from our study stress the importance of educators affirming the skills and experiences students already possess to support and guide them through their collegiate experience. Therefore, leaders of programs for male Students of Color should be intentional about identifying literature and theories they can use to support their efforts. Using formal theories as lenses to examine their work with Men of Color can help educators and leaders clarify their direction and develop effective programming. Additionally, using the knowledge and experiences students bring with them to campus is a critical component of developing a successful program. Students in B4US were involved in various levels of program design and implementation. In an effort to enhance the services provided, student leaders offered B4US staff members valuable insight into the lived experiences of students on and off campus. In our study, students often pointed to meetings, retreats, and conferences as times when they learned more about themselves and developed deep connections with their peers and the B4US staff. Students described their understanding of self and strong connections with their peers and B4US staff as being major contributors to their persistence and development. Therefore, it is imperative for professionals to create spaces where young men can be vulnerable so they can connect with their peers and program faculty and staff in meaningful ways. For many educators, developing deep personal connections

Supporting Men of Color’s Success Efforts   •  123

with students may be challenging due to traditional ways of thinking about relationships between students and professionals and power dynamics, which could be complicated further by race. However, when describing how they felt about B4US staff members, the students in our study repeatedly used words like family, fathers, and brothers. Collectively, the men in our study were describing family-­like bonds with B4US staff members. Students saw their educators as more than professionals; they viewed them as family members—­as individuals who went beyond guiding them through college and made personal contributions to their lives. Similarly, previous studies have found that educators/institutional agents who move beyond academic performance and invest in the personal lives of Students of Color are more effective in supporting them ( Jackson, Sealey-­ Ruiz, & Watson, 2014; Luedke, 2017). Consequently, professionals in these roles must be able to create meaningful relationships with their students. This includes seeking to understand how students’ personal experiences integrate into their academic experiences and sharing personal narratives about their own experiences. Additionally, educators should seek to move beyond traditional hierarchal frameworks when working with Men of Color. The young men in our study expressed their appreciation for the B4US community in affirming where they come from and working with them to make meaningful changes in the community. These findings push back against traditional structures that emphasize students integrating into the campus community and encouraging them to assimilate into spaces that do not affirm them and do not align with their goals. Instead, what we found and what we know is that students’ college satisfaction, academic engagement, and personal growth and development can be amplified by their strong connections and contributions to community. Indeed, it is when they are in community that students are able to thrive. Developing/Positioning Men of Color as Leaders I think it’s also showing them their voice—­that’s one of the most important things. Showing them that they have the ability to cultivate their future. And also showing them that through the difference and diversity that they have as students, when we move even among themselves they have power in that. That ties into their education and into the community. —­Khalil

Students’ leadership experiences are a significant component of their college tenures. Within this study, students engaged in and built community that served multiple purposes. Through these venues, students helped coordinate events and activities, facilitated discussions, and worked with youth in local communities. Our findings show that when students take on responsibility for

124  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

activities that require ongoing decisions and tasks (such as student-­centered programming), they become more engaged in the activity, more invested in the program and institution, and more committed to their studies. Leadership positioned the students in close proximity and provided unique opportunities for them to navigate and negotiate a variety of settings. Coordinating events on campus meant that student leaders had to interact with a number of faculty, administrators, and student affairs professionals. Students also sought opportunities to partner with a broad spectrum of groups on campus. Because of the partnerships and collaborations, students felt empowered to lead with an other-­centered approach, as they had to work toward community interests as opposed to self-­interests. Primarily, their communal approach was informed by the responsibility and accountability they felt to the larger group. Similarly, while traveling within the region or nationally to represent B4US (and the college) at conferences, workshops, and events, student leaders centered their B4US brothers as well. As the men narrated, they considered how B4US members could benefit from their experiences and knowledge gained. Student leaders absorbed, retained, translated, and communicated their experiences to their peers in ways that could expand their peers’ knowledge. An important implication of our work is that leadership roles foster students’ academic, social, and personal skills (e.g., decision-­making, teamwork and collaboration, event/activity planning, critical thinking and problem solving, disseminating information, and written and oral communication). These skills and competencies connect with and extend students’ in-­class learning and, importantly, allow them to apply their knowledge and skills to activities in a range of settings. Thus student leadership can deepen (or broaden) learning and contribute to students’ personal development as well. In our study, we found that students serving as youth mentors (and others engaged in community service) expressed great commitment to ascertaining—­or, for some, even elevating—­their goals. Students identified their engagement in the local community as essential for expanding the reach of their efforts. Their community-­based work was vital to their college experiences, their commitment to accomplishing their educational goals, and their future endeavors. Organizing and creating opportunities for students to connect with local communities helps contribute to meeting community needs, expands students’ college experiences, provides a range of leadership opportunities, and helps meet institutional goals. And finally, working in the community provided a unique opportunity for some of the students to develop and enhance their altruism, social and practical competence, application of knowledge, and sense of purpose. In the current study, students relayed that their leadership roles and responsibilities benefitted them academically and personally. Even beyond their

Supporting Men of Color’s Success Efforts   •  125

personal gains, they believed that their leadership mattered a great deal to their male peers in B4US, their college peers in general, and the local community as a whole. As colleges and universities seek ways to engage the local community, they may benefit from discerning how students can serve as community agents. To build student community, program organizers can create opportunities for students to assume ownership of the program and engage in leadership. Investing effort in educational and community-­based activities promotes student learning and development (Brooms et al., 2017; Kuh, Palmer, & Kish, 2003). Creating Models for Distributive Leadership B4US had designated leadership positions within the organization, such as president and vice president, which aligns with traditional hierarchical positions in student organizations. While there was potential for these positions to act or serve in hierarchal ways—­for example, deferring to leadership positions or centralizing a small number of voices to speak for the group—­the program also allowed for a more collaborative leadership approach. As our data demonstrated, the men in the group who did not hold the traditional hierarchical positions had additional opportunities to lead by involving themselves in various B4US-­sponsored events and activities. These additional leadership roles were afforded through some of the program elements, such as the different arcs (e.g., Academic Arc), participating in local and national conferences, and serving as youth mentors in the local community. Creating distributive leadership components was imperative in our study because these Men of Color could look to each other as role models and leaders (on and off campus), which had the positive effect of heightening students’ self-­efficacy, motivation, and commitment. Additionally, engaging and serving in leadership roles through B4US allowed the men to deepen their racial, gender, and cultural identities. As we argued throughout this book, and as students have voiced across many college campuses, engaging Students of Color also must include connecting to and valuing their social identities. Students’ social identities matter in how they experience and navigate college and how they engage on campus. Importantly, students’ social identities must be seen as part of their cultural wealth and thus also can be seen as a resource from which to build community—­both on campus and beyond.

Conclusion For the men in our study, the collective benefits of B4US (leadership development, healthy peer relationships, identity development, cocurricular learning) nurtured their educational agency. Through their participation in the B4US community, students developed high expectations of one another, set

126  •  Empowering Men of Color on Campus

collective goals, held one another accountable, and came to understand the direct implications of their academic progress on their communities. Consequently, students felt that their educational experiences affirmed their cultural capital, expanded their social capital, and empowered them not just to persist in college but to thrive during their time at Schomburg University. Findings from this study indicate that the benefits associated with engaging Men of Color in a male-­centered program are not restricted to outcomes specifically concerned with academic pursuits or gender. Similarly, our findings show that the benefits that the men accrue have the potential to extend beyond the college years. In sum, tapping into and building on students’ educational agency can generate a variety of academic, social, personal, and civic-­related attitudes and behaviors that are important to students’ achievement and development.

Appendix A Participants in the Study

127

128  •  Appendix A

Table A.1 Demographics of participants Participants

Total

34 By race

Black / African American Latino/Hispanic White Asian

16 16 1 1

By year in college

First year Second year Third year Fourth year Fifth year Alumni

6 7 12 6 1 2

By major in college

Black studies Digital media art Biology Sociology Psychology Mathematics Computer science Health science/service Pre-­med Kinesiology Business Criminal justice Theater Engineering History

1 1 2 2 5 1 2 3 1 2 8 3 1 1 1 34

By employment status

On campus Off campus Not employed

14 10 10

Appendix A  •  129

Table A.2 Participant information Name

Race

Student status

Major

Quan Darius Miguel Rolo Luis Wyatt Pedro David Khalil Enrique Larry Mike Vincent Juan Jose Eddie Terrence Mo Jamelle Caleb Chauncey Phillipe JC Deion Dennis Manuel Naimon Tomas Ernesto Kobe Kendrick Damien Alejandro Nelson

African American Black Hispanic Black Mexican White Latino African American Black Salvadorian Black Filipino Black Latino Hispanic African American Black Black Black Latino Black Hispanic Black Latino Hispanic Latino Black Hispanic Hispanic African American Latino Latino Hispanic African American

RG RG Fifth Fourth Fourth Fourth Fourth Fourth Fourth Third Third Third Third Third Third Third Third Third Third Third Third Second Second Second Second Second Second Second First First First First First First

Computer technology Sociology Health science Digital media art Sociology Psychology Psychology Biology Black studies Biology Psychology Mathematics Engineering History International business Business administration Business accounting Negotiations Psychology Business Psychology Computer science Kinesiology Criminal justice Criminal justice Business Business Theatre Health Science Kinesiology Business administration Pre-­med Criminal justice Health services

NOTE: Race is self-­reported and reflects students’ preference in terminology. Year in college reflects students’ status at the time of the initial interview (RG = Recent Graduate).

Appendix B Data Analysis, Validation, and Conclusion

13 1

132  •  Appendix B

This research begins with an understanding of the centrality of experiential knowledge. Critical race theory (CRT) espouses the use of counterstory­ telling to challenge traditional research paradigms and theories, which often explain educational inequality through majoritarian stories. All too often, these majoritarian stories (or dominant narratives) situate racial privilege as “natural” or delineate biological and/or cultural deficiencies as causal factors (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002b). The goal of this book is to learn about the experiences of Black and Latino male students who participate in the Brothers for United Success (B4US) program. Specifically, we sought to document and assess the impact B4US has on Black and Latino male academic performances, retention, social support, and engagement at Schomburg University. In this study, we asked the following research questions: How do selected Men of Color make meaning from their college experiences? What are the experiences of Men of Color in a male-­centered program? And what has their participation in the male-­centered program contributed to their collegiate experiences?

The Setting Schomburg University enrolls more than 11,000 undergraduate students; Hispanic students account for more than 50 percent of the student population, and Black students account for about 15 percent. It was through the efforts of a single faculty member recognizing that Black and Latino males were among the lowest achieving groups when compared to other student groups on campus that B4US was created. Now in almost its tenth year, the program has expanded and received institutional support, including a dedicated staff, office space, and an operating budget. B4US is part of a growing movement across institutions of various types to address college retention and persistence for Black and Latino males. There are more than one hundred Black male initiative programs across the United States. In an effort to promote academic and social cohesion and improve students’ educational outcomes, B4US uses a holistic approach to student success by paying specific attention to students’ personal, social, professional, and academic selves. B4US hosts monthly meetings and professional workshops, provides students with one-­on-­one and small-­group mentoring, and offers a variety of programs and activities that speak to students’ social, personal, and professional lives—­such as social bonding retreats, community service projects, and leadership opportunities. Additionally, students initiate and lead small-­group meetings and academic study sessions that are organized primarily along their academic disciplines of study. These efforts, both individually and collectively, are aimed at building a microcommunity for Black and Latino male students—­and other Men of Color—­that provide an academic, social, and personal support network.

Appendix B  •  133

Researchers often start where they are. We came to B4US through the commission of an evaluation report for the organization. Through this work, we learned that this particular program warranted further empirical study because of its uniqueness in comparison to other BMI programs. First, much of the research on Black and Latino male initiative programs are carried out at historically white institutions (HWIs). Based on our research at a few of these institutions, the campus climate plays a significant role in how Students of Color are marginalized on campus. Thus Black male initiative programs may serve as a counterspace, or buffer, on campus to help Black male students avoid much of the hostility and denigration they face (see Brooms, 2017), and they play crucial roles in providing students with social and cultural capital to help them navigate and negotiate campus life (see Brooms, Goodman, & Clark, 2015; Clark & Brooms, forthcoming). Second, the institutional support offered to many BMI programs is paltry, which means that these programs operate on shoestring budgets and are understaffed—­often having no more than one dedicated staff member. In talking with students about the campus climate at Schomburg University, almost all said they felt welcomed on campus and believed that the campus was inviting to all students. Given their stated claims of comfort within the collegiate milieu, we give more attention to students’ engagement and leadership experiences. These qualities made B4US ripe for investigation.

Data Collection Data collection for this project occurred over a two-­year time period and included ethnographic observations, surveys, and individual and group interviews. Primarily, the goal of our data collection was to document the academic, social, and matriculation experiences of Black and Latino male college students who participated in a male-­centered program. Investigating the men’s experiences at Schomburg University provided a unique opportunity to evaluate how students tried to engineer and garner educational success. The different modes of data collection occurred across three phases. In phase 1, we disseminated a survey at a B4US event and conducted ethnographic observations of the event. This phase of data collection provided us with a macrolevel view of how students rated their B4US experiences (across engagement, importance, benefits, and value). Additionally, the observations allowed us to see B4US in action. Thus, in many ways, our observations helped sharpen our interview questions and informed some of our follow-­up questions as well. In phase 2, we conducted individual interviews. Here, we zeroed in on students’ individual experiences and paid attention to how they made meanings from their experiences and how they constructed and thought about their sense of self. In phase 3, we conducted two rounds of focus-­group interviews with

134  •  Appendix B

student leaders. The goal in this phase was to nuance students’ experiences within the program. In particular, we focused on B4US executive board members and youth mentors. The executive board is made up of five individuals, all of whom are elected to their positions (president, vice president, treasurer, secretary, and marketing chair). Youth mentors are B4US members who work directly with youth in local middle schools and high schools that have agreed to institutional partnerships with B4US. The schools selected for partnership include those in close proximity to the university along with some who have long-­standing relationships with the university (and may be farther away than the others). We conducted individual interviews with eight youth mentors and conducted two focus-­group interviews with youth mentors. We interviewed nine youth mentors in the first focus group and six youth mentors in the second focus group. As mentioned, data collection was an iterative process, moving from the survey and observations to the individual and focus-­group interviews. We conducted two rounds of focus-­group interviews with both groups of student leaders. This structure was used in an effort to add depth to our focus-­group interviews. We developed the questions for the second round of focus-­ group interviews from our reading, discernment, and analysis of the first round of interviews. In this way, B4US leaders were allowed opportunities to extend and nuance (or even affirm) some of the most salient themes from our previous waves of data collection. Given the importance of experiential knowledge, we chose to foreground the voices of participants through the use of interview data in the reporting offered in this manuscript (much of the survey data were used to complete our program evaluation). Both the individual and focus-­group interviews followed a semistructured, open-­ended format and were recorded to ensure accuracy (see Weiss, 1994). Individual interviews lasted for nearly eighty minutes on average, while the focus-­group interviews lasted for two hours. All the interviews were conducted in an office or conference room on campus that allowed for privacy and were led and transcribed by the first two authors in the days immediately following the interviews. The interview questions were designed to ascertain seven areas regarding students’ experiences at Schomburg University: (1) demographics, (2) precollege experiences/prep, (3) college experience, (4) B4US experiences, (5) being a Male of Color in college, (6) campus climate, and (7) college successes. Across these domains, we were able to ascertain a robust picture of these men’s thoughts, meaning making, and efforts within their educational trajectories. The varying modes of data collection were used to gain a deep understanding of the men’s experiences from both an individual and collective standpoint.

Appendix B  •  135

Data Analysis Based on principles of grounded theory, data for this project were collected and analyzed through a constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Each member of the research team read each transcript independently and conducted a round of initial coding. Coding during this process was intended to identify as many categories as possible. Initial coding was followed by a round of focused coding, where we refined categories and extrapolated themes (Charmaz, 2006; Weiss, 1994). The authors discussed and rereviewed each theme for accuracy and saturation. In utilizing a grounded theory approach, as outlined earlier, our goal was to allow data collection to drive emerging theory. We did not set out to verify theories of cultural capital or community cultural wealth; rather, our interview questions were designed to learn about students’ experiences in B4US and college more broadly. Community cultural wealth as a theoretical frame developed inductively from the data. In analyzing the students’ narratives, we found that sociocultural capital (social and cultural capital) was most useful in understanding students’ engagement in B4US. Previous researchers have identified sociocultural capital as a combination of access to social networks and the accumulation of cultural knowledge, skills, and abilities (Brooms, 2018; Brooms et al., 2015; Strayhorn, 2010). Traditional conceptualizations of social and cultural capital have focused on high social and cultural status. Critical race scholars, on which we relied, have expanded these concepts to include family and community resources (Yosso, 2005) and identified alternate forms of social and cultural capital (see Carter, 2003; Gándara, 1995; Winkle-­Wagner, 2010; Young, 2004).

Limitations There are several limitations to this research that warrant discussion. First, this research was carried out at a Hispanic-­serving four-­year institution. The findings may not be generalizable to HWIs, historically Black colleges and universities, tribal colleges, or community colleges. Second, all participants selected for this study were participants in the B4US program, and their experiences may not be indicative of the experiences of all men on campus, other B4US members not interviewed, or others who discontinued their participation. However, we did not seek to make any generalizable claims but instead focused on the transferability of our investigation to the B4US program’s structure, planning, activities, and events. Third, in addition to individual interviews, we collected data using focus groups. Because focus groups consist of multiple participants, there is a probability that some of the men’s voices were not as prominent or may have been overshadowed by others during the

136  •  Appendix B

conversation. Conversely, we found that the focus groups added rich data to the study, confirmed and added depth to the themes, and helped us provide a more robust understanding and description of the men’s experiences. Finally, B4US is a voluntary organization: students are not required to participate, they do not pay any dues, and their levels of engagement vary. Given this fact, these men’s experiences do not represent all of the B4US members. Although we have identified these possible limitations, we used a variety of validation methods as a way to support and strengthen our study.

Validation Methods As a form of member checking, the first and third authors shared the major study findings with B4US members in small groups and individual meetings. In addition, a summative written report was submitted to the B4US coordinator and the vice president of student affairs that provided an overview of findings and specific recommendations for the program. Additionally, as researchers, we understand that the positionality of our argument is an important aspect of the ways that our identities inform how we read and interpret our research participants and their narratives (see Milner, 2007). The research team consisted of one Black woman and two Black men. We all serve as supporters and advocates of positive development for Men and Boys of Color across multiple contexts—­across the educational pipeline, at our home institutions, and within a variety of communities. Finally, we ensured validity through our engagement in the field. Data collection spanned nearly two years and included ethnographic field notes, multiple site visits, and participant observation of B4US functions and events. Multiple methods of data collection allowed us to triangulate our findings.

Conclusion We approached this work not simply as researchers but rather as scholar-­ educator-­activists. In our work, we aim to create and sustain a collective and critical voice within education through our teaching, practice, research, and service. As such, one of the primary goals is to use research findings, our own and those of others, to address educational inequities and create opportunities for students. The three researchers are a Black woman (second author) and two Black men. All three researchers serve as supporters and advocates of youth development (including young Men of Color) across multiple contexts. Given our own identities, biographies, and backgrounds, we have specific concerns and interests in how Youth of Color experience, engage, and succeed in their educational contexts.

Appendix B  •  137

All three authors have significant training and experience in working with youth. The first author has worked directly with Men of Color in developing educational programs, activities, and events to help bolster their educational engagement, persistence, achievement, and outcomes. The second author has worked with male Youth of Color in K-12 settings to assist their positive development, while the third author has worked directly with Men of Color in developing mentoring programs, educational activities, and events that speak to their socioemotional health and well-­being and educational engagement. Collectively, we believe our identities and experiences in education and youth-­based programs, as well as serving as mentors and being engaged community members, helped create a bond between our participants and us. We understand how our positionalities are connected to aspects of our identities and how these may have been read and interpreted by our participants. And at the same time, as researchers, we understand that the positionality of our argument is an important aspect of the ways that our identities inform how we interpret our research participants and their narratives (see Milner, 2007).

Acknowledgments The authors offer individual acknowledgments as specified below. Jelisa Clark: First and foremost, I would like to thank my coauthors for their diligence, hard work, and commitment to Youth of Color. I would also like to acknowledge the ongoing support provided by my academic community: Veronica Newton, Lisa Covington, Billie Castle, Khirsten Echols, Kent Pugh, and Darion Blalock. Finally, I would like to extend gratitude to my family. To my nieces and nephews, Mi’Kaya, Micheal, Tammara, Samaria, Ananiah, Jeriah, D’Angelia, and Mikel, thank you for inspiring me to help make the world a better place. To my parents, Carol and Jesse Clark, thank you for your unconditional love and unwavering support. And to my siblings, Deanna McMillian and Micheal Travis, thank you for constantly encouraging me to reach for new heights. Finally, I would like to thank the men who shared their personal experiences with us. This book would not be possible without you. Derrick R. Brooms: First and foremost, I give thanks to my father, Rufus Brooms  Jr., for your fathering and teaching, even in ways that you do not know. Thank you for helping me learn to value my dreams, goals, and efforts. I give thanks to my grandmothers, Anne Richardson, Vivian Covington, and Lucille Brooms for your patience, care, and love. I give thanks to my family, especially Wilma Bell and Wendy Fuller. A sincere thanks to Darryl Brice and Yoshiko Harden, Arthur Davis and Reggie McClain, and Joseph and Jamenda McCoy and family. Second, I give thanks to Jelisa Clark and Matthew Smith for working with me on this project—­and in other spaces as well. This project is a result of care and concern to the full realm of possibilities for our youth. Thank you both for your commitments. 139

140  • Acknowledgments

Third, I give thanks to my community, many of whom I have named and thanked elsewhere. Special thanks to incredible teachers in my college and graduate school years: Dr.  Edgar Epps, Dr.  Sandra Taylor, Dr.  Daniel Black, and Dr.  Ayana Karanja. Also, sincere thanks to Andre Phillips, Maxine Proctor, and Trina Williams. I have been blessed to work with a wide range of amazing people who have supported me in a number of ways and whose work continues to inspire me. I give special thanks to Kenneth Hutchinson, a community leader and change agent. Thank you for sharpening my iron, inspiring my visions, and maintaining excellence as the expectation. As we both know, we cannot fail in the work that we engage in. It is my hope that your commitments and efforts to us and our communities will be carried forward by every individual with whom you crossed paths. Your brilliance, foresight, leadership, courage, and faith are shining examples of your divine walk. Thank you for sharing your light and gifts with us. Thank you to my incredibly committed and supportive colleagues: Bianca Baldridge, Onnie Rogers, Elighie Wilson, Eric Smith, O.  T. Mahone, Tanya Robinson, Leon Gordon, Stanley Muhammad, Richard Glass Jr., Joe Goodman, Errol Wint, Divya Muralidhara, Kaveh Haerian, Amit Prakash, Amanda Potts, Wan Ryu, Shaily Patel, Carol Ben-Davies Johnson, Andre’ Halliburton, and Bianca Williams. Special thanks to colleagues with whom I worked at the University of Louisville: Armon Perry, Siobhan Smith, Lateefah Id-­Deen, Ahmad Washington, and Theresa Rajack-­Talley. Special thanks to my Association of Black Sociologists colleagues: Earl Wright II, Regina Dixon-­Reeves, Sandra Barnes, Ruby Mendenhall, Deadric Williams, Zandria Robinson, BarBara Scott, Tom Calhoun, Ebonie Cunningham-­Stringer, Littisha Bates, and Ted Thornhill. Also, many thanks to several friends/colleagues who keep me grounded and offer authentic support: Adrienne Baytops-Paul, Gwendolyn Purifoye, Al Young, Felix Kumah-­Abiwu, Darrell Hucks, Kristie Ford, Daphne Chamberlain, and William Franklin. Thanks to my GetUP crew! To the men whose stories fill these pages, it is indeed an honor and privilege to work with you. I look forward to all of your accomplishments and to witnessing your manifold contributions. Our communities need you and your genius. I remain humbled and inspired by your efforts. A lunta continua . . . and we shall rise together. To Danielle, Camille, Gabrielle, and Amina . . . you are and continue to be blessings. Let your light shine each day with each new opportunity. And finally, a sincere thanks to Natasha Burrowes; thank you for supporting my efforts and goals in so many ways. Matthew Smith: First, I would like to acknowledge my family, who has strengthened me throughout this project. To my mom, Jacquelyn Smith, I am

Acknowledgments  •  141

because you are . . . long before I arrived where I am today, you saw the possibilities and you spoke words of life and wisdom into my life. Thank you for exemplifying the many features of love, such as selflessness, sacrifice, forgiveness, joy, and patience. To my siblings, Ben, Jonathon, Chelia, and Nathaniel, I am eternally grateful for your unconditional love and support. Profound thanks to my uncles, Michael Sennette and Brian Colbert; words cannot express the instrumental role you two played in my life. Your words of wisdom and consistent presence in my life continue to shape who I am and motivated me throughout this project. Aunty Terry, for as long as I can remember, you have been my most enthusiastic supporter . . . thank you for vision and encouragement throughout my life. I would like to acknowledge my father, Ben Smith. Thank you for your words of wisdom. I would like to pay special homage to my grandparents, Benjamin Smith, Janet Smith, and Vivian Taylor; without your sacrifices, I would not be who I am today. Second, thank you to those who made this study possible. To the brothers in B4US who participated in this project, thank you for trusting us with your powerful stories. Your words and deeds continue to inspire us. To the rest of the brothers in B4US, I am honored and forever grateful to all of you for allowing me to be a part of your community. Special thank you to my colleagues and students at California State University, Dominguez Hills for all your support throughout this project. Derrick Brooms, thank you for embodying brotherhood and for continuing to lift as you climb. You and your work continue to transform me. Jelisa Clark, thank you for all you have done with this study. I appreciate you modeling the way, and I am grateful for the opportunity I have had to know you and work with you. Throughout my life, my community has played an instrumental role in supporting, guiding, and inspiring me. A special thank you to Marlene and Dean Williams, Debbie Lee, and Tom and Jennifer Williams. I would like to acknowledge my brotherhood: Steven Lee, William Franklin, Dennis Adams, Marcus Carter, Jason Williams, Ian Smith, Kayo Hoffman, Cameron Clemons, Brandon Clemons, Lamar Veal, Tyree Vance, Brian Gipson, Mide Osifeso, Scott Parks, Jeff Osborne, and Larry Dorn. Lastly, to my wife, Korinne . . . I am extremely blessed to have you as my partner in life. Thank you for unwavering love and support. You consistently served as a source of encouragement and motivation throughout this project. Thank you for all of your support.

Notes Introduction 1 Consistent with critical race scholars, we capitalize Students of Color, People of

Color, Families of Color, and other terms to reposition individuals and groups who often are minoritized (or marginalized) within and across dominate culture. 2 The name of the institution as well as locations, neighborhoods, participants, and schools are all pseudonyms intended to protect the confidentiality of our research partners and the work that they do. With intentionality, and given the focus of our study on Black and Latino men, we named the institution Schomburg University to highlight the pioneering work of and honor Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, a Black Puerto Rican activist, scholar, historian, and collector who was a prominent figure of the Harlem Renaissance. A Harlem, New York, branch of the New York Public Library, the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture was named after Mr. Schomburg in 1972 to honor his commitment to collecting and documenting Black contributions to the world. To read more about how the library honors him, see https://​www​.nypl​.org/​blog/​2016/​07/​01/​honoring​-schomburg​-afro​-latino​ -legacy. 3 The Urban Male Initiative and Black and Latino Male Initiative (BLMI) programs are housed at universities with a directive to improve the college outcomes for Men of Color. The Urban Male Initiative is a program at Pace University, which is designed “to facilitate the retention, scholarship, graduation and leadership of historically underrepresented Black and Latino males” (see http://​www​.pace​.edu/​ multicultural​-affairs/​urban​-male​-initiative). Institutions such as Wagner College (NY), Brooklyn College (NY), and the University of Kentucky have BLMI programs. In recognizing “the unique challenges experienced by Black and Latino men on predominantly White campuses,” Wagner College’s BLMI program seeks to support Men of Color in five specific areas: (1) increasing their enrollment and matriculation, (2) increasing their retention, (3) improving their overall grade point average, (4) increasing their graduation rate, and (5) enhancing their quality of life (see http://​wagner​.edu/​intercultural/​black​-latino​-male​-initiative/). Similarly, the BLMI at Brooklyn College is designed to “support students academically and professionally throughout their college careers” through peer and faculty mentorship, 1 43

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special lectures, tutoring, and other academic-­and professional-­oriented activities (see http://​nyccollegeline​.org/​resources/​the​-black​-and​-latino​-male​-intiative​-blmi​ -brooklyn​-college). The #BlackOnCampus campaign was initiated at the University of Missouri, where students responded to ongoing experiences of racism, discrimination, and denigration on campus and lack of accountability and responsiveness from administrators and institutional agents. In response, students started Concerned Student 1950, an activist group on campus intended to highlight and bring an end to racial hostility on campus. The group’s name refers to the year the University of Missouri admitted its first Black students (nine in total) and is designated to pay homage to that historic moment. Concerned Student 1950 led peaceful demonstrations on campus, such as sit-­ins and nonviolent protests, and joined with Jonathan Butler, a graduate student who started a hunger strike to call for the University of Missouri system’s president Tim Wolfe to resign (Lu, 2015). As a result of the ongoing challenges that Black students face on college campuses—­particularly at historically white institutions—­the Black Liberation Collective identified three national demands: “(1) We demand at minimum, Black students and Black faculty to be reflected by the national percentage of Black folk in the state and the country; (2) We demand free tuition for Black and indigenous students; and (3) We demand a divestment from prisons and an investment in communities.” Additionally, the Black Liberation Collective houses a repository of campus demands across more than eighty institutions. For more information, see http://​www​.blackliberationcollective​.org/​our​-demands/. A range of scholars have written about challenges that students face with regard to racial climate, environment, and cultures of U.S. colleges and universities, which ultimately impact their sense of belonging and academic success (for instance, see Brooms, 2017; Hurtado, 1992; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Museus & Maramba, 2011; Smith, Yosso, & Solórzano, 2007; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Strayhorn, 2012; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). A number of scholars have focused on the historical impact of the Brown v. Board of Education decision along with its impact on schooling opportunities, integration, and desegregation (e.g., see Bell, 2004; Irons, 2004; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; Mickelson, Smith, & Nelson, 2015). Orfield and Lee (2004) found that on the fifty-­year anniversary of the landmark case, there had been a major increase in segregation. Additionally, most intensely segregated minority schools face conditions of concentrated poverty, which are powerfully related to unequal education. Zones of Hope is an initiative intended to reduce violence and increase positive outcomes for youth and young adults in four Louisville, Kentucky, neighborhoods. For more information, see https://​louisvilleky​.gov/​government/​safe​-healthy​ -neighborhoods/​zones​-hope. For information on My Brother’s Keeper, see White House (2014) or visit https://​ obamawhitehouse​.archives​.gov/​node/​279811. Ladson-­Billings borrows her title (“Stakes is high”) from hip-­hop artists De La Soul to highlight the importance of education work today and in the future. According to Ladson-­Billings, the “stakes is high” in educational policy and practices given the challenges that students face in school—­and within and across social institutions in the wider society—­along with current discussions about the state of education in the U.S. She asserted that “the way we live our lives, the redefinition of prosperity and equal opportunity, and the meaning and relevance of our history as a people”

Notes to Pages 9–13  •  145

(p. 108) all are at stake in our efforts to educate students in the twenty-­ first century.

Chapter 1  Men of Color in Higher Education 1 We use the term Men of Color to denote male students who are historically

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underrepresented in higher education because of limited access and opportunities. Given the participants in our study, our argument is centered on Black and Latino men’s experiences. In addition, Fry (2002) noted that Latino students had significant financial responsibilities for family members and were likely to live with family while in college rather than on campus. Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) research popularized an “oppositional culture” theory, which argued that Students of Color developed an oppositional collective and cultural identity against white values and behaviors, such as high academic achievement. With regard to gender identities, Majors and Billson (1992) theorized that Black men adopt a “cool pose” as a masculine expression (or trope), intended to work as a buffer against oppression and social alienation. Primarily, cool pose is expressed through speech patterns, gestures, clothing, walking, and greeting other Black men. These expressions were invested heavily in a performative masculinity that was intended to signify pride, strength, and control—­especially within the moment and in response to stressful circumstances. We are conscious of how gender matters in Youth of Color’s experiences of anti-­ Blackness and anti-­Latinoness in school. The experiences we highlight here are specific to a small number of recent cases that include Black and Latino males’ marginalization in school or Black and Latino students in general. Given that the scope of our book focuses explicitly on Men of Color, we did not want to unintentionally blur gender lines by including girls / young women in this instance only or simply using their stories to make a point about school discipline but not giving ample space to contextualize and understand their experiences. We believe to do so would equate to further marginalizing their schooling experiences. We are highly conscientious and concerned with how Girls and Young Women of Color experience schooling environments, school culture, and discipline practices. While a number of recent studies highlight these experiences (e.g., see E. Morris, 2007; Watson, 2016), more work is needed to nuance our understanding of how gender matters for girls in educational spaces. We stand with other scholars who continue to draw attention to, highlight, nuance, and analyze young women’s experiences (see Annamma et al., 2016; Clark, 2015; Covington, 2016; Crensahw, Ocen, & Iyoti, 2015; M. Morris, 2012; Newton, 2017; Patton & Croom, 2016; Wun, 2016). The research literature is full of studies that highlight and investigate how Students of Color experience predominantly white campuses (for studies that examine Black or Latino students in particular, see Hurtado, 1992; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Sedlacek, 1999; Smith, Allen, & Danley, 2007; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). Critical race scholars such as Delgado Bernal (2002); Solórzano and Villalpando (1998); and Yosso (2005, 2006) have made significant contributions in asserting the need to recognize Students of Color as holders and creators of knowledge. Similarly, Carter (2003) and others have revealed how Students of Color build alternative forms of cultural capital (e.g., “Black” cultural capital). Combining the efforts

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of these researchers and others, we also argue that many high-­achieving Students of Color possess bicultural capital, which allows them to successfully and effectively navigate institutional spaces as well as home communities. In their study, Fordham and Ogbu (1986) suggested that high-­achieving Black students faced negative social sanctions for their favorable orientations, attitudes, and behaviors toward school. These authors interpreted the students’ orientations as “acting white,” though students themselves did not use this term. Relatedly, Ogbu (1991) asserted that Students of Color have distinctly different relationships to social institutions, such as schools; have perceived differences in returns to their education; and experience limited access to high-­quality schools and educational opportunities. As a result, he hypothesized that these students develop an oppositional stance toward school and therefore retract much of their efforts to succeed in them. Scholars have critiqued the notion of “acting white” and oppositional culture theory as a culture of poverty theory (Bergin & Cooks, 2002; Diamond & Huguley, 2014; Downey, 2008; Lundy, 2003). For instance, Lundy (2003) argued that oppositional culture and the idea of “acting white” are both inherently connected to deficit-­oriented perspectives of Black students and tied to white supremacy because these approaches make whiteness an invisible category. Lundy noted that this approach of demonizing students not only is convenient but also detracts from and undermines any possibility of viewing any “critical and complex position on the part of Black students to interpret their world and has shifted attention away from the social reality of White supremacy to an erroneous belief that Black students are rejecting academic success en masse” (p. 451). In September 2017, Jason Stockley, a former St. Louis police officer, was acquitted of murdering Anthony Lamar Smith in a 2011 encounter. During the pursuit, dashcam video footage revealed Stockley exclaiming, “We’re killing this motherf*****, don’t you know!” to his partner (Chappell, 2017). Also in September 2017, Magdiel Sanchez, a thirty-­five-­year-­old Latino man, was shot and killed by Sergeant Chris Barnes in Oklahoma City. Sanchez did not respond to officers’ orders to drop a metal pipe that he was holding. Officers did not respond to neighbors’ pleas that he was deaf and could not hear; Sanchez was shot by one officer with a Taser and by Barnes with a gun (Perez, 2017). And in January 2017, off-­duty Chicago police officer Lowell Houser killed thirty-­eight-­year-­old Jose Nieves. Nieves, who was unarmed, previously reported the officer for harassment (Reichard, 2017). See King (1991), in which King defined dysconsciousness as “an uncritical habit of mind (including perceptions, attitudes, assumptions, and beliefs) that justifies inequity and exploitation by accepting the existing order of things as given. . . . Dysconscious racism is a form of racism that tacitly accepts dominant White norms and privileges. It is not the absence of consciousness (that is, not unconsciousness) but an impaired consciousness or distorted way of thinking about race as compared to, for example, critical consciousness” (p. 135). Ginwright (2015) argued that healing a community is a form of political action and emphasized the need to place healing and hope at the center of our educational and political strategies.

Chapter 2  Race, Resilience, and Naming One’s Own Reality 1 A range of studies highlight students’ adjustments and transitions to college and

the challenges they face during those transitions, especially students like those in the

Notes to Pages 28–41  •  147

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current study; for instance, see Fischer (2007); Hurtado, Carter, and Spuler (1996); Nora (2004); and Tierney (1999) for some discussion on students’ transitions to college. We obtained data on students’ backgrounds from a B4US internal study. We also paired this information with data gathered through a survey that we administered. See González and Ballysingh (2012); Terenzini et al. (1996); Zarate, Sáenz, and Oseguera (2011). Research on students’ college aspirations, transition strategies, and preparation is useful for understanding some of their challenges (see Hill, 2008; Knight & Marciano, 2013; Rios-­Aguilar & Deil-­Amen, 2012). Additionally, and importantly, families play a critical role in how students are oriented toward and prepared for college (see Brooms, 2017; Carey, 2016, 2017; Freeman, 2005; Kiyama, 2010; Nuñez, 2009; Tierney & Venegas, 2006). Research on sense of belonging, especially as it relates to Students of Color, pushes back against theories that claim a need for students’ assimilation in college (see Bollen & Hyde, 1990; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Strayhorn, 2012). Research on students’ multiple communities is important to consider as well, as these communities can help bolster students’ college experiences and play a key role in supporting their success (see Brooms, 2017; Guiffrida, 2006; Villalpando, 2003). In his study of ninety-­nine Black college students at a predominantly white institution, Guiffrida (2005) found that high achievers described their families as assets, while leavers and low achievers described lack of family support as contributing to their attrition. The discussion of students’ college preparation is important in acknowledging some of the opportunities and barriers that they continue to face (see Brooms, 2017; Brooms & Davis, 2017a; Carey, 2017; Martinez & Deil-­Amen, 2015; Newton & Sandoval, 2015; Toldson, 2008). Strayhorn (2016) identified the peer group as a critical factor that influences the persistence and success of Black male students in urban public universities (see also Brooms & Davis, 2017b; Brooms, Clark, & Smith, 2017; Harper, 2006b; Palmer, Wood, Dancy, & Strayhorn, 2014; Strayhorn, 2008). See Astin (2003) or Pascarella and Terenzini (2005) as examples of research that focus on psychological determinants. Duckworth, Peterson, Matthews, and Kelly (2007) detailed that grit entails the capacity to sustain both effort and interest in projects that take a significant amount of time to complete. They noted, “Grit entails working strenuously toward challenges, maintaining effort and interest over years despite failure, adversity, and plateaus in progress” (pp. 1087–­1088). Strayhorn (2014) measured grit among 140 Black male students who were enrolled full time at a large public university. In particular, he found that background traits, academic factors, and grit explained 24 percent of variance in Black male’s college grades (p. 5). Ladson-­Billings (2006) argued that the “historical, economic, sociopolitical, and moral decisions and policies that characterize our society have created an education debt” (p. 5). Scholars have noted that stereotypes can play a role in students’ academic performances and achievement (see Johnson-­Ahorlu, 2013; Massey & Fischer, 2005; Steele, 1997).

148  •  Notes to Pages 43–54

14 For instance, Bonner and Bailey (2006) asserted that the peer group “serves as an

audience, a virtual training ground to test out assumptions and ideas, strategies and plans within an encouraging and safe environment” (p. 26; also see Cerezo, Lyda, Berisitanos, Enriquez, & Connor, 2013; Harper, 2006b; Pérez, 2016; Rodriguez, Mira, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2003; Strayhorn, 2008; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011; Sáenz, Ponjuán, & Figueroa, 2016). 15 Students’ family influences have been identified as important contributors to their familial capital and college-­going processes (see Archuleta & Perry, 2016; Carey, 2016; Ceja, 2006; Herndon & Hirt, 2004; Hucks, 2014; Kiyama, 2010; Yosso, 2006).

Chapter 3  Building Community from Cultural Wealth 1 Research by Brooms, Clark, and Smith (2017); McGowen (2016); and Estrada,

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Meija, and Hufana (2017) provide critical examples of how Black and Latino males develop relationships on campus. For research on Students of Color’s involvement on campus, see Baker (2013); Bowman, Park, and Denson (2015); Museus (2008); Nelson Laird, Bridges, Morelon-­ Quainoo, Williams, and Holmes (2007); and Strayhorn and Devita (2010). Espinoza (2011) conceptualized pivotal moments as opportunities for educators and institutional agents to intervene, offer outreach, and provide support on behalf of students to improve retention. In particular, she noted three components needed to create a pivotal moment: building trust, mentoring and advocacy, and transmission of educational knowledge and academic skills. Students attribute both tangible and intangible benefits to engaging in spaces they believe are designed specifically for them, such as hearing each other share, learning from each other, and connecting (see Brooms, 2017; Dancy, 2012; Gardenhire-­ Crooks, Collado, Martin, & Castro, 2010; Pérez, 2016; Sáenz, Ponjuán, & Figueroa, 2016). Tierney (1999) argued that colleges and universities must develop alternatives to the assumption that students should dissociate from their precollege cultures in to succeed in higher education. Further, Tierney and Jun (1999) conceptualized cultural integrity to refer to “culturally relevant institutional programs and practices that engage students’ cultural backgrounds” (as cited in Museus & Maramba, 2011, p. 235). See Freeman (2005); Ovink and Kalogrides (2015); and Tierney and Hagedorn (2002). For discussions of peer relationships and brotherhood, see Brooms (2016, 2017); Brooms, Clark, and Smith (2017); Dancy (2012); Estrada, Mejia, and Hufana (2017); Hopkins, Martinez-­Wenzl, Aldana, and Gandara (2013); and McGowen (2016). For instance, Dancy (2012) asserted that Black men’s references to themselves as brothers refers to their conceptions of bonds strengthened by shared experiences, especially as it relates to oppression. In exploring the experiences of twenty-­four Black men attending twelve different colleges and universities, he conceptualized the “brother code” to investigate various scripts (or rules) that governed Black men’s manhood at the intersection of race and college experience. Estrada and colleagues (2017) took a phenomenological approach to investigate the social experiences of six Latino college men. In specifically investigating their

Notes to Pages 54–75  •  149

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experiences of brotherhood (or hermandad), the participants asserted that helping others was connected to their brotherhood constructs and was fulfilling as well (p. 18). In this study, we found that students’ leadership engagement was centered on two key principles related to male peer-­to-­peer relationships: developing brotherhood and being a brother’s keeper. In particular, we highlight how these men speak to brotherhood as an active process. This connects to our work here as a critical component of the men’s conceptions of B4US and brotherhood as both being change and developing change agents (see Brooms, Clark, & Smith, 2017). Jackson and colleagues (2014) defined reciprocal love as “a deeply rooted interest in and concern for community that extends personal well-­being to communal sustenance” (p. 399). Museus’s (2014) culturally engaging campus environment (CECE) model is quite useful, as it incorporates critiques of traditional models and perspectives about student integration (such as assimilation) and “incorporates the actual voices of diverse populations into its explanation of success in college” (p. 207). For further discussions on Men of Color’s college experiences as well as factors that impact their experiences, see Harper and Wood (2015); Pérez (2017); Sáenz and Ponjuán (2008); and Sáenz, Ponjuán, and Figueroa (2016).

Chapter 4  Engaging and Empowering Black and Latino Men 1 For research on student engagement and leadership as contributors to Students of

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Color’s integration, persistence, and college experiences, see Dancy (2012); Guardia (2015); Hotchkins (2017); Palmer, Wood, Dancy, and Strayhorn (2014); and Schneider and Ward (2003). A range of scholars discuss Black and Latino men’s identity and masculinity in college; in particular, see Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-­Blank, and Tracey (2008); Dancy (2011, 2012); J. Davis (1999, 2012); Estrada and Arciniega (2015); and Sáenz and Bukoski (2014). See Strayhorn’s (2012) research, which outlined and discussed sense of belonging as a theoretical construct with an eye on Black men’s college experiences. See also Wood and Palmer’s (2015) work where they outlined a number of important theories, including identity and sense of belonging, that speak to Black men in college. For instance, Harper (2006) asserted that participants in his study were “handsomely compensated for their contributions to student life on their respective campuses” through various perks, such as relationships with key administrators and meeting celebrities and dignitaries (p. 82). Dr. Tyrone Bledsoe is the founder of the national Student African American Brotherhood (SAAB) organization and serves as the executive director. SAAB was established to “enhance the experiences of and instill a ‘spirit of care’ in African American males in high schools, colleges and universities around the country.” SAAB has chapters on more than one hundred college and university campuses, coordinates Brother2Brother programs at various institutions, and organizes an annual national conference. Notably, SAAB operates through student campuses where young Men of Color are engaged in a range of activities (see http://​www​ .saabnational​.org/).

150  •  Notes to Pages 81–89

6 In assessing and analyzing youth development, Ginwright and James (2002) argued

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for changes in how we engage them, especially given the assault on urban Youth of Color—­socially, politically, and economically. In particular, they identified a number of key principles and practices aimed at enhancing and broadening social justice youth development. Also see research on community activism, such as Ginwright (2009) and Ginwright, Noguera, and Cammarota (2006). Weiston-­Serdan (2017) conceptualized a critical mentoring framework that was based in intersectionality, culturally relevant practices, and critical race theory. She asserted that critical mentoring is “mentoring augmented by a critical consciousness, one that compels us to take collective action and to do it alongside our young people.” Importantly, Weiston-­Serdan offered that critical mentoring “is about helping youth to construct powerful identities and gain valuable work and school experiences that they can use in legitimate ways” (p. 1). Baldridge’s (2017) research on community-­based educators is informative here. She argued that these educators resisted deficit narratives that characterized Black youth as damaged and in struggle. Additionally, these educators also rejected tropes such as “whiteness as messiah,” “corporate saviors,” and “Black superheroes” as agents in the neoliberal educational policy context. See Sánchez, Colon-­Torres, Feuer, Roundfield, and Berardi (2014). In addition to cultural competence, they highlighted racial similarity/dissimilarity, oppression, and ethnic identity as factors to consider in mentoring relationships. In investigating the desegregation struggle in the post–­civil rights era, Dumas (2014) identified four themes that identified schooling as a site of Black suffering: (1) the materiality and mundanity of everyday struggle, (2) the permanence of structural racism, (3) the Black “we” who suffer, and (4) the white “they” who are the cause of suffering. Across the narratives, Dumas’s participants saw themselves as the needed agents who “must mobilize against cultural misrecognition and unfair distribution of educational resources” (p. 21). Baldridge (2014) argued that there is a grave need to put the deficit “in its proper place.” The deficit, she concluded, “is within a society and a school system that has failed Black youth” and other Youth of Color through deficit framing, lack of opportunities, and poor educational options (p. 467). In his research on the impact of students’ class statuses on their college experiences, Jack (2016) argued that students who were “doubly disadvantaged”—­by race and class—­were uneasy about navigating the new norms of engagement at the elite university. These students reported distress and anxiety with engaging in continued close contact with authority figures and treating adults as equals; often, many of these students withdrew from such encounters. In particular, Hotchkins (2017) found that students’ racial socialization process was essential “to acquiring intergenerational knowledge from parent and elder interactions, participants repeatedly cited these relationships as integral to their leadership and activism success” (p. 274). Duncan-­Andrade (2009) argued that in dealing with and responding to some of the “pain of human experience,” our youth need critical hope that is audacious in two ways. First, “it boldly stands in solidarity with urban communities,” sharing in the burden of their “undeserved suffering” as a key way to humanize hope within a collective consciousness, struggle, and capacity for healing. Second, “critical hope audaciously defies the dominant ideology” that their lives are not of value or should be subverted to more privileged lives (pp. 189–­190).

Notes to Pages 91–101  •  151

Chapter 5  (Re)Imagining and (Re)Writing the Narrative 1 Examples of this, especially within the recent past, include allegations of “rape

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culture” at Baylor University, a basketball recruiting sex scandal at the University of Louisville, and violence against women on college campuses across the country (see Thomas, 2016). For an excellent discussion of sexual violence on campus through an intersectionality lens, see Harris and Linder (2017). For instance, Harris, Palmer, and Struve (2011) found that the men in their study expressed a fear of femininity that was reflected in their relationships and interactions with women and their perceptions of gay men. For example, Hurt (2008) contended that the concept of manhood celebrated and respected in hip-­hop culture (and pop culture) for young Black men depends on hypermasculinity, physical and sexual prowess, suppression of emotions, egotism, and relatively quick access to money. For research that examines some of the challenges that Black and Latino youth face in inner-­city communities, see Alexander (2010); Harding (2010); Noguera (2008); Pattillo (2013); Rios (2011); and Young (2004). See chapter 3 for our discussion of brotherhood, which connects to the men’s collective identity constructs and denotes one form of the men’s familial capital. Additionally, Dancy (2012) examines the role of manhood and masculinity in the lives of African American males in college. In particular, Dancy discussed how the twenty-­four Black men in his study constructed manhood and subscribed to a “brother code” based on three fundamental principles: self-­expectations, relationships and responsibilities to family, and worldviews and life philosophies. Similarly, Estrada, Mejia, and Hufana’s (2017) study on Latino college men found that peer support, which the students described as brotherhood, was prominent within their male social bonding, masculinity, and family orientation. A number of researchers have investigated positive masculinity development for Men of Color (see Estrada & Arciniega, 2015). Roberts-­Douglass and Curtis-­Boles (2013) found that peers played a significant role in how their participants “felt pressure to conform to certain images of masculinity during adolescence” (p. 12). In the past ten years, research continues to document how Men of Color, especially Black and Latino youth, are accosted by a range of forces that restrict their lives and livelihoods (see Brooms & Perry, 2016; O. Brown, 2014; Embrick, 2015; Rios, 2011; Rivera, 2009). A few points from this research base are worth noting. Brooms and Perry (2016) found “Blackmaleness”—­the combined impact of being both Black and male—­as a dominant theme in how Black men discussed and understood racial stereotyping and profiling and the killing of Black men. Rivera (2009) argued that within the United States, Latinas/os experience violence along a continuum that includes “violence perpetrated by private individuals and public officials. This violence is based on national origin, ethnic, racial, gender and anti-­immigrant animus, and may include ‘hate violence,’ and constitute ‘hate crimes’” (p. 400). Additionally, Rios (2011) found that Black and Latino male youth experienced policing across a variety of institutional spaces, such as schools and the criminal justice system. Given the ways in which they were stereotyped and profiled, these youth felt that they were “policed” constantly—­in their neighborhoods by police officers, in schools by teachers and other institutional agents, and by authorities within the criminal justice system. Here we borrow lessons and teaching from Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., as he encouraged, “But there are some things in our social system to which I’m proud to

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be maladjusted and to which I call upon you to be maladjusted. I never intend to adjust myself to the viciousness of mob rule. I never intend to adjust myself to the evils of segregation or the crippling effects of discrimination.” Later, Dr. King linked the need for being maladjusted to a number of social, political, and economic problems to create necessary change. He charged, “And my friends, I call upon you to be maladjusted to all these things, for you see, it may be that the salvation of the world lies in the hands of the maladjusted” (King, 1957).

Chapter 6  Supporting Men of Color’s Success Efforts 1 The concept of leadership capital is a form of community cultural wealth that has

not been documented to our knowledge; however, as we indicate, there is a great deal of research on students’ leadership experiences in a variety of on-­campus venues—­such as ethnic organizations and fraternities. And, we assert, there is much to be learned about students’ leadership experiences in male-­centered programs. Thus, given the focus of this study, we see the men’s leadership roles, positions, and responsibilities as an opportunity to expand the community cultural wealth model to include the role of leadership as a capital accruing experience and resource used by Communities of Color.

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Index Page numbers followed by n represent notes. academic advisor, 35, 48 academic preparedness, 10–­11, 35 acting white, 11, 115, 146n ACT score, 32 advanced placement courses, 12 agency: student, 33, 45, 67, 87, 90, 98, 102; communal, 90 agent of change. See change agent Aldana, Ursula S., 54 anti-­Black, 12, 19, 99, 145n anti-­Latino, 12, 19, 99, 145n Anzaldúa, Gloria, 62, 122 aspirational capital, 21–­22, 41, 43–­45, 67; defined, 21 aspirations, 8, 22, 29, 34, 38–­40, 43–­44, 58, 75, 80, 82, 89, 106–­108, 112–­113, 147n; academic, 16, 19, 75; education (see education: aspirations); professional, 103 assimilation: into college culture, 4, 20, 52, 123; into school culture, 23 Baldridge, Bianca, 150 Baltimore city school, 12 Barnes, Chris, 146n Baylor University, 151n Berisitanos, Matthew, 12 B4US. See Brothers for United Success Billson, Janet Mancini, 145n Bishop Noll (institute), 12

Black and Latino Male Initiative, 3, 143n Black Liberation Collective, 144n Black male initiative programs, 15, 23, 132 “Blackmaleness,” 151n #BlackOnCampus campaign, 3, 144n Bledsoe, Tyrone, 75, 149n Bourdieu, Pierre, 20 Brooklyn College, 143n Brooms, Derrick R., 15, 23 brother code, 148n, 151n brotherhood, 7, 37, 48, 52–­66, 58–­60, 78, 85, 89, 91, 93, 112, 116, 120, 148–­149n, 151n; accountability, 59–­60, 65–­66; brothers, 37, 40, 50, 53–­54, 58–­60, 63–­65, 68, 69, 69, 70–­71, 73, 78, 78, 80, 83–­84, 89, 92–­94, 93, 122, 123–­124, 141, 148n; brother’s keeper, 53, 55, 60, 149n; as motivation, 57–­58, 62–­66; personal development, 60–­62; as responsibility, 59–­60; as support, 57–­60, 63–­64, 66; as teamwork, 58; with youth, 85–­86 Brothers for United Success (B4US), 2, 10, 118, 125; Academic Arc, 69, 70, 125; brotherhood, 53–­65; community, 26, 52–­60, 63–­66, 88–­89, 93, 96, 121, 123; description of, 2, 13–­16, 47; executive board, 67–­70, 73, 76; as family, 46, 52, 56, 63–­64; mission and values, 47, 49–­50; program coordinator, 54, 69, 78, 91; 16 9

170  •  Index

Brothers for United Success (B4US) (continued) recruitment of students, 49–­52, 65, 119; redefining manhood, 60–­61; referral to, 48, 65, 119; retreat (men’s), 7, 14, 16, 47, 75, 91, 92, 95, 121–­122, 132; staff, 14, 47–­51, 54–­55, 57–­59, 61–­62, 64–­65, 75, 110, 118–­119, 121–­123, 132; support (students), 48–­49, 52–­53, 55–­61, 63, 65–­66, 69, 73, 76, 119, 122, 132; support students’ transition, 35–­37; workshop, 7, 14, 16, 61, 63, 68, 74, 76, 94–­95, 95, 124, 132 Brown, Mike, 12 Brown v. Board of Education, 4, 144n Butler, Jonathan, 144n care (or caring), 5–­6, 15, 30, 33, 41–­42, 41, 55, 56–­57, 57, 59–­60, 60, 65, 79–­80, 83, 119, 120, 120, 139, 149n; act of, 56–­58; affection, 66; authentic (or genuine), 58, 80; critical, 54; culturally responsive, 77; culture of, 23; ethos of, 55; love, 6, 55–­57, 57, 66, 80, 94, 120, 120, 139, 149n; reciprocal love, 55; relationship, 22, 34, 66; career, 30, 30, 41, 49, 72, 102; aspirations (or goals), 36, 71; educational (or college), 14, 27, 30, 35, 37, 69, 143n Carter, Prudence, 145n Cerezo, Allison, 12 challenges facing Men of Color, 1, 3–­6, 8–­9, 11–­14, 20, 22, 28–­30, 63, 102–­103, 114, 117, 119, 143–­144n, 151n change agent, 48, 52–­54, 62, 82, 89, 98, 101, 109, 112, 120, 149n Clark, Jelisa, 15 code switching, 110 collective consciousness, 8, 39, 58–­59, 98, 109–­110, 116, 150n collective struggle, 24, 111 college: access, 10–­11, 13, 27, 50, 145–­146n; aspirations, 38–­40, 44, 112, 147n; culture, 4–­5, 20; graduation, 45, 90, 102–­109, 103, 106–­107, 114; pathways to, 12, 112; preparation, 4, 23, 147n; resources, 30, 32; success, 12, 27, 31–­32, 35, 87, 110, 134; transition to, 7, 28–­35, 43–­44, 119 colorblindness, 18 community, 86–­89, 96, 102, 108, 111–­112; agent (or change agent), 77, 82, 89, 95,

101, 120, 140; building, 76–­77, 85–­89, 112–­113, 123, 125; cultivating, 5; culturally responsive, 30; definition of, 16; engagement, 47–­48; as family, 46; knowledge, 77; local, 4–­5, 7, 17, 53, 62, 66, 71, 83, 87, 89, 123–­125; microcommunity, 22, 54, 132; sense of, 26, 44, 49; service, 14, 47, 61, 124, 132; student uses of, 16–­17; uplift, 84–­85 community college, 5, 31, 104, 117, 135 community cultural wealth, 7, 15, 17, 20–­25, 39–­45, 48, 62–­66, 75, 86–­89, 108–­110, 114–­118, 135; defined, 20; framework, 6, 20, 24, 43, 47, 114, 118; tenets of, 21 completion rates (college), 10 Concerned Student 1950, 144n conformist resistance, 23–­24 Connor, Michael, 12 cool pose, 11, 145 coping, 11, 16, 38, 100–­101 counternarrative, 7, 19–­20, 90 counterstory (counterstorytelling), 19–­20, 132 critical consciousness, 77, 79, 108, 146n, 150n critical hope, 24–­25, 109, 150n critical legal studies, 18 critical race theory (CRT), 6–­7, 15, 17–­20, 82, 117–­118, 132, 150n; defined, 17; tenets of, 18–­20 cultural capital, 13, 21, 37, 46, 57, 65, 74, 80, 82, 86–­87, 89, 101, 108, 110, 116, 126, 133, 135, 145n; bicultural, 146n; defined, 21 cultural centers, 10 cultural competence, 26, 83, 150n cultural integrity, 148n cultural knowledge, 22, 44, 56, 63, 74, 87, 89, 135 culturally engaging campus environment, 149n culturally enriching environment, 56–­57, 64–­65, 88, 96, 112, 115 cultural wealth, 1, 10, 24, 57, 67, 100, 102, 108, 110–­111, 114 Dancy, T. Elon, 148n, 151n Davis, James Earl, 25, 112 debt, 39, 147n

Index  •  171

deficit, 19, 82, 86, 98–­99; framing, 10, 40, 89, 109, 150n; narrative, 9, 19–­20, 108, 150n; perspective, 105, 146n; rhetoric, 98 Delgado, Richard, 19–­20 Delgado Bernal, Dolores, 24, 145n determination, 38–­43 discipline, school, 4, 11, 145n Douglass, Frederick, 5 Dumas, Michael, 12, 150n Duncan-­Andrade, Jeffrey M. R., 24, 150n education: access, 9–­11; aspirations, 14, 17, 44, 50, 52, 82, 109; debt, 39, 147n; engagement, 79, 108, 137; equal, 4; inequality of (or inequities), 4, 18, 39, 132, 136; outcomes, 9, 11, 58, 78–­79, 102, 132; pipeline, 5–­6, 8, 10–­11, 18, 79–­80, 102, 113, 118, 136 educational agency, 7–­8, 16, 26, 33–­37, 40, 45, 48, 50–­51, 65–­66, 68, 71, 73–­78, 85–­86, 88–­90, 104, 109–­110, 113, 118, 125–­126; defined, 16 educational success, 1–­2, 6, 12, 14–­15, 37, 38, 112, 133 emotion, 31, 56, 60, 93–­94, 94, 106; expressing, 22, 56, 61, 91, 93–­95, 151n; health, 121, 137; labor, 94; proximity, 55; social-­ emotional, 63; support, 31, 45, 58, 64–­65 Enriquez, Alma, 12 Espinoza, Roberta, 46, 148n Estrada, Fernando, 54, 151n expected family contribution, 28 experiential knowledge, 15, 18–­19, 88–­89, 98, 132–­134 faculty, 10, 13, 28–­29, 35, 44, 48, 56, 57, 74, 113, 118–­119, 121, 124, 143–­144n; expectations of, 29; student relationships, 29, 34, 45, 122 familial capital, 21–­22, 41–­45, 52, 62–­65, 106, 108, 148n, 151n; defined, 22, 44 family, 11, 17–­18, 83, 89, 97, 102, 105–­112, 104–­107, 135, 145n, 148n, 151n; college-­ going culture, 31–­32; expectations, 31–­32, 43–­44, 106; family-­like bonds, 46, 63, 65, 122–­123; support, 7, 27, 31–­32, 41–­44, 63–­64, 108, 119, 119, 147n father, 31, 41, 41, 93, 96, 103, 123; figure, 78, 78, 80, 83 femininity, 92, 96, 96, 151n

Fordham, Signithia, 145–­146n Franklin, V. P., 116 Fry, Richard, 11, 145n funds of knowledge, 45, 63–­64 Gandara, Patricia, 54 Garcia, Gina, 115 Gay, Geneva, 77 gifted education programs, 12 Ginwright, Shawn, 146 Girls of Color: silencing of, 5 Goodman, Joseph, 15 graduate school, 37, 42, 59, 102–­103, 114 graduation rate, 9–­10, 14, 27, 49, 78, 143n; Black males, 10, 27; Latino males, 10, 27 grandmother, 36 grit, 38–­39, 147n Guiffrida, Douglass A., 147n hardship, 19, 102 Harper, Shaun, 22, 149n Hawaii, 12 HBCUs. See Historically Black Colleges and Universities healing, 8, 20, 25, 80, 84–­85, 97, 100–­101, 116, 121, 146n, 150n Hernandez, Israel, 12 Hispanic Serving Institution, 14, 117, 135 Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), 117, 135 historically white institutions, 117, 133, 135, 144n hooks, bell, 9 hope, 17, 21, 24, 89, 105, 146n, 150n; audacious, 89, 101; critical, 24–­25, 109, 150n; hokey, 24 Hopkins, Megan, 54 Hotchkins, Bryan K., 88, 150n Houser, Lowell, 146 Huerta, Adrian H., 115 Hufana, Alyssa Mae, 54, 151n Hunter, Andrea G., 112 Hurt, Byron, 151n identity: class, 28; collective, 58, 64, 95, 110, 115–­116, 121, 151n; development, 19, 22, 25–­27, 47, 54, 67–­68, 89, 92–­94, 96, 98, 100, 109, 114–­118, 125; ethnic, 11, 22, 99, 150n; expressions of, 60–­62; gender, 2–­3, 14, 16, 25, 47, 56, 89–­91, 95–­96, 112, 116,

172  •  Index

identity (continued) 125, 145n; healthy, 24, 100; leadership, 115; masculine (see masculinity); race (or racialized), 2–­3, 14, 16, 25, 28, 91, 125; social, 25, 113, 125 illegal immigrants, 12 institutional agent, 30, 35, 37, 75, 77, 85, 88, 100, 113, 123, 144n, 148n, 151n Ithaca College, 3 Jack, Anthony, 150n Jackson, Iesha, 77, 149n K-­12, 4–­5, 11, 21, 77, 79, 137 King, Joyce, 146n King, Martin Luther, Jr., 151–­152n kin network, 25 Kuh, George D., 115 “labeling hype,” 19 Ladson-­Billings, Gloria, 6, 18, 39, 144n, 147n leadership (student), 7, 13, 15, 17, 47, 67–­89, 69, 94, 96, 99, 112, 114–­115, 117, 123–­125, 143n, 149–­150n, 152n; aspirations (or desires), 69, 77; collaborative, 125; conference, 14; development, 54, 75, 120, 125; distributive, 125; experiences, 7, 54, 61, 66–­89, 114–­115, 123, 133, 152n; leader, 17, 47, 68–­89, 73, 98, 115–­116, 119, 122–­125, 134; as mentors (see youth mentors); opportunities, 61–­62, 67–­68, 74–­77, 114, 124, 132; personal development, 69; relational, 88; responsibility, 71, 74–­77, 81; Retreat, 75; roles (or positions), 7, 13, 17, 66–­69, 68, 71–­77, 73, 87–­89, 114, 118, 124–­125, 152n; skills, 53, 71–­72, 88, 114–­115, 124; traits, 69, 89 leadership capital, 7, 74, 86–­89, 114–­115, 152n; defined, 74 learning (students’), 15, 29–­30, 33–­39, 34, 62, 67, 71–­77, 73, 76, 79, 81, 87–­88, 91, 93, 95, 97, 109–­110, 115, 118, 120, 124–­125, 148n; in-­class, 33, 71, 81, 87, 108, 119–­120, 124; and leadership, 71–­73; out-­of-­class (cocurricular), 15, 62, 71, 87–­88, 108, 115–­116, 120, 125; self-­learning, 53, 72, 75, 91, 95 linguistic capital, 21–­22, 62–­63, 65, 110; defined, 22 Litzler, Elizabeth, 24

Louisville, Kentucky, 144n Lyda, James, 12 Majors, Richard, 145n male-­centered: initiative, 23, 64–­66, 68, 118, 133; program, 2, 5, 10, 13, 25–­26, 47, 52, 60, 75, 115–­120, 126, 132–­133, 152n; space, 3, 54 Male Success Conference, 78 manhood, 16–­17, 55, 61, 68, 90–­98, 91, 148n, 151n; construct, 2, 7, 13, 16, 41, 55, 60–­61, 91, 96, 109, 113–­114, 116, 151n; reconceptualizing, 95–­98; redefining, 60–­62 Mann, Horace, 17 marginalization, 11, 82, 84–­86, 145n; of Black and Latino males, 13, 145n; of communities, 20–­21, 28, 44; of populations (or groups), 19–­20, 28, 39, 143n; of students, 27, 30, 113, 118, 133 Martin, Trayvon, 12 Martinez-­Wenzl, Mary, 54 masculinity, 16, 22, 60–­61, 90–­98, 91, 96, 109, 149n, 151n; communal, 16–­17, 108, 116; construct, 16, 61, 90, 96, 116; expression (or performance), 25, 93, 96, 145n; healthy, 94, 96; hegemonic, 61, 92, 95, 108, 113, 121; and identity, 2, 7, 13, 16, 54–­55, 68, 96, 108–­109, 113–­114, 116; reconceptualizing, 95–­98; traditional, 55–­56, 61 McDonald, Laquan, 12 Mejia, Araceli, 54, 151n men’s retreat. See Brothers for United Success mentoring, 11, 14, 47, 53, 61–­62, 71, 73, 75, 77–­89, 100, 132, 137; critical mentoring, 77, 82, 100, 150; as family work, 77–­78; youth (see youth mentors); youth-­centric, 84–­85 mentors, 1, 45, 73, 73, 75, 77, 78, 81, 83, 106, 113, 115, 137 meritocracy, 18, 20, 24, 80, 119 Merriville, Indiana, 12 microaggression, 13, 22, 100, 113 Morejon, Hector, 12 mothers, 31, 42, 96, 103, 119 motivation, 37, 40–­44, 57–­58, 62–­63, 65, 70, 82, 89, 125 Museus, Samuel D., 149n My Brother’s Keeper, 5, 144n

Index  •  173

narrative (about Men of Color), 7, 9, 11, 18, 26, 29, 40, 52, 99, 101–­102; counternarrative, 7, 19–­20, 90; deficit, 9, 19–­20; dominant, 7, 20, 109, 132; (re)writing, 17, 42, 90–­110 national male summit, 74 navigational capital, 21, 23, 35, 43–­45, 67, 82, 101, 110; defined, 23, 44 Nieves, Jose, 146n Nunez, Anthony, 12 Ogbu, John, 145–­146n Oklahoma City, 146n opportunity gap, 5 oppositional culture (or behavior), 7, 11, 15, 108, 145–­146n overrepresentation: special education classrooms, 13 Pace University, 143n Patrón, Oscar E., 115 peer (or peer group): B4US, 46, 52, 55, 58–­59, 63, 65–­66, 69–­71, 73, 77, 87, 97, 110; bonding (connections), 7, 13, 35–­37, 43–­44, 56–­57, 66–­67, 72–­73, 91–­92, 98, 109, 112, 114, 117, 122; friendship, 48, 56–­57; influence, 26; leading (or leaders), 69–­71, 73; male, 2, 26, 39, 54–­57, 60–­61, 68–­69, 72, 93, 108, 125; mentoring, 13, 143n; relationships, 10, 13, 25–­26, 41–­43, 46–­47, 54–­57, 67–­68, 88, 108, 117–­121, 125, 148–­149n; social capital, 54; support, 53, 68, 151n Pérez, David, II, 22, 24 personal touch: men’s use of, 55–­56, 66 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 12 pivotal moment, 48, 60, 95, 104, 148n placement exam, 32 Ponjuán, Juan, 18 Portes, Alejandro, 21 predominantly white institutions (campuses), 13, 15, 24, 143n, 145n, 147n professional development, 14, 22, 47–­48, 52, 66, 74–­75, 118; workshops, 47 race, 4, 17–­19, 27, 39, 81, 101, 123, 146n, 148n, 150n racism, 18–­19, 82, 100, 113, 144n, 150n; on campus, 3, 144n; dysconscious, 20, 146n; racial oppression, 20; racial slurs, 12

radical possibilities, 9, 85, 101 Ramirez, Jenesis J., 115 reciprocal love, 55, 149n relational capital, 54, 69, 81 Rendón, Laura I., 122 resilience, 2, 6, 8, 19–­20, 23, 25, 37, 39–­40, 42, 44, 82, 85, 89, 102–­108, 112, 114 resistance, 9, 11–­12, 23–­24, 40, 42, 44, 61, 82, 89–­90, 94, 101–­102, 108, 113, 150n resistance capital, 7, 21, 23–­24, 41, 82, 90, 100–­101, 106, 108–­109; defined, 23; as transformational capital, 23–­24 retention, 9, 14, 18, 38, 113–­114, 116, 132, 143n, 148n Rice, Tamir, 12 Rios, Victor, 19, 151n Rivera, Jenny, 151n role models, 69, 70, 73, 83, 88, 108, 125 Sáenz, Victor, 18 Samuelson, Cate C., 24 Sanchez, Magdiel, 146n Schomburg, Arturo, 143n school (or schooling): agent, 13; belonging, 25; as a deculturalization center, 23; as a site of suffering, 12, 23, 84, 150n; subtractive, 19 Sealey-­Ruiz, Yolanda, 77 self-­efficacy, 25, 35, 38–­40, 57, 65, 89, 117, 120, 125 sense of belonging, 3, 15, 23, 25, 31, 60, 66, 68, 89, 112–­113, 116–­118, 144n, 147n, 149n; definition of, 31 sense of purpose, 31–­32, 36–­37, 69, 112, 124 sense of self, 57, 68, 81–­83, 85, 87, 89, 91, 94–­98, 102, 108–­109, 113, 133; presentation of self, 97–­98, 108, 110 Shaulis, Steve, 12 Smith, Lamar, 146 social capital, 20–­23, 34–­35, 37, 46, 57, 59, 62, 64–­66, 69, 74, 86–­87, 118, 126, 133, 135; defined, 20–­21, 22–­23; of peers, 54 social institutions, 14, 19, 23–­24, 44, 82, 111, 144n, 146n social justice, 18, 24, 150n social mobility, 4, 21, 41, 106 social network, 3, 20, 23, 37, 48, 51, 62–­65, 87, 112, 132, 135 sociocultural capital, 7, 15, 67, 74, 86–­87, 135

174  •  Index

sociocultural conversations, 95, 116, 121 Solórzano, Daniel, 24, 145 Speed, Micah, 12 Spring, Joel, 23 Stack, Carol, 25 stereotypes and stereotyping, 2, 7, 9, 15, 40, 98–­101, 98–­102, 109, 113, 147n, 151n; profiling, 101, 109, 113, 151n; resisting (or defying), 7, 24, 26, 98–­101, 105–­106, 109–­110 Stockley, Jason, 146 storytelling, 19–­20, 22, 30, 63, 132 Strayhorn, Terrell, 23, 147n, 149n Student African American Brotherhood, 75, 149n study group, 38, 65 Summer Bridge program, 7, 32–­35, 33–­34, 37, 43–­45, 119 support (for students), 1–­4, 8, 10, 16, 22–­23, 35, 36, 37, 42, 42–­43, 45, 47, 57, 60, 64–­65, 87, 96, 108, 111–­121, 119, 119–­123, 143n, 147–­148n; B4US (see Brothers for United Success); ecology of, 119–­121; family (see family); financial, 11, 31, 45; institutional, 132–­133; peer (see peer); services, 35; social, 54, 132; system, 19, 42, 60, 119; youth, 80, 82–­83, 85–­86, 136 Supreme Court, 4 symbolic violence, 9, 119 Take Back the Night, 47 Tate, William, 18 Tierney, William, 17, 148n Tribal college, 135 TRiO program, 36 University of California at Los Angeles, 3

University of Louisville, 151n University of Missouri, 3, 144n Urban Male Initiative, 3, 143n Valenzuela, Angela, 19 violence, 99, 118–­119, 144n, 151n; environmental, 21; interpersonal, 12; physical, 119; sexual, 151n; symbolic, 9, 119; against women, 91, 151n Virginia Commonwealth University, 3 Wade, Que’Chawn, 12 Wagner College, 143n Wake Forest High School, 12 Watson, Wanda, 77 Weiston-­Serdan, Tori, 150n White House, 144 white supremacy, 18, 146n willpower, 38–­40 Wolfe, Tim, 144n women, 91–­95, 92, 118, 145n, 151n; respecting, 59, 91, 91–­93, 95, 108 Yale University, 3 Yosso, Tara J., 15, 17, 20–­24, 43–­44, 46, 62, 108, 145n youth, 1–­2, 11–­12, 19, 24, 77–­89, 99, 100–­101, 101, 109–­110, 116, 123, 134, 136–­137, 144–­145n, 150–­151n; development, 1–­2, 4, 81–­82, 85, 136, 150n; relationships with, 79–­80, 83–­84, 88 youth mentors, 17, 62, 67, 77–­89, 98–­101, 124–­125, 134 Zones of Hope, 5, 144n

About the Authors DERRICK R. BROOMS is faculty in sociology and Africana studies at the University of Cincinnati and serves as a youth worker as well. He is author of Being Black, Being Male on Campus: Understanding and Confronting Black Male Collegiate Experiences (SUNY Press) and coeditor of Living Racism: Through the Barrel of the Book (Lexington). JELISA CLARK is a visiting assistant professor of sociology at Fayetteville State University in North Carolina. Her research investigates the intersection of race and gender in education, with particular focus on how raced and gendered discourses influence the educational experiences of Black youth. MATTHEW SMITH currently serves as the director of educational partnerships at California State University, Dominguez Hills and is a doctoral student in the School of Educational Studies program at Claremont Graduate University. His research centers on improving educational outcomes for underrepresented students in higher education.